NRLF 


T'il  K 


Being  filled  with,  one  of  my  rolls.gave  the  other  two  to  a  woman  and  her  child 
that  came  down  the  river  irithe  boat  with  us  andv.-ere  waitir.Q  to  <*o  further" 

"  '-Bye 


i* 

I 


MEMOIRS 


OF 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN. 

WRITTEN   BY   HIMSELF, 

AND   CONTINUED  BY  HIS  GRANDSON   AND  OTHERS. 


HIS  SOCIAL  EPISTOLARY  CORRESPONDENCE,  PHILOSOPHICAL,  POLITICAL, 
AND  MORAL  LETTERS  AND  ESSAYS, 


DIPLOMATIC  TRANSACTIONS  AS  AGENT  AT  LONDON  AND  MINISTER 
PLENIPOTENTIARY  AT  VERSAILLES. 


AUGMENTED    BY    MUCH    MATTER    NOT    C 0 N T*A1  flE 9   IN*  ANT    FORMER  EDITION. 

t 


POSTLIMINIOTJS    PREFACE. 

N  TWO   VOLUMES. 
VOL.  I. 

\ 


PHILADELPHIA: 

M'CARTY  &  DAVIS,  No.  171  MARKET  STREET. 
1834. 


according  to  the  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1834.  by  .WcCa'Ty  &  Davis,  in  the 
Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  Eastern  District  of  Pennsylvania, 


INDEX  TO  VOLUME  I. 


jiCTof  the  British  Parliament  to  prohibit  and  restrain 

American  trade,  137. 

4ifme.  Rutledfe.  and  Franklin  meet  lord  Howe,  137. 
jtOany.  Franklin  appointed  commissioner  lo  the  In 

dians  there.  in  1754.  52—  Plan  of  union  of  the  colo 

nies  prepared  and  presented  there.  53 
Jlaander.  William,  esq..  Franklin's  letter  to,  on  the 

one  in  of  the  stamp  act  "  - 
.Imertta  asserts  her  right  of  exclusively  taxing  her 

self,  85-Gr»titude  of.  201. 
.iwmran  di*:ontents.  cause  of,  197. 
.inertcang  abased  in  the  bouse  of  lords,  their  courage, 

religion,  and  understanding  depreciated  and  treated 

with  contempt,  132. 
.intfdetu  of  Bradford.  9,  10—  of  Ralph,  15—  of  governor 

Clinton,  45—  of  Beatty.  60—  of  governor  Denny.  63. 


rntld.  general,  his  treacherous  conduct.  157—  How  re 
warded  by  the 


by  the  British  government,  157.  158. 
i  be  ministry  design  to  arrest  Franklin 
Articles  </  belief  and  acts  of  reltfien,  33. 


105. 


Barclay,  David,  interview  betwixt  Franklin  and,  107— 
Conference  with.  124— Further  conference.    -- 

Bernard,  governor,  dispute  with  lieutenant-governor 
Hutchinson.  86. 

Bm*,  Dr.  Thomas,  proposes  an  hospital  in  Philadel 
phia,  49. 

Bulia,  resolutions  of  the  town  of.  S4 — Tumult  with  the 
people  and  the  soldiers.  86. 

Braddoek.  general,  arrives  in  America,  54— Service  ren 
to  his  army,  55— His  character,  50— His  defeat 

ioctor.  turns  the  Bible  into  doggrel  verse.  9. 
Burpoyn*.  general,  surrenders  with  his  whole  armv  to 

the  Ar         ins,  146.     )T 
Burnet        »  of  Dr.  Burnfet,  notices  Franklin,  13. 


Calumnious  speeches  in  the  bouse  of  lords,  aeainst 
America,  132. 

Oamden.  lord,  has  interviews  with  him.  118— Supports 
America,  121 — Speaks  admirably  on  American  af 
fairs.  132. 

Canada.  Franklin  decides  the  policy  of  Chatham  con 
cerning,  74— His  pamphlet  thereon,  75. 

Caricature  occasioned  by  the  stamp  act,  80. 

Carlisle.  Eden,  and  Johnstone,  146. 

Cause*  of  the  American  discontents,  a  pamphlet,  84. 

Ckancery.  Franklin  sued  in.  92 

Charter,  the  first  roval.  granted  to  Pennsylvania,  in 
1681.  72. 

Cketham,  lord,  consults  Franklin.  74— Desires  to  see 
him.  106 — His  motion  relative  to  America,  121— Vi 
sits  Franklin.  122 — His  plan  for  settling  the  disputes 
with  the  colonies.  123— Rejection  of  the  same,  125. 

Clapkam.  colonel.  60. 

Ciartson's  life  of  Penn,  refutation  of  censurers  on 
Franklin  in.  73. 

Clifton.  John,  first  proposes  the  lighting  of  the  streets 
of  Philadelphia,  50. 

Coleman.  William,  character  of,  25— Liberalitv  to 
Franklin,  26. 

Collins.  John,  some  account  of.  9.  11.  13. 

CoUinson.  publishes  Franklin's  "  JV«c  Experiments  in 

Electricity"  62. 
~"~Commissi  oners  in  Europe,  grant  letters  of  marque.  145, 

Common  Sense,  a  political  publication,  137. 

Conductors,  blunt  opposed  to  pointed,  151— Epigram  on. 

Coneresf.  assembly  of.  103 — Their  declaration  of  rights : 
their  petition  to  the  king,  103.  113— Send  their  pro 
ceedings  to  lord  Chatham,  and  present  a  second  peti 
tion.  134 — Declare  the  independence  of  the  colonies. 
137 — Appoint  a  deputation  to  meet  lord  Howe  and 
bear  his  propositions  of  peace.  137— Resolution  re 


specting  general  Sullivan.  140—  Report  of  the  com 
mi t lee  appointed  to  confer  with  lord  Howe,  140— As 
semble  at  Philadelphia,  141. 

CM  Th»ufktt.  a  pamphlet  by  Franklin,  7* 

Copely.  sir  Godfrey,  his  gold  medal  presented  to  Frank 
lin,  63. 

Cfrrttfondenct,  social  and  familiar,  of  Dr.  Franklin, 
in  a  series  of  letters,  233— Private  and  political,  be- 
to*  UK  declaration  of  independence,  in  a  series  of 
letters,  303.  510. 

Cntfkan^  George,  Indian  interpreter,  57. 

Cuskinf,  Thomas,  letters  to.  U>3. 


Dartmouth,  lord,  made  secretary  of  state  for  America, 
lendly  to  Franklin.  86— His  good  wishes  to 
wards  the  colonies.  95. 

Dafckluiff's.  the  princess,  letter  to  Franklin.  189. 

Dflor  introduces  Franklin's  electrical  experiments  into 
Franc-  - 

Dennam.  Mr.  an  early  friend  of  Franklin.  16— His  death : 
trait  in  his  character,  20. 

Denny,  governor,  succeeds  Morris.  62— Present*  a  Me 
dal 'to  Franklin.  63— Refuses  assent  to  an  appropn- 
ation.  69. 

De  Romas,  invention  of  the  electrical  kite,  falsely  at 
tributed  to,  63. 

D*  Esiainf  arrives  in  America  with  six  sail  of  frigates. 

Dickenson.  John,  ensared  in  public  affairs,  77. 

Dissensions  between  Enrland  and  America,  concern 
ing  the.  223 

Dubcurg,  mons..  translates  Franklin's  philosophical 
papers  into  French,  80. 

E 


in  Northamptonshire,  birth-place  of  the 

tor  of  Franklin.  1. 
Education  of  female.-,  bow  important.  39— Publishes  a 

pamphlet  on,  47. 

£/effrifa/discovfrie*.  general  account  of  Frank: 
Elfftricity.  Franklin's"  experiments  in,  48 — Renewed, 

•—Applied  to  various  purposes  by  Franklin,  63. 
Erptnmentf  on  canal*,  and  water,  by  Franklin,  80. 
on  the  Gulf  Stream,  133. 


Feyefte.  a  letter  to.  157. 

Fire  Companies,  first  established  by  Franklin,  42. 

Fire-place  invented,  an  iron  one,  -17. 

fUgen,  ancestors  of  Franklin,  3. 

FotMerpiU.  doctor,  character  of,  51 — Letter?  to  Dr. 
Franklin.  108— Meeting  with  him  and  Barclay,  128— 
Another  meeting.  131. 

Franklin,  the  family  of.  1 — Benjamin  Franklin  born.  3 
— Erects  a  monument  to  his  father  and  mother,  4 — 
Is  apprenticed  to  his  brother,  a  printer.  5 — Method 
of  teaching  himself  English  composition.  6 — Proposal 
made  him  for  establishing  a  new  religion*  settTif— 
Pays  his  addresses  to  Miss  Read,  15— Embarks  for 
London,  16 — Wntes  a  dissertation  on  Liberty  and  */ 
JVtecoafy.  &c..  17 — Becomes  acquainted  with  Dr. 
Pembertori.  sir  Hans  Sloane.  &c  .  17— His  moral  and 
reliffious  principles.  23— Writes  under  tBe  sigfiaTure 
of  Busy-body.  25 — Writes  on  the  necessity  of  paper 
money!  26 — His  marriage  to  Miss  Read.  28— Projects 
the  first  subscription  library  in  Philadelphia,  32 — 
Publishes  Poor  Richard's  Almanac.  38— Begins  the 
study  of  languages.  40 — Appointed  clerk  of  general 
assembly.  41— Made  post-master  at  Philadelphia,  41  — 
Founds  the  Union  Fire  Company.  42 — Proposes  esta 
blishing  an  academy  and  Philosophical  Society  at 
Philadelphia.  44— Publishes  Plain  Truth.  44— Its  ef 
fect.  45 — Invents  an  open  stove.  47— Renews  his 
attempts  to  establish  an  academy  at  Philadelphia,  47 
— Devotes  his  time  to  philosophical  experiments,  48 — 
Is  elected  a  member  of  assembly  and  justice  of  peace 
48— Is  appointed  a  commissioner  to  treat  with  the 

iii     1 


INDEX. 


Indians,  49— Plan  for  cleaning  the  streets  of  Phila 
delphia  and  paving  the  same,  50— His  improvement 
in  street  lamps,  51— Appointed  post-master  general, 
52— Made  M.  A.  of  Cambridge  and  Yale  Colleges,  52 
—Plan  for  the  union  of  the  colonies,  52— His  address 
^to  the  counties  of  Lancaster,  &c.,  55— Chosen  colonel 

\J'  nf  a  vnlnntppr  regiment,  fil — PJiilnfionhical  reputation. 

62— Chosen  a  member  of  the  Royal  Society  or  ixra- 
don,  and  presented  with  the  gold  medal  of  sir  Godfrey 
Copely,  63 — Embarks  for  England,  65 — His  connex 
ion  with  the  London  newspapers,  70— Dedication  of 
his  "  Historical  Review,"  &c.,  73— Is  consulted  by  Mr. 
Pitt,  75 — Writes  "  England's  Interest  with  respect  to 
the  Colonies,"  75— Visits  Scotland,  is  made  L.  L.  D. 
at  St.  Andrews,  75— Receives  the  same  honour  from 
Oxford,  75— Returns  to  Philadelphia,  76— Loses  his 
seat  in  the  Pennsylvania  assembly,  78 — Reinstated, 
and  revisits  Great  Britain,  78— Visits  Holland,  Ger 
many,  and  Paris,  80 — Introduced  to  Louis  XV. :  re 
peats  his  electrical  experiments  in  his  presence,  and 
by  count  de  Buffon,  &c.,  80— Is  dismissed  from  the 
office  of  deputy  post-master,  99 — Correspondence  with 
dean  Tucker,  100 — Invents  an  emblematical  sign,  103 
—His  acquaintance  with  Mrs.  Howe,  107— Hints  for 
terms  of  union  with  Great  Britain,  108 — Letter  to 
lord  Dartmouth,  127 — Experiments  on  the  ocean,  133 
—Arrival  in  America,  134— Proposes  the  adoption  of 
paper  money,  136— Sent  on  a  mission  to  Canada,  136 — 
Writes  to  Holland  for  assistance,  136 — Correspond 
ence  with  lord  Howe,  137— Is  appointed  minister  ple 
nipotentiary  to  the  court  of  France,  142— Experi 
ments  during  the  voyage,  143— Receives  a  present  of 
Cook's  Voyages  from  the  British  government,  153— 
Private  Journal,  153 — Requests  leave  to  retire  on  ac 
count  of  age,  153— The  congress  refuse  his  resigna 
tion,  155 — Account  of  Arnold's  treachery  in  a  letter 
to  general  laFayette,  157 — Political  information  with 
sir  William  Jones,  160— Negotiates  for  a  peace  at  Pa- 

—.ris,  164 — Opens  negotiation  with  the  Swedish  court, 
167 — Extracts  from  his  private  Journal,  169 — Is  nomi 
nated  by  the  king  of  France  to  examine  the  proper 
ties  of  animal  magnetism,  173 — Signs  the  treaty  of 
peace  with  Great  Britain,  174 — Leaves  Passy  on  his 
return  home,  175— Arrives  at  Philadelphia,  177— Con 
gratulatory  address  on  his  arrival,  178 — Chosen  a 
member  of  the  council,  179 — Queries  and  Remarks  on 
Constitution  of  government,  180— Speech  on  Sala 
ries,  181 — Speech  on  Representation  and  Votes,  182 — 
Retires  from  public  affairs,  185— Sketch  of  his  ser 
vices,  186— Writes  against  the  slave  trade,  187— Last 
illness,  deafTC^fi'cl'''ftnv«r«t,'^S6-M5ra«ion  occasioned 
by  his  death,  191— His  character,  192— Extracts  from 
his  will  and  codicil,  193 — Epitaph  written  by  himself, 
196 — Examined  before  the  house  of  commons  respect 
ing  the  Stamp  Act,  203— Before  the  privy  council,  217. 

Franklin,  William,  (Dr.  Franklin's  son,)  appointed  go 
vernor  of  New  Jersey,  75. 

Franklin,  W.  Temple,  baron  de  StaePs  letter  relative 
to  him,  167. 

French,  colonel,  attention  to  Franklin,  11. 

French  government  first  take  interest  in  the  dispute 
betwixt  Great  Britain  and  America,  84. 


Galloway,  Joseph,  engaged  in  politics,  77 — His  speech 
published  with  a  preface  by  Franklin,  77. 

Gates,  general,  defeats  the  British  troops,  146. 

Georgia,  Massachusetts,  and  New  Jersey  appoint  Frank 
lin  agent  in  England,  80. 

Gerard,  monsieur,  goes  as  envoy  to  America,  146. 

Germany  and  Holland,  Franklin  travels  into,  80. 

Gnadenhutten,  Franklin  sent  in  military  command  to, 
58— Indians  burn  that  place,  58 — Constructs  military 
works  there.  59— His  military  police,  60 — Apopthegm 
scour  the  anchor, — Grog  before  prayers,  incentive  to 
piety,  60. 

Godfrey,  Thomas,  inventor  of  Hadley's  quadrant,  24. 

Mrs.,  projects  a  marriage  for  Franklin,  27. 

Government,  Franklin's  system  of,  eulogized  by  the 
duke  de  la  Rochefoucault,  184. 

Grace's,  Robert,  liberality  to  Franklin,  26. 

Guerchy,  the  French  ambassador,  attentive  to  Frank 
lin,  84. 

Gunpowder,  as  grain, comprehended  with  wheat,&c.,  46. 

H 

Hall,  Mr.  David,  a  partner  in  business  with  Franklin, 

48. 

Hamilton,  Mr.  Andrew,  account  of,  16.  27. 
Harry,  David,  history  of,  27. 


Hartley,  David,  esq.,  employed  to  negotiate  with  Frank 
lin,  167. 

Hemphill,  parson,  first  settles  in  Philadelphia,  39. 

Henly  and  Nairne,  verify  Franklin's  electric  system, 
150. 

Hereditary  legislators  and  mathematicians,  123. 

Hillsborough,  lord,  made  secretary  of  state  for  America, 
84— His  resignation,  85. 

Hints  for  negotiation,  108— Arguments  on,  109. 

on  further  propositions,  127. 

Historical  Review,  opinion  of  various  writers  on  the,  63. 

History,  observations  on  reading,  37. 

Holmes,  Mr.,  brother-in-law  to  Franklin,  11. 

Hostilities  commence  betwixt  Great  Britain  and  France, 
147. 

House  of  Commons,  Franklin's  examination  before  the, 
79. 

Howe,  Mrs.,  conference  with  Franklin,  107 — Letters  to 
Franklin,  119.  128.  131. 

Howe,  lord,  courts  an  acquaintance  with  Franklin,  116 
— Meets  him  by  appointment,  128 — Letter  to  Frank 
lin,  129— Another  meeting,  131— Appointed  to  com 
mand  the  British  fleet  in  North  America,  137— Cor 
respondence  with  Franklin,  138. 

Hutchinson,  lieutenant-governor,  disputes  with,  86— 
His  letters,  Franklin's  account  of,  88. 

Hutton,  Mr.,  the  Moravian,  account  of,  152 — Letter  to, 
159. 

Hyde,  lord,  his  interview  with  Franklin,  128. 


Indian  method  of  concealing  fires,  60. 

Ingenhauaz's,  Dr.,  detection  of  Wilson's  deceptive  ex 
periments  relative  to  Franklin's  lightning  conduct 
ors,  and  pretended  improvements  of  his  own,  150. 

Innis,  the  messenger,  some  account  of  him,  65. 

Intelligence  from  Pennsylvania,  political  papers,  effect 
of,  70. 

J 

James,  Abel,  letter  to  Franklin,  requesting  him  to  con 
tinue  his  memoirs,  29. 

Jay,  John,  esq.,  sent  minister  to  the  court  of  Spain,  148 
— Arrives  at  Paris  to  negotiate  for  peace,  164. 

Jones,  John  Paul,  pretended  letter  from  him,  159. 

sir  William,  account  of  an  attempt  to  negotiate 

for  a  peace  with  Franklin,  160 — His  supposed  trans 
lation  of  "  A  Fragment  of  Polybius,"  160— His  senti 
ments  respecting  America,  162. 

Judges  made  independent  in  Massachusetts,  86. 

Junto,  account  of  a  literary  one  formed  by  Franklin, 
24 — Its  sphere  enlarged,  40. 

K 

Kcimer  first  employs  Franklin  as  a  printer,  11— Pro 
poses  to  Franklin  to  establish  a  new  religious  sect,  14 
— Quarrels  with  him  and  parts,  22. 

Keith,  sir  William,  proposes  to  establish  Franklin  as  a 
printer,  12— Practises  the  grossest  fraud  on  Frank 
lin,  14. 

Kippis,  Dr.,  a  calumny  of  his  respecting  Franklin  cor 
rected,  151. 


Lamps,  improvement  thereof,  51. 

Languages,  began  to  study,  40. 

Law  of  Nations,  proposed  improvement  thereof,  170. 

Lee,  Arthur,  petition  of,  with  Bollan  and  Franklin,  126. 

Legal  tender  of  paper  money,  he  opposes,  69. 

Library,  the  first  established  in  Philadelphia,  32. 

Lighting  and  Paving  of  Philadelphia  set  on  foot  by 
Franklin,  51. 

Lightning  drawn  from  the  clouds,  63— Theory  of  con 
ductors,  63. 

Logan,  Mr.,  account  of,  46. 

London,  lord,  arrives  in  Philadelphia,  64— His  mode  of 
despatching  business,  64 — His  ideas  of  public  service, 
66 — Cause  of  his  removal,  66. 

Loughborough,  lord,  his  abuse  of  Franklin  before  the 
privy  council,  87. 

Lutwich,  captain,  account  of  his  fast-sailing  packet,  66. 

Lyons,  Dr.,  encourages  Franklin  to  write  on  religious 
subjects,  18. 

M 

Magnetism,  animal,  169. 

Mandevillc's,  Dr.,  friendship  for  Franklin,  18. 

Marbois,  Barbe,  his  secret  letter  on  American  affairs, 

Note,  165. 
Massachusetts  appoints  Franklin  agent  in  England,  80 


INDEX. 


—•The  colony  of,  a  sketch  of  the  importance  of,  8ft— 
Their  judges  made  independent,  86 — Dispute  with 
governors  Bernard  and  Hutchinson,  86 — Report  ol 
their  house  of  representatives  on  Hutchinson's  let 
ters,  87. 

Meeting-house,  how  to  obtain  a  subscription  for,  50. 

Meredith,  enters  into  partnership  with  Franklin,  23. 

Method.,  importance  of,  36. 

Meyrick,  an  army  agent,  his  letters  to  general  Arnold 
154— an  account  of  the  5000Z.  paid  him  for  his  trea 
chery,  155. 

Mickle,  anecdote  of  Mr.  Samuel,  24. 

Military  spirit  excited  by  Franklin,  44. 

Militia,  writes  in  favour  of,  59 — His  magnanimity  on 
the  occasion,  45. 

Militia  Bills,  governor  refuses  to  ratify,  77. 

Mirabeau,  proposes  to  the  national  assembly  of  France 
a  public  mourning  for  Franklin,  191. 

Moravians,  account  of  the,  59 — 61. 

Morris,  James,  anecdote  of,  54 — Returns  from  Eng 
land,  62. 

N 

Mate,  Mr.  W.,  letter  to  Franklin,  115. 

New  England  Courant  begun  by  the  Franklins,  8. 

New  Jersey,  William  Franklin,  the  doctor's  son,  ap 
pointed  governor  of,  75— Appoints  Franklin  agent  in 
England.  80. 

Newspaper,  mode  of  conducting,  39 — Newspapers,  Eng 
lish,  he  writes  in,  71— Effects  of,  71. 

Noailles,  marquis,  quits  London,  146. 

Nollet,  the  abbii,  opposes  Franklin's  system  of  electri 
city,  62— Claims  the  discovery  of  the  theory  of  light 
ning,  63. 

North's,  lord,  motion  in  the  house  of  commons  re 
specting  America,  129. 

Notes,  for  discourse  with  lord  Chatham,  122. 

O 

Office,  public,  Franklin's  maxim  concerning,  45. 

Onslow,  Arthur,  esq.,  Franklin's  Historical  Review  de 
dicated  to  him,  71. 

Orme,  captain,  anecdote  of,  57. 

Oswald,  Mr.,  is  succeeded  by  David  Hartley,  esq.,  as 
minister  from  Great  Britain,  163. 

Oxford  University  confers  the  degree  of  L.  L.  D.  on 
Franklin.  75, 


Fame's  pamphlet,  "Common  Sense,"  effects  of,  in 
America,  137. 

Paper  currency  proposed  by,  27— Legal  tender  opposed, 
68. 

Parliament,  British,  arguments  against  its  right  to  tax 
the  American  colonies  85. 

Partnership,  advice  in,  44. 

Paxton  murders,  account  of,  76. 

Peace  with  Great  Britain,  Journal  of  negotiation  for, 
in  a  series  of  letters,  476. 

Pemberton,  Dr.,  an  early  friend  of  Franklin,  17. 

Pcnn,  William,  anecdote  of,  46— Exacts  quit  rents,  46 
— Character  of,  74 — Attaches  himself  to  James  the 
Second,  74— Deprived  of  his  authority  in  Pennsylva 
nia,  74 — Is  reinstated,  74. 

Pennsylvania,  state  of  the  province  of,  in  1757, 68— First 
royal  charter  granted  to  the  colony,  72— First  cause 
of  dispute  with  the  colony  of,  76— Petition  from,  to 
the  king,  77. 

Petition  of  W.  Bollan,  B.  Franklin,  and  Arthur  Lee, 
126. 

Petition  to  the  king  from  congress,  in  1774,  103.  112 — 
The  last  to  the  king,  134. 

Philosophical  Society  of  Philadelphia,  proposed  by 
Franklin,  44. 

Piquet,  M.  La  Mothe,  captures  twenty-two  sail  of  Bri 
tish  merchant  vessels,  155. 

Pitt,  Wm.,  earl  of  Chatham,  consults  Franklin  re 
specting  Canada,  74. 

Plain  Truth  published,  44. 

Plan  of  Union  at  Albany,  1754,  52 — Adopted  by  assem 
bly,  rejected  by  the  British  government,  54. 

Plan  of  permanent  union,  125. 

Polybius,  supposed  translation  of  a  Fragment  of,  by  sir 
William  Jones,  157. 

Poor  Richard's  Almanac  first  published,  38. 

Postmaster,  he  is  appointed  in  1753,  52. 

Pownall,  governor,  anecdote  of,  54. 

Prayers,  Franklin's  motion  for,  179. 

Preaching,  anecdotes  of,  40. 

Preface  by  W.  T.  Franklin,  iv. 


Priestly' s,  Dr.,  testimony  of  the  merits  of  Franklin's 
discoveries  in  electricity,  80— His  account  of  Frank 
lin's  demeanour  before  the  privy  council,  87. 

Privateering,  proposes  to  put  an  end  to,  170. 

Privy  council  discuss  the  Massachusetts'  petition.  Mr. 
Wedderburn's  abuse  of  Franklin,  87. 

Project,  an  extensive  one,  37. 

Proposed  vindication  and  offer  from  congress  in  1775, 
88. 

Proprietary,  refuse  to  tax  their  estates  for  public  de 
fence,  68— Remonstrance  against,  69— The  disputes 
with,  had  great  influence  on  forming  the  character 
of  Franklin,  and  on  the  revolution,  70— dispute* 
with,  77. 

Protest,  an  eloquent  one  by  Franklin,  132. 

Prussian  edict,  225. 

Purchase  of  Dr.  Franklin's  writings  by  British  minis 
ter  confuted,  iv.  vi. 

Public  affairs,  Franklin  first  turns  attention  to,  41. 


Quakers'1  meeting,  the  first  house  Franklin  entered  at 
Philadelphia  after  his  arrival,  10 — Anecdote  of  the, 
45— Take  an  active  part  in  opposing  the  rioters  de 
nominated  Paxton  Boys,  76. 

R 

Ralph,  the  historian,  curious  anecdote  of,  13— Becomes 
a  schoolmaster,  18 — obtains  a  pension  for  political 
writing,  64. 

Read,  Mr.,  father  of  Franklin's  wife,  11. 

Religion,  a  new  one  proposed  to  be  established,  11. 

Religious  creed  of  Franklin,  29. 

Jiemarks,  on  propositions  for  reconciliation,  127. 

Remonstrance,  drawn  up  against  the  selfishness  of  pro 
prietary,  69. 

Richard's,  poor,  almanac,  38. 

Richmann,  professor,  introduces  Franklin's  electrical 
discoveries  into  Russia,  83. 

Right  of  British  parliament  to  tax  America,  85. 

Rights,  privileges,  &c.,  to  America,  equal  communica 
tion  of,  by  Great  Britain,  202. 

Roy,  Mons.  Le,  refutes  the  abbe  Nollet,  62. 

Royal  Society  of  London,  Franklin  chosen  a  member 
thereof,  63. 

Rules  for  reducing  a  great  empire  to  a  small  one,  227. 

Rum,  Indian  orator's  apology  for  drinking,  49. 

Rutledgc,  Franklin,  and  Adams,  meet  lord  Howe,  137. 

S 

Salaries,  Franklin's  speech  thereon,  177. 

Sandwich,  lord,  attributes  lord  Chatham's  motion  to 
Franklin,  123. 

Scotland,  Franklin  visits,  75. 

Shelburn,  American  business  taken  from  lord,  84. 

Shirley,  general,  anecdote  of,  66. 

Slave  Trade,  187. 

Sloane's,  sir  Hans,  visit  to  Franklin,  17. 

Smith,  Dr.,  pronounces  a  funeral  oration  for  Franklin, 
190. 

Spangenberg,  bishop,  some  account  of,  59. 

Species,  the  animosity  of  the  English  lords  leads  them 
to  say  Americans  are  of  different  species  from  Eng 
lishmen,  132. 

Spotswood,  colonel,  governor  of  Virginia,  41. 

Staiil,  the  Baron  de,  letter  on  the  peace  with  Sweden 
and  requesting  Mr.  Temple  Franklin  to  be  employed 
at  the  Swedish  court,  163. 

Stamp  Act,  origin  of,  78 — Caricature  occasioned  there 
by,  80 — Disturbance  in  America,  occasioned  by  pass 
ing  the,  80— First  objects  of,  102— Its  repeal,  104. 

Stanhope,  lord,  Franklin  writes  to,  121. 

Strahan,  king's  printer,  fac  simile  of  a  letter  to,  136. 

Swimming,  great  fault  in  the  art  of,  20. 


Tea  tax,  of  the,  223. 
Temperance,  importance  of,  36. 
Temple,  Mr.  John,  his  duel  with  Mr.  Whately,  88. 
Tennent,  Rev.  Gilbert,  account  of,  50. 
Thomson,  Charles,  secretary  to  first  congress,  1774,  104, 
Treaty  of  alliance  between  France  and  America,  146.    , 
Tucker,  dean,  controversy  with  Franklin,  101— Reflec 
tions  thereon,  102. 
Tumult  at  Boston,  86. 
Tyron  on  vegetable  diet.    Influence  of,  44. 


Union  of  the  colonies,  plan  of,  proposed  at  Albany,  52. 
—  fire  company  founded,  42. 


VI 


INDEX. 


University,  of  Cambridge,  Massachusetts,  confers  the 
degree  of,  M.  A.  52— Yale,  Connecticut,  do.,  52.— St. 
Andrews,  Scotland,  confers  the  degree  of  L.L.  D., 
75— Edinburg,  Scotland,  do.,  75— Oxford,  England,  do., 
75. 


Virtue,  art  of,  37. 

faughan's  Benjamin,  letter  to  Franklin,  requesting 
him  to  continue  his  memoirs,  29. 

Vergennes,  the  count  de,  receives  the  American  com 
missioners,  144. 

Fernon's  confidence  in  Franklin,  12. 

W 
Walpole,  hon.  Thomas,  advises  Franklin  not  to  present 

his  protest,  132 — Letter  to  Franklin,  132 — Interview 

with,  133. 
Washington,  general,  letter  of  congratulation  to  Frank 

lin  on  his  return  to  America,  175. 
Watch,  the  city,  established  by  Franklin,  41. 


Watson,  Dr.,  draws  up  an  account  of  Franklin's  dis 
coveries,  which  is  read  before  the  Royal  Society  of 
London,  63. 

Webb,  George,  anecdote  of,  22— Another,  25. 

Wedderburn,  (afterwards  lord  Loughborough)  his  abuse 
of  Franklin  before  the  privy  council,  87. 

Whateltfs  duel  with  Mr.  Temple  of  Boston,  96— Their 
dispute  stated,  96. 

W/iitfield,  Rev.  George,  arrives  at  Philadelphia,  42— De 
parts  for  Georgia,  builds  an  orphan  house  there,  43 — 
His  character  vindicated,  43— Traits  of  character,  44. 

Wilson's,  Mr.,  objections  to  Franklin's  lightning  con 
ductors,  149— His  objections  overthrown  by  Messrs. 
Henley  and  Nairne,  149. 

WoolastoiCs  religion  of  nature,  writes  a  dissertation 
on,  17. 

Wright,  Dr.,  introduces  Franklin's  discoveries  in  phi 
losophy  to  the  Royal  Society  of  London,  63. 

Wyndham,  sir  William,  is  introduced  to,  20. 


Yah  college,  confers  degree  of  M.  A.,  52. 


A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE. 


THIS  edition  of  the  Memoirs  and  Writings  of  Dr.  Franklin  appears  under  cir 
cumstances  favourable  to  a  more  general  distribution  in  society  than  any  former 
edition.  Its  bulk  is  reduced  to  two  volumes,  the  price  to  that  of  two  volumes  of 
the  latest  preceding  edition  of  1818 ;  and  the  additional  matter  is  augmented  equal 
to  the  contents  of  a  volume  more  than  was  contained  in  that  edition. 

In  the  arrangement  of  the  subjects,  this  varies  a  little  from  any  of  the  former 
editions,  and  it  becomes  requisite  to  explain  the  present  distribution. 

Something  appears  to  be  necessary,  also,  in  elucidation  of  other  circumstances 
which  appertain  to  the  writings — to  the  history  of  the  author — and  to  the  matter 
now  added,  as  well  as  to  some  part  of  the  Memoirs,  which  it  is  now  too  evident 
have  been  withheld  or  suppressed.  In  proportion  as  those  who  were  his  con 
temporaries  retire,  the  interests  and  the  enmities  signally  which  characterized  his 
career,  lose  something  of  their  freshness  and  their  asperity.  The  world  generally 
has  assumed  new  aspects ;  but,  above  all,  this  new  world,  in  whose  political  crea 
tion  the  author  had  so  large,  so  early,  so  long,  and  so  successful  a  share.  He  had 
frequently  expressed  a  wish,  that  it  were  possible  for  him  to  revisit  this  life  at  the 
end  of  a  century ;  but  were  that  possible,  the  world  he  so  effectually  aided  in 
creating,  would  already  far  exceed  in  its  success  the  most  sanguine  calculations  of 
his  proverbial  sagacity.  The  editor  of  the  edition  published  in  London,  in  1779, 
in  his  preface  said — "  The  times  appear  not  ripe  enough  for  the  editor  to  give  ex 
pression  to  the  affection,  gratitude,  and  veneration  he  bears  to  a  writer  whom  he 
has  so  intimately  studied :  nor  is  it  wanting,  as  history  lies  in  wait  for  him,  and 
the  judgment  of  mankind  already  balances  in  his  favour.  Yet  he  may  be  excused 
for  stating  one  opinion ;  he  conceives  no  man  ever  made  larger  or  bolder  guesses 
than  Dr.  Franklin,  from  the  like  materials,  in  politics  and  philosophy,  which,  after 
the  scrutiny  of  events,  and  the  zeal  of  open  hostility,  have  been  more  completely 
verified." 

Though  the  period  at  which  this  edition  appears  approaches  to  nearly  half  a 
century  since  his  demise,  the  sentiment  of  the  London  editor  as  to  the  ripeness  of 
public  affection,  gratitude,  and  veneration,  is  not  even  yet  entirely  complete.  The 
jealousies  of  rivals  and  competitors  have  ceased ;  the  animosity  of  partisans  of 
different  descriptions  has  abated ;  the  principles  of  policy  and  philosophy  which 
he  taught  pervade  the  civilized  world ;  in  the  minds  of  those  who  are  interested 
in  human  subjection  and  ignorance,  his  views  and  efforts  to  promote  human  hap 
piness,  and  in  America  particularly,  as  leading  to  that  universality,  was  his  sin — 
and  the  enmities  so  founded  survived  him  many  years,  and  have  descended  along 
with  prejudices  engendered  in  political  and  unsocial  causes,  which  the  prosperity 
and  success  of  free  governments  have  not  yet  entirely  neutralized. 

History,  in  its  strictest  sense,  has  not  yet  done  justice  to  Franklin.  The  editions 
of  his  writings  which  have  been  hitherto  appeared,  were  not  published  for  his 
own  benefit ;  several  appeared  without  his  privity  or  consent ;  and  this  fact,  though 
at  the  present  time  of  light  moment,  has  been  the  source  of  many  misrepresenta 
tions  and  mistakes,  and  furnished,  with  other  incentives,  food  for  various  manifesta- 

vii 


viii  A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE. 

tions  of  malignity  which  stand  now  only  as  contrasts  of  the  benevolence  and 
liberality  of  him  whom  they  had  been  employed  to  disparage.  Some  account  of 
the  several  editions  which  have  at  different  periods  appeared,  so  far  as  they  have 
been  ascertained,  will  be  pertinent  on  this  occasion.  The  first  edition  of  Frank 
lin's  writings,  were  compositions  of  private  correspondence,  confined  at  first  to 
philosophical  subjects,  addressed  to  Peter  Collinson  of  London.  The  letters  to 
Mr.  Collinson  were  published  in  octavo  by  Cave,  London,  in  1751,  and  extended 
only  to  86  pages  ;  the  first  knowledge  of  their  publication  the  author  obtained  by 
the  copy  transmitted  to  him  by  his  London  friend  ;  which  identical  copy  supplies 
the  data  of  these  remarks. 

The  curious,  new,  and  original  ideas  contained  in  those  letters  excited  unusual 
notice ;  a  new  edition  was  called  for  in  1754,  and  a  third  in  1766,  by  which  time 
the  additional  discussions  on  philosophical  subjects  extended  to  500  pages  octavo. 
Many  of  these  papers  were  transferred  to  the  pages  of  the  philosophical  transactions 
of  the  Royal  Society,  and,  on  the  appearance  of  another  edition  in  1769,  em 
braced  further  new  discussions. 

In  1776,  there  was  published  in  London,  a  volume  in  octavo,  of  about  300 
pages,  of  which  the  revision  and  publication  have  been  ascribed  to  Dr.  Fothergill, 
though  not  alone ;  the  copy  transmitted  to  the  author  is  before  the  writer,  and 
is  peculiarly  interesting  from  the  manuscript  notes  and  corrections,  made  on  the 
margins  and  blank  spaces  of  the  book  by  Dr.  F.  This  volume,  which  will  be 
again  referred  to  in  this  introduction,  consists  wholly  of  pieces  that  relate  to  poli 
tics,  such  as  the  often  celebrated  "  Observations  concerning  the  increase  of  man 
kind,  peopling  of  countries,"  &c.,  written  in  175.1.  Of  the  papers  noted  in  the 
blank  leaf,  are  found  the  following  items  of  productions,  which  have  not  been  yet 
recovered — "  Correspondence  with  Dean  Tucker" — "  Britain's  application  to  pro 
hibit  arms" — ««  Defence  against  Wedderburne" — "  History  of  Political  Life." 

Ten  years  afterwards — in  the  critical  year  1779 — another  edition  was  prepared 
in  London,  while  the  author  was  minister  of  the  United  States  at  Paris ;  it  was  pub 
lished  by  Johnson,  a  bookseller  of  liberal  celebrity  at  that  period  :  it  extended  to 
674  pages,  and  was  prepared  with  very  great  care  and  an  honorable  zeal,  by  Mr. 
Benjamin  Vaughan,  who  had  been  a  member  of  the  British  Parliament.  This 
edition  was  distributed  under  five  general  heads  : — I.  General  Politics  II.  Ame 
rican  Politics  before  the  troubles.  III.  American  Politics  during  the  troubles. 
IV.  Provincial  or  Colonial  Politics.  V.  Miscellaneous  and  Political  papers, 
with  tkis  epigraph,*  remarkable  for  its  significancy,  from  the  then  position  of  the 
author  and  the  editor,  the  excited  state  of  mind  in  England,  and  the  total  failure 
of  the  British  arms. 

In  1787,  a  select  octave  volume  was  published,  containing  philosophical 
pieces  only. 

In  1793,  an  edition,  in  two  volumes  octavo,  was  published,  containing  so  much 
of  the  Memoirs  written  by  himself,  as  reached  to  1731,  with  a  collection  of  Es 
says,  humorous,  moral,  and  literary. 

In  1806,  an  edition,  in  three  volumes  octavo,  was  published  by  Johnson,  with 
handsome  engraved  vignettes,  a  portrait,  and  other  engravings.  The  editor  is  not 
known,  but  the  preface  to  that  edition  excited  a  sensation  which,  though  it  has 

*  Hominum  rerumque  repertor. — Virg.  jEn.  xii. 


A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE.  ix 

subsided  in  some  measure,  has  left  painful  impressions ;  and  which  it  will  be  proper 
to  quote  on  this  occasion,  as  the  facts  belong  to  history.  The  advertisement 
which  prefaces  the  edition  of  1006,  after  noticing  preceding  editions,  thus  proceeds : 
"We  hoped  to  have  been  able  to  add  what  would  have  been  equally  new  and 
more  acceptable,  a  genuine  copy  of  the  life  of  the  author,  as  written  by  himself;  but 
in  this  hope  we  are  disappointed,  and  we  are  obliged  to  be  content  with  a  transla 
tion  already  before  the  public,  from  a  copy  in  the  French  language,  coming  down 
no  farther  than  1731,  and  continued  by  Dr.  Huber,  of  Philadelphia. 

"  The  character  of  Dr.  Franklin,  as  a  philosopher,  a  politician,  and  a  moralist, 
requires  no  illustration  ;  his  writings,  from  their  interesting  nature,  and  the  fasci 
nating  simplicity  of  his  style,  are  too  highly  esteemed  for  any  apology  to  be  neces 
sary  for  so  large  a  collection  of  them,  unless  it  should  be  deemed  necessary  by 
the  individual  to  whom  Dr.  Franklin,  in  his  will,  consigned  the  manuscripts :  and 
to  him  our  apology  will  consist  in  a  reference  to  his  own  extraordinary  conduct. 

"  In  bequeathing  his  papers,  it  was  no  doubt  the  intention  of  the  testator,  that 
the  world  should  have  the  chance  of  being  benefited  by  their  publication.  It 
was  so  understood  by  his  grandson,  W.  T.  Franklin,  the  person  in  question,  who 
shortly  after  the  death  of  his  great  relative,  hastened  to  London,  the  best  mart  for 
literary  property,  employed  an  amanuensfs  for  many  months  in  copying,  ran 
sacked  our  public  libraries,  that  nothing  might  escape,  and  at  length  had  so  far 
prepared  the  works  of  Dr.  Franklin  for  the  press,  that  proposals  were  made  by 
him  to  several  of  our  principal  booksellers  for  the  sale  of  them.  They  were  to 
form  three  quarto  volumes,  and  were  to  contain  all  the  writings  published  and  un 
published,  with  memoirs  brought  down  by  himself  to  1757,  and  continued  to  his 
death  by  his  legatee.  They  were  to  be  published  in  three  different  languages, 
and  the  countries  corresponding  to  those  languages,  France,  Germany,  and  Eng 
land,  on  the  same  day.  The  terms  asked  for  the  copyright  of  the  English  edition 
were  high,  amounting  to  several  thousand  pounds,  which  awakened  a  little  demur; 
but  eventually  they  would  no  doubt  have  been  obtained.  Nothing  more,  however, 
was  heard  of  the  proposals  or  the  work  in  this  its  fair  market.  The  proprietor,  it 
seems,  now  found  a  bidder  of  a  different  description,  in  some  emissary  of  the 
government,  whose  object  it  was  to  prevent  the  communication  to  the  public  of 
transactions  which  would  reveal  mysteries  in  governmental  policy,  odious  in  their 
nature ;  and  in  which  it  appears  they  were  too  successful :  the  manuscript  of  those 
transactions  passed  from  the  hands  of  him  to  whom  they  were  bequeathed,  into 
those  who  felt  an  interest  in  their  suppression,  and  for  what  remuneration  appears 
now  not  likely  to  be  revealed :  neither  is  the  precise  tenor  of  the  suppressed 
matter  known,  as  will  be  perceived  in  the  further  progress  of  this  elucidation. 
These  impressions  prevailed  in  England  and  America  for  many  years,  and  the 
silence  obstinately  maintained  from  1806  to  1817,  gave  additional  strength  to  the 
prevailing  opinion. 

"  What  the  manuscript  contained  that  should  have  excited  the  jealousy  of  the 
government,  is  not  distinctly  known ;  but  from  the  conspicuous  part  acted  by  the 
author  in  the  whole  progress  of  American  affairs,  for  nearly  half  a  century  before 
the  revolution,  in  its  progress,  and  in  the  diplomacy  and  war  which  grew  out  of  it, 
it  is  by  no  means  difficult  to  conceive  ;  and  of  this  there  can  be  no  dispute,  that 
from  Franklin's  character,  no  disposition  of  his  writings  could  have  been  more 
contrary  to  his  intentions  or  wishes." 
b 


x  A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE. 

Observations  such  as  these,  by  the  London  editor,  carry  in  themselves  the  evi 
dence  of  being  written  by  some  person  intimately  conversant  with  Franklin  and 
his  contemporaries,  and  with  the  history  of  the  memorable  period  in  which  he 
held  a  place  so  pre-eminent.  Before  proceeding  in  the  regular  order  proposed  for 
this  preface,  it  may  be  proper  to  dispose  of  the  whole  of  this  subject  in  a  con 
nected  form,  and  to  exhibit  the  matter  offered  in  his  defence  by  W.  T.  Franklin, 
as  well  as  some  facts  not  before  published. 

The  vicissitudes  of  the  revolution,  particularly  the  occupation  of  Philadelphia 
by  the  British  army  in  1777,  had  exposed  the  papers  and  the  library,  which  was 
ample  and  abundantly  curious,  and  the  manuscripts  of  Dr.  Franklin,  to  dispersion ; 
the  family  of  Dr.  F.,  after  the  peace,  had  not  been  successful  in  collecting  much 
of  the  dispersed  matter ;  and  to  a  certainty  much  is  still  unrecovered ;  the  frag 
ments  of  the  library  which  remained  in  America  was  most  remarkably  neglected, 
and  unappreciated;  in  1805,  the  remains  of  what  had  been  unappropriated  by  the 
legatee,  were  thrown,  like  lumber,  into  the  hands  of  a  foreign  bookseller,  to  be 
disposed  of  among  the  mass  of  second-hand  books ;  some  few  parcels  were  caught 
at  by  curious  and  studious  individuals,  and  a  few  transferred  with  a  niggardly  and 
shabby  parsimony  to  some  libraries  which  should  have  taken  means  to  secure  the 
whole — for  there  were  no  books  collected  by  Franklin  which  had  not  some  pecu 
liar  value  in  relation  to  universal  knowledge. 

From  fragments  then  snatched  from  oblivion,  and  other  sources,  not  necessary 
to  specify,  an  improved  edition  was  undertaken  in  Philadelphia',  in  1817,  intended 
to  embrace  all  that  had  been  then  collected,  or  that  could  be  procured  through  a 
special  application  to  men  who  had  partaken  in  the  transactions  of  the  preceding 
half  century,  in  Europe  and  America.  Then  it  was  that  Mr.  Temple  Franklin 
reappeared  in  London,  with  a  prospectus  for  the  publication  of  the  whole  of  his 
grandfather's  writings.  As  the  Philadelphia  editor  possessed  much  matter  which 
was  not  in  W.  T.  Franklin's  possession,  an  arrangement  was  made  for  a  consen 
taneous  publication  of  all  that  was  possessed  by  both,  at  the  same  time  in  London 
and  Philadelphia.  The  London  publication  was  in  quarto,  with  an  edition  in 
octavo ;  that  of  Philadelphia  in  six  volumes  octavo,  all  of  which,  with  much  not 
published  in  any  former  edition,  is  comprehended  in  the  two  volumes  which  form 
the  present  edition. 

On  the  publication  in  London,  W.  T.  Franklin  came  forth  with  a  preface,  in 
which,  for  the  first  time,  the  imputations  on  his  good  faith  were  noticed  and  replied 
to,  which  preface  also  appeared  in  the  Philadelphia  edition.  It  forms  a  necessary 
part  of  the  history  of  Dr.  Franklin,  and  requires  to  be  given  in  the  very  terms  of 
the  person  implicated.  It  is  as  follows  : 

"  PREFACE.—  By  W.  T.  Franklin.  An  apology  for  presenting  to  the  republic 
of  letters,  the  authentic  Memoirs  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  illustrative  of  his  life  and 
times,  written  almost  entirely  with  his  own  hand,  would  be  at  once  superfluous 
and  disrespectful.  If  any  observation  be  at  all  requisite,  in  the  shape  of  expla 
nation,  it  must  be  in  answer  to  the  inquiry,  why  such  interesting  documents  have 
been  so  long  withheld  from  the  public  view  ?  In  this  the  editor  has  no  hesitation 
in  replying,  that  were  he  conscious  of  having  neglected  a  solemn  trust,  by  dis 
obeying  a  positive  injunction  ;  or  could  he  be  convinced,  that  the  world  had  sus 
tained  any  real  injury  by  the  delay  of  the  publication,  he  certainly  should  take 


A  POSTLIM1N10US  PREFACE.  xi 

shame  to  himself  for  not  having  sooner  committed  to  the  press  what,  at  an  earlier 
period,  would  have  been  much  more  to  his  pecuniary  advantage.  But  aware,  as 
he  is,  of  the  deference  due  to  the  general  feeling  of  admiration  for  the  illustrious 
dead,  he  is  no  less  sensible  that  there  are  times  and  seasons  when  prudence  im 
poses  the  restriction  of  silence  in  the  gratification  of  the  most  laudable  curiosity. 

"  It  was  the  lot  of  this  distinguished  character,  above  most  men,  to  move  in  the 
prominent  parts  of  his  active  life,  within  a  sphere  agitated  to  no  ordinary  degree 
of  heat  by  the  inflammatory  passions  of  political  fury  ;  and  he  had  scarcely  seated 
himself  in  the  shade  of  repose,  from  the  turmoil  of  public  employment,  when 
another  revolution  burst  forth,  with  far  more  tremendous  violence ;  during  the 
progress  of  which  his  name  was  adduced  by  anarchists  as  a  sanction  for  their 
practices,  and  his  authority  quoted  by  dreaming  theorists  in  support  of  their 
visionary  projects.  Whether,  therefore,  the  publication  of  his  Memoirs  and  other 
papers,  amidst  such  a  scene  of  perturbation,  would  have  been  conducive  to  the 
desirable  ends  of  peace,  may  be  a  matter  of  question ;  but  at  all  events  the  sober 
and  inquisitive  part  of  mankind  can  have  no  cause  to  regret  the  impression  of 
what  might  have  happened  from  the  perverted  talents  of  designing  partisans  and 
infuriated  zealots.  It  may  fairly  be  observed,  that  the  writings  of  Dr.  Franklin 
are  calculated  to  serve  a  far  more  important  purpose  than  that  of  ministering  to 
the  views  of  party,  and  keeping  alive  national  dissensions,  which,  however  ne 
cessitated  by  circumstances,  ought  to  cease  with  the  occasion,  and  yield  to  the 
spirit  of  philanthropy.  Even  amidst  the  din  of  war  and  the  contention  of  fac 
tion,  it  was  the  constant  aim  of  this  excellent  man  to  promote  a  conciliatory  dis 
position,  and  to  correct  the  acerbity  of  controversy.  Though  no  one  could  feel 
more  sensibly  for  the  wrongs  of  his  country,  or  have  more  enlarged  ideas  on  the 
subject  of  general  liberty,  his  powerful  efforts  to  redress  the  one  and  extend  the 
other  were  always  connected  with  the  paramount  object  of  social  improvement, 
in  the  recommendation  of  those  habits  which  tend  most  effectually  to  unite  men 
together  in  the  bonds  of  amity.  Happening,  however,  himself  to  live  in  a  tur 
bulent  period,  and  called  upon  to  take  a  leading  part  in  those  scenes  which  pro 
duced  a  new  empire  in  the  western  world ;  much  of  his  later  memoirs  and  cor 
respondence  will  be  found  to  exhibit  his  undisguised  thoughts  upon  the  public 
men  and  occurrences  of  his  day.  These  sketches,  anecdotes,  and  reflections,  will 
now  be  read  by  men  of  opposite  sentiments  without  awakening  painful  recollec 
tions,  or  rekindling  the  dying  embers  of  animosity ;  while  the  historian  and  the 
moralist  may  learn  from  them  the  secret  springs  of  public  events,  and  the  folly  of 
being  carried  away  by  political  prejudices. 

"  While,  therefore,  some  contracted  minds  in  different  countries  may  be  queru 
lously  disposed  to  censure  the  delay  that  has  taken  place  in  the  publication  of 
these  posthumous  papers,  it  is  presumed  that  the  more  considerate  and  liberal,  on 
either  side  of  the  Atlantic,  will  approve  of  the  motives  which  have  operated  for 
the  procrastination,  even  though  the  period  has  so  far  exceeded  the  nonum  pre- 
matur  annum  assigned  by  Horace,  the  oldest  and  best  of  critics,  for  the  appear 
ance  of  a  finished  performance. 

"The  editor,  in  offering  this  justificatory  plea  to  the  public,  and  taking  credit  for 
having  exercised  so  much  discretion  as  to  keep  these  relics  in  his  private  custody 
till  the  return  of  halcyon  days  and  a  brightened  horizon,  when  their  true  value 
might  be  best  appreciated,  feels  that  he  has  discharged  his  duty  in  that  manner 


xii  A  POSTLIM1NIOUS  PREFACE. 

•which  the  venerable  writer  himself  would  have  prescribed,  could  he  have  antici 
pated  the  disorders  which  have  ravaged  the  most  polished  and  enlightened  states 
since  his  removal  from  this  scene  of  pride  and  weakness ;  where  nations  as  well 
as  individuals  have  their  periods  of  infancy  and  decrepitude,  of  moral  vigour  and 
wild  derangement. 

"  Shortly  after  Dr.  Franklin's  death,  there  were  not  wanting  the  usual  train  of 
literary  speculators  to  exercise  their  industry  in  collecting  his  avowed  productions, 
together  with  those  which  public  rumour  ascribed  to  his  pen.  These  miscella 
nies  were  printed  in  various  forms  both  in  England  and  America,  greatly  to  the 
advantage  of  the  publishers ;  nor  did  the  possessor  of  the  originals  avail  himself 
of  the  general  avidity  and  the  celebrity  of  his  ancestor,  to  deprive  those  persons 
of  the  profits  which  they  continued  to  reap  from  repeated  editions  of  papers  that 
had  cost  them  nothing.  When,'  however,  they  had  reason  to  apprehend,  that  the 
genuine  Memoirs  and  other  works  of  Franklin,  as  written  and  corrected  by  him 
self,  would  be  brought  forward  in  a  manner  suitable  to  their  importance,  and  the 
dignified  rank  of  the  author  in  the  political  and  literary  world,  invidious  reports 
were  sent  abroad,  and  circulated  with  uncommon  diligence,  asserting  that  all  the 
literary  remains  of  Dr.  Franklin  had  been  purchased  at  an  enormous  rate  by  the 
British  ministry,  who  (mirdbile  dictu!}  it  seems  were  more  afraid  of  this  arsenal 
of  paper  than  of  the  power  of  France,  with  all  her  numerous  resources  and  auxi 
liaries.  This  convenient  tale,  absurd  as  it  was,  found  reporters  in  Europe  and  in 
the  United  States,  who  bruited  it  about  with  so  much  art,  as  to  make  many  who 
were  unacquainted  with  the  legatee  of  the  manuscripts  believe  it  to  be  true,  and 
to  lament  feelingly,  that  such  inestimable  productions  should  be  suppressed,  and 
lost  for  ever,  through  the  cupidity  of  the  person  to  whom  they  were  bequeathed. 
Provoking  as  the  story  was,  the  party  whom  it  most  affected,  and  whose  interests 
it  was  designed  to  injure,  felt  too  much  of  the  conscia  mens  recti  to  do  other 
wise  than  to  treat  the  ridiculous  invention  with  contempt,  from  a  persuasion  that 
the  refutation  of  an  improbable  falsehood  is  beneath  the  dignity  of  truth.  He 
therefore  endured  the  opprobrium  without  complaint,  and  even  suffered  it  to  be 
repeated  without  being  goaded  into  an  explanation ;  contentedly  waiting  for  the 
time  when  he  might  best  fulfil  his  duty  and  shame  his  calumniators.  That  period 
has  at  length  arrived,  and  the  world  will  now  see  whether  an  enlightened  govern 
ment  could  be  weak  enough  to  be  frightened  by  the  posthumous  works  of  a  phi 
losopher  ;  or  whether  a  man  of  integrity,  bred  under  Franklin,  bearing  his  name, 
and  intrusted  with  his  confidence,  could  be  bribed  into  an  act  of  treachery  to  his 
memory." 

So  far  the  preface  is  intended  as  a  defensive  reply  to  the  imputations  first  made 
in  the  edition  in  three  volumes,  issued  by  Johnson,  in  London,  in  1806.  How 
far  it  fulfils  the  present  purpose  must  be  left  to  the  judgment  of  history.  Criti 
cism  is  not  the  purpose  of  this  introduction,  else  a  very  brief  animadversion  on 
the  defence  might  at  least  show  that  the  motives  assigned  for  the  suppression  after 
the  visit  to  London,  are  not  such  as  would  induce  or  justify  a  postponement  of 
a  publication  previously  proposed  and  prepared  for  at  considerable  expense ;  that 
the  political  opinions,  theories,  and  discussions  in  the  writings  of  Dr.  Franklin 
were  not  in  harmony,  but  in  direct  variance  with  the  violences  of  the  French  re 
volution  ;  and  that  they  were  adapted  rather  to  repress  than  to  afford  any  incen- 


A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE.  xiii 

lives  in  favour  of  violence  or  outrage,  such  as  afflicted  France  in  the  convulsions 
which  produced  so  many  afflictions  to  the  friends  of  liberty  as  well  as  to  the  ad 
herents  of  despotism;  that,  on  the  contrary,  the  moderation  and  temperate  reasoning 
of  Franklin's  political  writings  were  rather  to  be  feared  by  the  advocates  of  legiti 
macy,  than  stimulatives  to  the  pensioned  apostles  of  discord  and  destruction,  with 
out  reference  to  any  argument  founded  on  the  personal  circumstances  of  the  lega 
tee  ;  the  works,  as  they  appear  under  his  more  authentic  publication,  afford  very 
little  matter  in  addition  to  what  had  been  collected  and  published  by  booksellers 
in  the  fair  pursuit  of  their  business  ;  nor  did  the  first  rumour  of  the  suppression, 
in  the  edition  of  1806,  excite  so  much  or  such  general  attention  as  the  circum 
stance  would  seem  to  call  for,  in  the  United  States ;  where  the  hostility  to  the 
memory  of  Franklin's  services,  strange  but  true  to  tell,  had  found  a  body  of 
animosity  so  ample  as  to  produce  a  certain  measure  of  exultation  rather  than  of 
resentment  or  shame  on  the  appearance  of  the  rumour.  In  Europe  the  Edinburgh 
Review,  in  noticing  the  preface  to  the  edition  of  1806,  did  not  overlook  the  alleged 
suppression ;  that  article  was  copied  into  the  Boston  Monthly  Anthology,  No.  12, 
for  December,  1806,  from  which  a  few  short  extracts  will  be  pertinent  to  the  pre 
sent  purpose. 

"  Nothing,  we  think,  can  show  more  clearly  the  singular  want  of  literary  enter 
prise  or  activity  in  the  States  of  America,  than  that  no  one  has  been  found  in  that 
flourishing  republic  to  collect  and  publish  the  works  of  their  only  philosopher. 
It  is  not  even  creditable  to  the  liberal  curiosity  of  the  English  public,  that  there 
should  be  no  complete  edition  of  the  works  of  Dr.  Franklin  till  1806;  and  we 
should  have  been  altogether  unable  to  account  for  the  imperfect  and  unsatisfactory 
manner  in  which  the  task  has  been  now  performed,  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  pre 
fatory  advertisement,  which  removes  all  blame  from  the  editor  of  that  edition,  to 
attach  it  to  a  higher  quarter." 

Here  the  preface  is  quoted,  and  animadverted  upon  by  the  reviewer,  in  which 
he  observes  that  the  whole  of  Franklin's  works  were  not  political  and  republican, 
and  that  a  variety  of  remarks  and  speculations  said  to  have  been  left  by  him  might 
have  been  permitted  to  see  the  light,  though  his  diplomatic  operations  had  been 
interdicted  ;  and  the  reviewer  thus  proceeds  : 

"The  emissary  of  government,  however,  probably  took  care  of  these  things; 
he  was  resolved  « to  leave  no  botches  in  his  work ;'  and  to  stifle  the  dreaded  re 
velation,  he  thought  the  best  way  was  to  strangle  all  the  innocents  in  the  vicinage. 
"  This  self-taught  American  is  the  most  rational,  perhaps,  of  all  philosophers. 
He  never  loses  sight  of  common  sense  in  any  of  his  speculations ;  and  when  his 
philosophy  does  not  comport  entirely  in  its  fair  and  vigorous  application,  it  is  al 
ways  regulated  and  controlled  by  it  in  its  application  and  results.  No  individual, 
perhaps,  ever  possessed  a  juster  understanding,  or  was  so  seldom  obstructed  in 
the  use  of  it  by  indolence,  enthusiasm,  or  authority. 

"  Regular  education  appears  to  be  unfavourable  to  vigour  and  originality  of  un 
derstanding.  We  cannot  help  fancying  that  if  Franklin  had  been  bred  in  a  col 
lege,  he  would  have  contented  himself  in  expounding  Pindar,  and  mixing  argu 
ment  with  his  port  in  the  Common  Room  ;  and  that  if  Boston  had  abounded  with 
men  of  letters,  he  would  never  have  ventured  to  come  forth  from  his  printing 
house,  or  been  driven  back  to  it,  at  any  rate,  by  the  sneers  of  the  critics  after  the 
first  publication  of  the  Busy  Body. 

2 


xiv  A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE. 

"  There  are  not  many  among  the  thorough-bred  scholars  and  philosophers  of 
Europe  who  can  lay  claim  to  distinction  in  more  than  one  or  two  departments  of 
science  and  literature.  The  uneducated  tradesman  of  America  has  left  writings 
that  call  for  our  attention  in  natural  philosophy — in  politics — in  political  economy, 
and  in  general  literature  and  morality.  His  examination  before  the  House  of 
Commons,  in  1766,  affords  a  striking  proof  of  the  extent  and  minuteness  of 
his  information,  the  clearness  and  force  of  his  extempore  composition,  and  the 
steadiness  and  self-possession  which  enabled  him  to  display  those  qualities  with 
so  much  effect  upon  such  an  occasion.  His  letters  before  the  commencement 
of  hostilities  are  full  of  grief  and  anxiety  ;  but  no  sooner  did  matters  come  to 
extremities,  than  he  appears  to  have  assumed  a  certain  keen  and  confident  cheer 
fulness,  not  unmixed  with  a  sprinkling  of  asperity,  and  more  vindictiveness  than 
became  a  philosopher. 

"  Nothing  can  be  more  perfectly  and  beautifully  adapted  to  its  object  than  most 
of  the  moral  compositions  of  Dr.  Franklin.  The  tone  of  familiarity,  of  good 
will,  and  harmless  jocularity  ;  the  plain  and  pointed  illustrations  ;  the  short  sen 
tences,  made  up  of  short  words ;  and  the  strong  sense,  clear  information,  and 
obvious  conviction  of  the  author  himself,  make  most  of  his  moral  exhortations 
perfect  models  of  popular  eloquence,  and  often  the  finest  specimens  of  a  style 
which  has  been  too  little  cultivated  in  his  native  country. 

"  The  most  remarkable  thing,  however,  in  these,  and  indeed  in  the  whole  of  his 
physical  speculations,  is  the  unparalleled  simplicity  and  facility  with  which  the 
reader  is  conducted  from  one  stage  of  the  inquiry  to  another.  The  author  never 
appears  for  a  moment  to  labour  or  to  be  at  a  loss.  The  most  ingenious  and  profound 
explanations  are  suggested,  as  if  they  were  the  most  natural  and  obvious  way  of 
accounting  for  the  phenomena ;  and  the  author  seems  to  value  himself  so  little  on 
his  most  important  discoveries,  that  it  is  necessary  to  compare  him  with  others 
before  we  can  form  a  just  notion  of  his  merits.  As  he  seems  to  be  conscious  of 
no  exertion,  he  feels  no  partiality  for  any  part  of  his  speculations,  and  never  seeks 
to  raise  the  reader's  ideas  of  their  importance,  by  any  arts  of  declamation  or  elo 
quence.  Indeed,  the  habitual  precision  of  his  conceptions,  and  his  invariable 
practice  of  referring  to  specific  facts  and  observations,  secured  him,  in  a  great 
measure,  both  from  extravagant  conjectures,  in  which  too  many  naturalists  have 
indulged,  and  from  the  zeal  and  enthusiasm  which  seems  so  naturally  to  be  en 
gendered  in  their  defence.  He  was  by  no  means  averse  to  give  scope  to  his 
imagination  in  suggesting  a  variety  of  explanations  of  obscure  and  unmanageable 
phenomena ;  but  he  never  allowed  himself  to  confound  these  vague  and  conjectu 
ral  theories  with  the  solid  results  of  experience  and  observation.  In  his  meteo 
rological  papers,  and  in  his  observations  upon  heat  and  light,  there  is  a  great  deal 
of  such  bold  and  original  suggestion ;  but  the  author  evidently  sets  little  value  on 
them,  and  has  no  sooner  disburdened  his  mind  of  the  impressions  from  which 
they  proceeded,  than  he  seems  to  dismiss  them  entirely  from  his  consideration, 
and  turns  to  the  legitimate  philosophy  of  experiment  with  unabated  diligence  and 
humility.  As  an  instance  of  this  disposition,  we  may  quote  part  of  a  letter  to  the 
Abbe  Soulavie  upon  a  new  theory  of  the  earth,  which  he  proposes  and  dismisses, 
without  concern  or  anxiety,  in  the  course  of  a  few  sentences ;  '  though,  if  the  idea 
had  fallen  on  the  brain  of  an  European  philosopher,  it  might  have  germinated 


A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE.  xv 

into  a  volume  of  eloquence,  like  Buffon's,  or  an  infinite  array  of  paragraphs  and 
observations  like  those  of  Parkinson  or  Dr.  Hutton." 

Returning  to  the  subject  of  the  disputed  suppression,  there  are  other  facts  which 
may  perhaps  aid  in  the  formation  of  a  reasonable  conclusion.  Before  the  mate 
rials  were  prepared  for  an  edition  in  Philadelphia,  in  1815,  the  editor  addressed 
many  of  Dr.  Franklin's  contemporaries,  in  general  or  special  terms,  soliciting  any 
matter  adapted  to  the  purpose ;  among  whom  was  Mr.  Jefferson,  who  often 
spoke  of  a  suppression  in  England ;  an  intimation  some  years  before  from  the 
late  B.  F.  Bache,  that  he  had  made  three  several  copies  of  certain  political  tran 
sactions,  which  would  make  some  noise  whenever  published.  In  consequence,  a 
communication  was  made  through  a  third  person,  in  substance  as  follows : — 

"  Being  on  my  way  to  Congress,  which  then  sat  in  New  York,  I  could  not  but 
call  on  my  venerable  friend  : — I  found  him  confined  to  his  bed ;  he  thrust  his  hand 
from  under  the  bedclothes — which  struck  me  from  its  presenting  the  resemblance 
rather  as  an  anatomical  preparation,  of  mere  bones  and  skin  :  he  entered  into  conver 
sation  with  the  vivacity  of  health  ;  and  after  we  had  touched  every  topic  he  had 
thought  fit  to  suggest,  I  was  about  to  take  my  leave.  *  Stop,'  said  the  doctor,  '  I  have 
something  to  give  you ;  you  shall  see  that  I  have  not  been  idle,  much  as  I  have 
suffered.'  He  called  one  of  his  grandsons,  William,  whom  he  directed  to  go  into 
the  library,  and  from  a  shelf  described  where  he  would  find  three  folio  stitched 
books,  bring  him  one  of  them.  The  book  was  brought,  and  he  said,  *  Take 
that,  it  was  intended  for  you.'  To  avoid  interrupting  our  conversation,  I  placed 
the  book  in  my  bosom, buttoning  my  coat  over  it;  and  our  conversation  continued 
some  time  :  being  about  to  retire,  he  repeated,  « Take  care  of  that  book :  it  is 
for  you  and  for  posterity.' — I  took  my  leave — it  was  the  last  time  !  Soon  after, 
while  I  was  yet  in  New  York,  my  venerable  friend  died.  An  advertisement  ap 
peared  in  the  public  prints,  calling  upon  all  persons  who  possessed  papers,  books, 
or  manuscripts  of  the  deceased  to  return  them  to  the  legatee. 

"  Apprehending  that  the  manuscript  presented  tome  might  be  among  the  objects 
sought,  I  inconsiderately,  and  without  taking  a  copy,  sent  it  to  Mr.  T.  Franklin, 
who  on  receiving  from  the  gentleman  by  whom  I  sent  it,  said,  '  Hah  !  this  is  the 
very  thing  I  wanted.'  Reflecting  afterwards  on  the  subject,  the  importance  of 
the  matter,  and  the  expression,  '  it  was  intended  for  you,'  I  have  never  ceased 
to  regret  that  my  eagerness  to  do  justice  to  the  wishes  of  my  venerable  friend,  by 
returning  the  manuscript,  had  precipitated  me  to  do  what  appears  to  have  been  his 
purpose  to  prevent  by  placing  the  manuscript  in  my  hands." 

Such  is  the  information  derived  from  Mr.  Jefferson,  which  he  is  known  to  have 
repeated  to  many  others  of  his  friends.  Conversing  with  the  late  Benj.  F.  Bache, 
the  doctor's  grandson,  on  the  subject  of  the  memoirs  published  by  Dr.  Steuber, 
he  casually  said  there  were  some  transactions  which  were  yet  to  appear,  which 
would  excite  great  attention  when  Temple  should  publish  his  grandfather's  papers ; 
he  had  himself  made  three  copies  of  a  very  important  writing,  one  of  which  he 
had  been  told  was  intended  for  himself;  but,  said  he,  4i  Temple  tells  me  he  possesses 
them  all."  Being  asked  if  the  subject  was  proper  to  be  mentioned,  he  replied, 
**  No !  t  expected  to  have  had  some  concern  in  the  publication  myself,  but  he  whose 
right  it  was  to  decide  has  disposed  of  them  otherwise  ;  he  considered  Temple  so  ill 
requited  by  the  government  for  his  laborious  services  abroad,  that  as  a  small  com- 


xvi  A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE. 

pensation,  he  bestowed  the  whdle  on  him — his  wishes  were  always  sacred  with 
me — my  lips  are  sealed." 

Upon  the  receipt  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  statement,  the  editor  of  the  Philadelphia 
edition,  who  had  been  previously  in  occasional  correspondence  with  governor 
Franklin,  then  residing  in  London,  communicated  to  him  the  preceding  informa 
tion,  and  enclosing  a  duplicate  for  Mr.  T.  Franklin,  then  in  Paris.  From  the 
governor  a  most  feeling  and  manly  letter  was  received  ;  but  although  at  a  subse 
quent  period  a  correspondence  on  the  contemporaneous  publication  at  London  and 
Philadelphia  took  place,  no  notice  whatever  was  taken  by  Mr.  T.  Franklin  of 
the  communication,  though  made  with  the  most  friendly  purpose. 

"  What  the  suppressed  manuscript  contained,"  says  the  editor  of  a  London  edi 
tion,  "  that  should  have  excited  the  jealousy  of  the  government,  we  are  unable  to 
affirm,  but  from  the  conspicuous  part  acted  by  the  author  in  the  American  revolution, 
and  the  wars  connected  with  it,  it  is  by  no  means  difficult  to  guess  ;  and  of  this 
we  are  sure  from  his  character,  that  no  disposition  of  his  writings  could  have  been 
more  contrary  to  his  intentions  or  wishes." 

These  observations,  indicating  an  acquaintance  with  the  character  and  history 
of  Franklin,  are  such  as  the  circumstances  warrant.  Indeed,  on  comparing 
the  facts  here  developed,  and  looking  to  the  writings  published,  the  matter 
offered  by  W.  T.  Franklin  falls  infinitely  short  of  a  vindication.  The  only 
article  in  the  edition,  given  by  him  as  complete,  which  is  new  or  interesting,  is 
the  social  intercourse  and  correspondence  brought  about  between  Mrs.  Howe,  the 
sister  of  Earl  Howe,  with  the  doctor  ;  and  in  that,  nothing  is  to  be  found  sufficient 
to  induce  or  require  a  suppression  :  it  is  very  interesting  indeed,  and  honourable 
to  all  the  parties,  but  involving,  in  its  publication,  nothing  implicating  any  one. 
The  contents  of  the  stitched  book  does  not  appear,  nor  is  it  accounted  for  in  the 
ostensible  vindication  ;  it  is  suppressed  ;  and  unless  some  future  Walpole,  Dairy  m- 
ple,  or  Doddington  shall  draw  it  forth  from  the  British  archives,  it  is  not  probable 
that  it  will  ever  appear. 

In  the  same  edition,  published  by  Johnson,  London,  the  editor  notices  what  he 
considers  as  Franklin's  probationary  political  essay,  admired  for  its  principles, 
its  boldness,  and  its  success ;  yet  it  was  the  fruit  of  much  previous  discipline  in 
composition,  and  was  followed  by  many  others  of  more  comprehensive  applica 
tion.  The  occasion  of  its  production  had  been  before  noticed  by  Dr.  Wm.  Smith, 
in  his  eulogium  pronounced  before  the  Philosophical  Society  of  Philadelphia  in  these 
words  :  "In  1744,  a  Spanish  privateer,  having  entered  the  Delaware,  ascended  as 
far  as  Newcastle,  to  the  great  terror  of  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia.  On  this  oc 
casion,  Franklin  wrote  his  first  political  pamphlet,  called  PLAIN  TRUTH,  exhort 
ing  his  fellow-citizens  to  the  bearing  of  arms ;  which  laid  the  foundation  of  those 
military  associations  which  have  ever  since  followed  for  the  defence  of  the  coun 
try."  The  effect  of  this  pamphlet  was  prodigious.  A  public  meeting  was  held 
in  the  meeting-house,  where  Whitfield  had  preached,  and  Franklin  being  called 
upon  for  his  plan,  produced  it;  twelve  hundred  signatures  were  at  once  obtained, 
and  the  author  was  requested  to  take  the  appointment  of  colonel,  which  he  mo 
destly  declined,  recommending  Mr.  Lawrence  as  better  qualified,  and  the  recom 
mendation  Avas  adopted. 

But  although  on  this  occasion  he  declined  military  command,  he  accepted  it  a 
few  years  after.  Just  before  the  defeat  at  Fort  du  Quesne  had  reached  Philadel- 


A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE.  xvii 

phia,  some  citizens  had  proposed  to  raise  a  subscription  for  the  purpose  of  exhi 
biting  fireworks  on  the  expected  reduction  of  that  place.  "  It  will  be  time  enough," 
said  Franklin,  "  to  prepare  for  rejoicing  when  we  know  we  ought  to  rejoice." 
The  implied  prognostication  gave  offence,  but  the  advices  which  came  upon  the 
heels  of  the  purpose  too  well  justified  his  sagacity ;  and  he  resolved  to  arouse  the 
people  to  a  new  energy.  A  numerous  volunteer  association  was  formed ;  the  assem 
bly  appropriated  £60,000  to  defray  the  expenses,  and  the  proprietary  added  .£5000 
more ;  the  governor  invested  Franklin  with  ample  military  powers,  and  the  rank 
of  colonel;  his  son,  afterwards  governor  of  Jersey,  who  had  been  an  officer  in 
the  previous  Canada  war,  became  his  aid-de-camp.  Though  there  was  no  inva 
sion  by  a  foreign  enemy,  the  Indians,  at  that  period,  very  much  harassed  the 
frontier  settlers,  and  in  1755,  he  marched  in  command  of  a  detachment  to  Gnaden- 
hutten,  a  Moravian  settlement,  where  his  faculties  were  called  upon  to  establish 
discipline,  and  protect  the  frontiers  against  a  crafty  enemy.  Here  we  find  the 
future  sage  unfolding  faculties  which  have  not  been  noticed  by  any  of  his  biogra 
phers,  nor  ever  noted  as  of  moment  by  himself.  The  facts  are  few,  and  the  scene 
of  action  very  limited,  but  such  as  it  was,  we  find  him  at  the  moment  of  his  ap 
pointment  calling  upon  the  resources  of  his  own  mind,  to  supply  what  previous 
inexperience  and  the  novelty  of  his  position  required.  The  few  facts  here  referred 
to  are  found  in  his  own  handwriting. 

We  find  the  following  notes  made  immediately  upon  his  appointment  to  the 
command  : 

"  Considerations  to  be  taken  : 

"  What  number  of  men  ? 

"  Should  the  post  be  fortified,  and  in  what  manner  ? 

"  How  long  to  be  continued  there  ? 

"  Could  they  not  be  partly  employed  in  raising  their  own  provisions  ? 

"  Could  they  have  some  lots  of  land  assigned  them  for  their  encouragement  ? 

"  What  their  pay  ?  and  from  what  funds  ? 

"  How  much  the  annual  expense  ? 

"  Is  it  certain  that  the  late  method  of  giving  rewards  for  apprehending  rioters 
will  be  effectual  ? 

"  To  whom  does  the  land  belong?" 

The  commissioners  to  whom  the  charge  of  conducting  the  affairs  with  the  In 
dians  was  intrusted,  at  this  period,  were,  the  well  known  in  Pennsylvania  history, 
Conrad  Wifer,  with  Jonas  Seely,  and  James  Reed,  Esqs.,  to  whom  the  following 
letter  was  addressed : 

B.  Franklin  to  James  Reed,  Esq. 

«  Philadelphia,  Nov.  2,  1755,— 5  o'clock  P.  M. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  your  letter  per  Mr.  Sea,  and  one  just  now  by  express. 
I  am  glad  to  hear  the  arms  are  well  got  up :  they  are  the  best  that  we  could 
procure.  I  wish  they  were  better ;  but  they  are  well  fortified,  will  bear  a  good 
charge,  and  I  should  imagine  they  would  do  good  service  with  swan  or  buck-shot, 
if  not  so  fit  for  single  ball.  I  have  been  ill  these  eight  days,  confined  to  my 
room  and  bed  most  of  the  time,  but  am  now  getting  better.  I  have  however 
done  what  I  could  in  sending  about  to  purchase  arms,  <fec.  for  the  supply  of  the 
frontiers,  and  can  now  spare  you  fifty  more,  which  I  shall  send  up  to-morrow 
c  2* 


xviii  A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE. 

with  some  flints,  lead,  swan-shot,  and  a  barrel  of  gunpowder.  The  arms  will 
be  under  your  care  and  Mr.  Wiser's,  you  being  gentlemen  in  commission  from 
the  governor.  Keep  an  account  whose  hands  you  put  them  into  :  let  them  be 
prudent,  sober,  careful  men,  such  as  will  not  rashly  hurt  our  friends  with  them, 
and  such  as  will  honestly  return  them  when  peace  shall  be  happily  restored.  I 
sincerely  commiserate  the  distress  of  your  outsettlers.  The  assembly  sit  to-mor 
row,  and  there  is  no  room  to  doubt  of  their  hearty  endeavours  to  do  every  thing 
necessary  for  the  country's  safety.  I  wish  the  same  disposition  may  be  found  in 
the  governor,  and  I  hope  it.  I  have  put  off  my  journey  to  Virginia,  and  you  may 
depend  on  my  best  services  for  the  common  welfare,  so  far  as  my  little  influence 
extends. 

"I  am  your  affectionate  kinsman  and  humble  servant, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  My  best  respects  to  Mr.  Wiser  ;  900  arms  with  ammunition  have  been  sent  up 
by  the  Committee  of  Assembly,  to  different  parts  of  the  frontier." 

This  correspondence  shows,  that  the  Indians  were  not  as  docile  and  attached 
to  the  white  people  as  is  commonly  supposed.  The  settlements  were  for  many 
years  unsafe  on  the  frontier,  and  so  continued  down  to  the  revolution. 

B.  Franklin  to  Messrs.  TViser,  fyc. 

"  EASTON,  Dec.  30th,  1775. 

"  GENTLEMEN — We  are  just  on  the  point  of  setting  out  for  Bethlehem,  in  our 
way  to  Reading,  \vhere  we  propose  to  be  (God  willing)  on  Thursday  evening. 
The  commissioners  are  all  well,  and  thank  you  for  the  concern  you  express  for 
their  welfare.  We  hope  to  have  the  pleasure  of  finding  you  well.  No  news  this 
way,  except  that  Aaron  Dupuis's  barn  was  burnt  last  week,  the  Indians  still  keep 
ing  near  those  parts. 

"  In  haste,  gentlemen,  your  humble  servant, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN. 
"  Messrs.  Wiser,  Seely,  and  Read. 

"  INSTRUCTIONS. 

"  Monday  morning,  10  o'clock. 

"  The  fifty  arms  now  sent  are  all  furnished  with  staples  for  sling  straps,  that  if 
the  governor  should  order  a  troop  or  company  of  rangers  on  horseback,  the  pieces 
may  be  slung  at  the  horseman's  back. 

"If  dogs  are  carried  out  with  any  party,  they  should  be  large, strong,  and  fierce ; 
and  every  dog  led  in  a  slip  string,  to  prevent  their  tiring  themselves  by  running 
out  and  in,  and  discovering  the  party  by  barking  at  squirrels,  &c.  Only  when  the 
party  come  near  thick  woods  and  suspicious  places,  they  should  turn  out  a  dog 
or  two  to  search  them.  In  case  of  meeting  a  party  of  the  enemy,  the  dogs  are  all 
then  to  be  turned  loose  and  set  on.  They  will  be  fresher  and  finer  for  having 
been  previously  confined,  and  will  confound  the  enemy  a  good  deal,  and  be  very 
serviceable.  This  was  the  Spanish  method  of  guarding  their  marches. 

"  A  party  on  the  scout  should  observe  several  rules  to  avoid  being  tracked  and 
surprised  in  their  encampments  at  night.  This  may  be  done  sometimes  when 
they  come  to  a  creek  or  run,  by  entering  the  run  and  travelling  up  the  stream  or 


A  POSTLIMINIOUJS  PREFACE.  xix 

down  the   stream,  in  the  water,  a  mile  or  two,  and  then  encamp,  the 


party  went  up  or  down.     Suppose  a  party  marching  from  A  intends  to  ^  ,^ 

halt  at  B,  they  do  not  go  straight  to  B  and  stop  there,  but  pass  by  at  y. 

some  little  distance,  and  make  a  turn  which  brings  them  thither.     Be- 


stream  effacing  the  track,  and  the  enemy  at  a  loss  to  know  whether  the  / 

,        '• 

tween  B  and  C  two  or  three  sentinels  are   placed  to  watch  the  track,  c  j 

and  give  immediate  notice  at  B,  if  they  perceive  any  party  pass  by  in    ? 
pursuit,  with  an  account  of  the  number,  &c.,  which  enables  the  party    /i 
of  B  to  prepare  and  attack  them  if  they  judge  that  proper,  or  gives  them    /  J 
time  to  escape.     But  I  add  no  more  of  this  kind,  recollecting  that  Mr.    \^        j 
Wiser  must  be  much  better  acquainted  with  all  these  things  than  I  am. 

"  Yours,  &c. 

"  Would  it  not  be  better  for  the  people  in  each  district,  township,  or  neighbour 
hood,  to  collect  their  families,  stock,  grain,  and  fodder,  in  some  proper  place  in 
the  neighbourhood,  and  make  a  stockaded  enclosure,  and  remain  there  during  the 
winter.  I  say,  would  not  this  be  better  than  leaving  every  thing  to  be  destroyed 
by  the  Indians,  and  coming  down  into  the  thicker  settlements  to  beg  for  subsist 
ence  ? 

"  You  are  to  dispose  of  the  arms  for  the  best  defence  of  the  people,  where  they 
are  most  wanted,  and  with  the  governor's  approbation.  Half-past  12  P.  M." 

B.  Franklin  to  Samuel  Rhoads. 

"  FORT  ALLEN,  Jan.  26,  1756. 

"  DEAR  FRIEND — I  am  extremely  obliged  by  your  kind  concern  expressed  for  my 
safety  and  welfare.  We  marched  hither  with  the  greatest  caution,  through  some 
passes  in  the  mountains  that  were  very  dangerous,  if  the  enemy  had  opposed,  and 
we  had  been  careless.  Hitherto  God  has  blessed  and  preserved  us.  We  have  built 
one  pretty  strong  fort,  and  by  the  end  of  next  week,  or  in  ten  days,  hope  to  finish 
two  more,  one  on  each  side  of  this,  and  at  fifteen  miles  distance.  These,  I  sup 
pose,  will  complete  the  projected  line  from  Delaware  to  the  Susquehanna.  I  then 
purpose,  God  willing,  to  return  homewards,  and  enjoy  the  pleasures  I  promise 
myself,  of  finding  my  friends  well.  Till  then  adieu. 

Yours  affectionately,  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  My  love  to  all  the  Wrights." 

These  prefatory  notices  are  intended  to  elucidate  the  history  and  unfold  the 
character  of  the  American  patriarch,  as  well  as  to  bring  new  facts  into  view,  and 
to  combat  prejudices  which  have  prevailed  in  a  most  extraordinary  manner,  not 
only  against  his  philosophical  but  his  moral  reputation ;  they  are  necessarily  de 
sultory,  and  without  disregarding  the  order  of  time,  are  still  governed  more  by 
subject  than  date.  The  controversies  which  arose  between  the  proprietary  go 
vernment  and  the  assembly,  in  the  colonial  period,  had  involved  Franklin  in  the 
censure  which  opposing  parties  always  bestow  on  each  other  ;  there  his  modera 
tion  and  good  temper  had  always  neutralized  ;  where,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  ap 
pendix  to  his  History  of  Pennsylvania,  his  talents  and  reputation  caused  him  to 
be  sent  as  agent  of  Pennsylvania  near  the  British  court.  His  conduct  in  England 
is  exemplified  throughout  by  sagacity,  intelligence,  and  prudence,  blended  with  cou 
rage  of  a  rare  kind ;  the  confidence  of  the  Earl  of  Chatham  counterpoised  the 


xx  A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE. 

hostility  of  the  court ;  but  his  refusal  of  the  place  of  undersecretary  of  state  for 
the  colonies,  by  showing  that  he  was  incorruptible,  made  him  an  object  of  abnor- 
rence.  No  other  evidence  need  be  referred  to,  than  the  conduct  of  Wedderburne, 
on  his  appearance  before  the  privy  council,  on  the  affair  of  the  celebrated  letters, 
see  vol.  I.  p.  87  of  this  edition. 

The  constancy  and  courage  of  a  man  was  never  more  steadfast  than  that  of  Dr. 
Franklin  on  this  occasion.  The  malignity  of  Wedderburne  sought  to  fix  a  stigma 
by  resorting  to  a  classical  allusion,  and  attempting  to  transfer  it  to  the  man  whose 
virtue  had  excited  ministerial  hatred.  Though  the  allusion  is  well  understood  by 
men  of  erudition,  it  cannot  be  amiss,  on  this  occasion,  to  give  a  concise  explana 
tion  of  it.  Pliny,  b.  xviii.  c.  3.  reports  an  Athenian  custom  of  branding  slaves 
convicted  of  certain  offences  on  the  forehead  ;  or  if  for  theft,  on  the  hand  with 
which  the  theft  was  committed;  those  thus  marked,  as  Pliny  expresses  it,  were 
inscripti  trium  literarum — the  man  of  three  letters,  referring  to  the  three  initial 
letters,  I  T  L,  impressed  on  the  culprit.  Besides  the  malignity  of  Wedderburne's  in 
vective,  the  inapplicability  of  the  wretched  pun  made  the  cause  of  the  government 
ridiculous  in  the  eyes  of  all  liberal  men.  The  triumph  of  the  republic  was  not 
necessary  to  counteract  the  malice ;  and  time  has  testified  to  the  uprightness  of 
the  American  agent.  It  was  known  to  the  writer  of  this  article  in  1798,  that  those 
letters  had  been  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  American  agent  by  Dr.  Williamson, 
who  died  a  few  years  since  at  New  York,  and  disclosed  the  fact  before  his  death. 
The  mission  of  Dr.  Franklin  to  the  court  of  France  gave  extreme  mortification 
to  the  British  ministers.  Whether  the  attempts  made  to  poison  him  by  a  present 
of  wine,  or  the  attempt  to  seduce  him  into  a  meeting  at  one  of  the  churches,  was 
the  act  of  the  ministers,  or  of  some  assassins,  who  sought  the  assassination  under 
expectations  of  reward,  cannot  now  be  ascertained,  nor  indeed  is  it  necessary ; 
and  the  facts  are  noticed  here  only  as  they  appear  to  have  been  in  the  same  spirit 
which  operated  on  the  court  of  St.  James's  to  retard  negotiations,  merely  because 
Dr.  Franklin,  the  trium  literarum  homo,  must  have  been  the  negotiator.  This 
difficulty  was  attempted  to  be  explained  away  by  the  ministers,  who  alleged  that 
there  was  no  person  in  Europe  accredited  by  full  powers  to  conclude  a  treaty  of 
peace. 

On  this  occasion  it  was  that  a  man  of  some  celebrity,  but  who  merited  much 
more  than  has  been  rendered  him,  volunteered  to  clear  away  this  pretext.  Tho 
mas  Pownall,  who  had  been  some  time  governor  of  Massachusetts, — who  knew 
America  well  and  Franklin  intimately, — had  the  courage  to  apprize  the  ministry 
that  there  was  a  man  in  Europe  ready  and  willing,  and  duly  authorized  to  treat 
for  peace.  This  was  done  in  a  memorial,  dated  at  Richmond,  Jan.  1,  1782,  and 
contains  this  striking  paragraph  : 

"  Your  memorialist,  from  his  experience  in  the  business,  from  information  of 
the  state  of  things,  being  convinced  that  a  preliminary  negotiation  may  be  com 
menced  ;  from  his  knowledge  of  the  persons  with  whom  such  matters  must  be 
negotiated,  as  men  with  whom  it  was  once  his  duty  to  act,  with  whom  he  has 
acted,  with  whom  he  has  negotiated  business  of  the  crown,  and  whom,  however 
habile  and  dexterous  he  found  them,  he  always  experienced  to  be  of  good  faith  ;  as 
men  ioho  have  known  your  memorialist  in  business,  and  will  have  that  confidence 
in  him  which  is  necessary  to  the  gestion  of  affairs.11 

Governor  Pownall  was  not  listened  to,  though  no  man  was  better  qualified  to 


A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE.  xxi 

advise  by  experience  in  American  affairs  and  upright  disposition.  In  a  memorial 
which  he  had  previously  published  concerning  America,  he  predicted  the  progress, 
and  growth,  and  grandeur  of  the  United  States.  ««  He  who  has  observed  the  pro 
gress  of  the  new  world,"  said  Governor  Pownall,  "  will  know  that  this  is  true, 
and  will  have  seen  many  a  real  philosopher,  a  politician,  and  a  warrior  emerge 
out  of  this  wilderness,  as  the  seed  riseth  out  of  the  ground,  where  the  grain  lies 
buried  for  a  season.  I  hope  no  one  will  so  misunderstand  this,  as  to  take  it  for  a 
fancy  drawing  of  what  may  be  ;  it  is  a  lineal  and  exact  portrait  of  what  actually 
exists." 

In  the  printed  preface  to  this  memorial,  the  governor  has  taken  care  to  be  more 
explicit.  After  discussing  the  evils  of  a  bad  administration,  and  the  benefits  which 
flow  from  good  great  men  in  authority,  he  says,  "  It  is  for  that  reason  I  will  set 
Henry  IV.  of  France  at  the  head  of  the  list ;  one  has  heard  of  a  Tully,  a  Fleury, 

a  Clarendon,  a  Somers,  a  De  Witt,  and  a ;  and  for  the  good  of  mankind, 

one  would  hope  that  such  men,  in  all  countries  where  they  can  act,  may  never  be 
wanting  to  continue  the  list." 

On  the  margin  of  the  printed  page  in  which  this  passage  appears,  the  space  in 
a  ruled  line  is  filled  up  with  the  word  FRANKLIN,  and  below  in  the  governor's 
handwriting,  these  words  : — "  I  have  written  in  the  name  which  was  intended  for 
that  space." 

Among  the  moral  allegories  in  this  and  in  former  editions,  is  a  parable  very 
much  celebrated,  and  justly,  from  the  force  and  delicacy  of  its  application  :  it  is  that 
of  Abraham  and  the  Stranger.  Very  soon  after  the  revolution  had  terminated  in  a 
peace,  and  while  yet  the  resentments  of  those  who  had  been  self-exiled  by  hos 
tility  to  the  freedom  of  their  country  were  still  fresh  and  rancorous,  several  publica 
tions  of  a  criminatory  and  vituperative  kind  were  published  in  England.  Two 
works  of  this  description,  both  written  by  clergymen,  appeared ;  the  first,  a  me 
moir  of  the  Life  of  Dr.  Franklin,  professing  to  be  a  continuation  of  the  memoirs 
by  himself;  this  was  published  in  French,  and  distributed  in  France  for  political 
purposes,  in  which  odium  theologicwn  was  so  extravagant  as  to  furnish  its  own 
antidote.  The  second  was  entitled,  "  A  View  of  the  Causes  and  Consequences  of 
the  American  Revolution,  by  Jonathan  Boucher,  M.  A."  &c.,  in  which  the  parable 
against  persecution  was  charged  upon  the  venerable  Franklin  as  a  palpable  pla 
giarism ;  copied  from  the  Polemical  Discourses  of  Jeremy  Taylor,  folio  1674, 
p.  1078.  The  editor  of  a  recent  English  epitome  of  Franklin's  memoirs  has 
renewed  the  story,  with  an  expression  of  surprise  that  his  grandson  should  not 
have  rectified  the  error. 

Perhaps  the  present  occasion  may  be  a  suitable  one  to  place  this  matter  on  its 
proper  foundation.  The  general  source  of  misapprehension  on  this  topic,  arises  out  of 
the  assumption  that  Dr.  Franklin  premeditatedly  published  this  parable  as  an  original 
composition  of  his  own.  Upon  this  point  it  would  be  enough  to  say,  that  Dr.  Frank 
lin  never  published  any  edition  of  his  own  productions  ;  that  those  editions  which 
appeared  at  various  times  were  issued  by  other  persons,  to  whom,  when  asked,  he 
communicated  whatever  was  sought  and  within  his  power ;  deriving  no  emolument 
whatever  from  any  of  them. 

In  the  works  of  Lord  Kaimes,  in  a  chapter  on  education,  he  published  a  version 
of  the  parable  on  persecution.  Parson  Boucher  first  alleged  that  "  Franklin 
claimed  it  as  his  own."  This  allegation  is  a  mere  assumption ;  there  is  nothing  to 


XX11 


A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE. 


verify  it,  any  more  than  that  he  who  quoted  prose  or  verse  from  Pope  or  Dryden, 
illustrative  of  some  moral  principle,  must  be  considered  as  appropriating  the  verse 
as  his  own.  Lord  Kaimes  simply  says,  "  the  following  parable  against  persecution 
was  communicated  to  me  by  Dr.  Franklin."  This  doth  not  substantiate  the  alle 
gation  of  a  claim  to  be  its  author ;  it  was  communicated  as  an  illustration  of  bene 
volence  and  toleration,  without  any  other  intimation.  Lord  Kaimes  states  simply 
by  whom  it  was  communicated,  and  so  descants  on  it. 

It  is  very  certain  that  there  were  two  different  versions  of  such  a  parable,  one  of 
the  Persian  poet  Sadi,  and  written  so  early  as  A.  D.  1256;  and  a  second,  of  Jere 
my  Taylor,  published  in  1674.  That  the  leading  ideas  and  moral  inferences  were 
alike  in  both,  and  differed  only  in  their  idiomatic  construction,  is  indisputable, 
and  that  they  both  merited  the  regard  and  approbation  of  all  good  men.  The  ver 
sion  of  the  parable  in  the  Bostaan  of  the  Persian  poet  Sadi,  is  more  oriental  and 
circumlocutory ;  and  not  required  to  be  presented  here.  That  of  Jeremy  Tay 
lor  is  given  with  a  view  to  afford  the  reader  an  opportunity  of  judging  on  the 
merits  of  the  version,  said  by  Dr.  Taylor  to  have  been  **  found  in  the  Jewish 
books."  The  version  is  as  follows  :  "  When  Abraham  sat  at  his  tent  door,  accord 
ing  to  his  custom,  waiting  to  entertain  strangers,  he  espied  an  old  man,  stoop 
ing  and  leaning  on  his  staff,  weary  with  age  and  travel,  coming  towards  him,  who 
was  a  hundred  years  of  age  :  he  received  him  kindly  and  washed  his  feet,  provided 
supper,  caused  him  to  sit  down  ;  but  observing  the  old  man  ate  and  prayed  not, 
nor  begged  for  a  blessing  to  his  meat,  he  asked  him  why  he  did  not  worship  the 
God  of  heaven  ?  The  old  man  told  him  that  he  worshipped  the  fire  only,  and  ac 
knowledged  no  other  God.  At  which  answer  Abraham  grew  so  jealousy  angry, 
that  he  thrust  the  old  man  out  of  his  tent,  and  exposed  him  to  all  the  evils  of  the 
night,  and  an  unguarded  condition.  When  the  old  man  was  gone,  God  called  to 
Abraham,  and  asked  where  the  stranger  was  ?  He  replied,  I  thrust  him  away,  be 
cause  he  would  not  worship  thee.  God  answered  him,  I  have  suffered  him  those 
hundred  years,  although  he  dishonoured  me  ;  and  couldst  thou  not  endure  him  one 
night,  when  he  gave  thee  no  trouble  ?  Upon  this,  saith  the  story,  Abraham  fetched 
him  back  again,  and  gave  him  hospitable  entertainment  and  wise  instruction. .  Go 
thou  and  do  likewise,  and  thy  charity  will  be  rewarded  by  the  God  of  Abraham." 

We  shall  here  give  the  version  as  published  by  Lord  Kaimes,  and  shall  annex,  in 
another  column,  a  different  and  much  improved  version,  which  we  copy  from  the 
edition  corrected  by  Dr.  Franklin,  for  the  use  of  Mr.  Vaughan.  A  comparison  of 
Dr.  Taylor's  version  with  the  first,  and  the  improvements  in  the  scriptural  style, 
arrangement  into  numbered  verses,  and  the  still  stronger  point  and  effect  given  to 
the  moral,  will  at  least  amount  to  this,  that  if  it  was  a  copy,  it  was  a  very  much 
improved  one,  and  in  every  respect  better  adapted  to  the  nature  of  a  moral  apo 
logue  than  that  of  Sadi  or  Dr.  Taylor. 


Lord  Kaimes1  s  version. 

And  it  came  to  pass  after  these  things,  that 
Abraham  sat  in  the  door  of  his  tent  about  the 
going  down  of  the  sun,  and  behold  a  man  bent 
with  age,  coming  from  the  way  of  the  wilderness, 
leaning  on  his  staff.  And  Abraham  arose  and 
met  him,  and  said  unto  him,  Turn  in,  I  pray  thee, 


Last  version  by  Dr.  Franklin. 

1.  And  it  came  to  pass  after  these  things,  that 
Abraham  sat  in  the  door  of  his  tent  about  the 
going  down  of  the  sun. 

2.  And  behold  a  man  bowed  with  age,  came 
from  the  way  of  the  wilderness,  leaning  on  a 
staff. 


A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE. 


XX11I 


and  wash  thy  feet,  and  tarry  all  night ;  and  thou 
shall  rise  early  in  the  morning  and  go  on  thy 
way.  And  the  man  said,  Nay,  for  I  will  abide 
under  this  tree.  But  Abraham  pressed  him 
greatly ;  so  he  turned,  and  they  went  into  the  tent ; 
and  Abraham  baked  unleavened  bread,  and  they 
did  eat.  And  when  Abraham  saw  that  the  man 
blessed  not  God,  he  said  unto  him,  Wherefore 
dost  thou  not  worship  the  most  high  God,  creator 
of  heaven  and  earth?  And  the  man  answered 
and  said,  I  do  not  worship  thy  God,  neither  do  I 
call  upon  his  name;  for  I  have  made  to  myself 
a  god,  which  abideth  always  in  my  house,  and 
provideth  me  with  all  things.  And  Abraham's 
zeal  was  kindled  against  the  man,  and  he  arose 
and  fell  upon  him,  and  drove  him  forth  with 
blows  into  the  wilderness.  And  God  called  upon 
Abraham,  saying,  Abraham,  where  is  the  stran 
ger?  And  Abraham  answered  and  said,  Lord,  he 
would  not  worship  thee,  neither  would  he  call 
upon  thy  name ;  therefore  I  have  driven  him  out 
from  before  my  face  into  the  wilderness.  And 
God  said,  I  have  borne  with  him  these  hundred 
and  ninety  and  eight  years,  and  nourished  him, 
and  clothed  him,  notwithstanding  his  rebellion 
against  me ;  and  couldst  not  thou,  who  art  thyself 
a  sinner,  bear  with  him  one  night  ? 


3.  And  Abraham  rose  and  met  him,  and  said, 
Turn  in,  I  pray  thee,  and  wash  thy  feet,  and  tarry 
all  night,  and  thou  shall  arise  early  in  the  morn 
ing  and  go  on  thy  way. 

4.  But  the  man  said,  Nay,  for  I  will  abide 
under  this  tree. 

5.  And  Abraham  pressed  him  greatly ;  so  he 
turned,  and  they  went  into  the  tent,  and  Abra 
ham  baked  unleavened  bread,  and  they  did  eat. 

6.  And  when   Abraham   saw  that   the   man 
blessed  not  God,  he  said  unto  him,  "Wherefore 
dost  thou  not  worship  the  most  high  God,  creator 
of  heaven  and  earth  ? 

7.  And  the  man  answered  and  said,  I  do  not 
worship  the  God  thou  speakest  of,  neither  do  I 
call  upon  his  name ;  for  I  have  made  to  myself  a 
god,  which  abideth  always  in  my  house,  and 
provideth  me  with  all  things. 

8.  And  Abraham's  zeal  was  kindled  against 
the  man,  and  he  arose  and  drove  him  forth  with 
blows  into  the  wilderness. 

9.  And  at  midnight  God  called  upon  Abraham 
saying,  Abraham,  where  is  the  stranger  1 

10.  And  Abraham  answered  and  said,  Lord, 
he  would  not  worship  thee,  neither  would  he 
call  upon  thy  name ;  Iherefore  I  have  driven  him 
oul  before  my  face  into  the  wilderness. 

11.  And  God  said,  Have  I  borne  with  him 
these  hundred  ninety  and  eight  years,  and  clothed 
him,  notwithstanding  his  rebellion  against  me  ; 
and  couldst  not  thou,  that  art  thyself  a  sinner, 
bear  with  him  one  night  ? 

12.  And  Abraham  said,  Let  not  the  anger  of 
the  Lord  wax  hot  against  his  servant ;  lo,  I  have 
sinned ;  forgive  me,  I  pray  thee. 

13.  And  Abraham  arose,  and  went  forth  into 
the  wilderness,  and   sought   diligently  for  the 
man,  and  found  him,  and  returned  with  him  to 
the  tent ;  and  when  he  had  entreated  him  kindly, 
he  sent  him  away  on  the  morrow  with  gifts. 

14.  And  God  spake  unto  Abraham,  saying, 
For  this  thy  sin  shall  thy  seed  be  afflicted  four 
hundred  years  in  a  strange  land. 

15.  But   for   thy   repentance   will   I   deliver 
Ihem ;  and  ihey  shall  come  forth  with  power  and 
gladness  of  heart,  and  with  much  subslance. 

A  comparison  of  these  three  several  versions  will  show  that  the  transfusion  of  the 
first  idea,  wherever  it  arose,  with  Sadi,  Jeremy  Taylor,  or  the  Jewish  books,  that  in 
each  change  the  moral  purpose  was  more  perspicuously  put  forth,  and  besides  the 
greater  appropriateness  of  the  language,  the  subdivision,  and  the  entire  addition  of  the 
12th  to  the  15th  verses,  much  improved,  and  enforced  the  excellence  of  the  princi 
ple  of  toleration.  In  this  view,  it  becomes  of  little  consequence  whence  the  first 


xxiv  A  POSTLIMIN10US  PREFACE. 

idea  was  derived ;  no  one  can  dispute  the  superiority  of  the  latter  version,  and  no 
one  can  claim  it  in  that  form  as  belonging  to  any  other  than  Franklin.  The  moral, 
however,  appears  to  have  been  thrown  away  on  the  Rev.  Jonathan  Boucher,  who, 
having  been  a  rector  of  an  episcopal  church  in  Maryland  before  the  Revolution,  for 
sook  his  country,  and  was  rewarded  by  the  royal  bounty  with  an  ecclesiastical  living. 

Franklin  has  not  been  treated  with  the  same  virulence  by  clergymen  generally ; 
among  his  most  enduring  and  faithful  friends  through  all  the  vicissitudes  of  fortune, 
Dr.  Joseph  Priestley,  the  founder  of  the  pneumatic  system,  and  Dr.  Richard  Price, 
the  apostle  of  civil  liberty,  maintained  their  uniform  and  constant  friendship  ;  and 
many  of  less  note  appear  to  have  coveted  to  be  numbered  amongst  the  adherents 
of  a  man  who  had  shed  so  much  lustre  on  his  country  and  the  cause  of  liberty.  It 
may  therefore  be  fit  in  this  place  to  bestow  a  few  words  on  the  ethics  of  Franklin. 

As  Socrates  was  the  first  of  whom  we  have  knowledge  in  all  antiquity,  whose 
philosophy  concentrated  all  actions,  and  determined  their  value  by  their  utility, 
Franklin  appears  to  have  taken  the  lead  in  modern  times,  and  was,  during  many 
years  of  his  residence  in  Europe,  considered  as  the  founder  of  modern  utilitaria 
nism  ;  and  this  too  was  the  standard  of  his  religious  opinions.  It  was  his  practice 
to  avoid  disputation  or  controversy  on  modes  of  faith ;  he  censured  none,  when 
they  did  not  operate  perniciously,  and  deemed  that  to  be  good  which  produced 
good.  Like  Cicero  and  Sir  William  Jones,  he  acquiesced  without  accepting  the 
dogmas  of  the  prevailing  systems,  and  even  conformed  in  his  exterior  deportment, 
and  in  his  family,  to  the  usages  of  some  one  or  other  sect,  unbiassed  by  any.  In 
his  youth  he  became  sceptical,  but  in  maturer  years  perceived  that  doubt  had  its 
extremes  as  well  as  credulity ;  and  that  as  the  human  faculties  are  limited,  so  man 
cannot  penetrate  beyond  those  bounds  ;  that  time,  space,  and  the  origin,  or  causes, 
or  what  has  been  called  the  eternity  of  things,  are  all  beyond  the  measure  of  those 
faculties  ;  that  we  judge  of  all  we  know  by  analogy,  and  where  that  fails  we  know 
nothing.  He  felt  that  there  was  a  morality  incident  to  the  nature  of  man,  inde. 
pendent  of  all  that  is  held  to  be  supernatural  or  miraculous  ;  nature  at  large  and 
her  phenomena,  and  greatest  of  all,  man  himself,  the  only  miracles  ;  that  the  source 
of  these  phenomena  was  sublime  and  impenetrable,  indicating  beneficence  and 
justice,  and  leading  to  utility  in  all  things.  All  religions  he  considered  as  human ; 
none  having  superiority,  but  as  they  promoted  the  greatest  good ;  but  the  proper 
business  of  man  in  the  world  of  which  he  forms  a  part,  and  the  perfection  of  his 
nature,  was  the  promotion  of  universal  happiness,  by  the  prevention  or  mitigation 
of  evil. 

This  mode  of  thinking  arose  either  out  of  a  happy  temperament,  or  produced  it. 
Modesty  and  frankness,  with  a  happy  gaiety,  were  his  ordinary  characteristics ; 
somewhat  reserved,  but  cheerful  abroad,  playful  and  communicative  at  home ;  cool 
in  deliberation,  dispassionate  on  all  subjects,  the  most  inflexible  of  men  under  the 
persuasion  of  rectitude  and  justice. 

Among  his  warmest  admirers  in  Europe  were  three  very  uncommon  men,  of 
three  different  nations  :  Bentham,  and  Turgot,  and  Beccaria.  Condorcet  relates  an 
anecdote  of  Franklin  and  Turgot. 

When  Turgot  had  determined  to  make  some  reforms  upon  the  system  of  Colbert, 
and  rescue  France  from  the  tribute  to  which  she  was  subjected  by  a  commerce 
which  destroyed  the  internal  industry  of  France,  and  where  there  was  no  recipro- 


A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE.  xxv 

city,  the  Perruquiers  were  at  that  time  a  privileged  corporation,  and  it  was  the 
policy  of  the  time  to  preserve  their  privileges,  rather  than  have  to  pay  an  immense 
number  of  pensions,  if  their  privileges  were  taken  away.  Franklin,  speaking  to 
Turgot  on  the  financial  point,  observed :  "  You  have  in  France  an  excellent  source 
of  revenue,  may  recruit  your  army  at  the  same  time,  and  it  will  cost  you  nothing ; 
let  the  public  refrain  from  frizzing  and  powdering  their  hair;  the  money  saved  will 
be  preferable  to  a  tax,  and  enable  the  people  to  pay  those  that  are  indispensable ; 
then  the  Perruquiers,  being  without  a  vocation,  may  be  embodied  in  a  military 
corps,  the  wages  of  hair-dressing  will  be  saved,  and  the  hair-powder  will  be  con 
verted  into  provisions." 

In  the  memoirs  written  by  himself,  we  find  his  mind  was  very  early  disengaged 
from  the  prevailing  superstitions  of  the  day.  Among  the  works  which  fell  under 
his  eye,  while  employed  as  a  printer  at  Palmer's,  in  London,  was  Wollaston's 
Sketch  of  the  Religion  of  Nature ;  and  this  work  it  was  which  led  him  to  try  his 
own  mind  by  a  severe  and  unbiassed  scrutiny ;  in  consequence,  he  composed  a 
short  Essay  on  Liberty  and  Necessity,  Pleasure  and  Pain.  Of  this  tract  no  traces 
are  to  be  found,  though  the  tenor  and  title  of  the  work  may  be  very  easily  con 
ceived  upon  a  review  of  his  moral  writings,  and  especially  the  notes  which  he  was 
accustomed  to  commit  in  a  rough,  hasty  form,  as  if  in  haste,  lest  they  should 
escape  him ;  of  these  first  thoughts  and  rude  sketches,  we  have  several  sheets 
before  us,  and  among  which  is  the  first  sketch  of  an  essay  on  Providence,  and  the 
original  draft  of  the  first  letter  which  appears  in  the  epistolary  correspondence  of 
this  edition,  which  was  never  before  published.  If  it  were  practicable  to  presen 
a  fac  simile,  it  would  afford  an  example  of  the  mode  in  which  a  few  first  rough 
thoughts  may  be  enlarged  by  correlative  ideas,  and  by  progressive  improvements 
reduced  into  a  complete  whole. 

Time  has  done  some  justice,  but  not  as  ample  as  is  due,  to  the  character  and 
services  of  Franklin.  While  his  reputation  spread  among  civilized  nations,  and 
his  wisdom  and  sound  discretion  contributed,  above  all  other  men,  to  the  consum 
mation  of  his  country's  character  and  independence ;  it  is  melancholy  to  have  to 
say,  that  his  merits  excited  the  envy,  and  often  the  malice,  of  men  associated 
with  him  in  the  common  cause.  He  had  at  one  period  to  maintain  the  credit  of 
his  country  at  the  court  of  Versailles,  when  some  of  his  colleagues  were  wantonly 
intruding  individual  views  on  the  attention  of  the  court ;  at  the  same  time  he  was 
traduced  by  a  private  correspondence  with  members  of  Congress,  the  substance  of 
which  found  its  way  into  debate,  and  formed  fuel  for  faction :  on  two  occasions 
lie  had  deemed  it  necessary  to  signify  his  desire  of  retiring  from  his  station  at  Ver 
sailles,  as,  being  the  object  of  a  constant  jealousy,  he  felt  pernicious  counteraction 
of  his  best  efforts ;  but  the  good  sense  of  a  few  wise  and  able  men,  such  as  Charles 
Thompson,  soon  counteracted  those  designs  against  him  in  Congress,  and  the 
Count  de  Vergennes,  by  formally  declaring  that  he  could  not  hold  correspondence 
with  more  than  one  plenipotentiary  from  the  United  States,  put  an  end  to  the  diffi 
culties  which  had  been  thrown  in  the  way  of  the  public  interest.  A  public  agent 
of  the  south  at  this  period  charged  Dr.  Franklin  with  being  a  Yankee ! ! — another 
of  the  north  represented  the  Americans  at  Paris  as  satellites  revolving  round  the 
planet  Franklin  ! — and  among  the  accusations  which  for  a  long  time  carried  the 
greatest  force  was,  that  he  obeyed  the  orders  of  Congress  implicitly. 
d  3 


xxvi  A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE. 

One  of  his  colleagues  at  Paris,  a  few  years  ago,  reviewing  the  transactions  of 
that  period,  in  which  it  was  not  easy  to  overlook  Franklin,  speaks  of  him  in  the 
following  article,  which,  being  an  effusion  conceived  in  a  temper  splenetic  and 
resentful,  affords,  perhaps,  the  best  eulogy  that  has  been  offered  to  the  public  on 
his  character.  It  was  published  in  the  Boston  Patriot. 

"  Mr.  Jefferson  has  said,  that  Dr.  Franklin  was  an  honour  to  human 

nature.  And  so  indeed  he  was.  To  all  the  talents  and  qualities  for  the  foundation 
of  a  great  and  lasting  character,  which  were  held  up  to  the  view  of  the  whole  world 
by  the  University  of  Oxford,  the  Royal  Society  of  London,  and  the  Royal  Academy 
of  Sciences  in  Paris,  were  added,  it  is  believed,  more  artificial  modes  of  distin 
guishing,  celebrating,  and  exaggerating  his  reputation,  than  were  ever  before  or 
since  practised  in  favour  of  any  individual. 

"  His  reputation  was  more  universal  than  that  of  Leibnitz  or  Newton,  Frederic 
the  Great  or  Voltaire,  and  his  character  more  beloved  and  esteemed  than  any  or 
all  of  them. 

"  Newton  had  astonished,  perhaps,  forty  or  fifty  men  in  Europe ;  for  not  more  than 
that  number,  probably,  at  any  one  time  had  read  him  and  understood  him,  by  his 
discoveries  and  demonstrations  ;  and  these  being  held  in  admiration  in  their  respec 
tive  countries,  at  the  head  of  the  philosophers,  had  spread  among  scientific  people  a 
mysterious  wonder  at  the  genius  of  this,  perhaps,  the  greatest  man  that  ever  lived. 
But  his  fame  was  confined  to  men  of  letters.  The  common  people  knew  little,  and 
cared  nothing,  about  such  a  recluse  philosopher.  Leibnitz's  name  was  still  more 
confined.  Frederic  was  hated  by  one  half  of  Europe,  as  much  as  Louis  XIV.  was, 
and  as  Napoleon  is.  Voltaire,  whose  name  was  more  universal  than  any  of  those 
before  mentioned,  was  considered  as  a  vain  profligate  wit,  and  not  much  esteemed 
or  beloved  by  anybody,  thougli  admired  by  all  who  knew  his  works. 

"But  Franklin's  fame  was  universal.  His  name  was  familiar  to  government 
and  people ;  to  kings,  courtiers,  nobility,  clergy,  and  philosophers,  as  well  as  ple 
beians,  to  such  a  degree,  that  there  was  scarcely  a  peasant  or  a  citizen,  a  valet  de 
chambre,  coachman,  or  footman,  a  lady's  chambermaid,  or  a  scullion  in  the  kitchen, 
who  was  not  familiar  with  his  name,  and  who  did  not  consider  him  as  a  friend  of 
human  kind.  When  they  spoke  of  him,  they  seemed  to  think  he  was  to  restore 
the  golden  age.  They  seemed  enraptured  enough  to  exclaim, 

Aspice  venture  lastentus  ut  omnia  seculo. 

"  To  develope  that  complication  of  causes  which  conspired  to  produce  so  singular 
a  phenomenon,  is  far  beyond  my  means  or  forces.  Perhaps  it  can  never  be  done 
without  a  complete  history  of  the  philosophy  and  politics  of  the  eighteenth  century. 
Such  a  work  would  be  one  of  the  most  important  that  ever  was  written ;  much 
more  interesting  to  this  and  future  ages,  than  the  '  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman 
Empire,'  splendid  and  useful  as  it  is.  La  Harpe  promised  a  history  of  the  philoso 
phy  of  the  eighteenth  century ;  but  he  died,  and  left  us  only  a  few  fragments.  Four 
of  the  finest  writers  that  Great  Britain  ever  produced,  Shaftesbury,  Bolingbroke, 
Hume,  and  Gibbon,  whose  labours  were  translated  into  all  languages, — and  three 
of  the  most  elegant  writers  that  ever  lived  in  France,  whose  works  were  also 
translated  into  all  languages,  Voltaire,  Rousseau,  and  Raynal, — were  professed  ad- 


A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE.  xxvii 

mirers  of  Mr.  Franklin.  He  was  considered  as  a  citizen  of  the  world,  a  friend  to 
all  men,  and  an  enemy  to  none.  His  rigorous  taciturnity  was  very  favourable  to 
this  singular  felicity.  He  conversed  only  with  individuals,  and  freely  only  with 
confidential  friends.  In  company  he  was  totally  silent." 

This  sketch,  drawn  by  one  of  his  colleagues  at  Paris,  is  remarkable  for  the 
force  of  its  reluctant  acknowledgments,  and  the  preposterous  effort  to  account,  in 
a  supernatural,  or  artificial,  or  some  mysterious  way,  for  his  celebrity,  and  the 
indiscriminate  attachment  and  praise  lavished  on  him  by  every  condition  in  hu 
man  society.  There  would  not  seem  to  be  a  necessity  for  any  other  than  the 
simple  and  obvious  causes  of  this  celebrity;  he  who  was  "an  ornament  of  human 
nature,"  "as  indeed  he  was."  One  "who  possessed  all  the  talents  and  qualities 
for  the  foundation  of  a  great  and  lasting  character,"  would  seem  to  require  no 
"  artificial  modes  of  diffusing,  and  celebrating  his  reputation."  That  it  was  ex 
aggerated,  is  in  no  instance  shown ;  yet  the  author  of  the  sketch  insinuates  that 
"  artificial  modes  were  practised,  such  as  were  never  known  before."  Who  prac 
tised  them  ?  Franklin  never  published  nor  profited  by  any  of  his  writings,  phi 
losophical  or  political ;  on  the  former  he  seems  to  have  set  very  little  value, 
and  the  latter  were  more  profitable  to  his  country  than  to  his  purse.  The  cause 
is  solved  by  the  words  of  the  reluctant  eulogist, — "  He  was  considered  a  citizen 
of  the  world,  a  friend  of  all  men,  and  an  enemy  to  none."  This  is  the  key  of 
this  artificial  mystery. 

It  is  due  to  truth  not  to  withhold  the  fact,  that  his  distinguished  labours  for  his 
country  were  not  regarded  with  the  justice  due  by  that  country  to  his  services. 
Very  soon  after  his  return  from  that  splendid  mission,  of  which  he  was  the  ani 
mating  soul  and  the  superintending  intelligence,  he  experienced  that  often  re 
peated  and  too  often  verified  imputation  of  ingratitude  in  republics.  During  the 
contest,  his  all-effective  influence  regulated  and  drew  forth  the  resources  which 
formed  the  only  treasury  of  the  revolution.  That  influence  blunted  the  venom  of 
envy  ;  but  peace  restored,  it  burst  forth  with  an  acrimony  which,  had  not  the 
venerable  Charles  Thomson  consigned  his  journal  to  the  flames  in  a  moment  of 
mistaken  liberality,  would  have  surprised  and  confounded  posterity.  The  long 
concealed  spirit  of  jealousy,  and  the  discretion  which  had  silenced  the  enemies  of 
the  revolution,  and  encouraged  hopes  of  the  royal  cause  even  to  the  moment  when 
peace  was  proclaimed,  now  changed  its  passivity  for  action,  and  singled  out  the 
patriarch  of  independence  as  the  object  of  their  vengeance.  In  monarchies,  gratitude 
is  never  expected,  and  the  disregard  of  services  is  genial  to  selfish  institutions.  It 
becomes  the  more  odious,  and  the  more  remarkable,  when  it  appears  in  the  last 
position  of  human  society  where  it  should  not  be  suffered  or  tolerated. 

The  following  is  an  abstract  of  a  summary  of  his  services,  which  was  offered 
to  the  notice  of  Congress  by  a  friend.  In  England  he  combatted  the  stamp  act  by 
his  public  writings,  and  in  his  two  celebrated  examinations  before  parliament  anil 
in  the  privy  council,  which  it  was  allowed  led  to  the  repeal  of  that  act. 

He  opposed  the  duty  act,  and  though  he  could  not  prevent  its  passing,  it  was 
modified,  at  this  instance,  by  the  omission  of  salt,  and  other  articles. 

He  wrote  and  published  numerous  papers  in  refutation  of  the  ministerial  prin 
ciples  of  taxation,  and  their  writers  ;  he  conducted  two  secret  negotiations  for 


xxviii  A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE. 

the  repeal,  and  offered  payment  for  the  tea  destroyed  at  Boston,  in  the  event  of 
their  repeal. 

He  rendered  himself  obnoxious  by  his  zeal  for  his  country,  for  which  he  was 
insulted  before  the  privy  council,  and  dismissed  from  the  direction  of  the  post 
office,  estimated  at  7500  dollars  a  year. 

The  king's  governors  were  ordered  not  to  sign  any  warrant  for  his  salaries. 

Returning  home,  he  devoted  himself  to  the  cause  of  independence.  He  was 
chairman  of  the  committee  of  safety,  and  invented  the  chevaux  de  frize  for  the 
defence  of  the  Delaware. 

He,  in  1775,  associated  with  Messrs.  Hanson  and  Lynch,  at  the  head-quarters 
near  Boston,  arranged  the  affairs  of  the  union  between  the  northern  states  and 
general  Washington. 

In  spring,  1776,  he  was  associated  with  Messrs.  Carrol  and  Chew  in  a  mis 
sion  to  Canada ;  the  same  year  he  was  appointed  to  France ;  put  all  the  money  he 
possessed  into  the  hands  of  Congress  (about  §3000),  an(j  sailed  for  France,  in 
the  midst  of  war  and  danger,  in  the  70th  year  of  his  age. 

He  made  no  bargain  for  salary,  or  appointments,  but  was  told  he  should  have 
§2500  a  year,  his  expenses  paid,  and  to  be  assisted  by  a  secretary. 

When,  in  1764,  Pennsylvania  sent  him  to  England  on  the  same  salary,  they 
allowed  him  a  year's  advance  for  the  expenses  of  his  passage.  He  had  no  al 
lowance  from  Congress,  was  badly  accommodated  in  a  vessel,  not  fit  for  the  north 
ern  seas,  and  which  foundered  on  her  return. 

He  served  as  commissioner  and  plenipotentiary  at  the  court  of  France ;  and 
performed  services  which  were  not  probably  duties  of  his  station.  No  secretary 
being  sent,  the  business  was  executed  partly  before  the  commissioners  left  him, 
and  entirely  after  by  himself,  with  the  aid  of  his  grandson,  who  was  allowed 
never  exceeding  three  hundred  pounds  a  year. 

He  served  as  consul  for  several  years ;  and  as  special  judge  in  admiralty 
causes ;  and  issued  commissions  to  privateers,  of  which  the  Black  Prince  alone 
captured  in  one  year  seventy-five  sail, 

He  served  as  commissary  of  purchases,  receiving  and  paying  bills  of  exchange, 
amounting  to  2,500,000  livres. 

In  a  letter  of  Silas  Dean  to  colonel  Wm.  Duer,  of  New  York,  he  thus  notices 
the  services  of  Franklin  : — "  Congress  drew  bills  of  exchange  upon  president 
Laurens,  in  Holland,  several  months  before  he  left  America;  they  drew  on  Mr. 
Jay,  long  before  his  arrival  in  Spain ;  all  of  which  bills  were  honoured  by  the 
doctor.  You  in  America  believed  that  this  was  done  with  money  received  from 
Spain  and  Holland ;  not  at  all ;  the  drafts  were  constantly  sent  to  Franklin  to  be 
discharged ;  even  the  salaries  of  Mr.  Jay,  and  Mr.  Adams,  and  their  suites,  were 
paid  by  the  doctor  out  of  funds  which  his  address  obtained  from  the  treasury 
of  France.  The  agents  of  particular  states  were  provided  with  large  sums  in 
the  same  way,  out  of  funds  ostensibly  obtained  for  the  subsistence  of  the  army. 
Our  ambassadors  and  agents  have  cost  us,  for  some  time,  at  least  twenty  thousand 
pounds  sterling  each  year;  the  redemption  of  prisoners  as  much  more.  Congress 
was  several  times  requested  by  the  doctor  not  to  draw  on  him  for  more,  but  they 
always  continued  to  draw,  often  without  notice,  and  were  always  paid." 


A    POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE.  xxix 

It  is  true,  that  by  his  fellow-citizens  of  Pennsylvania,  he  was  received  on  his 
return  with  gratulations,  and  they  conferred  on  him  the  highest  trusts  they  could 
bestow.  It  has  been  before  noticed,  that,  by  the  editor  of  the  edition  of  1779 
it  was  said,  "  the  times  appear  not  ripe  enough  to  give  expression  to  the  venera 
tion  due  to  Franklin ;"  and  even  now,  in  the  fifty-seventh  year  of  American  in 
dependence,  that  justice  remains  to  be  suitably  done.  The  secret  enmities  which 
were  directed  against  him  during  the  whole  time  of  his  eventful  mission  at 
Paris  have  been  snatched  from  the  indignation  of  the  history,  by  the  consignment 
of  the  private  papers  of  the  venerable  Charles  Thomson  to  the  flames ;  an  error 
having  its  motive  in  virtue,  but  certainly  operating  as  a  denial  of  positive  as  well 
as  of  retributive  justice.  Charles  Thomson,  being  rebuked  in  terms  of  affection  and 
respect  for  this  sacrifice,  excused  himself  to  the  writer  by  expressions  to  this  effect 
"  The  reputation  and  the  actions  of  Dr.  Franklin  required  no  other  vindication  than 
the  independence  of  his  country ;  during  the  whole  period  of  his  services  at  home 
and  abroad,  no  person  knew  them  better  than  myself;  as  to  his  enemies,  it  is  an 
act  of  charity  to  future  generations  that  they  should  be  consigned  to  oblivion,  were 
it  only  to  leave  the  revolution  unblemished  by  their  exposure.  Men  who  have 
held  their  heads  very  high  would  otherwise  not  appear  to  very  great  advantage." 

Though  honoured  in  his  favourite  city  and  state,  Congress  never  made  that 
remuneration  which  he  had  a  right  to  expect ;  and  it  will  at  some  day  not  re 
mote  be  inquired  by  the  faithful  historian,  to  what  causes  it  should  be  ascribed 
that  even  in  his  latter  years,  and  after  his  demise,  his  descendants  should  have 
been  proscribed  in  the  very  city  which  he  and  they  had  so  much  honoured  and 
adorned.  After  the  foundation  of  the  federal  government,  there  appeared  a  mani 
fest  tendency  to  proscribe  him  and  others,  who  had  been  eminently  conspicuous 
in  the  cause  of  independence ;  and  this  spirit  extended  to  the  institutions  of  which 
he  was  the  author,  which  deserve  some  brief  remarks  here. 

There  had  existed  in  Pennsylvania  a  law  called  the  test  act,  which  was  in 
tended  to  counteract  the  private  intrigues  and  the  undisguised  hostility  which  was 
manifested  by  the  adversaries  of  the  revolution  who  had  not  emigrated.  The  mo 
deration  of  the  people  forbade  any  molestation  on  account  of  opinion,  and  many  who 
were,  from  education  or  other  causes,  partial  to  the  royal  cause  remained  in  perfect 
security  while  they  refrained  from  actual  interference  with  the  cause  of  liberty.  In 
the  moment  of  the  triumphant  establishment  of  independence,  the  generosity  of  the 
friends  of  liberty  held  forth  an  amnesty,  and  opened  to  those  who  had  been  opposed 
to  the  national  independence  the  common  rights  of  freemen.  None  was  more  earnest 
or  effectively  active  in  the  repeal  of  the  test  law  than  Franklin.  With  an  ingrati 
tude  that  is  unhappily  too  frequent,  the  power  and  influence  which  had  been  so 
long  repressed  by  a  perfidious  discretion,  soon  displayed  itself;  and  thenceforward 
exhibited  a  character,  which  never  ceased  till  the  generation  had  nearly  passed 
away,  of  hostility  to  the  principles  of  freedom.  The  repeal  of  the  test  law  forms 
a  salient  point  in  the  politics  of  the  period,  which  affected  all  public  measures. 
Those  who  were  thus  liberally  treated  identified  themselves  with  every  measure 
hostile  to  liberal  principles,  and  became  an  active  and  propelling  power  in  one 
of  the  parties  which  grew  up  on  the  formation  of  the  federal  government.  The 
artifices  and  the  malignity  of  this  class  of  ungrateful  men,  gave  much  of  their 
grossness  to  party  spirit,  in  the  first  twelve  years  of  the  federal  government,  and 

3* 


xxx    ,  A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE. 

contributed  at  once  to  produce  and  imbitter  the  melancholy  state  of  society  which 
closed  the  last  century,  and  by  their  violence  to  the  overthrow  of  that  party ;  from 
which  period  the  state  of  society  is  happily  contrasted  by  the  social  quiet,  security, 
and  concord  which  have  been  experienced  during  the  subsequent  thirty  years. 

It  was  said  of  David  Mallet's  life  of  Chancellor  Bacon,  that  "  it  contained  no 
illustration  of  the  philosophy  of  the  period ;  and  that  had  he  written  the  life  of 
Marlborough,  he  might  have  omitted  the  tactics  of  the  period  with  the  same  pro 
priety."  The  same  characteristic  belongs  to  more  than  one  history  of  the  Ame 
rican  revolution,  in  which  Franklin  appears  not  to  have  held  even  a  secondary 
place. 

Among  the  transactions  which  followed  the  peace,  the  abrogation  of  the  consti 
tution  which  had  been  drawn  up  by  Franklin  for  Pennsylvania,  merits  some  no 
tice.  The  same  month  which  is  marked  by  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
gave  birth  to  the  convention  which  formed  the  republican  constitution  of  Penn 
sylvania.  Dr.  Franklin  was  the  president  of  that  convention.  The  constitution 
which  it  adopted  presents  his  political  opinions ;  a  single  assembly  and  a  plural 
executive  were  in  his  judgment  the  proper  basis  of  a  government  for  a  free 
people.  Averse  from  any  form  which  would  subject  human  affairs  to  the  caprice 
or  passions  of  any  individual,  he  considered  a  single  executive  as  constituting  in 
effect  a  monarchy,  the  natural  tendency  of  which  was  to  despotism.  It  was 
completed  28th  September,  1776,  having  a  preamble  assigning  the  causes  of  its 
formation ;  its  first  chapter  was  a  Bill  of  Rights,  embracing  all  those  free  prin 
ciples  of  action,  right,  and  security  which  leave  no  room  for  the  equivocations 
of  unwritten  law,  and  asserting  all  that  was  necessary  to  social  security,  freedom 
of  action  and  opinion. 

The  second  chapter  contained  the  plan  of  a  frame  of  government,  wherein  the 
legislative  power  was  assigned  to  an  assembly  of  responsible  delegates,  and  the 
executive  to  a  president  and  council.  The  assembly  to  be  annually  chosen  by  bal 
lot,  and  the  members  to  be  eligible  for  only  four  years  out  of  seven  ;  no  members 
elected  by  the  state  to  Congress  of  the  United  States  to  sit  longer  than  two  years 
successively,  and  to  be  ineligible  for  three  years  afterwards.  All  bills  presented  at 
any  session  to  lie  over  after  debate  for  another  session,  and  to  be  printed  in  the 
interval  for  public  consideration ;  and  by  the  §  47,  a  council  of  censors  was  con 
stituted  to  be  chosen  every  seventh  year,  to  sit  one  year,  whose  duty  it  should 
be  to  inquire  whether  the  constitution  had  been  administered  inviolate  ;  the  legis 
lators  faithful ;  the  executive  performed  their  duty ;  in  what  manner  the  revenue 
had  been  collected  and  disposed  of;  and  if  they  should  find  cause,  to  call  a  con 
vention  in  two  years  after  their  session  for  the  revision  of  the  constitution,  <fec. 

This  constitution  was  in  operation  until  after  the  present  constitution  of  the 
United  States  was  established.  The  parties  which  grew  out  of  the  contest  on 
that  occasion  assumed  various  names,  which  as  is  not  uncommon  were  sometimes 
deceptive,  and  displayed  in  action  what  was  very  different  from  or  absolutely 
opposed  to  the  signification  of  the  title  assumed. 

It  was  in  the  heat  of  these  excitements  that  the  constitution  of  Pennsylvania 
furnished  by  Franklin  was  assailed ;  and  while  the  friend  of  freedom  cannot  but 
regret  the  various  modes  by  which  constitutions  have  been  subverted  in  more 
recent  times,  he  who  is  familiar  with  history  will  be  apt  to  moderate  his  surprise 


A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE.  xxxi 

at  what  has  happened  in  other  countries,  when  he  learns  that  even  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  the  constitution  of  Franklin  was  not  terminated  by  the  means  and  mode 
provided  within  itself;  but  that  proceedings  characterized  by  violence  put  an  end  to 
it,  and  supplied  its  place  by  the  constitution  which  still  exists. 

This  abstract  of  history  would  be  defective,  if  the  causes  and  consequences 
were  not  adverted  to.  The  §  36  of  Franklin's  constitution  is  in  the  following 
words :  "As  every  freeman,  to  preserve  his  independence  (if  without  a  sufficient 
estate),  ought  to  have  some  profession,  calling,  trade,  or  farm,  whereby  he  may 
honestly  subsist,  there  can  be  no  necessity  for,  nor  use  in  establishing  offices  of 
profit ;  the  usual  effects  of  which  are  dependance  and  servility,  unbecoming  free 
men,  in  the  possessors  and  expectants  ;  faction,  contention,  corruption,  and  disorder 
among  the  people.  But  if  any  man  is  called  into  public  service,  to  the  prejudice 
of  his  private  affairs,  he  has  a  right  to  a  reasonable  compensation." 

The  discussions  which  had  arisen  on  the  formation  of  the  federal  constitution 
had  unfolded  unequivocal  prepossessions  towards  monarchical  institutions,  and  the 
forms  of  the  English  government  especially.  Titular  distinctions  and  the  appetite 
for  place,  ranks,  orders,  and  degrees — patricians  and  plebeians — the  well-born  and 
the  vulgar,  were  heard  of,  and  menaced  a  restoration  of  the  vices  and  follies  which 
had  cost  so  much  to  overcome  and  do  away.  A  constitution  which  required  every 
man  to  have  a  profession,  calling,  or  trade,  and  which  at  once  held  forth  the  incon 
gruity  of  sinecure  offices,  could  not  but  be  odious  to  the  newly  self-incarnated  no 
bility  ;  and  the  work  of  Franklin,  under  which  the  commonwealth  prospered  in 
quiet,  was  doomed  to  a  like  proscription  with  that  of  his  family.  An  illustration 
of  the  state  of  society  at  the  period,  is  pertinent  to  the  historical  purpose  of 
this  preface.  Such  were  the  ridiculous  extremes  of  the  passions  of  the  period, 
that  the  intolerance  of  faction,  temporarily  ascendant  in  political  power,  carried  its 
influence  into  private  society.  The  enjoyment  of  peace  after  the  recent  afflictions 
of  war  naturally  led  the  youth  of  both  sexes  to  social  intercourse  and  innocent 
felicity.  Dancing  assemblies  were  among  the  seasonable  recreations.  A  grand 
son  of  Franklin,  who  had  been  educated  with  peculiar  care  and  affection  during 
his  residence  in  Europe,  had  returned  home  with  his  intellect  well  cultivated  and 
the  polish  of  the  best  manners.  Modest  and  unassuming,  amiable  and  unaffected, 
his  deportment  during  the  completion  of  his  education  at  the  university  of  his 
native  city  had  acquired  for  him  private  esteem  and  public  admiration.  Without 
seeking  distinction,  he  was  by  common  assent  considered  the  model  and  became 
the  leading  director  of  those  innocent  and  rational  assemblies.  But  that  jealous 
and  unquiet  spirit  which  had  closed  the  doors  of  the  presidential  levees  against  the 
talented  and  accomplished  daughter  of  Franklin,  carried  its  proscription  into  the 
dancing  assemblies  ;  and,  surprising  as  the  fact  may  appear  at  the  present  day,  the 
grandson  was  interdicted  from  those  assemblies  of  which  he  was  the  first  orna 
ment,  upon  this  significant  plea — that  he  was  a  printer  I  Such  an  occurrence 
would  appear  from  its  complex  absurdity  and  extravagance  almost  incredible ;  but 
there  still  survive  too  many  witnesses  of  the  fact  to  leave  it  doubtful. 

The  constitution  of  the  commonwealth,  it  may  be  better  conceived  from  this 
anecdote,  was  not  adapted  to  the  views  and  wishes  of  the  then  dominating  influence. 
In  the  flush  of  success  in  some  points  of  political  contention,  and  using  but 
abusing  the  influence  of  a  great  name,  while  in  the  prosecution  of  their  vengeance 


A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE. 

against  popular  government  equal  and  free,  they  conspired  to  subvert  Franklin's 
constitution,  and  to  establish  another  which,  by  a  concentration  of  official  patronage, 
comparatively  greater  in  the  executive  than  that  possessed  by  the  royal  prototype 
of  England,  they  calculated  would  secure  to  them  the  power  and  the  offices  of  the 
state  for  ever ;  nor  did  they  hesitate  to  resort  to  means  odious  and  violent  to  ac 
complish  their  purpose.  The  existing  constitution  had  provided  legal  means  for 
its  correction  and  amendment ;  those  were  wholly  disregarded ;  and  such  was  the 
temper  of  the  authors  of  the  transactions,  that  members  of  the  assembly  were 
forced  from  their  dwellings  to  give  an  appearance  of  sanction  by  their  presence, 
to  an  act  against  which  they  had  protested,  for  which  they  refused  to  vote,  and 
to  which  their  constituents  were  opposed :  to  complete  their  purpose,  they  excluded 
from  the  new  constitution  every  provision  for  its  amendment;  a  feature  which 
was  a  favourite  in  all  the  constitutions  formed  contemporaneously  and  since. 

This  omission,  however,  only  indicated  the  hopes  and  purposes  of  the  authors. 
They  had  seen  the  monarch  of  England  governing  an  unpaid  parliament  by  patron 
age  and  influence.  The  whole  power  of  appointment  was  therefore  vested  in  the 
executive.  The  judiciary,  in  the  absence  of  a  church  establishment,  was  a  power 
to  be  made  permanent  to  secure  the  duration  and  identity  of  their  domination,  and 
the  dependance  of  the  bar.  Fortunately  for  mankind,  power  is  constantly 
blinded  by  the  excess  of  its  passions ;  the  combination  was  circumscribed  and 
local,  but  suffrage  was  diffusive  and  all  comprehending :  the  illusion  which  sug 
gested  the  calculation  of  a  perpetuation  of  power  in  the  dominant  party,  survived 
scarcely  ten  years;  for  the  general  election  of  1779  terminated  their  career,  and 
transferred  that  very  power  to  the  hands  of  their  democratic  adversaries.  The 
chief  actors  in  those  irrational  transactions  have  moved  Qff  the  stage,  and  their 
descendants  who  survive  are  blended  with  the  community,  undistinguished,  but 
enjoying  that  peace,  order,  and  security  which  began  to  bliss  society  only  at  the 
moment  of  their  overthrow.  The  reputation  of  Franklin  has  gradually  ceased  to  be 
assailed,  and  his  posterity  in  the  third  degree,  by  the  mere  force  of  their  faculties 
and  virtues,  have  found  their  way  to  the  chairs  of  philosophy  in  their  native  city, 
to  the  scientific  branches  of  the  military  establishment,  and  to  a  reputable  rank 
in  the  naval  institutions,  of  their  country. 

These  incidents  belong  to  history,  they  carry  a  moral  which  cannot  be  disregard 
ed,  but  the  generation  now  upon  the  tapis  have  no  means  but  a  vague  tradition  to 
appreciate  how  great  the  obligations  they  owe  to  the  men  of  those  days,  the 
evils  they  have  escaped,  or  the  afflictions  endured  and  overcome  in  arriving  at  the 
present  state  of  peace,  concord,  and  prosperity. 

It  would  be  remiss  on  this  occasion  not  to  notice  a  recent  collection  and  publi 
cation  of  familiar  letters  of  Dr.  Franklin,  by  Jared  Sparks,  Esq.  of  Boston.  A  few 
of  those  letters  had  appeared  in  the  edition  of  1818,  but  the  rest  have  never 
before  reached  the  press ;  they  are  principally  addressed  to  his  relatives,  and  to 
Miss  Stevenson,  to  whom  letters  appear  addressed,  in  the  early  published 
editions :  miscellaneous  fragments  form  an  appendix  thereto,  taken  from  some  volumes 
which  had  been  collected  by  Col.  W.  Duane,  and  transferred  from  his  private 
library  to  the  Philadelphia  Atheneum ;  these  will  also  be  found  at  the  close  of  the 
second  volume  of  this  edition.  In  the  preface  to  Mr.  Sparks's  publication,  he  deplores 
the  loss  of  "  Franklin's  letter-book,  embracing  the  entire  period  of  his  agency  in 


A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE.  xxxtii 

England,  throughout  a  space  of  almost  twenty  years,  ascribable  to  the  treachery 
or  negligence  of  the  person  to  whom  he  intrusted  them  when  he  went  to  France." 
Mr.  Sparks  animadverting  on  that  injustice  to  Franklin,  of  which  we  took  notice 
in  the  preceding  part  of  this  preface,  written  before  Mr.  Sparks's  publication  ap 
peared,  he  thus  manfully  expresses  himself : 

"  Owing  to  a  train  of  circumstances  which,  at  one  time,  were  not  well  under 
stood,  but  now  admit  of  an  easy  and  full  explanation,  the  character  of  Franklin 
suffered  in  the  hands  of  some  of  his  late  associates  and  contemporaries.  Sus 
picions  of  his  political  integrity,  and  even  of  his  private  honesty,  were  scattered 
among  the  credulous,  and  produced  impressions  on  the  minds  of  many  of  his 
countrymen,  which  his  brilliant  name  and  great  services  have  as  yet  hardly 
effaced.  After  a  laborious  inquiry  into  this  matter,  with  no  ordinary  means  of  in 
formation  and  opportunities  of  research,  particularly  in  regard  to  his  acts  as  minis 
ter  plenipotentiary  in  France,  and  in  negotiating  the  treaty  of  peace  at  the  end  of 
the  war,  I  feel  authorized  to  declare,  that  his  conduct  admits  of  unqualified  vin 
dication  ;  that  so  far  from  open  censure  or  the  whispers  of  suspicion,  he  deserves 
the  lasting  praise  and  gratitude  of  his  country,  for  the  manly,  consistent,  unde- 
viating,  honourable,  and  efficient  course  he  pursued,  in  the  face  of  numerous 
obstacles  and  embarrassments,  during  the  whole  nine  years  of  his  residence  in 
France.  His  patriotism  and  fidelity  to  his  trust  were  equalled  only  by  his  un 
rivalled  talents  and  sagacity." 

It  may  be  proper  to  state  the  nature  of  some  of  those  odious  imputations,  in 
which  personal  jealousy  and  the  angry  hate  of  the  refugees  who  had  obtained  am 
nesty  united  in  propagating.  During  the  periods  of  the  first  and  second  presidency, 
it  had  been  whispered  by  certain  persons,  that  Franklin  had  obtained  a  million  of 
livres  from  the  court  of  Versailles,  and  had  appropriated  it  to  his  private  use.  The 
writer  of  this  preface  has  frequently  heard  the  calumny  unreservedly  uttered ;  and 
it  was  not  until  Thomas  Jefferson  entered  upon  the  presidential  duties,  that  the 
authentic  means  of  putting  an  end  to  this  odious  moral  assassination  could  be 
reached.  It  appeared  that  this  report  had  at  an  early  period  of  the  first  presidency 
been  made  the  subject  of  an  official  but  secret  investigation,  and  Mr.  Gouverneur 
Morris,  official  agent  at  Paris,  was  instructed  to  trace  the  subject  to  its  source. 

This  million  unaccounted  for,  as  the  libellists  said,  was  found  to  be  that  very 
million  which  has  been  a  subject  of  petition  for  nearly  half  a  century,  and  which 
was  only  decided  to  be  repaid  by  Congress  in  1832-3;  Franklin  was  suspected  of 
receiving  and  appropriating  to  his  own  use.  Mr.  Gouverneur  Morris,  by  no  means 
an  admirer  of  Dr.  Franklin  or  his  philosophy,  to  his  honour,  performed  his  duty  with 
integrity.  He  found  that  this  million  had  been  advanced  by  the  French  court 
before  Franklin  had  arrived  in  France ;  that  it  was  placed  to  the  order  of  Baron 
Beaumarchais ;  and  that  it  was  disposed  of  in  supplying  military  stores,  of  which 
the  government  of  the  United  States  had  acknowledged  the  receipt.  But  what  ap. 
pears  most  remarkable  is,  that  although  this  report  of  the  American  minister  at 
Paris  reposed  in  the  archives  of  the  department  of  state,  the  calumny  was  tolerated 
until  Thomas  Jefferson  caused  it  to  be  exposed,  and  set  the  slander  to  rest  for  ever. 

The  letters  first  ushered  to  the  public  by  Mr.  Sparks  unfold  further  the  do 
mestic  and  social  character  of  Franklin.    One  of  his  eulogists  has  described  him  as 
silent  in  company,  and  given  to  converse  freely  with  only  one  person.    The  in- 
e 


xxxiv  A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE, 

ference  intended  by  this  trait  of  character,  is  not  exactly  that  which  naturally  be 
longs  to  it.  In  the  habitual  innocency  and  playfulness  which  he  was  fond  of  in 
dulging  with  his  grandchildren,  he  frequently  introduced,  in  reproof  of  too  light 
and  frequent  volubility,  this  admonition  : — "  Recollect  you  have  two  ears,  and  two 
eyes,  and  only  one  mouth,  which  shows  you  must  not  speak  more  than  half  what 
you  hear,  and  of  half  as  much  as  you  see." 

He  entertained  a  very  unfavourable  opinion  of  the  ordinary  modes  and  topics 
of  conversation  in  mixed  companies;  he  did  not 'consider  them  always  the  most 
favourable  places  for  obtaining  or  communicating  knowledge ;  in  mixed  companies 
capacities  are  generally  unequal,  and  egotism  or  the  desire  to  show  off  qualities 
more  superficial  than  solid  too  generally  predominates ;  useful  topics  are  rarely 
thought  of,  and  where  gaiety  prevails,  it  is  good  philosophy  to  partake  and  not  to 
disturb  it  by  the  interposition  of  gravity,  or  serious  discussions,  which  are  better 
adapted  to  the  retired  privacy  and  deliberation  of  individuals  of  similar  temper  and 
dispositions  :  he  was  in  his  domestic  relations  habitually  cheerful  and  gay ;  and 
though  no  man  possessed  a  more  ready  or  keen  wit,  he  repressed  it  abroad ; 
considering  vanity  as  a  predominating  passion,  and  too  often  using  an  exag 
gerated  freedom  with  the  qualities  and  failings  of  neighbours. 

In  those  select  societies  which  sprung  up  under  his  guidance  in  his  first  ma 
turity,  and  of  which  the  philosophical  society  and  the  city  library  are  existing 
monuments,  he  was  the  actuating  spirit.  Among  his  associates  of  those  early  days 
his  wit  was  as  interesting  as  his  philosophy  was  instructive ;  the  questions  which 
he  propounded  in  the  Junto  extended  to  every  department  of  practical  knowledge, 
and  had  for  their  aim  uniformly  utility  and  the  promotion  of  benevolence ;  in  the 
discussions  which  arose  he  had  always  a  principal  but  an  unobtrusive  share  ;  he 
was  not  dogmatical  in  any  thing ;  though  he  spoke  frequently,  he  was  never  guilty 
of  a  long  or  an  incomprehensible  speech ;  and  when  others  flagged,  he  was  always 
ready  to  bring  his  philosophy  and  his  good  humour  into  action.  Several  sheets 
of  his  first  thoughts  suggested  for  discussion  lie  before  the  writer ;  with  their  first 
terms  altered,  interlined,  improved,  augmented,  or  abridged.  From  those  frag 
ments  the  following  are  selected. 

"The  great  secret  of  succeeding  in  conversation  is  to  admire  little,  to  hear 
much  ;  always  to  distrust  your  own  judgment,  and  sometimes  that  of  your  friends  ; 
never  to  pretend  to  wit,  but  to  make  that  of  others  appear  as  much  as  possible  ; 
to  hearken  to  whatever  is  said,  and  answer  to  the  purpose." 

Another  extract,  though  not  strictly  analogous,  is  distantly  so,  and  cannot  be  out 
of  place. 

How  shall  we  judge  of  the  goodness  of  a  writing?  or  what  qualities  should  a 
writing  on  any  subject  have,  to  be  good  and  perfect  in  its  kind  ? 

"  Answer.  To  be  good,  it  ought  to  have  a  tendency  to  benefit  the  reader,  by 
improving  his  virtue  or  his  knowledge. 

The  method  should  be  just;  that  is,  it  should  proceed  regularly  from  things 
known  to  things  unknown,  distinctly,  clearly,  and  without  confusion. 

"  The  words  used  should  be  the  most  expressive  that  the  language  affords, 
provided  they  are  the  most  generally  understood. 

"  Nothing  should  be  expressed  in  two  words  that  can  as  well  be  expressed  in 


A    POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE.  xxxv 

one,  i.  e.  no  synonymas  should  be  used ;  but  the  whole  be  as  short  as  possible, 
consistent  with  clearness. 

"  The  words  should  be  so  placed  as  to  be  agreeable  to  the  ear  in  reading, 

Summarily it  should  be  smooth, 

...         .         .         clear,  and 
short. 

"  For  the  contrary  qualities  are  displeasing." 

The  early  perceptions  of  Franklin  on  nearly  every  subject  were  far  in  advance 
of  his  contemporaries.  His  memorable  essay  on  population,  and  other  thoughts 
on  the  subject,  preceded  the  Congress  of  delegates  from  all  the  colonies  in  1754. 
The  articles  agreed  upon  by  that  assembly  were  composed  by  him  ;  he  had  pene 
trated  futurity ;. and  there  was  a  certain  harmony  between  the  tone  of  his  thoughts 
and  the  occurrences  of  the  period  which  brought  about  that  Congress,  which  may 
be  historically  considered  as  the  first  germination  of  that  great  revolution  which 
was  terminated  by  the  peace  of  1783. 

Franklin  has  been,  by  writers  hostile  to  freedom,  considered  as  one  premedi 
tating  a  revolution,  and  labouring  to  fulfil  his  own  prophecy.  But  persons  who 
imagine  this  only  prove  their  want  of  due  discrimination.  His  mind  had  anti 
cipated  posterity,  not  with  a  view  to  augment  its  acceleration,  but, — as  he  view 
ed  the  electric  fluid, — among  the  phenomena  of  human  society.  Having  sounded 
the  depths  of  the  generations  of  men,  it  is  probable  that  he  discerned  a  necessary 
and  inevitable  consequence,  the  future  outnumbering  of  the  people  of  this  conti 
nent,  so  as  to  reverse  the  tenor  of  an  expression  which  he  uttered  after  the  race 
of  events  had  outstript  his  speculations.  "  A  small  island  in  the  west  of  Europe  1  * 
governing  the  American  continent,  and  subjecting  it  to  a  policy  incompatible  with  j 
human  freedom,  resembles  a  jolly  boat  governing  the  motion  of  an  hundred  gun  x 
ship ;"  he  perhaps  saw  the  day  when  the  ship  would  "  cut  the  painter,"  as  it  has 
fiappened.  The  sagacity  which  then  outstript  his  contemporaries,  was  not  a  crea 
tion,  but  a  discernment  of  future  events ;  he  was  no  stranger  to  history,  and  in 
the  colonies  of  Spain  he  could  discern  enough  to  induce  a  generous  desire,  that 
his  own  country  should  not  gradually  sink  or  be  sunk,  by  the  relentlessness  of 
power,  into  a  similarly  degrading  condition. 

Indeed  the  British  politicians  of  1754  appear  to  have  taken  an  alarm,  and  in 
seeking  to  arrest  the  progress  of  events,  suspended  the  plans  then  digested,  and 
appear  thenceforward  to  have  entered  upon  a  policy  more  repressive  and  rigorous. 
Among  the  autograph  notes  before  referred  to,  is  the  following  question  pro 
posed  to  be  debated  at  the  Junto. 

"  If  the  sovereign  power  attempts  to  deprive  a  subject  of  his  right  (or,  which  is 
the  same  thing,  what  he  thinks  his  right),  is  it  justifiable  to  resist  if  he  is  able?"  — «** 

This  sentiment  is  much  older  than  the  Congress  at  Albany  ;  and  in  poor 
Richard's  almanac,  for  1751,  three  years  before  the  Albany  meeting,  the  following 
article  is  found  under  the  title  genealogy. 

"  It  is  amusing  to  compute  the  number  of  men  and  women  among  the  ancients 
who  clubbed  their  faculties  to  produce  a  single  modern.  As  you  reckon  back 
ward  the  number  augments,  in  the  same  ratio  as  the  price  of  the  coat  which  wa?  * 
sold  for  a  halfpenny  a  button  continually  doubled.  Thus, 


xxxvi  A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE. 

A  nobleman  of  the  present  day  is  the  great  result,  who  numbers    1 
His  father  and  mother  2 

His  grandfather  and  grandmother  -  4 

His  great  grandfather,  and  great  grandmother     -  8 

4th  degree  16 

5th        -  -  32 

6th        -  64 

7th        -  128 

8th        -         ',;»,„         -  256 

9th        -  -  512 

10th      -  -  -       1024 

llth      -  -       2048 

12th      -  -  -       4096 

13th      -  -       8192 

14th      -  -     16384 

15th      -  -  -     32768 

16th      -  -  -     65536 

17th      -  -  131072 

18th      -  -  262144 

19th      -  -  524288 

20th       -  1048576 

'"  There  are  twenty-one  generations,  without  taking  a  plurality  of  children  in  any 
case  or  intermarriage,  and  allowing  three  generations  for  one  hundred  years,  we 
are  carried  back  to  the  era  of  the  Norman  Conquest,  at  which  time  each  noble 
man  of  that  race  at  the  present  day,  to  exclude  ignoble  blood  from  his  veins,  ought 
to  have  one  million  forty-eight  thousand  Jive  hundred  and  seventy-six  noble  an 
cestors. 

'*  Carry  the  reckoning  three  thousand  years  farther  back,  and  the  number  amounts 
to  Jive  hundred  millions,  probably  more  than  exists  at  one  time  on  the  earth — 
proving  pretensions  to  ancestry  to  be — a  joke!" 

In  a  letter  to  his  daughter,  Mrs.  Sarah  Bache,  concerning  the  order  of  Cincin 
nati,  there  is  another  explication  of  this  subject,  given  in  a  very  sarcastic  style. 

The  domestic  economy  of  Franklin,  has  been  generally  inferred  to  be  sordid 
and  penurious,  perhaps  from  a  misapprehension  of  the  economical  morality  of 
Poor  Richard,  which  has  never  been  considered  by  his  biographers  in  the  spirit 
of  its  author.  Those  who  laboured  to  find  in  this  production  a  pretext  for  dis 
paraging  him,  have  discovered  matter  of  reprobation  even  in  its  morality ;  it  has 
been  held  forth  as  inculcating  a  paltry  and  niggard  economy.  Those  critics 
never  place  themselves  in  the  position  he  held,  nor  look  at  the  state  of  the  society 
to  which  Poor  Richard  addressed  himself.  In  the  centre  of  an  assemblage  of 
colonies,  detached  and  varying  in  climates  and  positions ;  originating  in  incon 
gruous  elements ;  with  interests  not  always  harmonious,  rendered  dissonant  by 
foreign  policy,  and  restricted  from  the  exercise  of  their  faculties  abroad  and  at 
home ;  forbidden  to  be  industrious,  and  oppressed  wherever  the  natural  instincts 
in  seeking  happiness  had  bounded  over  unnatural  restraints ;  he  saw  those  in 
stinctive  powers  of  the  human  character  directing  enterprise  with  such  powerful 
success  in  opposition  to  law,  as  to  induce  policy  to  relax,  and  to  connive  at 


A  POSTLIMINIOUS  PREFACE.  xxxvii 

those  very  illicit  enterprises,  because  they  brought  from  the  sources  of  the  pre 
cious  metals  fruits  more  rich  and  ample  than  those  of  merely  lawful  mercantile 
commerce,  and  transferred  the  treasures  of  Mexico  and  Peru  to  the  coffers  of  the 
English  treasury. 

The  restraints  of  colonial  policy  forbade  indulgence  in  luxury  of  living,  or  enjoy 
ment;  but  the  propensity  to  imitate  European  fashions  was  even  then  too  preva 
lent  for  the  pecuniary  means  of  the  people.  An  effort  to  restrain  those  propensities, 
to  induce  a  community  of  thought  in  social  relations,  to  inculcate  simplicity  of 
manners,  as  alone  adapted  to  the  state  of  society  in  which  policy,  in  violation  of 
nature,  had  placed  them,  were  the  objects  of  Poor  Richard.  Perhaps,  indeed,  he 
may  have  anticipated  an  event,  which  was  to  arrive  at  some  uncertain  and  remote 
day,  when  the  liberty  of  posterity  might  have  to  depend  on  a  frugal  and  hardy 
yeomanry;  and  however  remote  such  a  crisis  might  then  appear  to  be,  that  steps 
could  not  be  taken  too  early  to  avert  such  fatal  effeminacy  as  had  marked  the  de 
cline  of  Italy  and  Spain.  To  accomplish  such  provident  purposes  Poor  Richard 
was  happily  adapted;  the  success  was  signal  as  the  conception  was  original;  the 
production  was  indeed  more  admired  for  its  simplicity  and  ingenuity,  than  as  a 
deep  moral  design  ;  but  the  moral  effects  have  been  realized,  and  still  retain  their 
influence  with  the  pleasure  of  recollection. 

In  his  domestic  economy  he  has  been  generally  supposed  to  be  penurious  and 
niggardly,  and  that  the  household  of  the  philosopher  was  regulated  by  sordid 
maxims.  No  mistake  could  be  greater ;  in  every  stage  of  his  progress  he  was 
regulated  by  what  he  possessed,  not  by  what  he  might  possess.  He  was  severe  in 
avoiding  debt,  and  equally  so  against  whatever  was  wasteful;  among  his  maxims 
at  home,  was  "  Share  where  it  is  needful,  but  waste  nothing."  Mrs.  Franklin 
differed  from  those  opinions  of  others  concerning  her  husband,  and  frequently 
deemed  it  necessary  to  suggest  lessons  of  prudence  to  the  very  master  of  prudence  ; 
she  sometimes  complained  of  unnecessary  purchases  and  hard  bargains — "  Debby," 
said  the  doctor,  "is  not  the  dam  full  ?  Would  you  wish  it  to  overflow  and  go  to 
waste  ?  More  than  enough  is  too  much  :  let  us  share  what  we  can  spare,  as  Poor 
Richard  says."  - 


THIS  loose  preface  was  deemed  necessary,  were  it  for  no  other  end  than  to 
point  out  errors,  and  afford  hints  to  some  future  biographer,  should  one  arise, 
whose  benevolence  and  disinterestedness  of  purpose  may  be  in  sympathy  with 
the  American  sage. 

The  arrangement  of  the  whole  of  former  editions,  with  very  large  additions,  are 
embraced  in  these  two  volumes. 

The  first  volume  embraces  the  autobiography  and  continuation,  with  political 
and  some  philosophical  subjects ;  for  the  ready  access  to  any  of  which,  an  alpha 
betical  index  of  principal  matters  is  prefixed  to  the  first  volume. 

The  second  volume  is  preceded  by  a  table  of  contents,  which  designates  every 
separate  subject  contained  therein. 

4 


MEMOIRS 


OF 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


To  William  Franklin,  Esq.,  Governor  oj 
New  Jersey. 

TWYFORD,*   1771 

DEAR  SON, — I  have  ever  had  a  pleasure  in 
obtaining  any  little  anecdotes  of  my  ancestors 
You  may  remember  the   enquiries  I  made 
among  the  remains  of  my  relations,  when  you 
were  with  me  in  England,  and  the  journey  ] 
undertook  for  that  purpose.      Imagining  it 
may  be  equally  agreeable  to  you  to  learn  the 
circumstances  of  my  life,  many  of  which  you 
are  unacquainted  with,  and  expecting  the  en 
joyment  of  a  few  weeks'  uninterrupted  lei 
sure,  I  sit  down  to  write  them.  Besides,  there 
are  some  other  inducements  that  excite  me  to 
this  undertaking;     From  the  poverty  and  ob 
scurity  in  which  I  was  born,  and  in  which  I 
passed  myyearliest  years,  I  have  raised  my 
self  to  a  state  of  affluence  and  some  degree  of 
celebrity  in  the  world.    As  constant  good  for 
tune  has  accompanied  me  even  to  an  advanc 
ed  period  of  life,  my  posterity  will  perhaps  be 
desirous  of  learning  the  means,  which  I  em 
ployed,  and  which,  thanks  to  Providence,  so 
well  succeeded  wjth  me.     They  may  also 
deem  them  fit  tej^J^iitated,  should  any  of 
them  find  themselves  in  similar  circumstances. 
— This  good  fortune,  when  I  reflect  on  it, 
which  is  freqsqflntTy  the  case,  has  induced  me 
sometimes  \$,  say,  that  if  it  were  left  to  my 
choice,  I  should  have  no  objection  to  go  ove$ 
the  sa«jie  life  fromnits  beginning  to  the  end : 
requesting  only  tfle  advantage  authors  have, 
of  correcting  in  %  second  edition  the  faults 
of  the  first.  ^  would  I  also  wish  to  chaftlge 
some  incidents  of  it  for  ofners  more  favourable. 
Notwithstanding,  if  this  condition  was  deni 
ed,  I  should  still  accept  the  offer  of  re-com- 
inencing  the  saijfe  life.     But  as  this  repeti 
tion  is  not  to  be  expect^,-  .that  which  resem 
bles  most  living  onVsjBfe  over  £  again,  seems 

^S* 
*  The  seat  of  Dr.  Sffipley,  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph. 

VOL.  L— A 


to  be  to  recall  all  the  circumstances  of  it ; 
and  to  render  this  remembrance  more  durable 
to  record  them  in  writing.     In  thus  employing 
myself  I  shall  yield  to  the  inclination  so  natu 
ral  to  old  men,  of  talking  of  themselves  and 
their  own  actions ;  and  I  shall  indulge  it  with 
out  being  tiresome  to  those,  who,  from  respect 
to  my  age,  might  conceive  themselves  oblig 
ed  to  listen  to  me,  since  they  will  be  always 
free  to  read  me  or  not.     And  lastly,  (I  may  as 
well  confess  it,  as  the  denial  of  it  would  be  be 
lieved  by  nobody,)  I  shall  perhaps  not  a  little 
gratify  my  own  vanity.  Indeed,  I  never  heard 
or  saw  the  introductory  words  "  Without  vani 
ty  I  may  say,"  &c.,  but  some  vain  thing  imme 
diately  followed.  Most  people  dislike  vanity  in 
others,  whatever  share  they  have  of  it  them 
selves,  but  I  give  it  fair  quarter,  wherever  I 
meet  with  it,  being  persuaded  that  it  is  often 
productive  of  good  to  the  possessor,  and  to 
others  who  are  within  his  sphere  of  action : 
and  therefore,  in  many  cases,  it  would  not  be 
altogether  absurd,  if  a  man  were  to  thank 
God  for  his  vanity  among  the  other  comforts 
of  life. 

And  now  I  speak  of  thanking  God,  I  desire 
vith  all  humility  to  acknowledge  that  I  attri- 
mte  the  mentioned  happiness  of  my  past  life 
o  his diviflfrjirovidence,  which  led melp  the 
means  I  used,  and  gave  the  succes£v«My 
belief  of  this  induces  me  to  Aoce, 
nust  not  presume,  that  the.-, 
vill  still  be  exercised  towarfls ' 
ng  that  happiness  or  ftriaQf 
tal  reverse,  which,JHhar«x||)$ierffe~as 
have  done;  Jjie 'fofnflexmn  of 
fortune  be^%(3\vn_to  irim  orjjp,  m  fnros 
power^f  i%>  bless  usSven  irfflhr  fJTictioni 


the  sante' 


•in  collectin 
hands, 

relative  to/<bur  ancestors. 
.  t  Jhat  they  lived  in 

Ecton  in  Northamptonshire 


MEMOIRS  OF 


on  a  freehold  of  about  thirty  acres,  for  at  least 
three  hundred  years,  and  how  much  longer 
could  not  be  ascertained.* 

This  small  estate  would  not  have  sufficed 
for  their  maintenance  without  the  business  of 
a  smith,  which  had  continued  in  the  family 
down  to  my  uncle's  time,  the  eldest  son  being 
always  brought  up  to  that  employment;  a 
custom  which  he  and  my  father  followed  with 
regard  to  their  eldest  sons.  When  I  searched 
the  registers  at  Ecton,  I  found  an  account  of 
their  marriages  and  burials  from  the  year 
1555  only,  as  the  registers  kept  did  not  com 
mence  previous  thereto.  I  however  learnt 
from  it,  that  I  was  the  youngest  son  of  the 
youngest  son  for  five  generations  back.  My 
grandfather  Thomas,  who  was  born  1598,  liv 
ed  at  Ecton,  till  he  was  too  old  to  continue 
his  business,  when  he  retired  to  Banbury  in 
Oxfordshire,  to  the  house  of  his  son  John, 
with  whom  my  father  served  an  apprenticeship. 
There  my  uncle  died  and  lies  buried.  We 
saw  his  grave  stone  in  1758.  His  eldest  son 
Thomas  lived  in  the  house  at  Ecton,  and  left 
it  with  the  land  to  his  only  daughter,  who 
with  her  husband,  one  Fisher  of  Wellingbo- 
rough,  sold  it  to  Mr.  Isted,  now  lord  of  the  ma 
nor  there.  My  grandfather  had  four  sons, 
who  grew  up  :  viz.  Thomas,  John,  Benjamin, 
and  Josiah.  Being  at  a  distance  from  my  pa 
pers,  I  will  give  you  what  account  I  can  of 
them  from  memory  :  and  if  my  papers  are  not 
lost  in  my  absence,  you  will  find  among  them 
many  more  particulars.! 

*  Perhaps  from  the  time,  when  the  name  of  FRANK 
LIN,  which  before  was  the  name  of  an  order  of  people, 
was  assumed  by  them  for  a  surname,  when  others  took 
surnames  all  over  the  kingdom. 

As  a  proof  that  FRANKLIN  was  anciently  the  common 
name  of  an  order  or  rank  in  England,  see  Judge  For- 
tescue,  De  laudibus  Legum  Jlnglits,  written  about  the 
year  1412,  in  which  is  the  following  passage,  to  show 
that  good  juries  might  easily  be  formed  in  any  part  of 
England. 

"  Regio  etiam  ilia,  ita  respersa  refertaque  est  posses- 
soribus  terrarum  et  agrorum,  quod  in  ea,  villula  tarn 
parva  reperiri  non  poterit,  in  qua  non  est  miles,  armi- 
gcr,  vel  pater-familias,  qualis  ibidem  Frankleri  vulga- 
riter  nuncupatur,  magnie  ditatus  possessionibus,  nee 
non  libere  tenentes  et  alii  valccti  plurimi.  suis  patri- 
moniissufficientesad  faciendum  juratam,  in  forma  prae- 
notata. 

"  Moreover,  the  same  country  is  so  filled  and  repre- 
with  landed  menne,that  therein  ^o  small  a  thorpe 
^be  found  wherein  dweleth  not  a  knight,  an  es- 
,  tfr.  suafc  a  householder,  as  is  there  commonly 
called  a  PranKnn,  enriched  with  great  possessions; 
and  aH^oth»WeeRolders  and  many  yeomen  able  for 
''•MJieir  HveJihaWes  to  jpake  a  jury  in  form  aforemen- 
' 


Oft'aiicer  tor)  cqMViis  ioun  fry  gentleman,  a  Franklin; 
'  Vul  alter  describfngjiis  food-  housekeeping,  thus  cha- 

' 


"'Tfcs  wdRhy  Franklin  hpre 
-      Fixxi  tp  his  gMle,  whi|«  as  morning  ifiilk 
-'»  Knight  o^Lbe  Shir*,  first  Jusjtice  at  * 
'IVhelp  the*ppor,  fhe  doubtnif  Ib  advi 
In  an  employmen  Is.  generous,  jus 
RenowlWfor  cou*0  sy,  by  all  bek 
t  Copy  of  an  original  letter,  found  %m£  Dr.  Frankli 

papers,'  'from  'Josiah.  to  Jfyf^finklin^^9 
LOVING  SON,—  As  te  the  original  of  our  narrif  there  is 
various  opinions  ;  some  sa«  that  It-  came  'from  a  sort 
of  title  of  which  a  book,  t^t  you  bought  when  here, 


Thomas,  my  eldest  uncle,  was  bred  a  smith 
under  his  father,  but  being  ingenious,  and  en 
couraged  in  learning  (as  all  my  brothers 
were)  by  an  esquire  Palmer,  then  the  princi 
pal  inhabitant  of  that  parish,  he  qualified  him 
self  for  the  bar,  and  became  a  considerable 
man  in  the  county ;  was  chief  mover  of  all 
)ublic-spirited  enterprizes  for  the  county  or 
own  of  Northampton,  as  well  as  of  his  own 
village,  of  which  many  instances  were  relat 
ed  of  him :  and  he  was  much  taken  notice  of, 
nd  patronized  by  lord  Halifax.  He  died  in 
1702,  the  6th  of  January ;  four  years  to  a  day 
before  I  was  born.  The  recital  which  some 
elderly  persons  made  to  us  of  his  character,  I 
remember,  struck  you  as  something  extraor 
dinary,  from  its  similarity  with  what  you 
knew  of  me.  "  Had  he  died,"  said  you, "  four 

gives  a  lively  account.  Some  think  we  are  of  a  French 
jxtract,  which  was  formerly  called  Franks  ;  some  of  a 
ree  line ;  a  line  free  from  that  vassalage  which  wa? 
common  to  subjects  in  days  of  old;  some  from  a  bird 
of  long  red  legs.  Your  uncle  Benjamin  made  inquiry 
of  one  skilled  in  heraldry,  who  told  him  there  is  two 
coats  of  armour,  one  belonging  to  the  Franklins  of  the 
north,  and  one  to  the  Franklins  of  the  west.  However, 
our  circumstances  have  been  such  as  that  it  hath  hardly- 
been  worth  while  to  concern  ourselves  much  about 
hese  things,  any  further  than  to  tickle  the  fancy  a 
little. 

The  first  that  I  can  give  account  of,  is  my  great  grand 
father,  as  it  was  a  custom  in  those  days  among  young 
men  too  many  times  to  goe  to  seek  their  fortune,  and 
in  his  travels  he  went  upon  liking  to  a  taylor ;  but  he 
kept  such  a  stingy  house,  that  he  left  him  and  travel 
led  farther,  and  came  to  a  smith's  house,  and  coming 
on  a  fasting  day,  being  in  popish  times,  he  did  not  like 
there  the  first  day ;  the  next  morning  the  servant  was 
called  up  at  five  in  the  morning,  but  after  a  little  time 
came  a  good  toast  and  good  beer,  and  he  found  good 
housekeeping  there ;  he  served  and  learned  the  trade  of 
a  smith. 

In  queen  Mary's  days,  either  his  wife,  or  my  grand 
mother,  by  father's  side,  informed  my  father  that  they 
kept  their  bible  fastened  under  the  top  of  a  joint-stool 
that  they  might  turn  up  the  book  and  read  in  the  bible, 
that  when  any  body  came  to  the  dore  they  turned  up 
the  stool  for  fear  of  the  aparitor,  for  if  it  was  discover 
ed,  they  would  be  in  hazard  of  their  live?.  My  grand 
father  was  a  smith  also,  and  settled  at  Eton  in  North 
amptonshire,  and  he  was  imprisoned  a  year  and  a  day 
on  suspicion  of  his  being  the  author  of  some  poetry  that 
touched  the  character  of  some  great  man.  He  had  only 
one  son  and  one  daughter ;  my  grandfather's  name  was 
Henry,  my  father's  name  was  Thomas,  my  mother's 
name  was  Jane.  My  father  was  born  at  Ecton  or  Eton, 
Northamptonshire,  on  the  Jgtkpf October,  1508 ;  married 
to  Miss  Jane  White,  niece  to  Coll  White,ofBanbury,and 
died  in  the  84th  year  of  his  age.  There  was  nine  chil 
dren  of  us  who  were  happy  in  our  parents,  who  took 
great  care  by  their  instructions  andrnous  example  to 
breed  us  up  in  a  religious  way.  My  eldest  brother  had 
but  one  child,  which  was  married  to  owe  Mr.  Fisher,  at 
Wallingborough,  in  Northamptonshire.  The  town  was 
lately  burnt  down,  and  whether  .she  was  a  sufferer  or 
not  I  cannot  tell,  or  whether  she  be  living  or  not.  Her 
father  dyed  worth  fifteen  hundred  pounds,  but  what  her 
circumstances  are  now  I  know  not.  She  hath  no  child, 
If  jwu  by  the  freedom  of  your  office,  makes  it  more  like 
ly  to  convey  a  letter  to  lujr.  it  would,  be  acceptable  to 
me.  There  is  also  children  of  brother  John  and  sister 
Morris,  but  I  hear  nothing  from  them,  and  they  write 
not  to  me,  so  that  I  know  not.where  to  find  them.  I 

have  been  again  to  about  seeing, but  have 

mist  of  being  informed.  We  received  yours,  and  are 
glad  to  hear  poor  Jarnmy  is  recovered  so  well.  Son 
John  received  the  letter^ut  is  so  busy  just  now  that 
he  cannot  write  you  an  antwer,  but  will  do  the  best  he 
can.  Now  with  hearty  loveflpa'nd  prayer  for  you  all 
I  rest  your  affectionate  father.  Boston,  May  26, 1739. 
JOSIAH  FRANKLIN. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


years  later,  on  the  same  day,  one  might  have  | 
supposed  a  transmigration."  John,  my  next  I 
uncle,  was  bred  a  dyer,  I  believe  of  wool.  Ben 
jamin  was  bred  a  silk  dyer,  serving  an  appren 
ticeship  in  London.  He  was  an  ingenious 
man.  I  remember,  when  I  was  a  boy,  ho  came 
to  my  father's  in  Boston,  and  resided  in  the 
house  with  us  for  several  years.  There  was 
always  a  particular  affection  between  my  fa 
ther  and  him,  and  I  was  his  godson.  He 
lived  to  a  great  age.  He  left  behind  him 
two  quarto  volumes  of  manuscript,  of  his  own 
poetry,  consisting  of  fugitive  pieces  addressed 
to  his  friends.  He  had  invented  a  short  hand 
of  his  own,  which  he  taught  me,  but  not  having 
practised  it,  I  have  now  forgotten  it.  He  was 
very  pious,  and  an  assiduous  attendant  at  the 
sermons  of  the  best  preachers,  which  he  re 
duced  to  writing  according  to  his  method,  and 
had  thus  collected  several  volumes  of  them. 
He  was  also  a  good  deal  of  a  politician ;  too 
much  so,  perhaps,  for  his  station.  There  fell 
lately  into  my  hands  in  I/melon,  a  collection 
he  made  of  all  the  principal  political  pamphlets 
relating  to  public  affairs,  from  the  year  1641 
to  1717 ;  many  of  the  volumes  are  wanting1,  as 
appears  by  their  numbering,  but  there  still  re 
main  eight  volumes  in  folio,  and  twenty  in 
quarto  and  in  octavo.  A  dealer  in  old  books 
had  met  with  them,  and  knowing  me  by  name, 
having  bought  books  of  him,  he  brought  them 
to  me.  It  would  appear  that  my  uncle  must 
have  left  them  here,  when  he  went  to  Ameri 
ca,  which  was  about  fifty  years  ago.  I  found 
several  of  his  notes  in  the  margins.  His  grand 
son,  Samuel  Franklin,  is  still  living  in  Bos 
ton. 

Our  humble  family  early  embraced  the  re 
formed  religion.  Our  forefathers  continued 
Protestants  through  the  reign  of  Mary,  when 
they  were  sometimes  in  danger  of  persecu 
tion,  on  account  of  their  zeal  against  popery. 
They  had  an  English  bible,  and  to  conceal  it, 
and  place  it  in  safety,  it  was  fastened  open 
with  tapes  under  and  within  the  cover  of  a  joint 
stool.  When  my  great  grandfather  wished 
to  read  it  to  his  family,  he  placed  the  joint 
stool  on  his  knees,  and  then  turned  over  the 
leaves  under  the  tapes.  One  of  the  children 
stood  at  the  door  to  give  notice  if  he  saw  the 
apparitor  coming,  who  was  an  officer  of  the 
spiritual  court.  In  that  case  the  stool  was 
turned  down  again  upon  its  feet,  when  the 
bible  remained  concealed  under  it  as  before. 
This  anecdote  I  had  from  uncle  Benjamin. 
The  family  continued  all  of  the  church  of 
England,  till  about  the  end  of  Charles  II. 
reign,  when  some  of  the  ministers  that  had 
been  outed  for  their  nonconformity,  holding 
conventicles  in  Northamptonshire,  my  uncle 
Benjamin  and  my  father  Josiah  adhered  to 
them,  and  so  continued  ail  their  lives :  the 
rest  of  the  family  remained  with  the  episco 
pal  church. 


My  father  married  young,  and  carried  hi* 
v/ife  with  three  children  to  New  England, 
about  1682.  The  conventicles  being  at  thaf 
time  forbidden  by  law,  and  frequently  disturb 
ed  in  their  meetings,  some  considerable  men 
of  his  acquaintance  determined  to  go  to  that 
country,  and  he  was  prevailed  witli  to  accoir.- 
pany  them  thither,  where  they  expected  to 
enjoy  the  exercise  of  their  religion  with  free 
dom.  By  the  same  wife  my  father  had  four 
children  more  born  there,  and  by  a  second 
wife  ten  others — in  all  seventeen ;  of  which 
I  remember  to  have  seen  thirteen  sitting  to 
gether  at  his  table,  who  all  grew  up  to  years 
of  maturity,  and  were  married ;  I  was  the 
youngest  son  and  the  youngest  of  all  except 
two  daughters.  I  was  born  in  Boston  in  New 
England.  My  mother,  the  second  wife  of  my 
father,  was  Abiah  Folger,  daughter  of  Peter 
Folger,  one  of  the  first  settlers  of  New  Eng 
land  ;  of  whom  honourable  mention  is  made 
by  Cotton  Mather,  in  his  ecclesiastical  histo 
ry  of  that  country,  entitled  Magnolia  Christ 'i 
Americana,  as  "a  goodly  and  learned  Eng 
lishman,"  if  I  remember  the  words  rightly. 
I  was  informed  he  wrote  several  small  occa 
sional  works,  but  only  one  of  them  was  print 
ed,  which  I  remember  to  have  seen  several 
years  since.  It  was  written  in  1675.  It 
was  in  familiar  verse,  according  to  the  taste 
of  the  times  and  people;  and  addressed  to 
the  government  there.  It  asserts  the  liberty 
of  conscience,  in  behalf  of  the  Anabaptists, 
the  Quakers,  and  other  sectarians,  that  had 
been  persecuted.  He  attributes  to  this  per 
secution  the  Indian  wars,  and  other  calami 
ties  that  had  befallen  the  country ;  regarding 
them  as  so  many  judgments  of  God,  to  punish 
so  heinous  an  offence,  so  contrary  to  charity. 
This  piece  appeared  to  me  as  written  with 
manly  freedom  and  a  pleasing  simplicity.  The 
six  last  lines  I  remember,  but  have  forgotten 
the  preceding  ones  of  the  stanza ;  the  purpose 
of  them  was,  that  his  censures  proceeded  from 
good  will,  and  therefore  he  would  be  known 
to  be  the  author. 

"  Because  to  be  a  libeller  (said  he) 

I  hate  it  with  my  heart ; 
From  Skerburne*  town,  where  now  I  dwell, 

My  name  I  do  put  here ; 
Without  offence,  your  real  friend, — 

It  is  Peter  Folgier. 

My  elder  brothers  were  all  put  apprentices 
to  different  trades.  I  was  put  to  the  grammar 
school  at  eight  years  of  age,  my  father  intend 
ing  to  devote  me  as  the  tythe  of  his  sons,  to 
the  service  of  the  church.  My  early  readiness 
in  learning  to  read,  (which  must  have  been 
very  early,  and  I  do  not  remember  when  I 
could  not  read,)  and  the  opinion  of  all  my 
friends,  that  I  should  certainly  make  a  good 
scholar,  encouraged  him  in  this  purpose  of 

*  Sherburnc  in  the  island  of  Nantucket. 


MEMOIRS  OF 


his.  My  uncle  Benjamin,  too,  approved  of  it, 
and  proposed  to  give  me  his  short-hand  vo 
lumes  of  sermons  to  set  up  with,  if  I  would 
learn  short-hand. 

I  continued  however  at  the  grammar  school 
rather  less  than  a  year,  though  in  that  time 
I  had  risen  gradually  from  the  middle  of  the 
class  of  that  year,  to  beat  the  head  of  the 
same  class,  and  was  removed  into  the  next 
class,  whence  I  was  to  be  placed  in  the  third 
at  the  end  of  the  year.  But  my  father,  bur- 
thened  with  a  numerous  family,  was  unable, 
without  inconvenience,  to  support  the  expense 
of  a  college  education ;  considering,  moreover, 
as  he  said  to  one  of  his  friends  in  my  presence, 
the  little  encouragement  that  line  of  life  af 
forded  to  those  educated  for  it,  he  gave  up  his 
first  intentions,  took  me  from  the  grammar 
school,  and  sent  me  to  a  school  for  writing  and 
arithmetic,  kept  by  a  then  famous  man,  Mr. 
George  Brownwell.  He  was  a  skilful  master 
and  successful  in  his  profession,  employing 
the  mildest  and  most  encouraging  methods. 
Under  him  t  learnt  to  write  a  good  hand  pretty 
soon,  but  failed  entirely  in  arithmetic.  At 
ten  years  old,  I  was  taken  to  help  my  father 
in  his  business  of  a  tallow-chandler  and  soap 
boiler,  a  business  to  which  he  was  not  bred, 
but  had  assumed  on  his  arrival  in  New  Eng 
land,  because  he  found  that  his  dying  trade, 
being  in  little  request,  would  not  maintain  his 
family.  Accordingly,  I  was  employed  in  cut 
ting  the  wick  for  the  candles,  filling  the  moulds 
for  cast  candles,  attending  the  shop,  going  of 
errands,  &c. 

I  disliked  the  trade,  and  had  a  strong  incli 
nation  to  go  to  sea,  but  my  father  declared 
against  it ;  but  residing  near  the  water,  I  was 
much  in  it  and  on  it.  I  learnt  to  swim  well, 
and  to  manage  boats ;  and  when  embarked 
with  other  boys,  I  was  commonly  allowed  to 
govern,  especially  in  any  case  of  difficulty  ; 
and  upon  other  occasions,  I  was  generally  the 
leader  among  the  boys,  and  sometimes  led 
them  into  scrapes,  of  which  I  will  mention  an 
instance,  as  it  shows  an  early  projecting  pub 
lic  spirit,  though  not  then  justly  conducted. 

There  was  a  salt  marsh  which  bounded 
part  of  the  mill-pond,  on  the  edge  of  which  at 
high  water  we  used  to  stand  to  fish  for  min 
nows  ;  by  much  trampling  we  had  made  it  a 
mere  quagmire.  My  proposal  was  to  build  a 
wharf  there  for  us  to  stand  upon,  and  I  shew 
ed  my  comrades  a  large  heap  of  stones,  which 
were  intended  for  a  new  house  near  the  marsh, 
and  which  would  very  well  suit  our  purpose. 
Accordingly,  in  the  evening  when  the  work 
men  were  gone  home,  I  assembled  a  number 
of  my  playfellows,  and  we  worked  diligently 
like  so  many  emmets,  sometimes  two  or  three 
to  a  stone,  till  we  had  brought  them  all  to  make 
our  little  wharf.  The  next  morning  the  work 
men  were  surprised,  on  missing  the  stones 
which  formed  our  wharf ;  inquiry  was  made 


after  the  authors  of  this  transfer;  we  were  '.' 
covered,  complained  of,  and  corrected  by  our 
fathers ;  and  though  I  demonstrated  the  utili 
ty  of  our  work,  mine  convinced  me  that,  that 
which  was  not  truly  honest  could  not  be  truly 
useful. 

I  suppose  you  may  like  to  know  what  kind 
of  a  man  my  father  was.  He  had  an  excellent 
constitution,  was  of  a  middle  stature,  well  set, 
and  very  strong :  he  could  draw  prettily,  was 
a  little  skilled  hi  music  ;  his  voice  was  sono 
rous  and  agreeable,  so  that  when  he  played 
on  his  violin  and  sung  withal,  as  he  was  accus 
tomed  to  do  after  the  business  of  the  day  was 
over,  it  was  extremely  agreeable  to  hear.  He 
had  some  knowledge  of  mechanics,  and  on  oc 
casion  was  very  handy  with  other  tradesmen's 
tools  ;  but  his  great  excellence  was  his  sound 
understanding  and  solid  judgment  in  pruden 
tial  matters,  both  in  private  and  public  af 
fairs.  It  is  true  he  was  never  employed  in 
the  latter,  the  numerous  family  he  had  to  edu 
cate,  and  the  strictness  of  his  circumstances 
keeping  him  close  to  his  trade  :  but  I  remem 
ber  well  his  being  frequently  visited  by  lead 
ing  men,  who  consulted  him  for  his  opinion 
in  public  affairs,  and  those  of  the  church  he 
belonged  to,  and  who  shewed  great  respect 
for  his  judgment  and  advice:  he  was  also 
much  consulted  by  private  persons  about  their 
affairs,  when  any  difficulty  occurred ;  and  fre 
quently  chosen  an  arbitrator  between  contend 
ing  parties.  At  his  table  he  liked  to  have,  as 
often  as  he  could,  some  sensible  friend  or 
neighbour  to  converse  with,  and  always  took 
care  to  start  some  ingenious  or  useful  topic  for 
discourse,  which  might  tend  to  improve  the 
minds  of  his  children.  By  this  means  he  turn 
ed  our  attention  to  what  was  good,  just,  and 
prudent,  in  the  conduct  of  life ;  and  little  or  no 
notice  was  ever  taken  of  what  related  to  the  vic 
tuals  on  the  table,  whether  it  was  well  or  ill  dress- 
ed,  in  or  out  of  season,  of  good  or  bad  flavour,pre- 
ferable  or  inferior  to  this  or  that  other  thing  of 
the  kind,  so  that  I  was  brought  up  in  such  a 
perfect  inattention  to  those  matters,  as  to  be 
quite  indifferent  as  to  what  kind  of  food  was 
set  before  me.  Indeed  I  am  so  unobservant  of 
it,  that  to  this  day  I  can  scarce  tell  a  few  hours 
after  dinner  of  what  dishes  it  consisted.  This 
has  been  a  great  convenience  to  me  in  tra 
velling,  where  my  companions  have  been 
sometimes  very  unhappy  for  want  of  a  suit 
able  gratification  of  their  more  delicate 
because  better  instructed  tastes  and  appe 
tites. 

My  mother  had  likewise  an  excellent  con 
stitution  :  she  suckled  all  her  ten  children.  I 
never  knew  either  my  father  or  mother  to  have 
any  sickness  but  that  of  which  they  died — he 
at  89  and  she  at  85  years  of  age.  They  lie 
buried  together  at  Boston,  where  I  some  years 
since  placed  a  marble  over  their  grave,  with 
this  inscription : 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


JOSIA.H  FRANKLIN. 

and 

ABIAH,  his  wife, 

lie  here  interred. 

They  lived  lovingly  together  in  wedlock 

fifty-five  years. 

And  without  an  estate,  or  any  gainful  employment, 
By  constant  labour  and  honest  industry, 
maintained  a  large  family  comfortably, 
and  brought  up  thirteen  children  and  seven  grand 
children  respectably. 
From  this  instance,  reader, 
Be  encouraged  to  diligence  in  thy  calling 

And  distrust  not  Providence. 
He  was  a  pious  and  prudent  man  ; 
She  a  discreet  and  virtuous  woman. 

Their  youngest  son, 
In  filial  regard  to  their  memory, 

Places  this  stone. 

J.  F.  born  1055,  died  1744,  ^Etas  89. 
A.  F.  1(367,  1752,  85. 

By  my  rambling  digressions,  I  perceive  my 
self  to  be  grown  old.  I  used  to  write  more 
methodically.  But  one  does  not  dress  for  pri 
vate  company  as  for  a  public  ball.  Perhaps  it 
is  only  negligence. 

To  return :  I  continued  thus  employed  in 
my  father's  business  for  two  years,  that  is  till 
I  was  twelve  years  old ;  and  my  brother  John, 
who  was  bred  to  that  business,  having  left  my 
father,  married  and  set  up  for  himself  at  Rhode 
Island,  there  was  every  appearance  that  I 
was  destined  to  supply  his  place,  and  become 
a  tallow-chandler.  But  my  dislike  to  the  trade 
continuing,  my  father  had  apprehensions,  that 
if  he  did  not  put  me.  to  one  more  agreeable,  I 
should  break  loose  and  go  to  sea,  as  my  bro 
ther  Josiah  had  done  to  his  great  vexation. 
In  consequence  he  took  me  to  walk  with  him, 
and  see  joiners,  bricklayers,  turners,  braziers, 
&c.,  at  their  work,  that  he  might  observe  my 
inclination,  and  endeavour  to  fix  it  on  some 
trade  or  profession  that  would  keep  me  on 
land.  It  has  ever  since  been  a  pleasure  to  me  to 
see  good  workmen  handle  their  tools ;  and  it  has 
been  often  useful  to  me  to  have  learnt  so  much 
by  it  as  to  be  able  to  do  some  trifling  jobs  in 
the  house,  when  a  workman  was  not  at  hand, 
and  to  construct  little  machines  for  my  expe 
riments,  at  the  moment  when  the  intention  of 
making  them  was  warm  in  my  mind.  My 
father  determined  at  last  fos  tlie  cutlers'  trade, 
and  placed  me  for  some  days  on  trial  with  Sa 
muel,  son  to  my  uncle  Benjamin,  who  was  bred 
to  that  trade  in  London,  and  had  just  establish 
ed  himself  in  Boston.  But  the  sum  he  exacted 
as  a  fee  for  my  apprenticeship  displeased  my 
father,  and  I  was  taken  home  again.  From 
my  infancy  I  was  passionately  fond  of  read 
ing,  and  all  the  money  that  came  into  my 
hands  was  laid  out  in  the  purchasing  of  books. 
I  was  very  fond  of  voyages.  My  first  acqui 
sition  was  Bunt/art's  works  in  separate  little 
volumes.  I  afterwards  sold  them  to  enable 
me  to  buy  R.  Burton's  Historical  Collec 
tions  ;  they  were  small  chapmen's  books,  and 
cheap,  40  volumes  in  all.  My  father's  little 
library  consisted  chiefly  of  books  in  polemic 
divinity,  most  of  which  I  read.  I  have  often 

1* 


regretted,  that  at  a  time  when  I  had  such  a 
thirst  for  knowledge,  more  proper  books  had 
not  fallen  into  my  way,  since  it  was  resolved 
I  should  not  be  bred  to  divinity ;  there  was 
among  them  Plutarch's  lives,  which  I  read 
abundantly,  and  I  still  think  that  time  spent 
to  great  advantage.  ^  There  was  also  a  book 
of  De  Foe's,  called  an  Essay  on  Projects,  and 
another  of  Dr.  Mather's,  called  an  Essay  to 
do  good,  which  perhaps  gave  me  a  turn  of 
thinking  that  had  an  influence  on  some  of  the 
principal  future  events  of  my  life. 

This  bookish  inclination  at  length  deter 
mined  my  father  to  make  me  a  printer,  though 
he  had  already  one  son  (James)  of  that  profes 
sion.  In  17i7  my  brother  James  returned 
from  England  with  a  press  and  letters  to  set 
up  his  business  in  Boston.  I  liked  it  much 
better  than  that  of  my  father,  but  still  had  an 
hankering  for  the  sea.  To  prevent  the  appre 
hended  effect  of  such  an  inclination,  my  fa 
ther  was  impatient  to  have  me  bound  to  my 
brother.  I  stood  out  some  time,  but  at  last 
was  persuaded,  and  signed  the  indentures 
when  I  was  yet  but  twelve  years  old.  I  was 
to  serve  as  an  apprentice  till  I  was  twenty-one 
years  of  age,  only  I  was  to  be  allowed  jour 
neyman's  wages  during  the  last  year.  In  a 
little  time  I  made  a  great  progress  in  the  busi 
ness,  and  became  a  useful  hand  to  my  brother. 
Tnow  had  access  to  better  books.  An  acquaint 
ance  with  the  apprentices  of  booksellers,  ena 
bled  me  sometimes  to  borrow  a  small  one, 
which  I  was  careful  to  return  soon  and  clean. 
Often  I  sat  up  in  my  chamber  the  greatest 
part  of  the  night,  when  the  book  was  borrow, 
ed  in  the  evening  to  be  returned  in  the  morn 
ing,  lest  it  should  be  found  missing.  After 
some  time  a  merchant,  an  ingenious,  sensible 
man,  Mr.  Matthew  Adams,  who  had  a  pretty 
collection  of  books,  frequented  our  printing 
office,  took  notice  of  me,  and  invited  me  to 
see  his  library,  and  very  kindly  proposed  to 
lend  me  such  books  as  I  chose  to  read.  I  now 
took  a  strong  inclination  for  poetry,  and  wrote 
some  little  pieces ;  my  brother  supposing  it 
might  turn  to  account,  encouraged  me,  and 
induced  me  to  compose  two  occasional  ballads. 
One  was  called  the  Light-house  tragedy, 
and  contained  an  account  of  the  shipwreck  of 
captain  Worthilake,  with  his  two  daughters  : 
the  other  was  a  sailor's  song,  on  the  taking  of 
the  famous  Teach  (or  Blackboard)  the  pirate. 
They  were  wretched  stuff  in  street  ballad 
style ;  and  when  they  were  printed,  my  bro 
ther  sent  me  about  the  town  to  sell  them. — 
The  first  sold  prodigiously,  the  event  being 
recent,  and  having  made  a  great  noise.  This 
success  flattered  my  vanity,  but  my  father  dis 
couraged  me,  by  criticising  my  performances, 
and  telling  me  verse  makers  were  generally 
beggars.  Thus  I  escaped  being  a  poet,  and 
probably  a  very  bad  one  :  but  as  prose  writ 
ing  has  been  of  great  use  to  me  in  the  course 


MEMOIRS  OF 


of  my  life,  and  was  a  principal  means  of  my 
advancement,  I  shall  tell  you  how  in  such  a 
situation,  I  accquired  what  little  ability  I  may 
be  supposed  to  have  in  that  way. 

There  was  another  bookish  lad  in  the  town, 
John  Collins  by  name,  with  whom  I  was  inti 
mately  acquainted.  We  sometimes  disputed, 
and  very  fond  we  were  of  argument,  and  very 
desirous  of  confuting  one  another,  which  dis 
putatious  turn,  by  the  way,  is  apt  to  become 
a  very  bad  habit,  making  people  often  ex 
tremely  disagreeable  in  company,  by  the  con 
tradiction  that  is  necessary  to  bring  it  into  prac 
tice  ;  and  thence  besides" souring  and  spoiling 


caugiit  tms  by 
reading  my  father's  books  of  disputes  on  re 
ligion.  Persons  of  good  sense,  I  have  since 
observed,  seldom  fall  into  it,  except  lawyers, 
university  men,  and  generally  men  of  all  sorts 
Who  have  been  bred  at  Edinburg.  A  question 
was  once  some  how  or  other  started,  between 
Collins  and  me,  on  the  propriety  of  educating 
the  female  sex  in  learning,  and  their  abilities 
for  study.  He  was  of  opinion  that  it  was  im 
proper,  and  that  they  were  naturally  unequal 
to  it.  I  took  the  contrary  side,  perhaps  for 
dispute  sake.  He  was  naturally  more  elo 
quent,  having  a  greater  plenty  of  words ;  and 
sometimes,  as  I  thought,  I  was  vanquished  more 
by  his  fluency  than  by  the  strength  of  his  rea 
sons.  As  we  parted  without  settling  the  point, 
and  were  not  to  see  one  another  again  for 
some  time,  I  sat  down  to  put  my  arguments 
in  writing,  which  I  copied  fair  and  sent  to  him. 
He  answered,  and  I  replied.  Three  or  four 
letters  on  a  side  had  passed,  when  my  father 
happened  to  find  my  papers  'and  read  them. 
Without  entering  into  the  subject  in  dispute, 
he  took  occasion  to  talk  to  me  about  my  man 
ner  of  writing ;  observed  that,  though  I  had 
the  advantage  of  my  antagonist  in  correct 
spelling  and  pointing,  (which  he  attributed  to 
the  printing  house,)  I  fell  far  short  in  elegance 
of  expression,  in  method,  and  perspicuity,  of 
which  he  convinced  me  by  several  instances. 
I  saw  the  justice  of  his  remarks,  and  thence 
grew  more  attentive  to  my  manner  of  writing, 
and  determined  to  endeavour  to  improve  my 
style. 

About  this  time  I  met  with  an  odd  volume 
of  the  Spectator.  I  had  never  before  seen 
any  of  them.  I  bought  it,  read  it  over  and 
over,  and  was  much  delighted  with  it.  I 
thought  the  writing  excellent,  and  wished  if 
possible  to  imitate  it.  With  that  view  I  took 
some  of  the  papers,  and  making  short  hints  of 
the  sentiments  in  each  sentence,  laid  them  by 
a  few  days,  and  then  without  looking  at  the 
book,  tried  to- complete  the  papers  again,  by 
expressing  each  hinted  sentiment  at  length 
and  as  fully  as  it  had  been  expressed  before 
in  any  suitable  words  that  should  occur  to  me. 


Then  I  compared  my  Spectator  with  an  ori 
ginal,  discovered  some  of  my  faults,  and  cor 
rected  them.  But  I  found  I  wanted  a  stock 
of  words,  or  a  readiness  in  recollecting  and 
usinw  them,  which  I  thought  I  should  have 
acquired  before  that  time,  if  I  had  gone  on 
making  verses ;  since  the  continual  search  for 
words  of  the  same  import,  but  of  different 
lengths,  to  suit  the  measure,  or  of  different 
sounds  for  the  rhyme,  would  have  laid  me  under 
a  constant  necessity  of  searching  for  variety, 
and  also  have  tended  to  fix  that  variety  in  my 
mind,  and  make  me  master  of  it.  Therefore 
I  took  sonie  of  the  tales  in  the  Spectator,  and 
turned  them  into  verse :  and  after  a  time, 
when  I  had  pretty  well  forgotten  the  prose, 
turned  them  back  again.  I  also  sometimes 
jumbled  my  collection  of  hints  into  confusion, 
and  after  some  weeks  endeavoured  to  reduce 
them  into  the  best  order,  before  I  began  to 
form  the  fall  sentences  and  complete  the  sub 
ject.  This  was  to  teach  me  method  in  the 
arrangement  of  the  thoughts.  By  comparing 
my  work  with  the  original,  I  discovered  many 
faults  and  corrected  them  ;  but  I  sometimes 
had  the  pleasure  to  fancy,  that  in  particulars 
of  small  consequence  I  had  been  fortunate 
enough  to  improve  the  method  or  the  lan- 

fuage,  and  this  encouraged  me  to  think,  that 
might  in  time  come  tcTbe'a  tolerable  Eng 
lish  writer,  of  which  I  was  extremely  ambi 
tious.  The  time  I  allotted  for  writing  exer 
cises  and  for  reading,  was  at  night  or  before 
work  began  in  the  morning,  or  on  Sunday, 
when  I  contrived  to  be  in  the  printing  house, 
avoiding  as  mifbh  as  I  could  the  constant  at 
tendance  at  public  worship,  which  my  father 
used  to  exact  from  me  when  I  was  under  his 
care,  and  which  I  still  continued  to  consider 
as  a  duty,  though  I  could  not  afford  time  to 
practise  it. 

When  about  sixteen  years  of  age,  I  happen 
ed  to  meet  with  another  book,  written  by  one 
Tryon,  recommending  a  vegetable  diet.  I  de 
termined  to  go  into  it.  My  brother  being  yet 
unmarried,  did  not  keep  house,  but  boarded 
himself  and  his  apprentices  in  another  family. 
My  refusing  to  eat  flesh  occasioned  an  incon 
venience,  and  I  was  frequently  chid  for  my 
singularity.  I  made  myself  acquainted  with 
Tryon's  manner  of  preparing  some  of  his  dishes, 
such  as  boiling  potatoes  or  rice,  making  hasty 
pudding,  and  a  few  others,  and  then  proposed 
to  my  brother,  if  he  would  give  me  weekly, 
half  the  money  he  paid  for  my  board,  I  would 
board  myself.  He  instantly  agreed  to  it,  and 
I  presently  found  that  I  could  save  half  what 
he  paid  me. 

This  was  an  additional  fund  for  buying  of 
books.  But  I  had  another  advantage  in  it. — 
My  brother  and  the  rest  going  from  the  print 
ing  office  to  their  meals,  I  remained  there 
alone  ;  and  despatching  presently  my  light  re 
past,  which  was  often  no  more  than  a  biscuit, 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


or  a  slice  of  bread  and  a  handful  of  raisins,  a 
tart  from  the  pastry  cook's,  and  a  glass  of  wa 
ter,  had  the  rest  of  the  time  till  their  return 
for  study,  in  which  I  made  the  greater  pro 
gress,  from  that  greater  clearness  of  head  and 
quick  apprehension,  which  generally  attends 
temperance  in  eating  and  drinking. 

Now  it  was,  that  being  on  some  occasion 
made  ashamed  of  my  ignorance  in  figures, 
which  I  had  twice  failed  learning  when  at 
school,  I  took  Cocker's  book  on  arithmetic, 
and  went  through  the  whole  by  myself  with 
the  greatest  ease.  I  also  read  Sellers  and 
Sturny's  book  on  navigation,  which  made  me 
acquainted  with  the  little  geometry  it  contain 
ed  ;  but  I  never  proceeded  far  in  that  science. 
I  read  about  this  time  Locke  on  the  Human 
Understanding,  and  the  Art  of  Thinking-  by 
Messrs,  du  Port  Royal. 

While  I  was  intent  on  improving  my  lan 
guage,  I  met  with  an  English  grammar,  (I 
think  it  was  Greenwood's,)  having  at  the  end 
of  it  two  little  sketches,  on  the  arts  of  rhetoric 
and  logic,  the  latter  finishing  with  a  dispute 
in  the  Socratic  method ;  and  soon  after  I  pro 
cured  Xenophon's  Memorable  things  of  So 
crates,  wherein  there  are  many  examples  of 
the  same  method.  I  was  charmed  by  it,  adopt 
ed  it,  dropt  my  abrupt  contradiction  and  posi 
tive  argumentation,  and  put  on  the  humble  in 
quirer  ;  and  being  then,  from  reading  Shafts- 
bury  and  Collins,  made  a  doubter,  as  I  already 
was  in  many  points  of  our  religious  doctrines, 
I  found  this  method  the  safest  for  myself  and 
very  embarrassing  to  those  against  whom  I 
used  it ;  therefore  I  took  delight  in  it,  practis 
ed  it  continually,  and  grew  very  artful  and 
expert  in  drawing  people,  even  of  superior 
knowledge,  into  concessions,  the  consequences 
of  which  they  did  not  foresee;  entangling 
them  in  difficulties,  out  of  which  they  could 
not  extricate  themselves,  and  so  obtaining  vic 
tories,  that  neither  myself  nor  my  cause  al 
ways  deserved.  I  continued  this  method 
some  few  years,  but  gradually  left  it,  retain 
ing  only  the  habit  of  expressing  myself  in 
terms  of  modest  diffidence;  never  using, 
when  I  advanced  any  thing  that  may  possibly 
be  disputed,  the  word  certainly — undoubted 
ly — or  any  other  that  gave  the  air  of  positive- 
ness  to  an  opinion ;  but  rather  say  I  conceive, 
or  apprehend  a  thing  to  be  so  and  so,  it  ap 
pears  to  me ;  or  I  should  not  think  it  is  so,  for 
such  and  such  reasons ;  or  I  imagine  it  to  be 
so ;  or  it  is  so,  if  I  am  not  mistaken.  This 
habit  I  believe  has  been  of  great  advantage 
to  me,  when  I  have  had  occasion  to  inculcate 
my  opinions,  and  persuade  men  into  measures 
that  I  have  been  from  time  to  time  engaged 
in  promoting ;  and  as  the  chief  ends  of  con 
versation  are  to  inform,  or  to  be  informed,  to 
please  or  to  persuade,  I  wish  well  meaning 
and  sensible  men  would  not  lessen  their  power 
of  doing  good  by  a  positive,  assuming  man 


ner  that  seldom  fails  to  disgust,  tends  to  cre 
ate  opposition,  and  to  defeat  most  of  those  pur 
poses  for  which  speech  was  given  to  us. 

In  fact  if  you  wish  to  instruct  others,  a  po 
sitive  and  dogmatical  manner  in  advancing 
your  sentiments  may  occasion  opposition  and 
prevent  a  candid  attention.  If  you  desire  im 
provement  from  others,  you  should  not  at  the 
same  time  express  yourself  fixed  in  your  pre 
sent  opinions ;  modest  and  sensible  men  who 
do  not  love  disputations  will  leave  you  undis 
turbed  in  the  possession  of  your  errors.  In 
adopting  such  a  manner,  you  can  seldom  ex 
pect  to  please  your  hearers,  or  obtain  the  con 
currence  you  desire.  Pope  judiciously  ob 
serves, 

Men  must  be  taught  as  if  you  taught  them  not, 
And  things  unknown  proposed  as  things  forgot. 

He  also  recommends  it  to  us, 

To  speak,  tho1  sure,  with  seeming  diffidence. 

And  he  might  have  joined  with  this  line,  that 
which  he  has  coupled  with  another  I  think 
less  properly. 

For  want  of  modesty  is  want  of  sense. 

If  you  ask,  why  less  properly,  I  must  repeat 
the  lines, 

Immodest  words  admit  of  no  defence. 
For  want  of  modesty  is  want  of  sense 

Now  is  not  the  want  of  sense  (where  a  man  is 
so  unfortunate  as  to  want  it)  some  apology  for 
his  want  of  modesty  ?  and  would  not  the  lines 
stand  more  justly  thus  1 

Immodest  words  admit  but  this  defence, 
That  want  of  modesty  is  want  of  sense. 

This,  however,  I  should  submit  to  better  judg 
ments. 

My  brother  had  in  1720  or  21,  began  to 
print  a  newspaper.  It  was  the  second  that 
appeared  in  America,  and  was  called  the  New 
England  Courant.  The  only  one  before  it, 
was  the  Boston  News  Letter.  I  remember 
his  being  dissuaded  by  some  of  his  friends 
from  the  undertaking,  as  not  likely  to  succeed, 
one  newspaper  being,  in  their  judgment, 
enough  for  America.  At  this  time  (1771) 
there  are  not  less  than  five-and-twenty.*  He 
went  on  however  with  the  undertaking;  I 
was  employed  to  carry  the  papers  to  the  cus 
tomers,  after  having  worked  in  composing  the 
types  and  printing  off  the  sheets.  He  had 
some  ingenious  men  among  his  friends,  who 
amused  themselves  by  writing  little  pieces 
for  this  paper,  which  gained  it  credit,  and 

*The  number  in  1317,  exceeds  400. 


MEMOIRS  OF 


made  it  more  in  demand,  and  these  gentlemen 
often  visited  us. 

Hearing  their  conversations  and  their  ac 
counts  of  the  approbation  their  papers  were 
received  with,  I  was  excited  to  try  my  hand 
among  them :  but  being  still  a  boy,  and  sus 
pecting  that  my  brother  would  object  to  print 
ing  any  thing  of  mine  in  his  paper,  if  he  knew 
it  to  be  mine,  I  contrived  to  disguise  my  hand, 
and  writing  an  anonymous  paper,  I  put  it  at 
night  under  the  door  of  the  printing  house. — 
It  was  found  in  the  morning,  and  communi 
cated  to  his  writing  friends,  when  they  call 
ed  in  as  usual.  They  read  it,  commented  on 
it  in  my  hearing,  and  I  had  the  exquisite  plea 
sure  of  finding  it  had  met  with  their  approba 
tion,  and  that  hi  their  different  guesses  at  the 
author,  none  were  named  but  men  of  some 
character  among  us  for  learning  and  ingenui 
ty.  I  suppose  that  I  was  rather  lucky  in  my 
judges,  and  they  were  not  really  so  very  good 
as  I  then  believed  them  to  be. 

Encouraged  however  by  this  attempt,  I 
wrote  and  sent  in  the  same  way  to  the  press 
several  other  pieces,  that  were  equally  approv 
ed  ;  and  I  kept  my  secret  till  all  my  fund  of 
sense  for  such  performances  was  exhausted, 
and  then  discovered  it,  when  I  began  to  be 
considered  with  a  little  more  attention  by  my 
brother's  acquaintance.  However,  that  did 
Hot  quite  please  him,  as  he  thought  it  tended 
to  make  me  too  vain.  This  might  be  one  oc 
casion  of  the  differences  we  began  to  have 
about  this  time.  Though  a  brother,  he  consi 
dered  himself  as  my  master,  and  me  as  his  ap 
prentice,  and  accordingly  expected  the  same 
services  from  me  as  he  would  from  another, 
while  I  thought  he  degraded  me  too  much  in 
some  he  required  of  me,  who  from  a  brother 
required  more  indulgence.  Our  disputes  were 
often  brought  before  our  father,  and  I  fancy  I 
was  either  generally  in  the  right  or  else  a  bet 
ter  pleader,  because  the  judgment  was  gene 
rally  in  my  favour.  But  my  brother  was  pas 
sionate  and  had  often  beaten  me,  which  I  took 
extremely  amiss;  and  thinking  my  appren 
ticeship  very  tedious,  I  was  continually  wish 
ing  for  some  opportunity  of  shortening  it, 
which  at  length  offered  in  a  manner  unex 
pected. 

Perhaps  the  harsh  and  tyrannical  treatment 
of  me,  might  be  a  means  of  impressing  me 
with  the  aversion  to  arbitrary  power,  that  has 
stuck  to  me  through  my  whole  life. 

One  of  the  pieces  in  our  newspaper  on 
some  political  point,  which  I  have  now  for 
gotten,  gave  offence  to  the  assembly.  He  was 
taken  up,  censured,  and  imprisoned  for  a 
month,  by  the  speaker's  warrant,  I  suppose  be 
cause  he  would  not  discover  the  author.  I  too 
was  taken  up  and  examined  before  the  coun 
cil  ;  but  though  I  did  not  give  them  any  sa 
tisfaction,  they  contented  themselves  with  ad 
monishing  me  and  dismissed  me,  considering 


me  perhaps  as  an  apprentice,  who  was  bound 
to  keep  his  master's  secrets. 

During  my  brother's  confinement,  which  I 
resented  a  good  deal  notwithstanding  our  dif 
ferences,  I  had  the  management  of  the  paper ; 
and  I  made  bold  to  give  our  rulers  some  rubs 
in  it,  which  my  brother  took  very  kindly, 
while  others  began  to  consider  me  in  an  un 
favourable  light,  as  a  youth  that  had  a  turn  for 
libelling  and  satire.  My  brother's  discharge 
was  accompanied  with  an  order  (and  a  very 
odd  one)  that  "James  Franklin  should  no 
longer  print  the  newspaper  called  the  New 
England  Courant." 

On  a  consultation  held  hi  our  printing  of 
fice  amongst  his  friends,  what  he  should  do  in 
this  conjuncture,  it  was  proposed  to  elude  the 
order,  by  changing  the  name  of  the  paper ; 
but  my  brother  seeing  inconveniences  in  this, 
come  to  a  conclusion,  as  a  better  way,  to  let. 
the  paper  in  future  be  printed  in  the  name  of 
BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN  :  and  in  order  to  avoid  the 
censure  of  the  assembly  that  might  fall  on 
him,  as  still  printing  it  by  his  apprentice,  he 
contrived  and  consented  that  my  old  indenture 
should  be  returned  to  me,  with  a  discharge  on 
the  back  of  it,  to  show  in  case  of  necessity  ; 
and,  in  order  to  secure  to  him  the  benefit  of 
my  service,  I  should  sign  new  indentures  for 
the  remainder  of  my  time,  which  was  to  be 
kept  private.  A  very  flimsy  scheme  it  was ; 
however,  it  was  immediately  executed,  and 
the  paper  was  printed  accordingly  under  my 
name  for  several  months.  At  length  a  fresh 
difference  arising  between  my  brother  and  me, 
I  took  upon  me  to  assert  my  freedom,  pre 
suming  that  he  would  not  venture  to  produce 
the  new  indentures.  It  was  not  fair  in  me  to 
take  this  advantage,  and  this  I  therefore  reck 
on  as  one  of  the  first  errata  of  my  life ;  but 
the  unfairness  of  it  weighed  little  with  me, 
when  under  the  impression  of  resentment  for 
the  blows  his  passion  too  often  urged  him  to 
bestow  upon  me ;  though  he  was  otherwise 
not  an  illnatured  man :  perhaps  I  was  too 
saucy  and  provoking. 

When  he  found  I  would  leave  him,  he  took 
care  to  prevent  my  getting  employment  in 
any  other  printing  house  in  town,  by  going 
round  and  speaking  to  every  master,  who  accord  - 
ingly  refused  to  give  me  work.  I  then  thought 
of  going  to  New  York,  as  the  nearest  place 
where  there  was  a  printer ;  and  I  was  rather 
inclined  to  leave  Boston,  when  I  reflected 
that  I  had  already  made  myself  a  little  ob 
noxious  to  the  governing  party,  and  from  the 
arbitrary  proceedings  of  the  assembly  in  my 
brother's  case,  it  was  likely  I  might,  if  I  staid, 
soon  bring  myself  into  scrapes ;  and  further, 
that  my  indiscreet  disputations  about  religion 
began  to  make  me  pointed  at  with  horror,  by 
good  people,  as  an  infidel  or  atheist.  I  con 
cluded  therefore  to  remove  to  New  York ; 
but  my  father  now  siding  with  my  brother,  I 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


0 


was  sensible  that  if  I  attempted  to  go  openly 
means  would  be  used  to  prevent  me.  My 
friend  Collins  therefore  undertook  to  manage 
my  flight.  He  agreed  with  the  captain  of  a 
New  York  sloop  to  take  me,  under  pretence 
of  my  being  a  young  man  of  his  acquaintance 
that  had  an  intrigue  with  a  girl  of  bad  cha 
racter,  whose  parents  would  compel  me  to 
marry  her ;  and  that  I  could  neither  appear  or 
come  away  publicly.  I  sold  my  books  to  raise 
a  little  money,  was  taken  on  board  the  sloop 
privately,  had  a  fair  wind,  and  in  three  days 
found  myself  at  New  York,  near  three  hun 
dred  miles  from  my  home,  at  the  age  of  se 
venteen,  without  the  least  recommendation, 
or  knowledge  of  any  person  in  the  place,  and 
very  little  money  in  my  pocket 

The  inclination  I  had  felt  for  the  sea  was 
by  this  time  done  away,  or  I  might  now  have 
gratified  it.  But  having  another  profession, 
and  conceiving  myself  a  pretty  good  work 
man,  I  offered  my  services  to  a  printer  of  the 
place,  old  Mr.  W.  Bradford,  who  had  been 
the  first  printer  in  Pennsylvania,  but  had  re 
moved  thence,  in  consequence  of  a  quarrel 
with  the  governor,  general  Keith.  He  could 
give  me  no  employment,  having  little  to  do, 
and  hands  enough  already.  But  he  said, "  My 
"  son,  at  Philadelphia,  has  lately  lost  his  prin 
cipal  hand,  Aquilla  Rose,  by  death;  if  you 
"  go  thither,  I  believe  he  may  employ  you." 
Philadelphia  was  one  hundred  miles  farther; 
I  set  out,  however,  in  a  boat  for  Amboy,  leav 
ing  my  chest  and  things  to  follow  me  round 
by  sea.  In  crossing  the  bay  we  met  with  a 
squall  that  tore  our  rotten  sails  to  pieces,  pre 
vented  our  getting  into  the  kill,  and  drove  us 
upon  Long  Island.  In  our  way,  a  drunken 
Dutchman,  who  was  a  passenger  too,  fell 
overboard ;  when  he  was  sinking,  I  reached 
through  the  water  to  his  shock  pate,  and  drew 
him  up,  so  that  we  got  him  in  again.  His 
ducking  sobered  him  a  little  and  he  went  to 
sleep,  taking  first  out  of  his  pocket  a  book  which 
he  desired  I  would  dry  for  him.  It  proved  to  be 
my  old  favourite  author,  Banyan's  Pilgrim's 
Progress,  in  Dutch,  finely  printed  on  good  pa 
per,  copper  cuts,  a  dress  better  than  I  had  ever 
seen  it  wear  in  its  own  language.  I  have 
since  found  that  it  has  been  translated  into 
most  of  the  languages  of  Europe,  and  suppose 
it  has  been  more  generally  read  than  any  other 
book,  except  perhaps  the  Bible.  Honest  John 
was  the  first  that  I  know  of,  who  mixed  nar 
ration  and  dialogue ;  a  method  of  writing  very 
engaging  to  the  reader,  who,  in  the  most  in 
teresting  parts  finds  himself,  as  it  were,  ad 
mitted  into  the  company  and  present  at  the 
conversation.  De  Foe  has  imitated  him  suc 
cessfully  in  his  Robinson  Crusoe,  in  his  Moll 
Flanders,  and  other  pieces ;  and  Richardson 
has  done  the  same  in  his  Pamela,  &c. 

On  approaching  the  island,  we  found  it  was 
in  a  place  where  there  could  be  no  landing, 
VOL.  I.-B 


there  being  a  great  surf  on  the  stony  beach , 
So  we  dropt  anchor,  and  swung  out  our  cable 
towards  the  shore.  Some  people  came  down  to 
the  shore,  and  hallooed  to  us,  as  we  did  to  them, 
but  the  wind  was  so  high,  and  the  eurf  so 
loud,  that  we  could  not  understand  each  other. 
There  were  some  small  boats  near  the  shore, 
and  we  made  signs,  and  called  to  them  to  fetch 
us ;  but  they  either  did  not  comprehend  us,  or 
it  was  impracticable,  so  they  went  off.  Night 
approaching,  we  had  no  remedy  but  to  have 
patience  till  the  wind  abated,  and  in  the  mean 
time  the  boatmen  and  myself  concluded  to 
sleep  if  we  could ;  and  so  we  crowded  info  > 
the  hatches,  where  we  joined  the  Dutchman, 
who  was  still  wet,  and  the  spray  breaking 
over  the  head  of  our  boat,  leaked  through  to 
us,  so  that  we  were  soon  almost  as  wet  as  he. 
In  this  manner  we  lay  all  night  with  very 
little  rest ;  but  the  wind  abating  the  next  day, 
we  made  a  shift  to  reach  Amboy  before 
night ;  having  been  thirty  hours  on  the  wa 
ter,  without  victuals,  or  any  drink  but  a  bottle 
of  filthy  rum ;  the  water  we  sailed  on  being 
salt. 

In  the  evening  I  found  myself  very  fever 
ish,  and  went  to  bed ;  but  having  read  some 
where  that  cold  water  drank  plentifully  was 
good  for  a  fever,  I  followed  the  prescription,  and 
sweat  plentifully  most  of  the  night :  my  fever 
[eft  me,  and  in  the  morning  crossing  the  ferry, 
[  proceeded  on  my  journey  on  foot,  having 
fifty  miles  to  Burlington,  where  I  was  told  I 
should  find  boats  that  would  carry  me  the  rest 
of  the  way  to  Philadelphia. 

It  rained  very  hard  all  the  day,  I  was  tho 
roughly  soaked,  and  by  noon  a  good  deal  tired, 
so  I  stopt  at  a  poor  inn,  where  I  stayed  all 
night ;  beginning  now  to  wish  I  had  never 
left  home.  I  made  so  miserable  a  figure  too, 
that  I  found  by  the  questions  asked  me,  I  was 
uspected  to  be  some  runaway  indentured  ser 
vant,  and  in  danger  of  being  taken  up  on  that 
suspicion.  However,  I  proceeded  next  day, 
.nd  got  in  the  evening  to  an  inn  •  within  eight 
>r  ten  miles  of  Burlington,  kept  by  one  Dr. 
Brown.  He  entered  into  conversation  with 
ne,  while  I  took  some  refreshment,  and  find- 
ng  I  had  read  a  little,  became  very  obliging 
and  friendly.  Our  acquaintance  continued 
all  the  rest  of  his  life.  He  had  been,  I  ima 
gine,  an  ambulatory  quack  doctor,  for  there 
was  no  town  in  England,  or  any  country  in 
Europe,  of  which  he  could  not  give  a  very 
particular  account.  He  had  some  letters,  and 
vas  ingenious,  but  he  was  an  infidel,  and 
wickedly  undertook  some  years  after  to  turn 
he  Bible  into  doggrel  verse,  as  Cotton  had 
brmerly  done  with  Virgil.  By  this  means  he 
set  many  facts  in  a  ridiculous  light,  and  might 
have  done  mischief  with  weak  minds,  if  his 
vork  had  been  published ;  but  it  never  was. 
At  his  house  I  lay  that  night,  and  arrived  the 
lext  morning  at  Burlington;  but  had  the 


10 


MEMOIRS  OF 


mortification  to  find,  that  the  regular  boats 
had  gone  a  little  before,  and  no  other  expect 
ed  to  go  before  Tuesday,  this  being  Saturday. 
Wherefore  I  returned  to  an  old  woman  in  the 
town,  of  whom  I  had  bought  some  ginger 
bread  to  eat  on  the  water,  and  asked  her  ad 
vice  ;  she  proposed  to  lodge  me,  till  a  passage 
by  some  other  boat  occurred.  I  accepted  her 
offer,  being  much  fatigued  by  travelling  on 
foot  Understanding  I  was  a  printer,  she 
would  have  had  me  remain  in  that  town  and 
follow  my  business;  being  ignorant  what 
stock  was  necessary  to  begin  with.  She  was 
very  hospitable,  gave  me  a  dinner  of  ox  cheek 
with  a  great  good-will,  accepting  only  of  a 
pot  of  ale  in  return ;  and  I  thought  myself 
fixed  till  Tuesday  should  come.  However, 
walking  in  the  evening  by  the  side  of  the  ri 
ver,  a  boat  came  by  which  I  found  was  go 
ing  towards  Philadelphia  with  several  people 
in  her.  They  took  me  in,  and  as  there  was 
no  wind,  we  rowed  all  the  way ;  and  about 
midnight,  not  having  yet  seen  the  city,  some 
of  the  company  were  confident  we  must 
have  passed  it,  and  would  row  no  further: 
the  others  knew  not  where  we  were,  so 
we  put  towards  the  shore,  got  into  a  creek, 
landed  near  an  old  fence,  with  the  rails  of 
which  we  made  a  fire,  the  night  being  cold, 
in  October,  and  there  we  remained  till  day 
light.  Then  one  of  the  company  knew  the 
place  to  be  Cooper's  creek,  a  little  above 
Philadelphia,  which  we  saw  as  soon  as  we 
got  out  of  the  creek,  and  arrived  there  about 
eight  or  nine  o'clock,  on  the  Sunday  morning, 
and  landed  at  Market-street  wharf. 

I  have  been  the  more  particular  in  this  de 
scription  of  my  journey,  and  shall  be  so  of  my 
first  entry  into  that  city,  that  you  may  in 
your  mind  compare  such  unlikely  beginnings, 
with  the  figure  I  have  since  made  there.  I 
was  in  my  working  dress,  my  best  clothes 
coming  round  by  sea.  I  was  duly,  from  my  be 
ing  so  long  in  the  boat ;  my  pockets  were 
stuffed  out  with  shirts  and  stockings,  and  I 
knew  no  one,  nor  where  to  look  for  lodging. 
Fatigued  with  walking,  rowing,  and  the  want 
of  sleep,  I  was  very  hungry ;  and  my  whole 
stock  of  cash  consisted  in  a  single  dollar,  and 
about  a  shilling  in  copper  coin,  which  I  gave 
to  the  boatmen  for  my  passage.  At  first  they 
refused  it,  on  account  of  my  having  rowed, 
but  I  insisted  on  their  taking  it.  Man  is  some- 
tunes  more  generous  when  he  has  little  mo 
ney,  than  when  he  has  plenty;  perhaps  to 
prevent  his  being  thought  to  have  but  little. 
I  walked  towards  the  top  of  the  street,  gazing 
about,  still  in  Market-street,  where  I  met  a 
boy  with  bread.  I  had  often  made  a  meal  of 
dry  bread,  and  enquiring  where  he  had  bought 
it,  I  went  immediately  to  the  baker's  he  di 
rected  me  to.  I  asked  for  biscuits,  meaning 
such  as  we  had  at  Boston :  that  sort,  it  seems, 
was  not  made  in  Philadelphia.  I  then  asked 


for  a  three-penny  loaf,  and  was  told  they  hart 
none.  Not  knowing  the  different  prices,  nor 
the  names  of  the  different  sorts  of  bread,  I  told 
him  to  give  me  three-penny  worth  of  any  sort 
He  gave  me  accordingly  three  great  puffy 
rolls.  I  was  surprised  at  the  quantity,  but 
took  it,  and  having  no  room  in  my  pockets, 
walked  off  with  a  roll  under  each  arm,  and 
eating  the  other.  Thus  I  went  up  Market, 
street  as  far  as  Fourth-street,  passing  by  Ihe 
door  of  Mr.  Read,  my  future  wife's  father ; 
when  she,  standing  at  the  door,  saw  me,  and 
thought  I  made,  as  I  certainly  did,  a  most 
awkward,  ridiculous  appearance.  Then  I  turn 
ed  and  went  down  Chestnut-street  and  part 
of  Walnut-street,  eating  my  roll  all  the  way, 
and  coming  round  found  myself  again  at  Mar 
ket-street  wharf,  near  the  boat  I  came  in,  to 
which  I  went  for  a  draught  of  the  river  water ; 
and,  being  filled  with  one  of  my  rolls,  gave  the 
other  two  to  a  woman  and  her  child  that  came 
down  the  river  in  the  boat  with  us,  and  were 
waiting  to  go  farther.  Thus  refreshed,  I 
walked  again  up  the  street,  which  by  this 
time  had  many  clean-dressed  people  in  it,  who 
were  all  walking  the  same  way:  I  joined 
them,  and  thereby  was  led  into  the  great  meet 
ing  house  of  the  Quakers  near  the  market.  I 
sat  down  among  them,  and  after  looking  round 
awhile,  and  hearing  nothing  said,  being  very 
drowsy,  through  labour  and  want  of  rest  the 
preceding  night,  I  fell  fast  asleep,  and  conti 
nued  so  till  the  meeting  broke  up,  when  some 
one  was  kind  enough  to  rouse  me.  This  there 
fore  was  the  first  house  I  was  in,  or  slept  in, 
in  Philadelphia. 

I  then  walked  down  towards  the  river,  and 
looking  in  the  faces  of  every  one,  I  met  a 
young  Quaker  man  whose  countenance  pleas 
ed  me,  and  accosting  him,  requested  he  would 
tell  me  where  a  strangrer  could  get  a  lodging. 
We  were  then  near  ~ihe  sign  of  the  Three 
Mariners.  "  Here,"  said  he,  "  is  a  house 
where  they  receive  strangers,  but  it  is  not  a  re 
putable  one ;  if  thou  wilt  walk  with  me,  I'll 
shew  thee  a  better  one ;"  and  he  conducted 
me  to  the  Crooked  Billet  in  Water-street — 
There  I  got  a  dinner ;  and  while  I  was  eat 
ing,  several  questions  were  asked  me;  as 
from  my  youth  and  appearance  I  was  suspect 
ed  of  being  a  runaway.  After  dinner  my 
host  having  shown  me  to  a  bed,  I  lay  myself 
on  it,  without  undressing,  and  slept  till  six  in 
the  evening,  when  I  was  called  to  supper.  I 
went  to  bed  again  very  early,  and  slept  very 
soundly  till  next  morning.  Then  I  dressed 
myself  as  neat  as  I  could,  and  went  to  An 
drew  Bradford,  the  printer's.  I  found  in  the 
shop  the  old  man  his  father,  whom  I  had  seen 
at  New  York,  and  who,  travelling  on  horse 
back,  had  got  to  Philadelphia  before  me.  He 
introduced  me  to  his  son,  who  received  me 
civilly,  gave  me  a  breakfast,  but  told  me  he 
did  not  at  present  want  a  hand,  being  lately 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


11 


supplied  with  one:  but  there  was  another 
printer  in  town  lately  set  up,  one  Keimer, 
who  perhaps  might  employ  me;  if  not,  I 
should  be  welcome  to  lodge  at  his  house,  and 
he  would  give  me  a  little  work  to  do  now  and 
then  till  fuller  business  should  offer. 

The  old  gentleman  said  he  would  go  with 
ine  to  the  new  printer ;  and  when  we  found 
him,  "Neighbour,"  said  Bradford,  "I  have 
brought  to  see  you,  a  young  man  of  your  bu 
siness  ;  perhaps  you  may  want  such  a  one." 
He  asked  me  a  few  questions,  put  a  compos 
ing  stick  in  my  hand  to  see  how  I  worked, 
and  then  said  he  would  employ  me  soon,  though 
he  had  just  then  nothing  for  me  to  do ;  and 
taking  old  Bradford,  whom  he  had  never  seen 
before,  to  be  one  of  the  town's  people  that 
had  a  good  will  for  him,  entered  into  a  con 
versation  on  his  present  undertaking  and  pros 
pects  ;  while  Bradford,  (not  discovering  that 
he  was  the  other  printer's  father,)  on  Kei- 
mer's  saying  he  expected  soon  to  get  the 
greatest  part  of  the  business  into  his  own 
hands ;  drew  him  on  by  artful  questions,  and 
starting  little  doubts,  to  explain  all  his  views, 
what  influence  he  relied  on,  and  in  what  man 
ner  he  intended  to  proceed.  I,  who  stood  by 
and  heard  all,  saw  immediately,  that  one  was 
a  crafty  old  sophister,  and  the  other  a  true  no 
vice.  Bradford  left  me  with  Keimer,  who 
was  greatly  surprised  when.  I  told  him  who 
the  old  man  was. 

The  printing  house,  I  found,  consisted  of 
an  old  damaged  press  and  a  small  worn-out 
fount  of  English  types  wluch  he  was  using 
himself,  composing  an  elegy  on  Aquilla  Rose, 
before  mentioned ;  an  ingenious  young  man, 
of  excellent  character,  much  respected  in  the 
town,  secretary  to  the  assembly,  and  a  pretty 
poet  Keimer  made  verses  too,  but  very  in 
differently.  He  could  not  be  said  to  write 
them,  for  his  method  was  to  compose  them  hi 
the  types  directly  out  of  his  head ;  there  being 
no  copy,  but  one  pair  of  cases,  and  the  elegy 
probably  requiring  all  the  letter,  no  one  could 
help  him.  I  endeavoured  to  put  his  press 
(which  he  had  not  yet  used,  and  of  which  he 
understood  nothing)  into  order  to  be  worked 
with ;  and  promising  to  come  and  print  off  his 
elegy  as  soon  as  he  should  have  got  it  ready, 
I  returned  to  Bradford's,  who  gave  me  a  little 
job  to  do  for  the  present,  and  there  I  lodged 
and  dieted.  A  few  days  after  Keimer  sent 
for  me  to  print  off  the  elegy.  And  now  he 
had  got  another  pair  of  cases,  and  a  pamphlet 
to  reprint  on  which  he  set  me  to  work. 

These  two  printers  I  found  poorly  qualified 
for  their  business.  Bradford  had  not  been 
bred  to  it,  and  was  very  illiterate ;  and  Kei 
mer,  though  something  of  a  scholar,  was  a 
mere  compositor,  knowing  nothing  of  press- 
work.  He  had  been  one  of  the  French  pro 
phets,  and  could  act  then-  enthusiastic  agita 
tions.  At  this  time  he  did  not  profess  any 


particular  religion,  but  something  of  all  on 
occasion;  was  very  ignorant  of  the  world, 
and  had,  as  I  afterwards  found,  a  good  deal  of 
the  knave  in  his  composition.  He  did  not 
like  my  lodging  at  Bradford's  while  I  worked 
with  him.  He  had  a  house  indeed,  but  with 
out  furniture,  so  he  could  not  lodge  me  ;  but 
he  got  me  a  lodging  at  Mr.  Read's,  before- 
mentioned,  who  was  the  owner  of  his  house ; 
and  my  chest  of  clothes  being  come  by  this 
time,  I  made  rather  a  more  respectable  appear 
ance  in  the  eyes  of  Miss  Read,  than  I  had 
done  when  she  first  happened  to  see  me  eat 
ing  my  roll  in  the  street. 

I  began  now  to  have  some  acquaintance 
among  the  young  people  of  the  town,  that 
were  lovers  of  reading,  with  whom  I  spent 
my  evenings  very  pleasantly ;  and  gained  mo 
ney  by  my  industry  and  frugality.  I  lived 
very  contented,  and  forgot  Boston  as  much  as 
I  could,  and  did  not  wish  it  should  be  known 
where  I  resided,  except  to  my  friend  Collins, 
who  was  in  the  secret  and  kept  it  faithfully.  At 
length,  however,  an  incident  happened,  that 
occasioned  my  return  home  much  sooner  than 
I  had  intended.  I  had  a  brother-in-law,  Ro 
bert  Holmes,  master  of  a  sloop  that  traded  be 
tween  Boston  and  Delaware.  He  being  at 
New  Castle,  forty  miles  below  Philadelphia, 
and  hearing  of  me,  wrote  me  a  letter,  men 
tioning  the  grief  of  my  relations  and  friends 
in  Boston,  at  my  abrupt  departure,  assuring 
me  of  their  good  will  to  me,  and  that  every 
thing  would  be  accommodated  to  my  mind  if  I 
would  return ;  to  which  he  intreated  me  ear 
nestly.  I  wrote  an  answer  to  his  letter,  thank 
ed  him  for  his  advice,  but  stated  my  reasons 
for  quitting  Boston,  so  fully  and  in  such  a  light, 
as  to  convince  him,  that  I  was  not  so  much 
in  the  wrong  as  he  had  apprehended. 

Sir  William  Keith,  governor  of  the  pro 
vince,  was  then  at  New  Castle,  and  captain 
Holmes  happening  to  be  in  company  with 
him,  when  my  letter  came  to  hand,  spoke  to 
him  of  me,  and  shewed  him  the  letter.  The 
governor  read  it,  and  seemed  surprised  when 
he  was  told  my  age.  He  said  I  appeared  a 
young  man  of  promising  parts,  and  therefore 
should  be  encouraged :  the  printers  at  Phila 
delphia  were  wretched  ones,  and  if  I  would 
set  up  there,  he  made  no  doubt  I  should  suc 
ceed  ;  for  his  part  he  would  procure  me  the 
public  business,  and  do  me  every  other  ser 
vice  in  his  power.  This  my  brother-in-law 
Holmes  afterwards  told  me  in  Boston,  but  I 
knew  as  yet  nothing  of  it;  when  one  day 
Keimer  and  I  being  at  work  together  near 
the  window,  we  saw  the  governor  and  ano 
ther  gentleman,  (who  proved  to  be  col. 
French  of  New  Castle,  in  the  province  of 
Delaware)  finely  dressed,  come  directly  across 
the  street  to  our  house,  and  heard  them  at  the 
door.  Keimer  ran  down  immediately,  think 
ing 'it  a  visit  to  him ;  but  the  governor  in- 


12 


MEMOIRS  OF 


quired  for  me,  came  up,  and  with  a  conde 
scension  and  politeness  I  had  been  quite  unu 
sed  to,  made  me  many  compliments,  desired 
to  be  acquainted  with  me  ;  blamed  me  kind 
ly  for  not  having  made  myself  known  to  him, 
when  I  first  came  to  the  place,  and  would 
have  me  away  with  him  to  the  tavern,  where 
he  was  going  with  colonel  French  to  taste, 
as  he  said,  some  excellent  Madeira.  I  was 
not  a  little  surprised,  and  Keimer  stared 
with  astonishment.  I  went  however  with 
the  governor  and  colonel  French  to  a  tavern 
the  corner  of  Third-street,  and  over  the  Ma 
deira  he  proposed  my  setting  up  my  business. 
He  stated  the  probabilities  of  my  success,  and 
both  he  and  colonel  French  assured  me  I 
should  have  their  interest  and  influence  to 
obtain  for  me  the  public  business  of  both  go 
vernments.  And  as  I  expressed  doubts  that 
my  father  would  assist  me  in  it,  sir  William 
said  he  would  give  me  a  letter  to  him,  in 
which  he  would  set  forth  the  advantages,  and 
he  did  not  doubt  he  should  determine  him  to 
comply.  So  it  was  concluded  I  should  re 
turn  to  Boston  by  the  first  vessel,  with  the 
governor's  letter  to  my  father.  In  the  mean 
time  it  was  to  be  kept  a  secret,  and  I  went 
on  working  with  Keimer  as  usual.  The 
governor  sent  for  me  now  and  then  to  dine 
with  him,  which  I  considered  a  great  honour, 
more  particularly  as  he  conversed  with  me  in 
the  most  aifable,  familiar,  and  friendly  man 
ner. 

About  the  end  of  April,  1724,  a  little  ves 
sel  offered  for  Boston.  I  took  leave  of  Kei 
mer,  as  going  to  see  my  friends.  The  go 
vernor  gave  me  an  ample  letter,  saying  many 
flattering  things  of  me  to  my  father,  and 
strongly  recommending  the  project  of  my  set 
ting  up  at  Philadelphia,  as  a  thing  thai 
would  make  my  fortune.  We  struck  on  a 
shoal  in  going  down  the  bay,  and  sprung  a 
leak ;  we  had  a  blustering  time  at  sea,  and 
were  obliged  to  pump  almost  continually,  at 
which  I  took  my  turn.  We  arrived  safe, 
however,  at  Boston,  in  about  a  fortnight.  I 
had  been  absent  seven  months,  and  my  "friends 
had  heard  nothing  of  me;  for  my  brother 
Holmes  was  not  yet  returned,  and  had  not 
written  about  me.  My  unexpected  appear 
ance  surprised  the  family;  all  were,  how 
ever,  very  glad  to  see  me,  and  made  me  wel 
come,  except  my  brother :  I  went  to  see  him 
at  his  printing  house.  I  was  better  dressed 
than  ever  while  in  his  service,  having  a  gen 
teel  new  suit  from  head  to  foot,  a  watch,  and 
my  pockets  lined  with  near  five  pounds  ster 
ling  in  silver.  He  received  me  not  very 
frankly,  looked  me  all  over,  and  turned  to  his 
work  again.  The  journeymen  were  inquisi 
tive  where  I  had  been,  what  sort  of  a  country 
it  was,  and  how  I  liked  it.  I  praised  it  much, 
and  the  happy  life  I  led  in  it,  expressing 
strongly  my  intention  of  returning  to  it ;  and 


one  of  them  asking  what  kind  of  money  we 
had  there,  I  produced  an  handful  of  silver, 
and  spread  it  before  them,  which  was  a  kind 
of  raree-show  they  had  not  been  used  to,  pa 
per  being  the  money  of  Boston.  Then  I  took 
an  opportunity  of  letting  them  see  my  watch ; 
and  lastly  (my  brother  still  grum  and  sullen) 
gave  them  a  dollar  to  drink  and  took  my 
leave.  This  visit  of  mine  offended  him  ex 
tremely.  For  when  my  mother  sometime 
after  spoke  to  him  of  a  reconciliation,  and 
of  her  wish  to  see  us  on  good  terms  toge 
ther,  and  that  we  might  live  for  the  future 
as  brothers;  he  said  I  had  insulted  him  in 
such  a  manner  before  his  people,  that  he 
could  never  forget  or  forgive  it.  In  this,  how 
ever,  he  was  mistaken. 

My  father  received  the  governor's  letter 
with  some  surprise ;  but  said  little  of  it  to  me 
for  some  time.  Captain  Holmes  returning, 
he  shewed  it  to  him,  and  asked  him  if  he  knew 
sir  William  Keith,  and  what  kind  of  a  man  he 
was ;  adding,  that  he  must  be  of  small  discre 
tion,  to  think  of  setting  a  youth  up  in  business 
who  wanted  three  years  to  arrive  at  man's  es 
tate.  Holmes  said  what  he  could  in  favour  of 
the  project,  but  my  father  was  decidedly 
against  it,  and  at  last  gave  a  flat  denial.  He 
wrote  a  civil  letter  to  sir  William,  thanking 
him  for  the  patronage  he  had  so  kindly  offer 
ed  me,  and  declining  to  assist  me  as  yet  in 
setting  up,  I  being,  in  his  opinion,  too  young 
to  be  trusted  with  the  management  of  an  un 
dertaking  so  important,  and  for  which  the  pre 
paration  required  a  considerable  expenditure. 

My  old  companion  Collins,  who  was  a  clerk 
in  the  Post  Office,  pleased  with  the  account  I 
gave  him  of  my  new  country,  determined  to  go 
thither  also ;  and  while  I  waited  for  my  fa 
ther's  determination,  he  set  out  before  me  by 
land  to  Rhode-Island,  leaving  his  books,  which 
were  a  pretty  collection  in  mathematics  and 
natural  philosophy,  to  come  with  mine  and 
me  to  New  York,  where  he  proposed  to  wait 
for  me. 

My  father,  though  he  did  not  approve  sir 
William's  proposition,  was  yet  pleased  that  I 
had  been  able  to  obtain  so  advantageous  a  cha 
racter  from  a  person  of  such  note  where  I  had 
resided ;  and  that  I  had  been  so  industrious 
and  careful  as  to  equip  myself  so  handsomely 
in  so  short  a  time ;  therefore,  seeing  no  pros 
pect  of  an  accommodation  between  my  brother 
and  me,  he  gave  his  consent  to  my  returning 
again  to  Philadelphia,  advised  me  to  behave 
respectfully  to  the  people  there,  endeavour  to 
obtain  the  general  esteem,  and  avoid  lampoon 
ing  and  libelling,  to  which  he  thought  I  had 
too  much  inclination;  telling  me,  that  by 
steady  industry  and  prudent  parsimony,  I 
might  save  enough  by  the  time  I  was  one-and- 
twenty,  to  set  me  up;  and  that  if  I  came  near 
the  matter  he  wouldhelp  meoutwith  therest. 
This  was  all  I  could  obtain  except  some  small 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


13 


gifts  as  tokens  of  his  and  my  mother's  love, 
when  I  embarked  again  for  New  York,  now 
with  their  approbation  and  their  blessing. — 
The  sloop  putting  in  at  Newport,  Rhode  Is 
land,  I  visited  my  brother  John,  who  had  been 
married  and  settled  there  some  years.  He  re 
ceived  me  very  affectionately,  tor  he  always 
loved  me.  A  friend  of  his,  one  Vernon,  hav 
ing  some  money  due  him  in  Pennsylvania, 
(about  thirty-five  pounds  currency,)  desired  I 
would  recover  it  for  him,  and  keep  it  till  I  had 
his  directions  what  to  employ  it  in.  Accord 
ingly  he  gave  me  an  order  to  receive  it.  This 
business  afterwards  occasioned  me  a  good 
deal  of  uneasiness. 

At  Newport  we  took  in  a  number  of  pas 
sengers,  amongst  which  were  two  young  wo 
men  travelling  together,  and  a  sensible  ma 
tron-like  quaker  lady,  with  her  servants.  I 
had  shewn  an  obliging  disposition  to  render 
her  some  little  services,  which  probably  im 
pressed  her  with  sentiments  of  good  will  to 
wards  me ;  for,  when  she  witnessed  the  daily 
growing  familiarity  between  the  young  wo 
men  and  myself,  which  they  appeared  to  en 
courage,  she  took  me  aside,  and  said, "  Young 
man,  I  am  concerned  for  thee,  as  thou  hast  no 
friend  with  thee,  and  seem'st  not  to  know 
much  of  the  world,  or  of  the  snares  youth  is 
exposed  to:  depend  upon  it  these  are  very 
bad  women,  I  can  see  it  by  all  their  actions ; 
and  if  thou  art  not  upon  thy  guard,  they  will 
draw  thee  into  some  danger  :  they  are  stran 
gers  to  thee,  and  I  advise  thee,  in  a  friendly 
concern  for  thy  welfare,  to  have  no  acquaint 
ance  with  them."  As  I  seemed  at  first  not  to 
think  so  ill  of  them  as  she  did,  she  mentioned 
some  things  she  had  observed  and  heard  that 
had  escaped  my  notice,  but  now  convinced  me 
she  was  right.  I  thanked  her  for  her  kind  ad 
vice,  and  promised  to  follow  it.  When  we 
arrived  at  New  York,  they  told  me  where 
they  lived,  and  invited  me  to  come  and  see 
them,  but  I  avoided  it,  and  it  was  well  I  did ; 
tor  the  next  day  the  captain  missed  a  silver 
spoon  and  some  other  things  that  had  been 
taken  out  of  his  cabin,  and  knowing  that 
these  were  a  couple  of  strumpets,  he  got  a 
warrant  to  search  their  lodgings,  found  the 
stolen  goods,  and  had  the  thieves  punished. — 
So,  though  we  had  escaped  a  sunken  rock, 
which  we  scraped  upon  in  the  passage,  I 
thought  this  escape  of  rather  more  importance 
tome. 

At  New  York  I  found  my  friend  Collins, 
who  had  arrived  there  some  time  before  me. 
We  had  been  intimate  from  children,  and  had 
read  the  same  books  together :  but  he  had  the 
advantage  of  more  time  for  reading  and  study 
ing,  and  a  wonderful  genius  for  mathematical 
learning,  in  which  he  far  outstript  me.  While 
I  lived  in  Boston,  most  of  my  hours  of  leisure 
for  conversation  were  spent  with  him,  and  he 
continued  a  sober  as  well  as  industrious  lad ; 

2 


was  much  respected  for  his  learning  by  several 
of  the  clergy  and  other  gentlemen,  and  seemed 
to  promise  making  a  good  figure  in  life.  But 
during  my  absence  he  had  acquired  a  habit  of 
drinking  of  brandy,  and  I  found  by  his  own  ac 
count,  as  well  as  that  of  others,  that  he  had 
been  drunk  every  day  since  his  arrival  at  New 
York,  and  behaved  himself  in  a  very  extrava 
gant  manner.  He  had  gamed  too,  and  lost  his 
money,  so  that  I  was  obliged  to  discharge  his 
lodgings,  and  defray  his  expenses  on  the  road, 
and  at  Philadelphia ;  which  proved  a  great 
burden  to  me.  The  then  govenor  of  New 
York,  Burnet,  (son  of  bishop  Burnet,)  hearing 
from  the  captain,  that  one  of  the  passengers 
had  a  great  many  books  on  board,  desired  him 
to  bring  me  to  see  him.  I  waited  on  him,  and 
should  have  taken  Collins  with  me  had  he  been 
sober.  The  governor  received  me  with  great 
civility,  shewed  me  his  library,  which  was  a 
considerable  one,  and  we  had  a  good  deal  of 
conversation  relative  to  boolts  and  authors. 
This  was  the  second  governor  who  had  done 
me  the  honour  to  take  notice  of  me  ;  and  for 
a  poor  boy  like  me,  was  very  pleasing.  We 
proceeded  to  Philadelphia,  I  received  in  the 
way  Vernon's  money,  without  which  we  could 
hardly  have  finished  our  journey.  Collins 
wished  to  be  employed  in  some  counting 
house ;  but  whether  they  discovered  his  djram 
drinking  by  his  breath  or  by  his  behaviour, 
though  he  had  some  recommendations,  he  met 
with  no  success  in  any  application,  and  con 
tinued  lodging  and  boarding  at  the  same  house 
with  me,  and  at  my  expense.  Knowing  that 
I  had  that  money  of  Vernon's,  he  was  continu 
ally  borrowing  of  me,  still  promising  repay 
ment,  as  soon  as  he  should  be  in  business.  At 
length  he  had  got  so  much  of  it,  that  I  was 
distressed  to  think  what  I  should  do,  in  case 
of  being  called  on  to  remit  it.  His  drinking 
continued,  about  which  we  sometimes  quarrel 
led  :  for  when  a  little  intoxicated,  he  was  very 
irritable.  Once,  in  a  boat  on  the  Delaware 
with  some  other  young  men,  he  refused  to  row 
in  his  turn :  "  I  will  be  rowed  home,"  said 
he.  "  We  will  not  row  you,"  said  I.  "  You 
must,"  said  he,  or  stay  all  night  on  the  water, 
just  as  you  please."  The  others  said,  "  Let 
us  row,  what  signifies  it  ]w  But  my  mind  being 
soured  with  his  other  conduct,  I  continued  to 
refuse.  So  he  swore  he  would  make  me  row, 
or  throw  me  overboard;  and  coming  along 
stepping  on  the  thwarts  towards  me,  when  he 
came  up  and  struck  at  me,  I  clapt  my  hand 
under  his  thighs,  and  risinsf,  pitched  him  head 
foremost  into  the  river.  I  knew  he  was  a  good 
swimmer,  and  so  was  under  little  concern 
about  him  ;  but  before  he  could  get  round  to 
lay  hold  of  the  boat,  we  had  with  a  few  strokes 
pulled  her  out  of  his  reach,  and  whenever  he 
drew  near  the  boat,  we  asked  him  if  he  would 
row,  striking  a  few  strokes  to  slide  her  away 
from  him.  He  was  ready  to  stifle  with  vexa- 


14 


MEMOIRS  OF 


tion,  and  obstinately  would  not  promise  to  row. 
Find  ing  him  at  last  beginning  to  tire,  we  drew 
him  into  the  boat,  and  brought  him  home  drip 
ping  wet.  We  hardly  exchanged  a  civil  word 
alter  this  adventure.  At  length  a  West  India 
captain,  who  had  a  commission  to  procure  a 
preceptor  for  the  sons  of  a  gentleman  at  Bar- 
badoes,  met  with  him,  and  proposed  to  carry 
him  thither  to  fill  that  situation.  He  accept 
ed,  and  promised  to  remit  me  what  he  owed 
me  out  of  the  first  money  he  should  receive; 
but  I  never  heard  of  him  after.  The  viola 
tion  of  my  trust,  respecting  Vernon's  money, 
was  one  of  the  first  great  errata  of  my  life ; 
and  this  shewed  that  my  father  was  not  much 
out  in  his  judgment,  when  he  considered  me 
as  too  young  to  manage  business.  But  sir 
William,  on  reading  his  letter,  said  he  was 
too  prudent,  that  there  was  a  great  difference 
in  persons ;  and  discretion  did  not  always  ac 
company  years,  nor  was  youth  always  without 
it.  "  But  since  he  will  not  set  you  up,  I  will  do 
it  myself.  Give  me  an  inventory  of  the  things 
necessary  to  be  had  from  England,  and  I  will 
send  for  them.  You  shall  repay  me  when 
you  are  able ;  I  am  resolved  to  have  a  good 
printer  here,  and  I  am  sure  you  must  suc 
ceed."  This  was  spoken  with  such  an  appear 
ance  of  cordiality,  that  I  had  not  the  least 
doubt  of  his  meaning  what  he  said.  I  had 
hitherto  kept  the  proposition  of  my  setting 
up  a  secret  in  Philadelphia,  and  I  still  kept 
it.  Had  it  been  known  that  I  depended  on 
the  governor,  probably  some  friend  that  knew 
him  better,  would  have  advised  me  not  to  re 
ly  on  him ;  as  I  afterwards  heard  it  as  his 
known  character,  to  be  liberal  of  promises 
which  he  never  meant  to  keep;  yet,  unsolicit 
ed  as  he  was  by  me,  how  could  I  think  his 
generous  offers  insincere  1  I  believed  him  one 
of  the  best  men  in  the  world. 

I  presented  him  an  inventory  of  a  little 
printing  house,  amounting  by  my  computation 
to  about  one  hundred  pounds  sterling.  He 
liked  it,  but  asked  me  if  my  being  on  the  spot 
in  England  to  choose  the  types,  and  see  that 
every  thing  was  good  of  the  kind,  might  not 
be  of  some  advantage;  "then,"  said  he, 
"  when  there  you  may  make  acquaintance,  and 
establish  cerrespondences  in  the  bookselling 
and  stationary  way."  I  agreed,  that  this  might 
be  advantageous.  "  Then,"  said  he,  "  get 
yourself  ready  to  go  with  Annis ;"  which  was 
the  annual  ship,  and  the  only  one  at  that  time 
usually  passing  between  London  and  Phila 
delphia.  But  as  it  would  be  some  months  be 
fore  Annis  sailed,  I  continued  working  with 
Keimer,  fretting  extremely  about  the  money 
Collins  had  got  from  me,  and  in  great  appre 
hensions  of  being  called  upon  for  it  by  Vernon ; 
this  however  did  not  happen  for  some  years 
after. 

I  believe  I  have  omitted  mentioning,  that 
in  my  first  voyage  from  Boston  to  Philadelphia, 


being  becalmed  off  Block  Island,  our  crew 
employed  themselves  in  catching  cod,  and 
hauled  up  a  great  number.  Till  then  I  had 
stuck  to  my  resolution  to  eat  nothing  that  had 
had  life ;  and  on  this  occasion  I  considered, 
according  to  my  master  Tryon,  the  taking 
every  fish,  as  a  kind  of  unprovoked  murder, 
since  none  of  them  had  nor  could  do  us  any 
injury  that  might  justify  this  massacre.  All 
this  seemed  very  reasonable.  But  I  had  been 
formerly  a  great  lover  offish,  and  when  it  came 
out  of  the  frying-pan  it  smelt  admirably  well. 
I  balanced  some  time  between  principle  and 
inclination,  till,  recollecting  that  when  fish 
were  opened  I  saw  smaller  fish  taken  out  of 
their  stomachs;  then  thought  I, "  If  you  eat  one 
another,  I  don't  see  why  we  may  not  eat  you." 
So  I  dined  upon  cod  very  heartily,  and  have 
since  continued  to  eat  as  other  people ;  return 
ing  only  now  and  then  occasionally  to  a  vege 
table  diet.  So  convenient  a  thing  it  is  to  be  a 
reasonable  creature,  since  it  enables  one  to 
find  or  make  a  reason  for  every  thing  one  has 
a  mind  to  do. 

Keimer  and  I  lived  on  a  pretty  good  familiar 
footing,  and  agreed  tolerably  well ;  for  he  sus 
pected  nothing  of  my  setting  up.  He  retain 
ed  a  great  deal  of  his  old  enthusiasm,  and 
loved  argumentation.  We  therefore  had  many 
disputations.  I  used  to  work  him  so  with  my 
Socratic  method,  and  had  trepanned  him  so 
often  by  questions  apparently  so  distant  from 
any  point  we  had  in  hand,  yet  by  degress  lead 
ing  to  the  point,  and  bringing  him  into  diffi 
culties  and  contradictions,  that  at  last  he  grew 
ridiculously  cautious,  and  would  hardly  an 
swer  me  the  most  common  questions,  without 
asking  first,  "  Wliat  do  you  intend  to  infer 
from  that  ?"  However,  it  gave  him  so  high  an 
opinion  of  my  abilities  in  the  confuting  way, 
that  he  seriously  proposed  my  being  his  col 
league  in  a  project  he  had  of  setting  up  a  new 
sect.  He  was  to  preach  the  doctrines,  and  I 
was  to  confound  all  opponents.  When  he 
came  to  explain  with  me  upon  the  doctrines, 
I  found  several  conundrums,  which  I  objected 
to,  unless  I  might  have  my  way  a  little  too, 
and  introduce  some  of  mine.  Keimer  wore 
his  beard  at  full  length,  because  somewhere 
in  the  Mosaic  law,  it  is  said,  "  Thou  shall  not 
mar  the  corners  of  thy  beard."  He  likewise 
kept  the  seventh  day  Sabbath ;  and  these  two 
points  were  essential  with  him.  I  disliked 
both;  but  agreed  to  them  on  condition  of  his 
adopting  the  doctrine  of  not  using  animal  food. 
I  doubt,  said  he,  my  constitution  will  not  bear 
it.  I  assured  him  it  would,  and  that  he  would, 
be  the  better  for  it.  He  was  usually  a  great 
eater,  and  I  wished  to  give  myself  some  di 
version  in  half  starving  him.  He  consented 
to  try  the  practice  if  I  would  keep  him  com 
pany  :  I  did  so,  and  we  held  it  for  three 
months.  Our  provisions  were  purchased, 
cooked,  and^brought  to  us  regularly  by  a  wo- 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


15 


man  in  the  neighbourhood,  who  had  from  me 
a  list  of  forty  dishes,  which  she  prepared  for 
us  at  different  times,  in  which  there  entered 
neither  fish,  flesh  nor  fowl.  This  whim  suited 
me  the  better  at  this  time,  from  the  cheapness 
of  it,  not  costing  us  above  eighteen  pence 
sterling  each  per  week.  I  have  since  kept 
several  lents  most  strictly,  leaving  the  com 
mon  diet  for  that  and  that  for  the  common, 
abruptly,  without  the  least  inconvenience.  So 
that  I  think  there  is  little  in  the  advice  of 
making  those  changes  by  easy  gradations.  I 
went  on  pleasantly,  but  poor  Keimer  suffered 
grievously,  grew  tired  of  the  project,  longed 
for  the  flesh-pots  of  Egypt,  and  ordered  a  roast 
pig.  He  invited  me  and  two  women  friends 
to  dine  with  him,  but  it  being1  brought  too  soon 
upon  table,  he  could  not  resist  the  temptation, 
and  ate  the  whole  before  we  came. 

I  had  made  some  courtship  during  this  tune 
to  Miss  Read ;  I  had  a  great  respect  and  af 
fection  for  her,  and  had  some  reasons  to  believe 
she  had  the  same  for  me;  but  as  I  was 
about  to  take  a  long  voyage,  and  we  were 
both  very  young,  (only  a  little  above  eighteen,) 
it  was  thought  most  prudent  by  her  mother  to 
prevent  our  going  too  far  at  present;  as  a 
marriage,  if  it  was  to  take  place,  would  be 
more  convenient  after  my  return,  when  I 
should  be,  as  I  hoped,  set  up  in  my  business. 
Perhaps  too  she  thought  my  expectations  not 
so  well  founded  as  I  imagined  them  to  be. 

My  chief  acquaintances  at  this  time  were 
Charles  Osborne,  Joseph  Watson,  and  James 
Ralph ;  all  lovers  of  reading.  The  two  first 
were  clerks  to  an  eminent  scrivener  or  con 
veyancer  in  the  town,  (Charles  Brogden,)  the 
other  was  a  clerk  to  a  merchant.  Watson  was 
a  pious,  sensible  young  man,  of  great  integrity : 
the  others  rather  more  lax  in  their  principles 
of  religion,  particularly  Ralph,  who  as  well 
as  Collins  had  been  unsettled  by  me ;  for 
which  they  both  made  me  suffer.  Osborne 
was  sensible,  candid,  frank — sincere  and  af 
fectionate  to  his  friends ;  but  in  literary  mat 
ters  too  fond  of  criticism.  Ralph  was  inge 
nuous,  genteel  in  his  manners,  and  extremely 
eloquent ;  I  think  I  never  knew  a  prettier 
talker.  Both  were  great  admirers  of  poetry, 
and  began  to  try  their  hands  in  little  pieces. 
Many  pleasant  walks  we  have  had  together 
on  Sundays  in  the  woods  on  the  banks  of  the 
Schuylkill,  where  we  read  to  one  another,  and 
conferred  on  what  we  had  read.  Ralph  was 
inclined  to  give  himself  up  entirely  to  poetry, 
not  doubting  but  he  might  make  great  pro 
ficiency  in  it,  and  even  make  his  fortune  by 
it  He  pretended  that  the  greatest  poets  must, 
when  they  first  began  to  write,  have  commit 
ted  as  many  faults  as  he  did.  Osborne  en 
deavoured  to  dissuade  him,  assured  him  he  had 
no  genius  for  poetry,  and  advised  him  to  think 
of  nothing  beyond  the  business  he  was  bred  to ; 
"  that  in  the  mercantile  way,  though  he  had 


no  stock,  he  might  by  his  diligence  and 
punctuality  recommend  himself  to  employ 
ment  as  a  factor,  and  in  time  acquire  where 
with  to  trade  on  hi»  own  account."  I  approv 
ed,  for  my  part,  the  amusing  oneself  with  poet 
ry  now  and  then,  so  far  as  to  improve  one's 
language,  but  no  further.  On  this  it  was  pro 
posed  that  we  should  each  of  us  at  our  next 
meeting  produce  a  piece  of  our  own  compos 
ing,  in  order  to  improve  by  our  mutual  obser 
vations,  critcisms,  and  corrections.  As  lan 
guage  and  expression  was  what  we  had  in  view, 
we  excluded  all  considerations  of  invention,  by 
agreeing  that  the  task  should  be  a  version  of 
the  eighteenth  psalm,  which  describes  the 
descent  of  a  deity.  When  the  time  of  our 
meeting  drew  nigh,  Ralph  called  on  rne  first, 
and  let  me  know  his  piece  was  ready  :  I  told 
him  I  had  been  busy,  and  having  little  incli 
nation,  had  done  nothing.  He  then  shewed  me 
his  piece  for  my  opinion,  and  I  much  approved 
it,  as  it  appeared  to  me  to  have  great  merit. 
"  Now,"  said  he,  "  Osborne  never  will  allow 
the  least  merit  in  any  thing  of  mine,  but 
makes  a  thousand  criticisms  out  of  mere 
envy :  He  is  not  so  jealous  of  you ;  I  wish 
therefore  you  would  take  this  piece  and  pro 
duce  it  as  yours ;  I  will  pretend  not  to  have 
had  tune,  and  so  produce  nothing ;  we  shall 
then  hear  what  he  will  say  to  it."  It  was 
agreed,  and  I  immediately  transcribed  it,  that 
it  might  appear  in  my  own  hand.  We  met : 
Watson's  performance  was  read ;  there  were 
some  beauties  in  it,  but  many  defects.  Os- 
borne's  was  read  ;  it  was  much  better :  Ralph 
did  it  justice ;  remarked  some  faults,  but  ap 
plauded  the  beauties.  He  himself  had  no 
thing  to  produce.  I  was  backward,  seemed 
desirous  of  being  excused,  had  not  had  suffi 
cient  time  to  correct,  &c.,  but  no  excuse 
could  be  admitted  ;,  produce  I  must.  It  was 
read  and  repeated :  Watson  and  Osborne  gave 
up  the  contest,  and  joined  in  applauding  it. 
Ralph  only  made  some  criticisms  and  propos 
ed  some  amendments;  but  I  defended  my 
text  Osborne  was  severe  against  Ralph,  and 
told  me  he  was  no  better  able  to  criticise  than 
to  compose  verses.  As  these  two  were  re 
turning  home,  Osborne  expressed  himself 
still  more  strongly  in  favour  of  what  he 
thought'  my  production ;  having  before  re 
frained,  as  he  said,  lest  I  should  think  he 
meant  to  flatter  me.  "  But  who  would  have 
imagined,"  said  he,"  "  that  Franklin  was  ca 
pable  of  such  a  performance;  such  painting, 
such  force,  such  fire  !  He  has  even  improved 
on  the  original.  In  common  conversation  he 
seems  to  have  no  choice  of  words,  he  hesi 
tates  and  blunders ;  and  yet,  good  God,  how 
he  writes !"  When  we  next  met,  Ralph  dis 
covered  the  trick  we  had  played,  and  Osborne 
was  laughed  at.  This  transaction  fixed  Ralph 
in  his  resolution  of  becoming  a  poet.  I  did 
all  I  could  to  dissuade  him  from  it,  but  he 


16 


MEMOIRS  OF 


continued  scribbling  verses  till  Pope  cured 
him.*  He  became  however  a  pretty  good 
prose  writer.  More  of  him  hereafter.  But 
as  I  may  not  have  occasion  to  mention  the 
other  two,  I  shall  just  remark  here,  that  Wat 
son  died  in  my  arms  a  few  years  after,  much 
lamented,  being  the  best  of  our  set.  Osborne 
went  to  the  West  Indies,  where  he  became  an 
eminent  lawyer  and  made  money,  but  died 
young.  He  and  I  had  made  a  serious  agree 
ment  that  the  one  who  happened  first  to  die 
should,  if  possible,  make  a  friendly  visit  to  the 
other,  and  acquaint  him  how  he  found  things 
in  that  separate  state.  But  he  never  fulfilled 
his  promise. 

The  governor  seeming  to  like  my  company, 
had  me  frequently  at  his  house,  and  his  set 
ting  me  up  was  always  mentioned  as  a  fixed 
thing.  I  was  to  take  with  me  letters  recom 
mendatory  to  a  number  of  his  friends,  besides 
the  letter  of  credit  to  furnish  me  with  the  ne 
cessary  money  for  purchasing  the  press,  types, 
paper,  &c.  For  these  letters  I  was  appointed 
to  call  at  different  times,  when  they  were  to 
be  ready,  but  a  future  time  was  still  named. 
Thus  we  went  on  till  the  ship  (whose  depar 
ture  too  had  been  several  times  postponed)  was 
on  the  point  of  sailing.  Then  when  I  called 
to  take  my  leave  and  receive  the  letters,  his 
secretary,  Dr.  Baird,  came  out  to  me  and 
said  the  governor  was  extremely  busy  in 
writing,  but  would  be  down  at  Newcastle  be 
fore  the  ship,  and  then  the  letters  would  be 
delivered  to  me. 

Ralph,  though  married,  and  having  one 
child,  had  determined  to  accompany  me  in 
this  voyage.  It  was  thought  he  intended  to 
establish  a  correspondence  and  obtain  goods  to 
sell  on  commission;  but  I  found  after,  that 
having  some  cause  of  discontent  with  his 
wife's  relations,  he  proposed  to  leave  her  on 
their  hands  and  never  return  to  America. 
Having  taken  leave  of  my  friends,  and  ex 
changed  promises  with  Miss  Read,  I  quitted 
Philadelphia,  in  the  ship,  which  anchored  at 
Newcastle.  The  governor  was  there,  but 
when  I  went  to  his  lodging,  his  secretary 
came  to  me  from  him  with  expressions  of 'the 
greatest  regret  that  he  could  not  then  see  me, 
being  engaged  in  business  of  importance ;  but 
that  he  would  send  the  letters  to  me  on  board, 
wishing  me  heartily  a  good  voyage  and  a  spee 
dy  return,  &c.  I  returned  on  board  a  little  puz 
zled,  but  still  not  doubting. 

Mr.  Andrew  Hamilton,  a  celebrated  lawyer 
of  Philadelphia,  had  taken  his  passage  in  the 
same  ship  for  himself  and  son,  with  Mr.  Den- 
ham,  a  Quaker  merchant,  and  Messrs.  Oniam 
and  Russel,  (masters  of  an  Iron  Work  in 
Maryland,)  who  had  engaged  the  great  cabin ; 
so  that  Ralph  and  I  were  forced  to  take  up 

*  "  Silence,  ye  Wolves,  while  Ralph  to  Cynthia  howls, 
And  makes  night  hidious:— answer  him  ye  Owls!" 
POPE'S  DUNCIAD,  b.  iii.  v.  165. 


with  a  birth  in  the  steerage,  and  none  on  board 
knowing  us,  were  considered  as  ordinary  per 
sons.  But  Mr.  Hamilton  and  his  son  (it  was 
James,  since  governor)  returned  from  New 
castle  to  hiladelphia,  the  father  being  re 
called  by  a  great  fee  to  plead  for  a  seized  ship. 
And  just  before  we  sailed,  colonel  French  com 
ing  on  board,  and  shewing  me  great  respect, 
I  was  more  taken  notice  of;  and  with  my 
friend  Ralph  invited  by  the  other  gentlemen 
to  come  into  the  cabin,  there  being  now  room ; 
accordingly  we  removed  thither. 

Understanding  that  colonel  French  had 
brought  on  board  the  governor's  dispatches,  I 
asked  the  captain  for  those  letters  that  were 
to  be  under  my  care ;  he  said  all  were  put 
into  the  bag  together,  and  he  could  not  then 
come  at  them,  but  before  we  landed  in  En 
gland  I  should  have  an  opportunity  of  picking 
them  out ;  so  I  was  satisfied  for  the  present, 
and  we  proceeded  on  our  voyage.  We  had  a 
sociable  company  in  the  cabin,  and  lived  un 
commonly  well,  having  the  addition  of  all  Mr. 
Hamilton's  stores,  who  had  laid  in  plentifully. 
In  this  passage  Mr.  Denham  contracted  a 
friendship  for  me,  that  continued  during  his 
life.  The  voyage  was  otherwise  not  a  plea 
sant  one,  as  we  had  a  great  deal  .of  bad 
weather. 

When  we  came  into  the  Channel,  the  cap 
tain  kept  his  word  with  me,  and  gave  me  an 
opportunity  of  examining  the  bag  for  the  go 
vernor's  letters ;  I  found  some  upon  which 
my  name  was  put,  as  under  my  care  :  I  pick 
ed  out  six  or  seven,  that  by  the  hand-writing 
I  thought  might  be  the  promised  letters,  es 
pecially  as  one  of  them  was  addressed  to  Bas 
ket,  the  king's  printer,  and  another  to  some 
stationer.  We  arrived  in  London  the  24th 
December,  1724.  I  waited  upon  the  stationer, 
who  came  first  in  my  way,  delivering  the 
letter  as  from  governor  Keith.  I  don't  know 
such  a  person,  said  he  :  but  opening  the  letter, 
O  !  this  is  from  Riddlesden.  I  have  lately 
found  him  to  be  a  complete  rascal,  and  I  will 
have  nothing  to  do  with  him,  nor  receive  any 
letters  from  him.  So  putting  the  letter  into 
my  hand,  he  turned  on  his  heel  and  left  me  to 
serve  some  customer.  I  was  surprised  to  find 
these  were  not  the  governor's  letters;  and, 
after  recollecting  and  comparing  circum 
stances,  I  began  to  doubt  his  sincerity.  I 
found  my  friend  Denham,  and  opened  the 
whole  affair  to  him.  He  let  me  into  Keith's 
character,  told  me  there  was  not  the  least 
probability  that  he  had  written  any  letters  for 
me;  that  no  one  who  knew  him,  had  the 
smallest  dependence  on  him ;  and  he  laughed 
at  the  idea  of  the  governor's  giving  me  a  let 
ter  of  credit,  having,  as  he  said,  no  credit  to 
give.  On  my  expressing  some  concern  about 
what  I  should  do,  he  advised  me  to  endeavour 
getting  some  employment  in  the  way  of  my 
business.  Among  the  printers  here,  said  he. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


17 


you  will  improve  yourself,  and  when  you  re 
turn  to  America,  you  will  set  up  to  greatej 
advantage. 

We  both  of  us  happened  to  know,  as  well 
as  the  stationer,  that  Riddlesden,  the  attorney 
was  a  very  knave  ;  he  had  half  ruined  Miss 
Read's  father,  by  persuading  him  to  be  bound 
for  him.  By  his  letter  it  appeared  there  was  a 
secret  scheme  on  foot  to  the  prejudice  of  Mr. 
Hamilton,  (supposed  to  be  then  coming  over 
with  us;)  that  Keith  was  concerned  in  it,  with 
Riddlesden.  Denham,  who  was  a  friend  oi 
Hamilton's,  thought  he  ought  to  be  acquaint 
ed  with  it ;  so  when  he  arrived  in  England, 
which  was  soon  alter,  partly  from  resentment 
and  ill  will  to  Keith  and  Riddlesden,  and  part 
ly  from  good  will  to  him,  •!  waited  on  him, 
and  gave  him  the  letter.  He  thanked  me  cor 
dially,  the  information  being  of  importance  to 
him ;  and  from  that  time  he  became  my 
friend,  greatly  to  my  advantage  afterwards 
on  many  occasions. 

But  what  shall  we  think  of  a  governor  play 
ing  such  pitiful  tricks,  and  imposing  so  gross 
ly  upon  a  poor  ignorant  boy  !  It  was  a  habit 
he  had  acquired ;  he  wished  to  please  every 
body,  and  having  little  to  give,  he  gave  ex 
pectations.  He  was  otherwise  an  ingenious, 
sensible  man,  a  pretty  good  writer,  and  a  good 
governor  for  the  people ;  though  not  for  his 
constituents  the  proprietaries,  whose  instruc 
tions  he  sometimes  disregarded :  several  of 
our  best  laws  were  of  his  planning,  and  passed 
during  his  administration. 

Ralph  and  I  were  inseparable  companions. 
We  took  lodgings  together  in  Little  Britain,  at 
3s.  Qd.  per  week  ;  as  much  as  we  could  then 
afford.  He  found  some  relations,  but  they 
were  poor,  ar^d  unable  to  assist  him.  He  now 
let  me  know  his  intentions  of  remaining  in 
London,  and  that  he  never  meant  to  return 
to  Philadelphia.  He  had  brought  no  money 
with  him,  the  whole  he  could  muster  having 
been  expended  in  paying  his  passage.  I  had 
fifteen  pistoles ;  so  he  borrowed  occasionally 
of  me  to  subsist,  while  he  was  looking  out  for 
business.  He  first  endeavoured  to  get  into  the 
play-house,  believing  himself  qualified  for  an 
actor ;  but  Wilkes,  to  whom  he  applied,  ad 
vised  him  candidly  not  to  think  of  that  em 
ployment,  as  it  was  impossible  he  should  suc 
ceed  in  it.  Then  he  proposed  to  Roberts,  a 
publisher  in  Pater-Noster  Row,  to  write  for 
him  a  weekly  paper  like  the  Spectator,  on 
certain  conditions ;  which  Roberts  did  not  ap 
prove.  Then  he  endeavoured  to  get  employ 
ment  as  a  hackney  writer,  to  copy  for  the  sta 
tioners  and  lawyers  about  the  Temple ;  but 
could  not  find  a  vacancy. 

For  myself  I  immediately  got  into  work  at 
Palmers,  a  famous  printing  house  in  Bartho 
lomew  Close,  where  I  continued  near  a  year. 
I  was  pretty  diligent,  but  I  spent  with  Ralph 
a  good  deal  of  my  earnings,  at  plays  and 
VOL.  1.— C  2* 


public  amusements ;  we  had  nearly  consum 
ed  all  my  pistoles,  and  now  just  rubbed  on 
from  hand  to  mouth.  He  seemed  quite  to 
have  forgotten  his  wife  and  child ;  and  I  by 
degrees  my  engagements  with  Miss  Read,  to 
whom  I  never  wrote  more  than  one  letter, 
and  that  was  to  let  her  know  I  was  not  likely 
soon  to  return.  This  was  another  of  the  great 
errata  of  my  life  which  I  could  wish  to  cor 
rect,  if  I  were  to  live  it  over  again.  In  fact, 
by  our  expenses  I  was  constantly  kept  unable 
to  pay  my  passage. 

At  Palmer's  I  was  employed  in  composing 
for  the  second  edition  of  Woollaston's  Reli 
gion  of  Nature.  Some  of  his  reasonings  not 
appearing  to  me  well-founded,  I  wrote  a  little 
metaphysical  piece,  in  which  I  made  remarks 
on  them.  It  was  intitled  "  A  Dissertation  on 
Liberty  and  Necessity,  Pleasure  and  Pain."" 
I  inscribed  it  to  my  friend  Ralph  ;  I  print eJ 
a  small  number.  It  occasioned  my  being 
more  considered  by  Mr.  Palmer,  as  a  young 
man  of  some  ingenuity,  though  he  seriously 
expostulated  with  me  upon  the  principles  of 
my  pamphlet,  which  to  him  appeared  abomi 
nable.  My  printing  this  pamphlet  was  ano 
ther  erratum.  While  I  lodged  in  Little  Bri 
tain,  I  made  acquaintance  with  one  Wilcox, 
a  bookseller,  whose  shop  was  next  door.  He 
had  an  immense  collection  of  second-hand 
books.  Circulating  libraries  were  not  then 
in  use,  but  we  agreed  that,  on  certain  reason 
able  terms,  (which  I  have  now  forgotten,)  I 
might  take,  read,  and  return  any  of  his  books  • 
this  I  esteemed  a  great  advantage,  and  I  made 
as  much  use  of  it  as  I  could. 

My  pamphlet  by  some  means  falling  into 
the  hands  of  one  Lyons,  a  surgeon,  author  o'' 
book  intitled  "  The  Infallibility  of  Human 
Judgment"  it  occasioned  an  acquaintance 
between  us;  he  took  great  notice  of  me, 
called  on  me  often  to  converse  on  those  sub- 
ects,  carried  me  to  the  Horns,  a  pale  alehouse 

n lane,  Cheapside,  and  introduced  me 

to  doctor  Mandeville,  author  of  the  Fable  of 
the  Bees,  who  had  a  club  there,  of  which  he 
was  the  soul,  being  a  most  facetious,  enter 
taining  companion.  Lyons  too  introduced  me 
;o  doctor  Pemberton,*  at  Baston's  coffee- 
louse,  who  promised  to  give  me  an  opportu 
nity,  some  time  or  other,  of  seeing  sir  Isaac 
Mewton,  of  which  I  was  extremely  desirous . 
)ut  this  never  happened. 

I  had  brought  over  a  few  curiosties,  among 
-vhich  the  principal  was  a  purse  made  of  the 
asbestos,  which  purifies  by  fire.  Sir  Hans 
Sloane  heard  of  it,  came  to  see  me,  and  in- 
ited  me  to  his  house  in  Bloomsbury  square, 
showed  me  all  his  curiosities,  and  persuaded 
me  to  add  that  to  the  number ;  for  which  he 
>aid  me  handsomely. 

*  F.  R.  S.  author  of  "  A  View  of  sir  Isaac  Newton's 

Philosophy,"  and  "A  Treatise  on  Chemistry;"  dieJ 
in  1771. 


MEMOIRS  OF 


In  our  house  lodged  a  young  woman,  a  mil 
liner,  who,  I  think,  had  a  shop  in  the  cloisters ; 
she  had  been  genteelly  bred,  was  sensible, 
lively,  and  of  a  most  pleasing  conversation. — 
Ralph  read  plays  to  her  in  the  evenings,  they 
grew  intimate,  she  took  another  lodging,  and 
he  followed  her.  They  lived  together  some 
time,  but  he  being  still  out  of  business,  and 
her  income  not  sufficient  to  maintain  them 
with  her  child,  he  took  a  resolution  of  going 
from  London,  to  try  for  a  country  school,  which 
he  thought  himself  well  qualified  to  under 
take,  as  he  wrote  -  an  excellent  hand,  and 
was  a  master  of  arithmetic  and  accounts. — 
This  however  he  deemed  a  business  below 
him,  and  confident  of  future  better  fortune, 
when  he  should  be  unwilling  to  have  it  known 
that  he  once  was  so  meanly  employed,  he 
changed  his  name,  and  did  me  the  honour  to 
assume  mine  ;  for  I  soon  after  had  a  letter 
from  him,  acquainting  me  that  he  was  settled 
in  a  small  village  in  Berkshire,  (I  think  it  was 
where  he  taught  reading  and  writing  to  ten 
or  a  dozen  boys,  at  6d.  each  per  week,)  re 
commending  Mrs.  T....  to  my  care,  and  desir 
ing  me  to  write  to  him,  directing  for  Mr. 
Franklin,  schoolmaster,  at  such  a  place.  He 
continued  to  write  to  me  frequently,  sending 
me  large  specimens  of  an  epic  poem,  which  he 
was  then  composing,  and  desiring  my  re 
marks  and  corrections.  These  I  gave  him 
from  time  to  time,  but  endeavoured  rather  to 
discourage  his  proceeding.  One  of  Young's 
satires  was  then  just  published :  I  copied  and 
sent  him  a  great  part  of  it,  which  set  in  a 
strong  liorht  the  folly  of  pursuing  the  Muses.* 
All  was  in  vain,  sheets  of  the  poem  continued 
to  come  by  every  post.  In  the  mean  time, 
Mrs.  T....  having  on  his  account  lost  her 
friends  and  business,  was  often  in  distresses, 
and  used  to  send  for  me  and  borrow  what 
money  I  could  spare  to  help  to  alleviate  them. 
I  grew  fond  of  her  company,  and  being  at  that 
time  under  no  religious  restraint,  and  taking 
advantage  of  my  importance  to  her,  I  attempt- 

*  "Th'  abandoned  manners  of  pur  writing  train 
May  tempt  mankind  to  think  religion  vain  ; 
But  in  their  fate,  their  habit,  and  their  mien, 
That  Gods  there  are,  is  evidently  seen  : 
Heav'n  stands  absolv'd  by  vengeance  on  their  pen, 
And  marks  the  murderers  of  fame  from  men  ; 
Through  meagre  jaws  they  draw  their  venal  breath, 
As  ghastly  as  their  brothers  in  Macbeth ; 
Their  feet  thro'  faithless  leather  meets  the  dirt, 
And  oftener  chang'd  their  principles  than  shirt; 
The  transient  vestments  of  these  frugal  men 
Hasten  to  paper  for  our  mirth  again  : 
Too  soon  (O  merry,  melancholy  fate!) 
They  beg  in  rhyme,  and  warble  thro'  a  grate  ; 
The  man  lampoon'd  forgets  it  at  the  sight ; 
The  friend  thro'  pity  gives,  the  foe  thro'  spite ; 
And  though  full  conscious  of  his  injur'd  purse, 
Lintot  relents,  nor  Curll  can  wish  them  worse." 

"  An  author,  'tis  a  venerable  name ! 
How  few  deserve  it  and  what  numbers  claim ! 
Unbless'd  with  sense,  above  the  peers  refin'd, 
Who  shall  stand  up,  dictators  to  mankind  ? 
Nay,  who  dare  shine,  if  not  in  virtue's  cause? 
That  sole  proprietor  of  just  applause. 


ed  to  take  some  liberties  with  her,  (another 
erratum,)  which  she  repulsed,  with  a  proper 
degree  of  resentment.  She  wrote  to  Ralph 
and  acquainted  him  with  my  conduct;  this; 
occasioned  a  breach  between  us ;  and  when 
he  returned  to  London,  he  let  me  know  he 
considered  all  the  obligations  he  had  been 
under  to  me  as  annulled  ;  from  which  I  con 
cluded  I  was  never  to  expect  his  repaying  me 
the  money  I  had  lent  him,  or  that  I  had  ad 
vanced  for  him.  This  however  was  of  little 
consequence,  as  he  was  totally  unable ;  and  by 
the  loss  of  his  friendship  I  found  myself  re 
lieved  from  a  heavy  burden.  I  now  began  to 
think  of  getting  a  little  beforehand,  and  ex 
pecting  better  employment,  I  left  Palmer's  to 
work  at  Watts' s,  .hear  Lincoln's  Inn  Fields,  a 
still  greater  printing  house ;  here  I  continued 
all  the  rest  of  my  stay  in  London. 

At  my  first  admission  into  the  printing  house 
I  took  to  working  at  press,  imagining  I  felt  a 
want  of  the  bodily  exercise  I  had  been  used 
to  in  America,  where  press- work  is  mixed  with 
the  composing.  I  drank  only  water ;  the  other 
workmen,  near  fifty  in  number,  were  great 
drinkers  of  beer.  On  occasion  I  carried  up 
and  down  stairs  a  large  form  of  types  in  each 
hand,  when  others  carried  but  one  in  both 
hands;  they  wondered  to  see  from  this  and 
several  instances,  that  the  Water-American. 
as  they  called  me,  was  stronger  than  them 
selves  who  drank  strong  beer !  We  had  an 
alehouse  boy,  who  attended  always  in  the 
house  to  supply  the  workmen.  My  companion 
at  the  press  drank  every  day  a  pint  before 
breakfast,  a  pint  at  breakfast  with  his  bread 
and  cheese,  a  pint  between  breakfast  and  din 
ner,  a  pint  at  dinner ;  a  pint  in  the  afternoon 
about  six  o'clock,  and  another  when  lie  had 
done  his  day's  work.  I  thought  it  a  detesta 
ble  custom ;  but  it  was  necessary,  he  suppos 
ed,  to  drink  strong  beer  that  he  might  be 
strong  to  labour.  I  endeavoured  to  convince 
him  that  the  bodily  strength  aiforded  by  beer, 
could  only  be  in  proportion  to  the  grain  or 

"  Ye  restless  men !  who  pant  for  letter'd  praise, 
With  whom  would  you  consult  to  gain  the  bays  ? 
With  those  great  authors  whose  fam'd  works  you 

read  ? 

'Tis  well ;  go,  then,  consult  the  laurell'd  shade, 
What  answer  will  the  laurell'd  shade  return? 
Hear  it  and  tremble,  he  commands  you  burn 
The  noblest  works,  his  envied  genius  writ, 
That  boasts  of  naught  more  excellent  than  wit. 
If  this  be  true,  as  'tis  a  truth  most  dread, 
Wo  to  the  page  which  has  not  that  to  plead ! 
Fontaine  and  Chaucer  dying,  wish'd  unwrole 
The  sprightliest  efforts  of  their  wanton  thought ; 
Sidney  and  Waller,  brightest  sons  of  fame, 
Condemn'd  the  charm  of  ages  to  the  flame." 

"  Thus  ends  your  courted  fame — does  lucre  then, 
The  sacred  thirst  of  gold,  betray  your  pen  ? 
In  prose  'tis  blameable,  in  verse  'tis  worse, 
Provokes  the  Muse,  extorts  Apollo's  curse ; 
His  sacred  influence  never  should  be  sold  ; 
'Tis  arrant  simony  to  sing  for  gold ; 
'Tis  immortality  should  fire  your  mind, 
Scorn  a  less  paymaster  than  all  mankind." 

YOUNG,  Vol.  HI,  Epist.  lip.  70. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


Hour  of  the  barley  dissolved  in  the  water  of 
which  it  was  made ;  that  there  was  more  flour 
in  a  pennyworth  of  bread,  and  therefore  if  he 
could  eat  that  with  a  pint  of  water,  it  woulc 
give  him  more  strength  than  a  quart  of  beer, 
He  drank  on  however,  and  had  four  or  five 
shillings  to  pay  out  of  his  wages  every  Satur 
day  night  for  that  vile  liquor  :  an  expense  1 
was  free  from ;  and  thus  these  poor  devils  keep 
themselves  always  under. 

Watts,  after  some  weeks,  desiring  to  have 
me  in  the  composing  room,  I  left  the  press 
men  ;  a  new  bien  venu  for  drink,  (being  five 
shillings,)  was  demanded  of  me  by  the  com 
positors.  I  thought  it  an  imposition,  as  I  had 
paid  one  to  the  pressmen ;  the  master  thought 
so  too,  and  forbade  mypaying  it.  I  stood  out 
two  or  three  weeks,  was  accordingly  consider 
ed  as  an  excommunicate,  and  had  so  many 
little  pieces  of  private  malice  practised  on  me, 
by  mixing  my  sorts,  transposing  and  breaking 
my  matter,  &c.,  &.,  if  ever  I  stept  out  of  the 
room,  and  all  ascribed  to  the  chapel  ghost, 
which  they  said  ever  haunted  those  not  regu 
larly  admitted,  that,  notwithstanding  the  mas 
ter's  protection,  I  found  myself  obliged  to  com 
ply  and  pay  the  money — convinced  of  the  folly 
of  being  on  ill  terms  with  those  one  is  to  live 
with  continually.  I  was  now  on  a  fair  footing 
with  them,  and  soon  acquired  considerable 
influence.  I  proposed  some  reasonable  altera 
tions  in  their  chapel*  laws,  and  carried  them 
against  all  opposition.  From  my  example  a 
great  many  of  them  left  their  muddling  break 
fast  of  beer,  bread  and  cheese,  finding  they 
could  with  me  be  supplied  from  a  neighbour 
ing  house  with  a  large  porringer  of  hot 
water-gruel,  sprinkled  with  pepper,  crumbled 
with  bread,  and  a  bit  of  butter  in  it,  for  the 
price  of  a  pint  of  beer ;  viz.,  three  halfpence. 
This  was  a  more  Comfortable  as  well  as  a 
cheaper  breakfast,  and  kept  their  heads  clearer. 
Those  who  continued  sotting  with  their  beer 
all  day,  were  often,  by  not  paying,  out  of  cre 
dit  at  the  alehouse,  and  used  to  make  in 
terest  with  me  to  get  beer,  their  light,  as 
they  phrased  it,  being  out.  I  watched  the 
pay-table  on  Saturday  night,  and  collected 
what  I  stood  engaged  for  them,  having  to  pay- 
sometimes  near  thirty  shillings  a  week  on  their 
accounts.  This  and  my  being  esteemed  a 
pretty  good  rig-ite,  that  is  a  jocular  verbal 
satyrist,  supported  my  consequence  in  the 
society.  My  constant  attendance,  (I  never 
making  a  St.  Monday,)  recommended  me  to 
the  master ;  and  my  uncommon  quickness  at 

*  A  printing-house  is  always  called  a  chapel  by  the 
workmen,  because  printing  was  first  carried  on  in 
England  in  an  ancient  chapel,  and  the  title  has  been 
preserved  by  tradition.  The  bien  venu  among  the 
printers,  answers  to  the  terms  entrance  and  footing 
among  mechanics ;  thus  a  journeyman,  on  entering  a 
printing  house,  was  accustomed  to  pay  one  or  more 
gallons  of  beer/or  the  good  of  the  chapel;  this  custom 
was  falling  into  disuse  thirty  years  a<*o— it  is  very 
properly  rejected  entirely  in  the  United  States. 


composing  occasioned  my  being  put  upon  work 
of  dispatch,  which  was  generally  better  paid ; 
so  I  went  on  now  very  agreeably. 

My  lodgings  in  Little  Britain  being  too  re 
mote,  I  found  another  in  Duke  street,  oppo 
site  to  the  Romish  chapel.  It  was  up  three 
pair  of  stairs  backwards,  at  an  Italian  ware 
house.  A  widow  lady  kept  the  house ;  she 
had  a  daughter,  and  a  maid  servant,  and  a  jour 
neyman  who  attended  the  warehouse,  but 
lodged  abroad.  After  sending  to  inquire  my 
character  at  the  house  where  I  last  lodged, 
she  agreed  to  take  me  in  at  the  same  rate, 
3*.  6d.  per  week ;  cheaper,  as  she  said,  from 
the  protection  she  expected  in  having  a  man 
to  lodge  in  the  house.  She  was  a  widow,  an 
elderly  woman  ;  had  been  bred  a  Protestant, 
being  a  clergyman's  daughter,  but  was  con 
verted  to  the  Catholic  religion  by  her  hus 
band,  whose  memory  she  much  revered ;  had 
lived  much  among  people  of  distinction,  and 
knew  a  thousand  anecdotes  of  them,  as  far 
back  as  the  times  of  Charles  the  Second. 
She  was  lame  hi  her  knees  with  the  gout, 
and  therefore  seldom  stirred  out  of  her  room  ; 
so  sometimes  wanted  company  ;  and  hers  was 
so  highly  amusing  to  me,  that  I  was  sure  to 
spend  an  evening  with  her  whenever  she 
desired  it.  Our  supper  was  only  half  an  an 
chovy  each,  on  a  very  little  slice  of  bread  and 
butter,  and  half  a  pint  of  ale  between  us ;  but 
the  entertainment  was  in  her  conversation. 
My  always  keeping  good  hours,  and  giving 
little  trouble  in  the  family,  made  her  unwill 
ing  to  part  with  me ;  so  that  when  I  talked  of 
a  lodging  I  had  heard  of,  nearer  my  business, 
for  2s.  a  week,  which,  intent  as  I  was  on 
saving  money,  made  some  difference,  she  bid 
me  not  think  of  it,  for  she  would  abate  me  2s. 
a  week  for  the  future ;  so  I  remained  with  her 
at  Is  6d.  as  long  as  I  staid  in  London. 

In  a  garret  of  her  house  there  lived  a  maid 
en  lady  of  seventy,  in  the  most  retired  man 
ner,  of  whom  my  landlady  gave  me  this  ac- 
ount :  that  she  was  a  Roman  Catholic,  had 
been  sent  abroad  when  young,  and  lodged  in 
a  nunnery  with  an  intent  of  becoming  a  nun  ; 
aut  the  country  not  agreeing  with  her,  she 
returned  to  England,  where  there  being  no 
nunnery,  she  had  vowed  to  lead  the  life  of  a 
lun,  as  near  as  might  be  done  in  those  cir 
cumstances.  Accordingly,  she  had  given  all 
ler  estate  to  charitable  purposes,  reserving 
only  twelve  pounds  a  year  to  live  on,  and  out 
of  this  sum  she  still  gave  a  part  in  charity, 
living  herself  on  water-gruel  only,  and  using 
no  fire  but  to  boil  it.  She  had  jived  many 
years  in  that  garret,  being  permitted  to  re 
main  there  gratis  by  successive  Catholic 
tenants  of  the  house  below,  as  they  deemed  it 
a  blessing  to  have  her  there.  A  priest  visited 
ler,  to  confess  her  every  day:  "from  this  f 
asked  her,"  said  my  landlady,  "  how  she,  as 
she  lived,  could  possibly  find  so  much  employ-' 


MEMOIRS  OF 


ment  for  a  confessor?"  "  Oh,"  said  she,  "  it  is 
impossible  to  avoid  vain  thoughts"  I  was 
permitted  once  to  visit  her ;  she  was  cheerfu 
and  polite,  and  conversed  pleasantly.  The 
room  was  clean,  but  had  no  other  furniture 
than  a  mattress,  a  table  with  a  crucifix,  and  a 
book,  a  stool  which  she  gave  me  to  sit  on, 
and  a  picture  over  the  chimney  of  St.  Vero 
nica  displaying  her  handkerchief,  with  the 
miraculous  figure  of  Christ's  bleeding  face 
on  it,  which  she  explained  to  me  with  great 
seriousness.  She  looked  pale,  but  was  never 
sick,  and  I  give  it  as  another  instance  on 
how  small  an  income  life  and  health  may  be 
supported. 

At  Watts's  printing  house  I  contracted  an 
acquaintance  with  an  ingenious  man,  one 
Wygate,  who  having  wealthy  relations,  had 
been  better  educated  than  most  printers ;  was 
a  tolerable  Latinist,  spoke  French,  and  loved 
reading.  I  taught  him  and  a  friend  of  his 
to  swim,  at  twice  going  into  the  river,  and 
they  soon  became  good  swimmers.  They  in 
troduced  me  to  some  gentlemen  from  the 
country,  who  went  to  Chelsea,  by  water,  to 
see  the  college  and  Don  Saltero's  curiosities. 
In  our  return,  at  the  request  of  the  company, 
whose  curiosity  Wygate  had  excited,  I  strip 
ped  and  leaped  into  the  river,  and  swam  from 
near  Chelsea  to  Blackfriars;  performing  in 
the  way  many  feats  of  activity  both  upon  and 
under  the  water,  that  surprised  and  pleased 
those  to  whom  they  were  novelties.  I  had 
from  a  child  been  delighted  with  this  exer 
cise,  had  studied  and  practised  Thevenot's 
motions  and  positions,  added  some  of  mine 
own — aiming  at  the  graceful  and  easy,  as 
well  as  the  useful.  All  these  I  took  this  oc 
casion  of  exhibiting  to  the  company,  and  was 
much  flattered  by  their  admiration ;  and  Wy 
gate,  who  was  desirous  of  becoming  a  mas 
ter,  grew  more  and  more  attached  to  me  on 
that  account,  as  well  as  from  the  similarity  of 
our  studies.  He  at  length  proposed  to  me  tra 
velling  all  over  Europe  together,  supporting 
ourselves  every  where  by  working  at  our  bu 
siness.  I  was  once  inclined  to  it ;  but  men 
tioning  it  to  my  good  friend  Mr.  Denham,  with 
whom  I  often  spent  an  hour  when  I  had  lei 
sure,  he  dissuaded  me  from  it,  advising  me 
to  think  only  of  returning  to  Pennsylvania, 
which  he  was  now  about  to  do. 

I  must  record  one  trait  of  this  good  man's 
character :  he  had  formerly  been  in  business 
at  Bristol,  but  failed  in  debt  to  a  number  of 
people,  compounded  and  went  to  America; 
there,  by  a  close  application  to  business  as  a 
merchant,  he  acquired  a  plentiful  fortune  hi  a 
few  years.  Returning  to  England  in  the 
ship  with  me,  he  invited  his  old  creditors  to 
an  entertainment,  at  which  he  thanked  them 
for  the  easy  composition  they  had  favoured 
him  with,  and  when  they  expected  nothing 
but  the  treat,  every  man  at  the  first  remove 


found  under  his  plate  an  order  on  a  banker 
for  the  full  amount  of  the  unpaid  remainder, 
with  interest. 

He  now  told  me  he  was  about  to  return  to 
Philadelphia,  and  should  carry  over  a  great 
quantity  of  goods  hi  order  to  open  a  store 
there.  He  proposed  to  take  me  over  as  his 
clerk,  to  keep  his  books,  (in  which  he  would 
instruct  me,)  copy  his  letters,  and  attend  the 
store  ;  he  added,  that  as  soon  as  I  should  be 
acquainted  with  mercantile  business,  he  would 
promote  me,  oy  sending  me  with  a  cargo  of 
flour  and  bread,  &c.,  to  the  West  Indies,  and 
procure  me  commissions  from  others  which 
would  be  profitable ;  and,  if  I  managed  well, 
would  establish  me  handsomely.  The  thing 
pleased  me,  for  I  was  grown  tired  of  London ; 
remembered  with  pleasure  the  happy  months 
I  had  spent  in  Pennsylvania,  and  wished 
again  to  see  it;  therefore  I  immediately 
agreed  on  the  terms  of  fifty  pounds  a  year, 
Pennsylvania  money;  less  indeed  than  my 
present  gettings  as  a  compositor,  but  afford 
ing  better  prospects. 

I  now  took  leave  of  printing,  as  I  thought, 
for  ever,  and  was  daily  employed  in  my  new 
business :  going  about  with  Mr.  Denham  among 
the  tradesmen  to  purchase  various  articles,  and 
see  them  packed  up,  delivering  messages, 
calling  upon  workmen  to  dispatch,  &c. ;  and, 
when'all  was  on  board,  I  had  a  few  days'  lei 
sure.  On  one  of  these  days,  I  was,  to  my 
surprise,  sent  for  by  a  great  man,  I  knew  only 
by  name,  (Sir  William  Wyndham,)  and  [ 
waited  upon  him ;  he  had  heard  by  some  means 
or  other  of  my  swimming  from  Chelsea  to 
Blackfriars,  and  of  my  teaching  Wygate  and 
another  young  man  to  swim  in  a  few  hours 
he  had  two  sons,  about  to  set  out  on  their 
travels ;  he  wished  to  have  them  first  taught 
swimming,  and  proposed  to  gratify  me  hand 
somely  if  I  would  teach  them.  They  were 
not  yet  come  to  town,  and  my  stay  was  un 
certain,  so  I  could  not  undertake  it;  but 
from  the  incident  I  thought  it  likely,  that  if 
I  were  to  remain  hi  England  and  open  a  swim 
ming  school,  I  might  get  a  good  deal  of  mo 
ney  ;  and  it  struck  me  so  strongly,  that  had 
the  overture  been  made  me  sooner,  probably  I 
should  not  so  soon  have  returned  to  America. 
Many  years  after,  you  and  I  had  something  of 
more  importance  to  do  with  one  of  those  sons 
of  Sir  William  Wyndham,  become  earl  of 
Egremont,  which  I  shall  mention  in  its  place, 

Thus  I  passed  about  eighteen  months  in 
London ;  most  part  of  the  time  I  worked  hard 
at  my  business,  and  spent  but  little  upon  my 
self  except  in  seeing  plays,  and  in  books.  My 
friend  Ralph  had  kept  me  poor ;  he  owed  me 
about  twenty-seven  pounds,  which  I  was  nc-v 
never  likely  to'  receive  ;  a  great  sum  out  of  my 
small  earnings !  I  loved  him,  notwithstanding, 
for  he  had  many  amiable  qualities.  I  had  im 
proved  my  knowledge,  however,  though  I  had 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


21 


by  no  means  improved  my  fortune ;  but  I  had 
made  some  very  ingenious  acquaintance, 
whose  conversation  was  of  great  advantage  to 
me ;  and  I  had  read  considerably. 

We  sailed  from  Gravesend  on  the  23d  of 
July,  1726.  For  the  incidents  of  the  voyage, 
I  refer  you  to  my  journal,  where  you  will  find 
them  all  minutely  related.  Perhaps  the  most 
important  part  of  that  journal  is  the  plan  to 
be  found  in  it,  which  I  formed  at  sea,  for  regu 
lating  the  future  conduct  of  my  life.  It  is  the 
more  remarkable,  as  being  formed  when  I  was 
so  young,  and  yet  being  pretty  faithfully  ad 
hered  to  quite  through  to  old  age. 

We  landed  at  Philadelphia  the  llth  of 
October,  where  I  found  sundry  alterations. 
Keith  was  no  longer  governor,  being  supersed 
ed  by  major  Gordon :  I  met  him  walking  the 
streets  as  a  common  citizen ;  he  seemed  a 
little  ashamed  at  seeing  me,  and  passed  with 
out  saying  any  thing.  I  should  have  been  as 
much  ashamed  at  seeing  Miss  Read,  had  not 
her  friends,  despairing  with  reason  of  my  re 
turn,  after  the  receipt  of  my  letter,  persuaded 
her  to  marry  another,  one  Rogers,  a  potter, 
which  was  done  in  my  absence.  Withhim,how- 
ever,  she  was  never  happy,  and  soon  parted  from 
him,  refusing  to  cohabit  with  him,  or  bear  his 
name,  it  being  now  said  he  had  another  wife. 
He  was  a  worthless  fellow,  though  an  excellent 
workman,  which  was  the  temptation  to  her 
friends ;  he  got  into  debt,  ran  away  in  1727 
or  1728,  went  to  the  West  Indies,  and  died 
there.  Keimer  had  got  a  better  house,  a  shop 
well  supplied  with  stationary,  plenty  of  new 
types,  and  a  number  of  hands,  though  none  good, 
and  seemed  to  have  a  great  deal  of  business. 

Mr.  Denham  took  a  store  in  Water  street, 
where  we  opened  our  goods ;  I  attended  the 
business  diligently,  studied  accounts,  and  grew 
in  a  little  time  expert  at  selling.  We  lodged 
and  boarded  together ;  he  counselled  me  as  a 
father,  having  a  sincere  regard  for  me :  I  re 
spected  and  loved  him,  and  we  might  have 
gone  on  together  very  happily,  but  in  the  be 
ginning  of  February,  1727,  when  I  had  just 
passed  my  twenty-first  year,  we  both  were 
taken  ill.  My  distemper  was  a  pleurisy,  which 
very  nearly  carried  me  off;  I  suffered  a  good 
deal,  gave  up  the  point  in  my  own  mind,  and 
was  at  the  time  rather  disappointed  when  I 
found  myself  recovering ;  regretting  in  some 
degree  that  I  must  now,  some  time  or  other, 
have  all  that  disagreeable  work  to  go  over 
again.  I  forget  what  Mr.  Denham's  distem 
per  was;  it  held  him  a  long  time,  and  at 
length  carried  him  off!  He  left  me  a  small 
legacy  in  a  nuncupative  will,  as  a  token  of 
his  kindness  for  me,  and  he  left  me  once  more 
to  the  wide  world,  for  the  store  was  taken 
into  the  care  of  his  executors,  and  my  employ 
ment  under  him  ended.  My  brother-in-law, 
Holmes,  being  now  at  Philadelphia,  advised 
my  return  to  my  business ;  and  Keimer  tempt 


ed  me  with  an  offer  of  large  wages  by  the  year, 
to  come  and  take  the  management  of  his 
printing  house,  that  he  might  tetter  attend  to 
his  stationer's  shop.  I  had  heard  a  bad  cha 
racter  of  him  in  London,  from  his  wife  and 
her  friends,  and  was  not  for  having  any  more 
to  do  with  him.  I  wished  for  employment  as  a 
merchant's  clerk,  but  not  meeting  with  any,  I 
closed  again  with  Keimer.  I  found  hi  his 
house  these  hands :  Hugh  Meredith,  a  Welsh 
Pennsylvania!!,  thirty  years  of  age,  bred  to 
country  work ;  he  was  honest,  sensible,  a  man 
of  experience,  and  fond  of  reading,  but  addicted 
to  drinking.  Stephen  Potts,  a  young  country 
man  of  full  age,  bred  to  the  same,  of  uncom 
mon  natural  parts,  and  great  wit  and  humour, 
but  a  little  idle.  These  he  had  agreed  with 
at  extreme  low  wages  per  week,  to  be  raised 
a  shilling  every  three  months,  as  they  should 
deserve  by  improving  in  their  business  ;  and 
the  expectation  of  these  high  wages  to  come 
on  hereafter,  was  what  he  had  drawn  them  in 
with.  Meredith  was  to  work  at  press,  Potts 
at  bookbinding,  which  he  by  agreement  was 
to  teach  them,  though  he  knew  neither  one 
nor  the  other.  John  Savage,  an  Irishman, 
brought  up  to  no  business,  whose  service  for 
four  years  Keimer  had  purchased  from  the 
captain  of  a  ship ;  he  too  was  to  be  made  a 
pressman.  George  Webb,  an  Oxford  scholar, 
whose  tune  for  four  years  he  had  likewise 
bought,  intending  him  for  a  compositor,  (of 
whom  more  presently,)  and  David  Harry,  a 
country  boy,  whom  he  had  taken  apprentice. 

I  soon  perceived  that  the  intention  of  engag 
ing  me,  at  wages  so  much  higher  than  he 
had*been  used  to  give,  was  to  have  these  raw, 
cheap  hands,  formed  through  me;  and  as 
soon  as  I  had  instructed  them  (they  being  all 
articled  to  him)  he  should  be  able  to  do  with 
out  me.  I  went  however  very  cheerfully,  put 
his  printing  house  in  order,  which  had  been 
in  great  confusion,  and  brought  his  hands  by 
degrees  to  mind  their  business,  and  to  do  it 
better. 

It  was  an  odd  thing  to  find  an  Oxford  scho 
lar  hi  the  situation  of  a  bought  servant ;  he 
was  not  more  than  eighteen  years  of  age ;  he 
gave  me  this  account  of  himself:  that  he 
was  born  in  Gloucester,  educated  at  a  gram 
mar  school,  and  had  been  distinguished  among 
the  scholars  for  some  apparent  superiority  in 
performing  his  part,  when  they  exhibited 
plays ;  belonged  to  the  Wit's  club  there,  and 
iiad  written  some  pieces  in  prose  and  verse, 
which  were  printed  in  the  Gloucester  news 
papers  ;  thence  was  sent  to  Oxford ;  there  he 
continued  about  a  year,  but  not  well  satisfied ; 
wishing  of  all  things  to  see  London,  and  be 
come  a  player.  At  length  receiving  his  quar 
terly  allowance  of  fifteen  guineas,  instead  of 
discharging  his  debts  he  went  out  of  town, 
lid  his  gown  in  a  furz  bush,  and  walked  t  > 
London ;  where,  having  no  friend  to  advis 


22 


MEMOIRS  OF 


him,  he  fell  into  bad  company,  soon  spent  his 
guineas,  found  no  means  of  being  introduced 
among  the  players,  grew  necessitous,  pawned 
his  clothes  and  wanted  bread.  Walking 
the  street,  very  hungry,  and  not  knowing 
what  to  do  with  himself,  a  crimp's  bill  was 
put  into  his  hand,  offering  immediate  enter 
tainment  and  encouragement  to  such  as 
would  bind  themselves  to  serve  in  America ; 
he  went  directly,  signed  the  indentures,  was 
put  into  the  ship  and  came  over  ;  never  writ 
ing  a  line  to  his  friends  to  acquaint  them  what 
was  become  of  him.  He  was  lively,  witty, 
good-natured,  and  a  pleasant  companion ;  but 
idle,  thoughtless,  and  imprudent  to  the  last  de 
gree. 

John,  the  Irishman,  soon  ran  away ;  with 
the  rest  I  began  to  live  very  agreeably,  for 
they  all  respected  me  the  more,  as  they 
found  Keimer  incapable  of  instructing  them, 
and  that  from  me  they  learned  something 
daily.  My  acquaintance  with  ingenious  peo 
ple  in  the  town  increased.  We  never  work 
ed  on  Saturday,  that  being  Keimer's  Sabbath, 
so  that  I  had  two  days  for  reading.  Keimer 
himself  treated  me  with  great  civility  and  ap 
parent  regard,  and  nothing  now  made  me  un 
easy  but  my  debt  to  Vernon,  which  I  was  yet 
unable  to  pay,  being  hitherto  but  a  poor  eco 
nomist  ;  he  however  kindly  made  no  demand 
of  it. 

Our  printing  house  often  wanted  sorts, 
and  there  was  no  letter-foundry  in  America. 
I  had  seen  types  cast  at  James's  in  London, 
but  without  much  attention  to  the  manner ; 
however,  I  now  contrived  a  mould,  and  made 
use  of  the  letters  we  had  as  puncheons, 
struck  the  matrices  in  lead,  and  thus  supplied 
in  a  pretty  tolerable  way  all  deficiencies.  I 
also  engraved  several  things  on  occasion; 
made  the  ink ;  I  was  warehouse-man,  and  in 
short,  quite  a  fac-totum. 

But  however  serviceable  I  might  be,  I  found 
that  my  services  became  every  day  of  less 
importance,  as  the  other  hands  improved  in 
their  business ;  and  when  Keimer  paid  me  a 
second  quarter's  wages,  he  let  me  know  that 
he  felt  them  too  heavy,  and  thought  I  should 
make  an  abatement.  He  grew  by  degrees 
less  civil,  put  on  more  the  airs  of  master,  fre 
quently  found  fault,  was  captious,  and  seem 
ed  ready  for  an  out-breaking.  I  went  on  ne 
vertheless  with  a  good  deal  of  patience,  think 
ing  that  his  incumbered  circumstances  were 
partly  the  cause.  At  length  a  trifle  snapped 
our  connexion ;  for  a  great  noise  happening 
near  the  court-house,  I  put  my  head  out  of 
the  window  to  see  what  was  the  matter. 
Keimer  being  in  the  street  looked  up  and 
saw  me,  called  out  to  me  in  a  loud  voice  and 
an  angry  tone,  to  mind  my  business ;  adding 
some  reproachful  words,  that  nettled  me  the 
more  for  their  publicity ;  all  the  neighbours 
who  were  looking',  out  on  the  same  occasion 


being  witnesses  how  I  was  treated.  He 
came  up  immediately  into  the  printing  house 
— continued  the  quarrel ;  high  words  pass 
ed  on  both  sides;  he  gave  me  the  quarter's 
warning  we  had  stipulated,  expressing  a 
wish  that  he  had  not  been  obliged  to  so  long 
a  warning.  I  told  him  his  wish  was  unne 
cessary,  for  I  would  leave  him  that  instant ; 
and  so  taking  my  hat  walked  out  of  doors,  de 
siring  Meredith,  whom  I  saw  below,  to  take 
care  of  some  things  I  left,  and  bring  them  to 
my  lodgings. 

Meredith  came  accordingly  in  the  evening, 
when  we  talked  my  affair  over.  He  had  con 
ceived  a  great  regard  for  me,  and  was  very 
unwilling  that  I  should  leave  the  house  while 
he  remained  in  it.  He  dissuaded  me  from  re 
turning  to  my  native  country  which  I  began 
to  think  of;  he  reminded  me  that  Keimer 
was  in  debt  for  all  he  possessed :  that  his  cre 
ditors  began  to  be  uneasy;  thatvhe  kept  his 
shop  miserably,  sold  often  without  a  profit  for 
ready  money,  and  often  trusted  without  keep 
ing  accounts  ;  that  he  must  therefore  fail,  which 
would  make  a  vacancy  I  might  profit  of.  I  ob 
jected  my  want  of  money.  He  then  let  me 
'know  that  his  father  had  a  high  opinion  of 
me,  and  from  some  discourse  that  had  passed 
between  them,  he  was  sure  he  would  advance 
money  to  set  me  up,  if  I  would  enter  into 
partnership  with  him.  My  time,  said  he,  will 
be  out  with  Keimer  in  the  spring ;  by  that  tune 
we  may  have  our  press  and  types  in  from  Lon 
don.  I  am  sensible  I  am  no  workman:  if 
you  like  it,  your  skill  in  the  business  shall  be 
set  against  the  stock  I  furnish,  and  we  will 
share  the  profits  equally.  The  proposal 
was  agreeable  to  me,  and  I  consented ;  his  fa 
ther  was  in  town  and  approved  of  it ;  the 
more,  as  he  said,  I  had  great  influence  with 
his  son — had  prevailed  on  him  to  abstain  long 
from  dram-drinking,  and  he  hoped  might 
break  him  of  that  wretched  habit  entirely 
when  we  came  to  be  so  closely  connected.  I 
gave  an  inventory  to  the  father,  who  carried 
it  to  a  merchant ;  the  things  were  sent  for, 
the  secret  was  to  be  kept  till  they  should  ar 
rive,  and  in  the  mean  time  I  was  to  get  work, 
if  I  could,  at  the  other  printing  house.  But 
I  found  no  vacancy  there,  and  so  remained 
idle  a  few  days,  when  Keimer,  on  a  prospect 
of  being  employed  to  print  some  paper  mo 
ney  in  New  Jersey,  which  would  require  cuts 
and  various  types,  that  I  only  could  supply, 
and  apprehending  Bradford  might  engage  me 
and  get  the  job  from  him,  sent  me  a  very  ci 
vil  message,  that  old  friends  should  not  part 
for  a  few  words,  the  effect  of  sudden  passion, 
and  wishing  me  to  return.  Meredith  per 
suaded  me  to  comply,  as  it  would  give  more 
opportunity  for  his  improvement  under  my 
daily  instructions;  so  I  returned,  and  we 
went  on  more  smoothly  than  for  some  time 
before.  The  New  Jersey  job  was  obtained,  I 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


23 


contrived  a  copper-plate  press  for  it,  the 
first  that  had  been,  seen  in  the  country; 
I  cut  several  ornaments  and  checks  for 
the  bills.  We  went  together  to  Burlington, 
where  I  executed  the  whole  to  satisfaction ; 
and  he  received  so  large  a  sum  for  the  work 
as  to  be  enabled  thereby  to  keep  himself 
longer  from  ruin. 

At  Burlington  I  made  an  acquaintance 
with  many  principal  people  of  the  province. 
Several  of  them  had  been  appointed  by  the 
assembly  a  committee  to  attend  the  press, 
and  take  care  that  no  more  bills  were  printed 
than  the  law  directed.  They  were  therefore 
by  turns  constantly  with  us,  and  generally  he 
who  attended  brought  with  him  a  friend  or 
two  for  company.  My  mind  having  been 
much  more  improved  by  reading  than  Kei- 
mer's,  I  suppose  it  was  for  that  reason  my 
conversation  seemed  to  be  more  valued. 
They  had  me  to  their  houses,  introduced  me 
to  their  friends,  and  shewed  me  much  civili 
ty  ;  while  he,  though  the  master,  was  a  little 
neglected(  In  truth,  he  was  an  odd  creature ; 
ignorant  of  common  life,  fond  of  rudely  oppos 
ing  received  opinions ;  slovenly  to  extreme 
dirtiness;  enthusiastic  in  some  points  of  reli 
gion,  and  a  little  knavish  withal,)  We  con 
tinued  there  near  three  months,  and  by  that 
time  I  could  reckon  among  my  acquired 
friends,  judge  Allen,  Samuel  Bustill,  the  se 
cretary  of  the  province,  Isaac  Pearson,  Joseph 
Cooper,  and  several  of  the  Smiths,  members 
of  assembly,  and  Isaac  Decow,  the  surveyor 
general.  The  latter  was  a  shrewd,  sagacious 
old  man,  who  told  me  that  he  began  for  him 
self  when  young,  by  wheeling  clay  for  the 
brickmakers,  learned  to  write  after  he  was 
of  age,  carried  tho  chain  for  surveyors,  who 
taught  him  surveying,  and  he  had  now  by 
his  industry  acquired  a  good  estate  ;  and,  said 
he,  I  foresee  that  you  will  soon  work  this  man 
out  of  his  business,  and  make  a  fortune  in  it 
at  Philadelphia.'  He  had  then  not  the  least 
intimation  of  my  intention  to  set  up  there  or 
any  where.  These  friends  were  afterwards 
of  great  use  to  me,  as  I  occasionally  was  to 
some  of  them.  They  all  continued  their  re 
gard  for  me  as  long  as  they  lived. 

Before  I  enter  upon  my  public  appearance 
in  business,  it  may  be  well  to  let  you  know 
the  then  state  of  my  mind,  with  regard  to  my 
principles  and  morals,  that  you  may  see  how 
far  those  influenced  the  future  events  of  my 
life.  My  parents  had  early  given  me  religious 
impressions,  and  brought  me  through  my 
childhood  piously  in  the  dissenting  way.  But 
I  was  scarce  fifteen,  when,  after  doubting  by 
turns  several  points,  as  1  found  them  disputed 
in  the  different  books  I  read,  I  began  to  doubt 
of  the  revelation  itself.  Some  books  against 
Deism  fell  into  my  hands — they  were  said  to 
be  the  substance  of  the  sermons  which  had 
been  preached  at  Boyle's  lectures.  It  happened 


that  they  wrought  an  effect  on  me  quite  contra 
ry  to  what  was  intended  by  them ;  for  the  ar 
guments  of  the  Deists  which  were  quoted  to  be 
refuted  appeared  to  me  much  stronger  than 
the  refutations ;  in  short,  I  soon  became  a  tho 
rough  Deist.  My  arguments  perverted  some 
others,  particularly  Collins  and  Ralph :  but 
each  of  these  having  wronged  me  greatly 
without  the  least  compunction;  and  recollect 
ing  Keith  s  conduct  towards  me,  (who  was 
another  freethinker,)  and  my  own  towards 
Vernon  and  Miss  Read,  which  at  times  gave 
me  great  trouble  ;  I  began  to  suspect  that  this 
doctrine,  though  it  might  be  true,  was  not 
very  useful.  My  London  pamphlet,*  (printed 
in  1725,)  which  had  for  its  motto  these  lines 
of  Dryden : 


-Whatever  is,  is  right.    Tho'  purblind  man 


Sees  but  a  part  o'  the  chain,  the  nearest  link  ; 
His  eye  not  carrying  to  that  equal  beam, 
That  poises  all  a'bove " 

and  which  from  the  attributes  of  God,  his  in 
finite  wisdom,  goodness  and  power,  conclud 
ed  that  nothing  could  possibly  be  wrong  in  the 
world ;  and  that  vice  and  virtue  were  empty 
distinctions,  no  such  things  existing ;  appear 
ed  now  not  so  clever  a  performance  as  I  once 
thought  it ;  and  I  doubted  whether  some  er 
ror  had  not  insinuated  itself  unperceived  into 
my  argument,  so  as  to  infect  all  that  followed, 
as  is  common  in  metaphysical  reasonings.  I 
grew  convinced  that  truth,  sincerity,  and  in 
tegrity,  in  dealings  between  man  and  man, 
were  of  the  utmost  importance  to  the  felicity 
of  life ; '  and  I  formed  written  resolutions 
(which  still  remain  in  my  journal  book)  to 


*  Dr.  Franklin  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  B.  Vaughan,  dated 
Nov.  9,  1779,  gives  a  further  account  of  this  pamphlet, 
in  these  words. 

"  It  was  addressedto  Mr.  I.  R.,  that  is,  James  Ralph, 
then  a  youth  of  about  my  age,  and  my  intimate  friend  ; 
afterwards  a  political  writer  and  historian.  The  pur 
port  of  it  was  to  prove  the  doctrine  of  fate,  from  the 
supposed  attributes  of  God,  in  some  such  manner  as 
this  :  that  in  erecting  and  governing  the  world,  as  he 
was  infinitely  wise,  he  knew  what  would  be  best ;  in 
finitely  good,  he  must  be  disposed,  and  infinitely  pow 
erful,  he  must  be  able,  to  execute  it :  consequently  all 
is  right. 

"  There  were  only  an  hundered  copies  printed,  of 
which  I  gave  a  few  to  friends,  and  afterwards  disliking 
the  piece,  as  conceiving  it  might  have  an  ill  tendency, 
I  burnt  the  rest,  except  one  copy,  the  margin  of  which 
was  filled  with  manuscript  notes  by  Lyons,  author  of 
the  Infallibility  of  Human  Judgment,  who  was  at  that 
time  another  of  my  acquaintance  in  London.  I  was 
not  nineteen  years  of  age  when  it  was  written.  In 
1730,  I  wrote  a  piece  on  the  other  side  of  the  question, 
which  began  with  laying  for  its  foundation  this  fact : 
'  That  almost  all  men,  in  all  ages  and  countries,  have  at 
times  made  use  O/PRAYER.'  Thence  I  reasoned,  that  if 
all  things  are  ordained,  prayer  must,  among  the  rest,  be 
ordained.  But  as  prayer  can  procure  no  change  in 
things  that  are  ordained,  praying  must  then  be  useless, 
and  an  absurdity.  God  would  therefore  not  ordain 
praying  if  every  thing  else  was  ordained.  But  praying 
exists,  therefore  all  things  are  not  ordained,  &c. 
This  pamphlet  was  never  printed,  and  the  manuscript 
has  been  long  lost.  The  great  uncertainty  I  found  in- 
metaphysical  reasonings  disgusted  me,  and  I  quitted 
that  kind  of  reading  and  study  for  others  more  satis> 
factory  " 


MEMOIRS  OF 


practise  them  ever  while  I  lived.  Revelation 
had  indeed  no  weight  with  me  as  such ;  but  I 
entertained  an  opinion,  that  though  certain 
actions  might  not  be  bad,  because  they  were 
forbidden  by  it,  or  good  because  it  com 
manded  them ;  yet  probably  those  actions 
might  be  forbidden  because  they  were  bad  for 
us,  or  commanded  because  they  were  benefi 
cial  to  us,  in  their  own  natures,  all  the  cir 
cumstances  of  things  considered.  And  this 
persuasion,  with  the  kind  hand  of  Providence, 
or  some  guardian  angel,  or  accidental  favour 
able  circumstances  and  situations,  or  all  toge 
ther,  preserved  me  through  this  dangerous 
time  of  youth  and  the  hazardous  situations  I 
•-vas  sometimes  in  among  strangers,  remote 
from  the  eye  and  advice  of  my  father ;  free 
from  any  wilful  gross  immorality  or  injustice, 
that  might  have  been  expected  from  my  want 
of  religion;  I  say  wilful,  because  the  instan 
ces  I  have  mentioned  had  something  of  neces 
sity  in  them,  from  my  youth,  inexperience,  and 
the  knavery  of  others :  I  had  therefore  a  tole 
rable  character  to  begin  the  world  with ;  I 
valued  it  properly,  and  determined  to  pre 
serve  it 

We  had  not  been  long  returned  to  Phila 
delphia,  before  the  new  types  arrived  from 
London.  We  settled  with  Keimer,  and  left 
him  by  his  consent  before  he  heard  of  it.  We 
found  a  house  to  hire  near  the  market,  and 
took  it  To  lessen  the  rent  (which  was  then 
but  twenty-four  pounds  a  year,  though  I  have 
since  known  it  let  for  seventy)  we  took  in 
Thomas  Godfrey,  a  glazier,  and  his  family, 
who  were  to  pay  a  considerable  part  of  it  to  us, 
and  we  to  board  with  them.  We  had  scarce 
opened  our  letters  and  put  our  press  in  order, 
before  George  House,  an  acquaintance  of 
mine,  brought  a  countryman  to  us,  whom  he 
had  met  in  the  street,  inquiring  for  a  printer. 
All  our  cash  was  now  expended  in  the  varie 
ty  of  particulars  we  had  been  obliged  to  pro 
cure,  and  this  countryman's  five  shillings,  be 
ing  our  first  fruits,  and  coming  so  seasonably, 
gave  me  more  pleasure  than  any  crown  I 
have  since  earned ;  and  from  the  gratitude  I 
felt  towards  House,  has  made  me  often  more 
ready,  than  perhaps  I  otherwise  should  have 
been,  to  assist  young  beginners. 

There  are  croakers  in  every  country  al 
ways  boding  its  ruin.  Such  an  one  there  liv 
ed  in  Philadelphia,  a  person  of  note,  an  elder 
ly  man,  with  a  wise  look  and  a  very  grave 
manner  of  speaking ;  his  name  was  Samuel 
Mickle.  This  gentleman,  a  stranger  to  me, 
stopped  me  one  day  at  my  door,  and  asked  me 
if  I  was  the  young  man  who  had  lately  open 
ed  a  new  printing  house.  Being  answered  in 
the  affirmative,  he  said  he  was  sorry  for  me, 
because  it  was  an  expensive  undertaking,  and 
the  expense  would  be  lost,  for  Philadelphia 
was  a  sinking  place,  the  people  already  half 
bankrupts,  or  near  being  so ;  all  the  appear 


ga 
ha 


ances  of  the  contrary,  such  as  new  buildings 
and  the  rise  of  rents  being  to  his  certain  know 
ledge  fallacious  ;  for  they  were  in  fact  among 
the  things  that  would  ruin  us.  Then  he  gave 
me  such  a  detail  of  misfortunes  now  existing, 
or  that  were  soon  to  exist,  that  he  left  me  half 
melancholy.  Had  I  known  him  before  I  en 

ged  in  this  business  probably  I  never  should 

ve  done  it  This  person  continued  to  live 
in  this  decaying  place,  and  to  declaim  in  the 
same  strain,  refusing  for  many  years  to  buy 
a  house  there,  because  all  was  going  to  de 
struction  ;  and  at  last  I  had  the  pleasure  of 
seeing  him  give  five  times  as  much  for  one  as 
he  might  have  bought  it  for  when  he  first  be 
gan  croaking. 

I  should  have  mentioned  before,  that  in  the 
autumn  of  the  preceding  year,  I  had  formed 
most  of  my  ingenious  acquaintance  into  a  club 
for  mutual  improvement,  which  we  called  the 
JUNTO  ;  we  met  on  Friday  evenings.  The 
rules  that  I  drew  up  required  that  every  mem 
ber  in  his  turn  should  produce  one  or  more 
queries  on  any  point  of  morals,  politics,  or  na 
tural  philosophy,  to  be  discussed  by  the  com 
pany  ;  and  once  in  three  months  produce  and 
read  an  essay  of  his  own  writing,  on  any  sub 
ject  he  pleased.  Our  debates  were  to  be  un 
der  the  direction  of  a  president,  and  to  be  con 
ducted  in  the  sincere  spirit  of  inquiry  after 
truth,  without  fondness  for  dispute,  or  desire 
of  victory  ;  and  to  prevent  warmth,  all  ex 
pressions  of  positiveness  in  opinions,  or  direct 
contradiction,  were  after  some  time  made  con 
traband,  and  prohibited  under  small  pecuniary 
penalties. 

The  first  members  were  Joseph  Brientnal,  a 
copyer  of  deeds  for  the  scriveners  ;  a  good  na- 
tured  friendly  middle-aged  man,  a  great  lover 
of  poetry,  reading  all  he  could  meet  with,  and 
writing  some  that  was  tolerable  ;  very  inge 
nious  in  making  little  nicknackeries,  and  of 
sensible  conversation. 

Thomas  Godfrey,  a  self-taught  mathema 
tician,  great  in  his  way,  and  afterwards  in 
ventor  of  what  is  now  called  Hartley's  Quad 
rant.  But  he  knew  little  out  of  his  way,  and 
was  not  a  pleasing  companion  ;  as,  like  most 
great  mathematicians  I  have  met  with,  he  ex 
pected  universal  precision  in  every  thing  said, 
or  was  for  ever  denying  or  distinguishing  upon 
trifles,  to  the  disturbance  of  all  conversation  ; 
he  soon  left  us. 

Nicholas  Scull,  a  surveyor,  afterwards  sur 
veyor  general,  who  loved  books,  and  some 
times  made  a  few  verses. 

William  Parsons,  bred  a  shoemaker,  but 
loving  reading,  had  acquired  a  considerable 
share  of  mathematics,  which  he  first  studied 
with  a  view  to  astrology,  and  afterwards 
laughed  at  it;  he  also  became  surveyor 
general. 

William  Maugridge,  joiner,  but  a  most  ex 
quisite  mechanic,  and  a  solid,  sensible  man. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


25 


I rlugh  Meredith,  Stephen  Potts,  and  Gearge 
Webb,  I  have  characterised  before. 

Robert  Grace,  a  young  gentleman  of  some 
fortune,  generous,  lively,  and  witty ;  a  lover 
of  punning  and  of  his  friends. 

Lastly,  William  Coleman,  then  a  mer 
chant's  clerk,  about  my  age,  who  had  the  cool 
est,  clearest  head,  the  best  heart,  and  the  ex- 
actest  morals  of  almost  any  man  I  ever  met 
with.  He  became  afterwards  a  merchant  of 
great  note,  and  one  of  our  provincial  judges. 
Our  friendship  continued  without  interruption 
to  his  death,  upwards  of  forty  years ;  and  the 
club  continued  almost  as  long,  and  was  the 
best  school  of  philosophy,  morality,  and  po 
litics,  that  then  existed  in  the  province  ;  for 
our  queries,  (which  were  read  the  week  pre 
ceding  their  discussion,)  put  us  upon  reading 
with  attention  on  the  several  subjects,  that 
we  might  speak  more  to  the  purpose:  and 
here  too  we  acquired  better  habits  of  conver 
sation,  every  thing  being  studied  in  our  rules 
which  might  prevent  our  disgusting  each 
other ;  hence  the  long  continuance  of  the  club, 
which  I  shall  have  frequent  occasion  to  speak 
further  of  hereafter.  But  my  giving  this  ac 
count  of  it  here,  is  to  shew  something  of  the 
interest  I  had,  every  one  of  these  exerting 
themselves  in  recommending  business  to  us. 
Brientnal  particularly  procured  us  from  the 
quakers,  the  printing  of  forty  sheets  of  their 
history,  the  rest  being  to  be  done  by  Keimer ; 
and  upon  these  we  worked  exceeding  hard, 
for  the  price  was  low.  It  was  a  folio,  pro 
patria  size,  in  pica,  with  long-primer  notes. 
I  composed  a  sheet  a  day,  and  Meredith  work 
ed  it  off  at  press ;  it  was  often  eleven  at  night, 
and  sometimes  later,  before  I  had  finished  my 
distribution  for  the  next  day's  work ;  for  the 
little  jobs  sent  in  by  our  other  friends  now  and 
then  put  us  back.  But  so  determined  I  was 
to  continue  doing  a  sheet  a  day  of  the  folio, 
that  one  night  when  having  imposed  my  forms, 
I  thought  my  day's  work  over,  one  of  them  by 
accident  was  broken,  and  two  pages  reduced 
to  pi.  I  immediately  distributed,  and  com 
posed  it  over  again  before  I  went  to  bed  ;  and 
this  industry,  visible  to  our  neighbours,  began 
to  give  us  character  and  credit ;  particularly 
I  was  told,  that  mention  being  made  of  the 
naw  printing  office,  at  the  merchants'  every 
night  club,  the  general  opinion  was  that  it 
must  fail,  there  being  already  two  printers  in 
the  place,  Keimer  and  Bradford;  but  Dr. 
Baird,  (whom  you  and  I  saw  many  years  after 
at  his  native  place,  St.  Andrew's  in  Scotland,) 
gave  a  contrary  opinion :  "  For  the  industry 
of  that  Franklin,"  said  he,  "  is  superior  to  any 
thing  I  ever  saw  of  the  kind  ;  I  see  him  still 
at  work  when  I  go  home  from  club,  and  he  is 
at  work  again  before  his  neighbours  are  out  of 
bed."  This  struck  the  rest,  and  we  soon  after 
had  offers  from  one  of  them  to  supply  us  with 
VOL.  L— D  3 


stationary  ;  but  as  yet  we  did  not  choose  to 
engage  in  shop  business. 

I  mention  this  industry  the  more  parti 
cularly  and  the  more  freely,  though  it  seems 
.o  be  talking  in  rny  own  praise,  that  those  of 
my  posterity  who  shall  read  it,  may  know  the 
use  of  that  virtue,  when  they  see  its  effects  in 
my  favour  throughout  this  relation. 

George  Webb,  who  had  found  a  female 
riend  that  lent  him  wherewith  to  purchase 
lis  time  of  Keimer,  now  came  to  offer  himself 
as  a  journeyman  to  us.  We  could  not  then 
employ  him,  but  I  foolishly  let  him  know  as  a 
secret,  that  I  soon  intended  to  begin  a  news- 
>aper,  and  might  then  have  work  for  him. 
Vly  hopes  of  success,  as  I  ,told  him,  were 
Bounded  on  this,  that  the  then  only  news 
paper,  printed  by  Bradford,  was  a  paltry  thing, 
vretchedly  managed,  no  way  entertaining, 
and  yet  was  profitable  to  him ;  I  therefore 
Teely  thought  a  good  paper  would  scarcely 
"ail  of  good  encouragement.  I  requested 
Webb  not  to  mention  it,  but  he  told  it  to 
Keimer,  who  immediately,  to  be  beforehand 
with  me,  published  proposals  for  one  himself, 
on  which  Webb  was  to  be  employed.  I  was 
rexed  at  this,  and  to  counteract  them,  not  be 
ing  able  to  commence  our  paper,  I  wrote  se 
veral  amusing  pieces  for  Bradford's  paper,  un- 
:ler  the  title  of  the  BUSY  BODY,  which  Brein t- 
nal  continued  some  months.  By  this  means 
the  attention  of  the  public  was  fixed  on  that 
paper,  and  Keimer's  proposals,  which  we  bur 
lesqued  and  ridiculed,  were  disregarded.  He 
began  his  paper  however,  and  before  carrying 
it  on  three  quarters  of  a  year,  with  at  most 
only  ninety  subscribers,  he  offered  it  me  for  a 
trifle;  and  I,  having  been  ready  some  time 
to  go  on  with  it,  took  it  in  hand  directly ;  and 
it  proved  in  a  few  years  extremely  profitable 
tome. 

I  perceive  that  I  am  apt  to  speak  in  the 
singular  number,  though  our  partnership  still 
continued  ;  it  may  be  that  in  feet  the  whole 
management  of  the  business  lay  upon  me. 
Meredith  was  no  compositor,  a  poor  pressman, 
and  seldom  sober.  My  friends  lamented  my 
connexion  with  him,  but  I  was  to  make  the 
best  of  it. 

Our  first  papers  made  quite  a  different  ap 
pearance  from  any  before  in  the  province  ;  a 
better  type  and  better  printed ;  but  some  re 
marks  of  my  writing  on  the  dispute  then  go 
ing  on  between  governor  Burnet  and  the 
Massachusetts  Assembly,  struck  the  principal 
people,  occasioned  the  paper  and  the  mana 
ger  of  it  to  be  much  talked  of,  and  in  a  few 
weeks  brought  them  all  to  be  our  subscribers. 
Their  example  was  followed  by  many,  and 
our  number  went  on  growing  continually. 
This  was  one  of  the  first  good  effects  of  rny 
having  learned  a  little  to  scribble;  another 
was,  that  the  leading  men  seeing  a  newspa- 


26 


MEMOIRS  OF. 


per,  now  in  the  hands  of  those  who  could  also 
handle  a  pen,  thought  it  convenient  to  oblige 
and  encourage  me.  Bradford  still  printed 
the  votes,  and  laws,  and  other  public  business. 
He  had  printed  an  address  of  the  house  to  the 
governor,  in  a  coarse,  blundering  manner: 
we  reprinted  it  elegantly  and  correctly,  and 
sent  one  to  every  member.  They  were  sen 
sible  of  the  difference,  it  strengthened  the 
hands  of  our  friends  in  the  house,  and  they 
vould  us  their  printers  for  the  year  ensuing. 

Among  my  friends  in  the  house,  I  must  not 
forget  Mr.  Hamilton,  before  mentioned,  who 
was  then  returned  from  England,  and  had  a 
seat  in  it.  He  interested  himself  for  me 
strongly  in  that  instance,  as  he  did  in  many 
others  afterwards,  continuing  his  patronage 
till  his  deaths- 
Mr.  Vernon,  about  this  time,  put  me  in 
mind  of  the  debt  I  owed  him,  but  did  not 
press  me.  I  wrote  him  an  ingenuous  letter 
of  acknowledgment,  craving  his  forbearance 
a  little  longer,  which  he  allowed  me ;  as  soon 
as  I  was  able,  I  paid  the  principal  with  the 
interest,  and  many  thanks :  so  that  erratum 
was  in  some  degree  corrected. 

But  now  another  difficulty  came  upon  me, 
which  I  had  never  the  least  reason  to  expect. 
Mr.  Meredith's  father,  who  was  to  have  paid 
for  our  printing  house,  according  to  the  ex 
pectations  given  me,  was  able  to  advance 
only  one  hundred  pounds  currency,  which 
had  been  paid  ;  and  a  hundred  more  was  due 
to  the  merchant,  who  grew  impatient,  and 
sued  us  all.  We  gave  bail,  bi.it  saw  that  if 
the  money  could  not  be  raised  in  time,  the 
suit  must  soon  come  to  a  judgment  and  exe 
cution,  and  our  hopeful  prospects  must  with 
us  be  ruined ;  as  the  press  and  letters  must 
be  sold  for  payment,  perhaps  at  half  price.  In 
this  distress  two  true  friends,  whose  kindness 
I  have  never  forgotten,  nor  ever  shall  forget, 
while  I  can  remember  any  thing,  came  to  me 
separately,  unknown  to  each  other,  and  with 
out  any  application  from  me,  offered  each  of 
them  to  advance  me  all  the  money  that  should 
be  necessary  to  enable  me  to  take  the  whole 
business  upon  myself,  if  that  should  be  prac 
ticable  ;  but  they  did  not  like  my  continuing 
the  partnership  with  Meredith ;  who,  as  they 
said,  was  often  seen  drunk  in  the  street,  play 
ing  at  low  games  in  alehouses,  much  to  our 
discredit — these  two  friends  were  William 
Coleman  and  Robert  Grace.  I  told  them  I 
could  not  propose  a  separation,  while  any 
prospect  remained  of  the  Merediths  fulfilling 
their  part  of  our  agreement;  because  I  thought 
myself  under  great  obligations  to  them  for 
what  they  had  done,  and  would  do  if  they 
could :  but  if  they  finally  failed  in  their  per 
formance,  and  our  partnership  must  be  dis 
solved,  I  should  then  think  myself  at  liberty 

*I  afterwards  obtained  for  his  son  Jive  hundred 
pounds. 


to  accept  the  assistance  of  my  friends :  thus 
the  matter  rested  for  some  time ;  when  I  said 
to  my  partner,  perhaps  your  father  is  dissatis 
fied  at  the  part  you  have  undertaken  in  this 
affair  of  ours,  and  is  unwilling  to  advance  for 
you  and  me,  what  he  would  for  you  1  If  that 
is  the  case,  tell  me,  and  I  will  resign  the 
whole  to  you,  and  go  about  my  business.  No, 
said  he,  my  father  has  really  been  disappoint 
ed,  and  is  really  unable ;  and  I  am  unwilling 
to  distress  him  further.  I  see  this  is  a  busi 
ness  I  am  not  fit  for.  I  was  bred  a  farmer, 
and  it  was  a  folly  in  me  to  come  to  town  and 
put  myself,  at  thirty  years  of  age,  an  appren 
tice  to  learn  a  new  trade.  Many  of  our 
Welsh  people  are  going  to  settle  in  North 
Carolina,  where  land  is  cheap.  I  am  inclin 
ed  to  go  with  them,  and  follow  my  old  em 
ployment  :  you  may  find  friends  to  assist  you : 
if  you  will  take  the  debts  of  the  company 
upon  you,  return  to  my  father  the  hundred 
pounds  he  has  advanced,  pay  my  little  per 
sonal  debts,  and  give  me  thirty  pounds  and  a 
new  saddle,  I  will  relinquish  the  partnership, 
and  leave  the  whole  in  your  hands.  I  agreed 
to  this  proposal ;  it  was  drawn  up  in  writing, 
signed  and  sealed  immediately.  I  gave  him 
what  he  demanded,  and  he  went  soon  after 
to  Carolina  ;  whence  he  sent  me,  next  year, 
two  long  letters,  containing  the  best  account 
that  had  been  given  of  that  country,  the  cli 
mate,  the  soil,  husbandry,  &c.,  for  in  those 
matters  he  was  very  judicious:  I  printed 
them  in  the  papers,  and  they  gave  great  satis 
faction  to  the  public. 

As  soon  as  he  was  gone,  I  recurred  to  my 
two  friends ;  and  because  I  would  not  give 
an  unkind  preference  to  either,  I  took  half 
what  each  had  offered,  and  I  wanted,  of  one, 
and  half  of  the  other  ;  paid  off  the  company's 
debts,  and  went  on  with  the  business  in  my 
own  name ;  advertising  that  the  partnership 
was  dissolved.  I  think  this  was  in  or  about 
the  year  1729. 

About  this  time  there  was  a  cry  among  the 
people  for  more  paper-money;  only  fifteen 
thousand  pounds  being  extant  in  the  province, 
and  that  soon  to  be  sunk.  The  wealthy  in 
habitants  opposed  any  addition  ;  being  against 
all  paper  currency,  from  the  apprehension 
that  it  would  depreciate,  as  it  had  done  in 
New  England,  to  the  injury  of  all  creditors. 
We  had  discussed  this  point  in  our  junto, 
where  I  was  on  the  side  of  an  addition  ;  be 
ing  persuaded  that  the  first  small  sum,  struck 
in  1723,  had  done  much  good  by  increasing 
the  trade,  employment,  and  number  of  in 
habitants  in  the  province  ;  since  I  now  saw 
all  the  old  houses  inhabited,  and  many  new 
ones  building ;  whereas  I  remembered  well 
when  I  first  walked  about  the  streets  of  Phila 
delphia,  (eating  my  roll,)  I  saw  many  of  the 
houses  in  Walnut  street,  between  Second  and 
Front  streets,  with  bills  on  their  doors  "  to  be 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


27 


let ;"  and  many  likewise  in  Chestnut  street, 
and  other  streets ;  which  made  me  think  the 
inhabitants  of  the  city  were  one  after  another 
deserting  it.  Our  debates  possessed  me  so 
fully  of  the  subject,  that  I  wrote  and  printed 
an  anonymous  pamphlet  on  it,  entitled  "  The 
Nature  and  Necessity  of  a  Paper  Curren 
cy."  It  was  well  received  by  the  common 
people  in  general ;  but  the  ricli  men  disliked 
it,  for  it  increased  and  strengthened  the 
clamour  for  more  money ;  and  they  happen 
ing  to  have  no  writers  among  them  that  were 
able  to  answer  it,  their  opposition  slackened, 
and  the  point  was  carried  by  a  majority  in 
the  house.  My  friends  there,  who  consider 
ed  I  had  been  of  some  service,  thought  fit  to 
reward  me,  by  employing  me  in  printing  the 
money;  a  very  profitable  job,  and  a  great 
help  to  me  :  this  was  another  advantage  gam 
ed  by  my  being  able  to  write. 

The  utility  of  this  currency  became  by 
time  and  experience  so  evident,  that  the 
principles  upon  which  it  was  founded,  were 
never  afterwards  much  disputed;  so  that  it 
grew  soon  to  fifty-five  thousand  pounds ;  and 
in  1739,  to  eighty  thousand  pounds ;  trade, 
building,  and  inhabitants  all  the  while  in 
creasing  :  though  I  now  think  there  are  limits 
beyond  which  the  quantity  may  be  hurtful. 

I  soon  after  obtained  through  my  friend 
Hamilton,  the  printing  of  the  Newcastle  pa 
per-money,  another  profitable  job,  as  I  then 
thought  it ;  small  things  appearing  great  to 
those  in  small  circumstances :  and  these  to 
me  were  really  great  advantages,  as  they 
were  great  encouragements.  Mr.  Hamilton 
procured  me  also  the  printing  of  the  laws  and 
votes  of  that  government;  which  continued  in 
my  hands  as  long  as  I  followed  the  business. 

I  now  opened  a  small  stationer's  shop :  I 
had  in  it  blanks  of  all  kinds ;  the  correctest 
that  ever  appeared  among  us.  I  was  assisted 
in  that  by  my  friend  Breintnal :  I  had  also 
paper,  parchment,  chapmen's  books,  &c.  One 
Whitemash,  a  compositor  I  had  known  hi 
London,  an  excellent  workman,  now  came  to 
me,  and  worked  with  me  constantly  and  dili 
gently  ;  and  I  took  an  apprentice,  the  son  of 
Aquila  Rose. 

I  began  now  gradually  to  pay  off  the  debt 
I.  was  under  for  the  printing  house.  In  order 
to  secure  my  credit  and  character  as  a  trades 
man,  I  took  care  not  only  to  be  in  reality  in 
dustrious  and  frugal,  but  to  avoid  the  appear 
ances  to  the  contrary.  I  dressed  plain,  and 
was  seen  at  no  places  of  idle  diversion :  I 
never  went  out  a  fishing  or  shooting :  a  book 
indeed  sometimes  debauched  me  from  my 
work,  but  that  was  seldom,  was  private,  and 
gave  no  scandal :  and  to  show  that  I  was  not 
above  my  business,  I  sometimes  brought  home 
the  paper  I  purchased  at  the  stores,  through 
the  streets  on  a  wheelbarrow.  Thus  being 
esteemed  an  industrious,  thriving  young  man, 


and  paying  duly  for  what  I  bought,  the  mer 
chants  who  imported  stationery  solicited  my 
custom ;  others  proposed  supplying  me  with 
books,  and  I  went  on  prosperously.  In  the 
mean  time  Keimer's  credit  and  business  de 
clining  daily,  he  was  at  last  forced  to  sell  his 
printing  house,  to  satisfy  his  creditors.  He 
went  to  Barbadoes,  and  there  lived  some  years 
in  very  poor  circumstances. 

His  apprentice,  David  Harry,  whom  I  had 
instructed  while  I  worked  with  him,  set  up 
in  his  place  at  Philadelphia,  havfng  bought 
his  materials.  I  was  at  first  apprehensive  of 
a  powerful  rival  in  Harry,  as  his  friends  were 
very  able,  and  had  a  good  deal  of  interest :  I 
therefore  proposed  a  partnership  to  him,  which 
he  fortunately  for  me,  rejected  with  scorn. 
He  was  very  proud,  dressed  like  a  gentleman, 
lived  expensively,  took  much  diversion  and 
pleasure  abroad,  ran  in  debt,  and  neglected 
his  business ;  upon  which,  all  business  left 
him ;  and  finding  nothing  to  do,  he  followed 
Keimer  to  Barbadoes,  taking  the  printing 
house  with  him.  There  this  apprentice  em 
ployed  his  former  master  as  a  journeyman ; 
they  quarreled  often,  and  Harry  went  con 
tinually  behind  hand,  and  at  length  was 
obliged  to  sell  his  types,  and  return  to  coun 
try-work  in  Pennsylvania.  The  person  who 
bought  them,  employed  Keimer  to  use  them, 
but  a  few  years  after  he  died. 

There  remained  now  no  other  printer  in 
Philadelphia,  but  the  old  Bradford ;  but  he 
was  rich  and  easy,  did  a  little  in  the  business 
by  straggling  hands,  but  was  not  anxious 
about  it :  however  as  he  held  the  post-office, 
it  was  imagined  he  had  better  opportunities 
of  obtaining  news,  his  paper  was  thought  a 
better  distributor  of  advertisements  than  mine, 
and  therefore  had  many  more ;  which  was  a 
profitable  thing  to  him,  and  a  disadvantage  to 
me.  For  though  I  did  indeed  receive  and 
send  papers  by  the  post,  yet  the  public  opin 
ion  was  otherwise  ;  for  what  I  did  send  was 
by  bribing  the  riders,  who  took  them  private 
ly  ;  Bradford  being  unkind  enough  to  forbid 
it,  which  occasioned  some  resentment  on  my 
part ;  and  I  thought  so  meanly  of  the  practice, 
that  when  I  afterwards  came  into  his  situa 
tion,  I  took  care  never  to  imitate  it 

I  had  hitherto  continued  to  board  with 
Godfrey,  who  lived  in  part  of  my  house  with 
his  wife  and  children,  and  had  one  side  of  the 
shop  for  his  glazier's  business ;  though  he 
worked  little,  being  always  absorbed  in  his 
mathematics.  Mrs.  Godfrey  projected  a 
match  for  me,  with  a  relation's  daughter, 
took  opportunities  of  bringing  us  often  to 
gether,  till  a  serious  courtship  on  my  part 
ensued ;  the  girl  being  in  herself  very  de 
serving.  The  old  folks  encouraged  me  by 
continual  invitations  to  supper,  and  by  leav 
ing  us  together,  till  at  length  it  was  time  to 
explain.  Mrs.  Godfrey  managed  our  little 


28 


MEMOIRS  OP  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


treaty.  I  let  her  know  that  I  expected  as 
much  money  with  their  daughter  as  would 
pay  off  my  remaining1  debt  for  the  printing 
house ;  which  I  believe  was  not  then  above 
a  hundred  pounds.  She  brought  me  word 
they  had  no  such  sum  to  spare  :  I  said  they 
might  mortgage  their  house  in  the  loan-office. 
The  answer  to  this  after  some  days  was,  that 
they  did  not  approve  the  match ;  that  on  in 
quiry  of  Bradford,  they  had  been  informed 
the  printing  business  was  not  a  profitable  one, 
the  types  would  soon  be  worn  out  and  more 
wanted  ;  that  Keimer  and  David  Harry  had 
failed  one  after  the  other,  and  I  should  pro 
bably  soon  follow  them ;  and  therefore  I  was 
forbidden  the  house,  and  the  daughter  shut 
up.  Whether  this  was  a  real  change  of 
sentiment,  or  only  artifice  on  a  supposition  of 
our  being  too  far  engaged  in  affection  to  re 
tract,  and  therefore  that  we  should  steal  a 
marriage,  which  would  leave  them  at  liberty 
to  give  or  withhold  what  they  pleased,  I  know 
not.  But  I  suspected  the  motive,  resented  it, 
and  went  no  more.  Mrs.  Godfrey  brought  me 
afterwards  some  more  favourable  accounts 
of  their  disposition,  and  would  have  drawn 
me  on  again ;  but  I  declared  absolutely  my 
resolution  to  have  nothing  more  to  do  with 
that  family.  This  was  resented  by  the  God 
freys,  we  differed,  and  they  removed,  leaving 
me  the  whole  house,  and  I  resolved  to  take 
no  more  inmates.  But  this  affair  having 
turned  my  thoughts  to  marriage,  I  looked 
round  me  and  made  overtures  of  acquaintance 
in  other  places  ;  but  soon  found  that  the  busi 
ness  of  a  printer  being  generally  thought  a 
poor  one,  I  was  not  to  expect  money  with  a 
wife,  unless  with  such  an  one,  as  I  should  not 
otherwise  think  agreeable.  In  the  mean 
time  that  hard  to  be  governed  passion  of  youth, 
had  hurried  me  frequently  into  intrigues  with 
low  women  that  fell  in  my  way,  which  were 
attended  with  some  expense  and  great  incon 
venience,  besides  a  continual  risk  to  my 
health  by  a  distemper,  which  of  all  things  I 
dreaded,  though  by  great  good  luck  I  escaped  it. 
A  friendly  correspondence,  as  neighbours, 
had  continued  between  me  and  Miss  Reed's 
family,  who  all  had  a  regard  for  me  from  the 
time  of  my  first  lodging  in  their  house.  I  was 
often  invited  there,  and  consulted  in  their 
affairs,  wherein  I  sometimes  was  of  service 
I  pitied  poor  Miss  Reed's  unfortunate  situ 
ation,  who  was  generally  dejected,  seldom 
cheerful,  and  avoided  company  :  I  considere 
my  giddiness  and  inconstancy,  when  in  Lon 
don,  as  in  a  great  degree  the  cause  of  her 
unhappiness ;  though  the  mother  was  gooc 
enough  to  think  the  fault  more  her  own  than 
mine,  as  she  had  prevented  our  marrying  be 
fore  I  went  thither,  and  persuaded  the  othei 
match  in  my  absence.  Our  mutual  affection 
was  revived,  but  there  were  now  great  ob 
jections  to  our  union ;  that  match  was  indee( 
looked  upon  as  invalid,  a  preceding  wife  be 


ing  said  to  be  living  in  England;  but  this 
could  not  easily  be  proved,  because  of  the  dis- 
ance,  &c.,  and  though  there  was  a  report  of 
lis  death,  it  was  not  certain.  Then,  though 
t  should  be  true,  he  had  left  many  debts 
which  his  successor  might  be  called  upon  to 
Day:  we  ventured,  however,  over  all  these 
difficulties,  and  I  took  her  to  wife,  September 
1,  1730.  None  of  the  inconveniences  hap- 
Dened  that  we  had  apprehended  ;  she  proved 

good  and  faithful  helpmate,  assisted  me 
much  by  attending  to  the  shop ;  we  throve 
together,  and  ever  mutually  endeavoured  to 
make  each  other  happy.  Thus  I  corrected 
that  great  erratum  as  well  as  I  could. 

About  this  time  our  club  meeting,  not  at  a 
tavern,  but  in  a  little  room  of  Mr.  Grace's,  set 
apart  for  that  purpose;  a  proposition  was 
.nade  by  me,  that  since  our  books  were  often 
referred  to  in  our  disquisitions  upon  the  que 
ries,  it  might  be  convenient  to  us  to  have 
them  all  together  where  we  met,  that  upon 
occasion  they  might  be  consulted;  and  by 
thus  clubbing  our  books  to  a  common  library, 
we  should,  while  we  liked  to  keep  them  to 
gether,  have  each  of  us  the  advantage  of 
using  the  books  of  all  the  other  members, 
which  would  be  nearly  as  beneficial  as  if  each 
owned  the  whole.  It  was  liked  and  agreed 
to,  and  we  filled  one  end  of  the  room  with 
such  books  as  we  could  best  spare.  The 
number  was  not  so  great  as  we  expected; 
and  though  they  had  been  of  great  use,  yet 
some  inconveniences  occurring  for  want  of 
due  care  of  them,  the  collection,  after  about  a 
year,  was  separated ;  and  each  took  his  books 
home  again. 

And  now  I  set  on  foot  my  first  project  of  a 
public  nature,  that  for  a  subscription  library ; 
I  drew  up  the  proposals,  got  them  put  into 
form  by  our  great  scrivener,  Brockden,  and 
by  the  help  of  my  friends  in  the  junto,  pro 
cured  fifty  subscribers  of  forty  shillings  each 
to  begin  with,  and  ten  shillings  a  year  for 
fifty  years,  the  term  our  company  was  to  con 
tinue.  We  afterwards  obtained  a  charter, 
the  company  being  increased  to  one  hundred ; 
this  was  the  mother  of  all  the  North  Ameri 
can  subscription  libraries,  now  so  numerous. 
It  is  become  a  great  thing  itself,  and  continu 
ally  goes  on  increasing:  these  libraries  have 
improved  the  general  conversation  of  the 
Americans,  made  the  common  tradesmen  and 
farmers  as  intelligent  as  most  gentlemen  from 
other  countries,  and  perhaps  have  contributed 
in  some  degree  to  the  stand  so  generally 
made  throughout  the  colonies  in  defence  of 
their  privileges. 

[Thus  far  was  written  with  the  intention  expressed 
in  the  besinninir :  and  getting  abroad,  it  excited  great 
interest  on  account  of  its  simplicity  and  candour ;  and 
induced  many  applications  for  a  continuance.  What 
follows  was  written  manv  years  after,  in  compliance 
with  the  advice  contained  in  the  letters  that  follow  : 
and  has.  therefore,  less  of  a  family  picture,  and  more 
of  a  public  character.  The  American  revolution  oc 
casioned  the  interruption.] 


MEMOIRS 


OF 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


PART  II. 


From  Mr.  Abel  James,  (Received  in  Paris.} 

"MY  DEAR  AND   HONOURED  FRIEND, 1 

have  often  been  desirous  of  writing  to  thee, 
but  could  not  be  reconciled  to  the  thought, 
that  the  letter  might  fall  into  the  hands  of 
the  British,  lest  some  printer  or  busy  body 
should  publish  some  part  of  the  contents,  and 
give  our  friend  pain,  and  myself  censure. 

"  Some  time  since,  there  fell  into  my 
hands,  to  my  great  joy,  about  twenty-three 
sheets  in  thy  own  hand-writing,  containing  an 
account  of  the  parentage  and  life  of  thyself, 
directed  to  thy  son,  ending  in  the  year  1730, 
with  which  there  were  notes,  likewise  in  thy 
writing ;  a  copy  of  which  I  inclose,  in  hopes 
it  may  be  a  means,  if  thou  continued  it  up  to 
a  later  period,  that  the  first  and  latter  part 
maybe  put  together ;  and  if  it  is  not  yet  con 
tinued,  I  hope  thee  will  not  delay  it.  Life  is 
uncertain,  as  the  preacher  tells  us ;  and  what 
will  the  world  say,  if  kind,  humane,  and  be 
nevolent  Ben  Franklin,  should  leave  his  friends 
and  the  world  deprived  of  so  pleasing  and 
profitable  a  work;  a  work  which  would  be 
useful  and  entertaining  not  only  to  a  few,  but 
to  millions.  The  influence  writings  under 
that  class  have  on  the  minds  of  youth,  is  very 
great,  and  has  no  where  appeared  to  me  so 
plain,  as  in  our  public  friend's  journals.  It 
almost  insensibly  leads  the  youth  into  the  re 
solution  of  endeavouring  to"  become  as  good 
and  eminent  as  the  journalist  Should  thine, 
for  instance,  when  published,  (and  I  think  it 
could  not  fail  of  it,)  lead  the  youth  to  equal 
the  industry  and  temperance  of  thy  early 
youth,  what  a  blessing  with  that  class  would 
such  a  work  be  !  I  know  of  no  character  liv 
ing,  nor  many  of  them  put  together,  who  has 
so  much  in  his  power  as  thyself,  to  promote  a 
greater  spirit  of  industry  and  early  attention 
lo  business,  frugality,  and  temperance,  with 


the  American  youth.  Not  that  I  think  the 
work  would  have  no  other  merit  and  use  in 
the  world,  far  from  it ;  but  the  first  is  of  such 
vast  importance,  that  I  know  nothing  that 
can  equal  it" 

The  foregoing  letter,  and  the  minutes  ac 
companying  it,  being  shown  to  a  friend,  I 
received  from  him  the  following: 


From  Mr.  Benjamin  Vaughan. 

"  PARIS,  January  31,  1783. 

"  MY  DEAREST  SIR, — When  I  had  read 
over  your  sheets  of  minutes  of  the  principal 
incidents  of  your  life,  recovered  for  you  by 
your  Quaker  acquaintance,  I  told  you  I 
would  send  you  a  letter,  expressing  my  rea 
sons  why  I  thought  it  would  be  useful  to 
complete  and  publish  it  as  he  desired.  Vari 
ous  concerns  have  for  some  time  past  prevent 
ed  this  letter  being  written,  and  I  do  not 
know  whether  it  was  worth  any  expectation ; 
happening  to  be  at  leisure,  however,  at  pre 
sent,  I  shall,  by  writing,  at  least  interest  and 
instruct  myself;  but,  as  the  terms  I  am  in 
clined  to  use,  may  tend  to  offend  a  person  of 
your  manners,  I  shall  only  tell  you  how  I 
would  address  any  other  person,  who  was  as 
good  and  as  great  as  yourself,  but  less  diffi 
dent.  I  would  say  to  him,  sir,  I  solicit  the  his 
tory  of  your  life,  from  the  following  motives : 

"  Your  history  is  so  remarkable,  that  if  you 
do  not  give  it,  somebody  else  will  certainly 
give  it;  and  perhaps  so  as  nearly  to  do  as 
much  harm,  as  your  own  management  of  the 
thing  might  do  good. 

"It  will,  moreover,  present  a  table  of  the 
internal  circumstances  of  your  country,  which 
will  very  much  tend  to  invite  to  it  settlers  of 
virtuous  and  manly  minds.  And  considering 


30 


MEMOIRS  OF 


the  eagerness  with  which  such  information  is 
sought  by  them,  and  the  extent  of  your  repu 
tation,  I  do  not  know  of  a  more  efficacious  ad 
vertisement  than  your  biography  would  give. 

"  All  that  has  happened  to  you,  is  also  con 
nected  with  the  detail  of  the  manners  and 
situation  of  a  rising  people;  and  in  this 
respect  I  do  not  think  that  the  writings  of 
Caesar  and  Tacitus  can  be  more  interesting 
to  a  true  judge  of  human  nature  and  society. 

"  But  these,  sir,  are  small  reasons,  in  my 
opinion,  compared  with  the  chance  which 
your  life  will  give  for  the  forming  of  future 
great  men ;  and,  in  conjunction  with  your 
Art  of  Virtue,  (which  you  design  to  publish,) 
of  improving  the  features  of  private  character, 
and,  consequently,  of  aiding  all  happiness,  both 
public  and  domestic. 

"  The  two  works  I  allude  to,  sir,  will,  in 
particular,  give  a  noble  rule  and  example  of 
self-education.  School  and  other  education 
constantly  proceed  upon  false  principles,  and 
show  a  clumsy  apparatus  pointed  at  a  false 
mark ;  but  your  apparatus  is  simple,  and  the 
mark  a  true  one;  and  while  parents  and 
young  persons  are  left  destitute  of  other  just 
means  of  estimating  and  becoming  prepared 
for  a  reasonable  course  in  life,  your  discovery 
that  the  thing  is  in  many  a  man's  private 
power,  will  be  invaluable ! 

"  Influence  upon  the  private  character,  late 
in  life,  is  not  only  an  influence  late  in  life, 
but  a  weak  influence.  It  is  in  youth  that  we 
plant  our  chief  habits  and  prejudices ;  it  is  in 
youth  that  we  take  our  party  as  to  profession, 
pursuits,  and  matrimony.  In  youth,  there 
fore,  the  turn  is  given ;  in  youth  the  educa 
tion  even  of  the  next  generation  is  given ;  in 
youth  the  private  and  public  character  is  de 
termined;  and  the  term  of  life  extending  but 
from  youth  to  age,  life  ought  to  begin  well 
from  youth ;  and  more  especially  before  we 
take  our  party  as  to  our  principal  objects. 

"  But  your  biography  will  not  merely  teach 
self-education,  but  the  education  of  a  wi.se 
man  ;  and  the  wisest  man  will  receive  lights 
and  improve  his  progress,  by  seeing  detailed 
the  conduct  of  another  wise  man.  "And  why 
are  weaker  men  to  be  deprived  of  such  helps, 
when  we  see  our  race  has  been  blundering 
on  in  the  dark,  almost  without  a  guide  in  this 
particular,  from  the  farthest  trace  of  time. 
Show  then,  sir,  how  much  is  to  be  done,  both 
to  sons  and  fathers ;  and  invite  all  wise  men 
to  become  like  yourself;  and  other  men  to 
become  wise. 

"  When  we  see  how  cruel  statesmen  and 
warriors  can  be  to  the  human  race,  and  how 
absurd  distinguished  men  can  be  to  their  ac 
quaintance,  it  will  be  instructive  to  observe 
the  instances  multiply  of  pacific  acquiescing 
manners ;  and  to  find  how  compatible  it  is  to 
be  great  and  domestic;  enviable  and  yet  good 
humoured. 


"The  little  private  incidents  which  you 
will  also  have  to  relate,  will  have  consider 
able  use,  as  we  want  above  all  things,  rules 
of  prudence  in  ordinary  affairs  ;  and  it  will 
be  curious  to  see  how  you  have  acted  in  these. 
It  will  be  so  far  a  sort  of  key  to  life,  and  ex 
plain  many  things  that  all  men  ought  to  have 
once  explained  to  them,  to  give  them  a  chance 
of  becoming  wise  by  foresight. 

"  The  nearest  thing  to  having  experience 
of  one's  own,  is  to  have  other  people's  affairs 
brought  before  us  in  a  shape  that  is  interest 
ing  ;  this  is  sure  to  happen  from  your  pen. 
Your  affairs  and  management  will  have  an 
air  of  simplicity  or  importance  that  will  not 
fail  to  strike ;  and  I  am  convinced  you  have 
conducted  them  with  as  much  originality  as 
if  you  had  been  conducting  discussions  in 
politics  or  philosophy ;  and  what  more  worthy 
of  experiments  and  system,  (its  importance 
and  its  errors  considered)  than  human  life ! 

"Some  men  have  been  virtuous  blindly, 
others  have  speculated  fantastically,  and  others 
have  been  shrewd  to  bad  purposes ;  but  you, 
sir,  I  am  sure,  will  give  under  your  hand, 
nothing  but  what  is  at  the  same  moment, 
wise,  practical,  and  good. 

"  Your  account  of  yourself  (for  I  suppose 
the  parallel  I  am  drawing  for  Dr.  Franklin, 
will  hold  not  only  in  point  of  character  but 
of  private  history)  will  show  that  you  are 
ashamed  of  no  origin ;  a  thing  the  more  im 
portant,  as  you  prove  how  little  necessary  all 
origin  is  to  happiness,  virtue,  or  greatness. 

"  As  no  end  likewise  happens  without  a 
means,  so  we  shall  find,  sir,  that  even  you 
yourself  framed  a  plan  by  which  you  became 
considerable  ;  but  at  the  same  time  we  may 
see,  that  though  the  event  is  flattering,  the 
means  are  as  simple  as  wisdom  could  make 
them ;  that  is  depending  upon  nature,  virtue, 
thought,  and  habit. 

"  Another  thing  demonstrated  will  be  the 
propriety  of  every  man's  waiting  for  his  time 
for  appearing  upon  the  stage  of  the  world. 
Our  sensations  being  very  much  fixed  to  the 
moment,  we  are  apt  to  forget  that  more  mo 
ments  are  to  follow  the  first,  and  consequent 
ly  that  man  should  arrange  his  conduct  so  as 
to  suit  the  whole  of  a  life.  Your  attribution 
appears  to  have  been  applied  to  your  life,  and 
the  passing  moments  of  it  have  been  enliven 
ed  with  content  and  enjoyment,  instead  of 
being  tormented  with  foolish  impatience  or 
regrets.  Such  a  conduct  is  easy  for  those 
who  make  virtue  and  themselves  their  stand 
ard,  and  who  try  to  keep  themselves  in 
countenance  by  examples  of  other  truly  great 
men,  of  whom  patience  is  so  often  the  cha 
racteristic. 

"  Your  Quaker  correspondent,  sir,  (for  here 
again  I  will  suppose  the  subject  of  my  letter 
resembling  Dr.  Franklin,)  praised  your  fru 
gality,  diligence,  and  temperance,  which  he 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


31 


considered  as  a  pattern  for  all  youth :  but  it 
is  singular  that  he  should  have  forgotten  your 
modesty,  and  your  disinterestedness,  without 
which  you  never  could  have  waited  for  your 
advancement,  or  found  your  situation  in  the 
mean  time  comfortable;  which  is  a  strong 
lesson  to  show  the  poverty  of  glory,  and  the 
importance  of  regulating  our  minds. 

"  If  this  correspondent  had  known  the  na 
ture  of  your  reputation  as  well  as  I  do,  he 
would  have  said ;  your  former  writings  and 
measures  would  secure  attention  to  your 
Biography,  and  Art  of  Virtue;  and  your 
Biography  and  Art  of  Virtue,  in  return,  would 
secure  attention  to  them.  This  is  an  ad 
vantage  attendant  upon  a  various  character, 
and  which  brings  all  that  belongs  to  it  into 
greater  play ;  and  it  is  the  more  useful,  as 
perhaps  more  persons  are  at  a  loss  for  the 
means  of  improving  their  minds  and  charac 
ters,  than  they  are  for  the  time  or  the  incli 
nation  to  do  it. 

"But  there  is  one  concluding  reflection, 
sir,  that  will  show  the  use  of  your  life  as  a 
mere  piece  of  biography.  This  style  of 
writing  seems  a  little  gone  out  of  vogue,  and 
yet  it  is  a  very  useful  one ;  and  your  speci 
men  of  it  may  be  particularly  serviceable,  as 
it  will  make  a  subject  of  comparison  with  the 
lives  of  various  public  cut-throats  and  intrigu 
ers,  and  with  absurd  monastic  self-tormentors, 
or  vain  literary  triflers.  If  it  encourages 
more  writings  of  the  same  kind  with  your 
own,  and  induces  more  men  to  spend  lives  fit 
to  be  written ;  it  will  be  worth  all  Plutarch's 
Lives  put  together. 

"  But  being  tired  of  figuring  to  myself  a 
character  of  which  every  feature  suits  only 
one  man  in  the  world,  without  giving  him 
the  praise  of  it ;  I  shall  end  my  letter,  my 
dear  Dr.  Franklin,  witli  a  personal  applica 
tion  to  your  proper  self. 

"  I  am  earnestly  desirous  then,  my  dear 
sir,  that  you  should  let  the  world  into  the 
traits  of  your  genuine  character,  as  civil  broils 
may  otherwise  tend  to  disguise  or  traduce  it. 
Considering  your  great  age,  tne  caution  of 
your  character,  and  your  peculiar  style  of 
thinking,  it  is  not  likely  that  any  one  besides 
yourself  can  be  sufficiently  master  of  the  facts 
of  your  life,  or  the  intentions  of  your  mind. 

"  Besides  all  this,  the  immense  revolution 
of  the  present  period,  will  necessarily  turn 
our  attention  towards  the  author  of  it ;  and 
when  virtuous  principles  have  been  pretended 
in  it,  it  will  be  highly  important  to  show  that 
such  have  really  influenced ;  and,  as  your  own 
character  will  be  the  principal  one  to  receive 
a  scrutiny,  it  is  proper  (even  for  its  effects 
upon  your  vast  and  rising  country,  as  well  as 
upon  England  and  upon  Europe,)  that  it  should 
stand  respectable  and  eternal.  For  the 
furtherance  of  human  happiness,  I  have  al 
ways  maintained  that  it  is  .necessary  to  prove 


that  man  is  not  even  at  present  a  vicious  and 
detestable  animal;  and  still  more  to  prove 
that  good  management  may  greatly  amend 
him ;  and  it  is  for  much  the  same  reason,  that 
I  am  anxious  to  see  the  opinion  established, 
that  there  are  fair  characters  existing  among 
the  individuals  of  the  race ;  for  the  moment 
that  all  men,  without  exception,  shall  be  con 
ceived  abandoned,  good  people  will  cease  ef 
forts  deemed  to  be  hopeless,  and  perhaps 
think  of  taking  their  share  in  the  scramble  of 
life,  or  at  least  of  making  it  comfortable 
principally  for  themselves. 

"  Take  then,  my  dear  sir,  this  work  most 
speedily  into  hand :  show  yourself  good  as 
you  are  good ;  temperate  as  you  are  tempe 
rate  ;  and  above  all  things,  prove  yourself  as 
one  who  from  your  infancy  have  loved  justice, 
liberty,  and  concord,  in  a  way  that  has  made 
it  natural  and  consistent  for  you  to  have 
acted,  as  we  have  seen  you  act  in  the  last 
seventeen  years  of  your  life.  Let  English 
men  be  made  not  only  to  respect,  but  even  to 
love  you.  When  they  think  well  of  indi 
viduals  in  your  native  country,  they  will  go 
nearer  to  thinking  well  of  your  country  ;  and 
when  your  countrymen  see  themselves  well 
thought  of  by  Englishmen,  they  will  go  nearer 
to  thinking  well  of  England.  Extend  your 
views  even  further ;  do  not  stop  at  those  who 
speak  the  English  tongue,  but  after  having 
settled  so  many  points  in  nature  and  politics, 
think  of  bettering  the  whole  race  of  men. 

"  As  I  have  not  read  any  part  of  the  life  in 
question,  but  know  only  the  character  that 
lived  it,  I  write  somewhat  at  hazard.  I  am 
sure  however,  that  the  life,  and  the  treatise  I 
allude  to  (on  the  Art  of  Virtue,}  will  neces 
sarily  fulfil  the  chief  of  my  expectations ;  and 
still  more  so  if  you  take  up  the  measure  of 
suiting  these  performances  to  the  several 
views  above  stated.  Should  they  even  prove 
unsuccessful  in  all  that  a  sanguine  admirer 
of  yours  hopes  from  them,  you  will  at  least 
have  framed  pieces  to  interest  the  human 
mind  ;  and  whoever  gives  a  feeling  of  plea 
sure  that  is  innocent  to  man,  has  added  so 
much  to  the  fair  side  of  a  life  otherwise  too 
much  darkened  by  anxiety,  and  too  much  in 
jured  by  pain. 

"  In  the  hope  therefore  that  you  will  listen 
to  the  prayer  addressed  to  you  in  this  letter, 
I  beg  to  subscribe  myself,  my  dearest  sir,  &c. 
&c.  BENJ.  VAUGHAN." 


CONTINUATION, 

Begun  at  Passy  near  Paris,  1784. 

IT  is  some  time  since  I  received  the  above 
letters,  but  I  have  been  too  busy  till  now  to 
think  of  complying  with  the  request  they  con 
tain.  It  might  too  be  much  better  done  if  I 


32 


MEMOIRS  OF 


were  at  home  among  my  papers,  which  would 
aid  my  memory,  and  help  to  ascertain  dates ; 
but  my  return  being  uncertain,  and  having 
just  now  a  little  leisure,  I  will  endeavour  to 
recollect  and  write  what  I  can  :  if  I  live  to 
get  home,  it  may  there  be  corrected  and  im 
proved. 

Not  having  any  copy  here  of  what  is  al 
ready  written,  I  know  not  whether  an  account 
is  given  of  the  means  I  used  to  establish  the 
Philadelphia  public  library;  which  from  a 
small  beginning  is  now  become  so  consider 
able.  Though  I  remember  to  have  come 
down  near  the  tune  of  that  transaction,  (1730.) 
I  will  therefore  begin  here  with  an  account 
of  it,  which  may  be  struck  out  if  found  to 
have  been  already  given. 

At  the  time  I  established  myself  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  there  was  not  a  good  bookseller's  shop 
in  any  of  the  colonies  to  the  southward  of 
Boston.  In  New  York  and  Philadelphia,  the 
printers  were  indeed  stationers,  but  they  sold 
only  paper,  &c.  almanacs,  ballads,  and  a  few 
common  school-books.  Those  who  loved 
reading  were  obliged  to  send  for  their  books 
from  England  :  the  members  of  the  junto  had 
each  a  few.  We  had  left  the  alehouse,  where 
we  first  met,  and  hired  a  room  to  hold  our 
club  in.  I  proposed  that  we  should  all  of  us 
bring  our  books  to  that  room ;  where  they 
would  not  only  be  ready  to  consult  in  our 
conferences,  but  become  a  common  benefit, 
each  of  us  being  at  liberty  to  borrow  such  as 
he  wished  to  read  at  home.  This  was  ac 
cordingly  done,  and  for  some  time  contented 
us  :  finding  the  advantage  of  this  little  collec 
tion,  I  proposed  to  render  the  benefit  from  the 
books  more  common,  by  commencing  a  pub 
lic  subscription  library.  I  drew  a  sketch  of 
the  plan  and  rules  that  would  be  necessary, 
and  got  a  skilful  conveyancer,  Mr.  Charles 
Brogden,  to  put  the  whole  in  form  of  articles 
of  agreement  to  be  subscribed ;  by  which  each 
subscriber  engaged  to  pay  a  certain  sum  down 
for  the  first  purchase  of  the  books,  and  an 
annual  contribution  for  increasing  them.  So 
few  were  the  readers  at  that  time  in  Phila 
delphia,  and  the  majority  of  us  so  poor,  that  I 
was  not  able  with  great  industry  to  find  more 
than  fifty  persons,  (mostly  young  tradesmen,) 
willing  to  pay  down  for  this  purpose  forty 
shillings  each,  and  ten  shillings  per  annum  , 
with  this  little  fund  we  began.  The  books 
were  imported ;  the  library  was  open  one  day 
in  the  week  for  lending  them  to  subscribers, 
on  their  promissory  notes  to  pay  double  the 
value  if  not  duly  returned.  The  institution 
soon  manifested  its  utility,  was  imitated  by 
other  towns,  and  in  other  provinces.  The 
libraries  were  augmented  by  donations ;  read 
ing  became  fashionable ;  and  our  people  hav 
ing  no  public  amusements  to  divert  their  at 
tention  from  study,  became  better  acquainted 
with  books ;  and  in  a  few  years  were  observ 


ed  by  strangers  to  be  better  instructed,  and 
more  intelligent  than  people  of  the  same  rank 
generally  are  in  other  countries. 

When  we  were  about  to  sign  the  above- 
mentioned  articles,  which  were  to  be  binding 
on  us,  our  heirs,  &c.  for  fifty  years ;  Mr. 
Brogden,  the  scrivener,  said  to  us,  "  You  are 
young  men,  but  it  is  scarce  probable  that  any 
of  you  will  live  to  see  the  expiration  of  the 
term  fixed  in  the  instrument."  A  number 
of  us  however  are  yet  living  :  but  the  instru 
ment  was  after  a  few  years  rendered  null,  by 
a  charter  that  incorporated  and  gave  per 
petuity  to  the  company. 

The  objections  and  reluctances  I  met  with 
in  soliciting  the  subscriptions,  made  me  soon 
feel  the  impropriety  of  presenting  oneself  as 
the  proposer  of  any  useful  project,  that  might 
be  supposed  to  raise  one's  reputation  in  the 
smallest  degree  above  that  of  one's  neighbours, 
when  one  has  need  of  their  assistance  to  ac 
complish  that  project.  I  therefore  put  my 
self  as  much  as  I  could  out  of  sight,  and  stated 
it  as  a  scheme  of  a  number  of  friends,  who 
had  requested  me  to  go  about  and  propose  it 
to  such  as  they  thought  lovers  of  reading.  In 
this  way  my  affair  went  on  more  smoothly, 
and  I  ever  after  practised  it  on  such  occa 
sions  ;  and  from  my  frequent  successes  can 
heartily  recommend  it.  The  present  little 
sacrifice  of  your  vanity  will  afterwards  be 
amply  repaid.  If  it  remains  a  while  uncertain 
to  whom  the  merit  belongs,  some  one  more 
vain  than  yourself  will  be  encouraged  to 
claim  it,  and  then  even  envy  will  be  disposed 
to  do  you  justice,  by  plucking  those  assumed 
feathers,  and  restoring  them  to  their  right 
owner. 

This  library  afforded  me  the  means  of  im 
provement  by  constant  study,  for  which  I  set 
apart  an  hour  or  two  each  day ;  and  thus  re 
paired  in  some  degree  the  loss  of  the  learned 
education  my  father  once  intended  for  me. 
Reading  was  the  only  amusement  I  allowed 
myself.  I  spent  no  time  in  taverns,  games, 
or  frolics  of  any  kind  ;  and  my  industry  in  my 
business  continued  as  indefatigable  as  it  was 
necessary.  I  was  indebted  for  my  printing 
house,  I  had  a  young  family  coming  on  to  be 
educated,  and  I  had  two  competitors  to  con 
tend  with  for  business,  who  were  established 
in  the  place  before  me.  My  circumstances 
however  grew  daily  easier.  My  original 
habits  of  frugality  continuing,  and  my  father 
having  among  his  instructions  to  me  when  a 
boy,  frequently  repeated  a  Proverb  of  Solo 
mon,  "  seest  thou  a  man  diligent  in  his  catt 
ing,  he  shall  stand  before  kings,  he  shall 
not  stand  before  mean  men."  I  thence  con 
sidered  industry  as  a  means  of  obtaining 
wealth  and  distinction,  which  encouraged 
me ;  though  I  did  not  think  that  I  should  ever 
literally  stand  before  kings,  which  however 
has  since  happened ;  for  I  have  stood  before 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


33 


five,  and  even  had  the  honour  of  sitting  down 

with  one,  (the  king  of  Denmark,)  to  dinner. 

We  have  an  English  proverb  that  says, 

"  He  that  would  thrive, 
Must  ask  his  wife ;" 

it  was  lucky  for  me  that  I  had  one  as  much 
disposed  to  industry  and  frugality  as  myself. 
She  assisted  me  cheerfully  in  my  business, 
folding  and  stitching  pamphlets,  tending  shop, 
purchasing  old  linen  rags  for  the  paper  ma 
kers,  &c.  We  kept  no  idle  servants,  our 
table  was  plain  and  simple,  our  furniture  of 
the  cheapest.  For  instance,  my  breakfast 
was  for  a  long  time  bread  and  milk,  (no  tea) 
and  I  ate  it  out  of  a  twopenny  earthen  por 
ringer,  with  a  pewter  spoon :  but  mark  how 
luxury  will  enter  families,  and  make  a  pro 
gress  in  spite  of  principle ;  being  called  one 
morning  to  breakfast,  I  found  it  in  a  china 
bowl,  with  a  spoon  of  silver.  They  had  been 
bought  for  me  without  my  knowledge  by  my 
wife,  and  had  cost  her  the  enormous  sum  of 
three  and  twenty  shillings ;  for  which  she  had 
no  other  excuse  or  apology  to  make,  but  that 
she  thought  her  husband  deserved  a  silver 
spoon  and  china  bowl  as  well  as  any  of  his 
neighbours.  This  was  the  first  appearance 
of  plate  and  china  in  our  house,  which  after 
wards,  in  a  course  of  years,  as  our  wealth  in 
creased,  augmented  gradually  to  several  hun 
dred  pounds  in  value. 

I  had  been  religiously  educated  as  a  Presby 
terian  ;  but  though  some  of  the  dogmas  of  that 
persuasion,  such  as  the  eternal  decrees  of 
God,  election,  reprobation,  <Scc.  appeared  to 
me  unintelligible,  and  I  early  absented  my 
self  from  the  public  assemblies  of  the  sect, 
(Sunday  being  my  studying  day.)  I  never 
was  without  some  religious  principles :  I  ne 
ver  doubted,  for  instance,  the  existence  of  a 
Deity,  that  he  made  the  world,  and  governed 
it  by  his  providence ;  that  the  most  acceptable 
service  of  God  was  the  doing  good  to  man ; 
that  our  souls  are  immortal;  and  that  all 
crimes  will  be  punished,  and  virtue  rewarded, 
either  here  or  hereafter;  these J  efteemed 
the  essentials  of  every  religion,  and  being 
to  be  found  in  all  the  religions  we  had  in 
our  country,  I  respected  them  all,  though 
with  different  degrees  of  respect,  as  I  found 
them  more  or  less  mixed  with  other  articles, 
which,  without  any  tendency  to  inspire,  pro 
mote,  or  confirm  morality,  served  principally 
to  divide  us,  and  make  us  unfriendly  to  one 
another.  This  respect  to  all,  with  an  opinion 
that  the  worst  had  some  effects,  induced 
me  to  avoid  all  discourse  that  might  tend  to 
lessen  the  good  opinion  another  might  have 
of  his  own  religion ;  and  as  our  province  in 
creased  in  people,  and  new  places  of  worship 
were  continually  wanted,  and  generally  erect 
ed  by  voluntary  contribution,  my  mite  for 
such  purpose,  whatever  might  be  the  sect, 
was  never  refused. 

VOL.  I. . . .  E 


Though  I  seldom  attended  any  public  wor 
ship,  I  had  still  an  opinion  of  its  propriety, 
and  of  its  utility  when  rightly  conducted,  and 
I  regularly  paid  my  annual  subscription  for 
the  support  of  the  only  Presbyterian  minister 
or  meeting  we  had  in  Philadelphia.  He  used 
to  visit  me  sometimes  as  a  friend,  and  admo 
nish  me  to  attend  his  administrations ;  and  I 
was  now  and  then  prevailed  on  to  do  so ;  once 
for  five  Sundays  successively.  Had  he  been 
in  my  opinion  a  good  preacher,  perhaps  I  mig-ht 
have  continued,  notwithstanding  the  occasion 
I  had  for  the  Sunday's  leisure  in  my  course 
of  study :  but  his  discourses  were  chiefly  either 
polemic  arguments,  or  explications  of  the  pe 
culiar  doctrines  of  our  sect,  and  were  all  to  me 
very  dry,  uninteresting,  and  unedifying,  since 
not  a  single  moral  principle  was  inculcated 
or  enforced  ;  their  aim  seeming  to  be  rather  to 
make  us  Presbyterians,  than  good  citizens. 
At  length  he  took  for  his  text  that  verse  of 
the  fourth  chapter  to  the  Philippians,  '•'•Fi 
nally,  brethren,  whatsoever  things  are  true, 
honest,  just,  pure,  lovely,  or  of  good  report, 
if  there  be  any  virtue,  or  any  praise,  think 
on  these  things"  And  I  imagined  in  a  sermon 
on  such  a  text,  we  could  not  miss  of  having- 
some  morality.  But  he  confined  himself  to 
five  points  only,  as  meant  by  the  apostle,  viz. 
1.  Keeping  holy  the  Sabbath  day ;  2.  Being- 
diligent  in  reading  the  holy  Scriptures;  3. 
Attending  duly  the  public  worship ;  4.  Par 
taking  of  the  sacrament ;  5.  Paying  a  due 
respect  to  God's  ministers.  These  might  be 
all  good  things,  but  as  they  were  not  the  kind 
of  good  things  that  I  expected  from  that  text, 
I  despaired  of  ever  meeting  with  them  from 
any  other,  was  disgusted,  and  attended  his 
preaching  no  more.  I  had  some  years  before 
composed  a  little  liturgy,  or  form  of  prayer, 
for  my  own  private  use,  (viz.  in  1728,)  en^i- 
tled  Articles  of  Belief  and  Acts  of  Religion. 
I  returned  to  the  use  of  this,  and  went  no 
more  to  the  public  assemblies.  My  conduct 
might  be  blam cable,  but  I  leave  it  without 
attempting  further  to  excuse  it ;  my  present 
purpose  being  to  relate  facts,  and  not  to  make 
apologies  for  them. 

It  was  about  this  time  I  conceived  the  bold 
and  arduous  project  of  arriving  at  moral  per 
fection  ;  I  wished  to  live  without  committing 
any  fault  at  any  time,  and  to  conquer  all  that, 
either  natural  inclination,  custom,  or  company, 
might  lead  me  into.  As  I  knew,  or  thought 
I  knew,  what  was  right  and  wrong,  I  did  not 
see  why  I  might  not  always  do  the  one  and 
avoid  the  other.  But  I  soon  found  I  had  un 
dertaken  a  task  of  more  difficulty  than  I  had 
imagined :  while  my  attention  was  taken  up, 
and  care  employed  in  guarding  against  one 
fault,  I  was  often  surprised  by  another ;  habit, 
took  the  advantage  of  inattention ;  inclination 
was  sometimes  too  strong  for  reason.  I  con 
cluded,  at  length,  that  the  mere  speculative 


34 


MEMOIRS  OF 


conviction,  that  it  was  our  interest  to  be  com 
pletely  virtuous,  was  not  sufficient  to  prevent 
our  slipping;  and  that  the  contrary  habits 
must  be  broken,  and  good  ones  acquired  and 
established,  before  we  can  have  any  depend- 
ance  on  a  steady  uniform  rectitude  of  con 
duct.  For  this  purpose  I  therefore  tried  the 
following  method. 

In  the  various  enumerations  of  the  moral 
virtues  I  had  met  with  in  my  reading,  I  found 
the  catalogue  more  or  less  numerous,  as  dif 
ferent  writers  included  more  or  fewer  ideas 
under  the  same  name.  Temperance,  for  ex 
ample,  was  by  some  confined  to  eating  and 
drinking ;  while  by  others  it  was  extended  to 
mean  the  moderating  every  other  pleasure, 
appetite,  inclination,  or  passion,  bodily  or 
mental,  even  to  our  avarice  and  ambition.  I 
proposed  to  myself,  for  the  sake  of  clearness, 
to  use  rather  more  names,  with  fewer  ideas 
annexed  to  each,  than  a  few  names  with 
more  ideas ;  and  I  included  under  thirteen 
names  of  virtues,  all  that  at  that  time  occurred 
to  me  as  necessary  or  desirable ;  and  annexed 
to  each  a  short  precept,  which  fully  expressed 
the  extent  I  gave  to  its  meaning. 

These  names  of  virtues,  with  their  precepts, 
were, 

1.  TEMPERANCE. — Eat    not    to    dulness: 
drink  not  to  elevation. 

2.  SILENCE. — Speak  not   but  what  may 
benefit  others  or  yourself:  avoid  trifling  con 
versation. 

3.  ORDER. — Let  all  your  things  have  their 
places :  let  each  part  of  your  business  have 
its  time. 

4.  RESOLUTION. — Resolve  to  perform  what 
you  ought:  perform  without  fail  what  you 
resolve. 

5.  FRUGALITY. — Make  no  expense,  but  to 
do  good  to  others    or  yourself:  i.  e.  waste 
nothing.  .;• 

6.  INDUSTRY. — Lose  no  time:  be  always 
employed  in  something  useful :  cut  off  all  un 
necessary  actions. 

7.  SINCERITY. — Use    no    hurtful    deceit: 
think  innocently  and  justly :  and,  if  you  speak, 
speak  accordingly. 

8.  JUSTICE. — Wrong  none  by  doing  inju 
ries,  or  omitting  the  benefits  that  are  your  duty. 

9.  MODERATION. — Avoid  extremes :  forbear 
resenting  injuries  so  much  as  you  think  they 
deserve. 

10.  CLEANLINESS.— Tolerate  no  uncleanli- 
ness  in  body,  clothes,  or  habitation. 

11.  TRANQUILLITY.— Be  not  disturbed  at 


trifles,  nor  at  accidents  common  or  unavoid 
able. 

12.  CHASTITY. — Rarely  use  venery,   but 
for  health  or  offspring ;  never  to  dulness  or 
weakness,  or  the  injury  of  your  own  or  an 
other's  peace  or  reputation. 

13.  HUMILITY.— Imitate   Jesus    and    So 
crates. 

My  intention  being  to  acquire  the  habitude 
of  alt  these  virtues,  I  judged  it  would  be  well 
not  to  distract  my  attention  by  attempting  the 
whole  at  once,  but  to  fix  it  on  one  of  them  at 
a  time ;  and  when  I  should  be  master  of  that, 
then  to  proceed  to  another ;  and  so  on  till  I 
should  have  gone  through  the  thirteen :  and 
as  the  previous  acquisition  of  some,  might 
facilitate  the  acquisition  of  certain  others,  I 
arranged  them  with  that  view  as  they  stand 
above.  Temperance  first,  as  it  tends  to  pro 
cure  that  coolness  and  clearness  of  head, 
which  is  so  necessary  where  constant  vigi 
lance  was  to  be  kept  up,  and  a  guard  main 
tained  against  the  unremitting  attraction  of 
ancient  habits  and  the  force  of  perpetual 
temptations.  This  being  acquired  and  esta 
blished,  Silence  would  be  more  easy;  and 
my  desire  being  to  gain  knowledge  at  the 
same  time  that  I  improved  in  virtue ;  and 
considering  that  in  conversation  it  was  ob 
tained  rather  by  the  use  of  the  ear  than  of 
the  tongue,  and  therefore  wishing  to  break 
a  habit  I  was  getting  into  of  prattling,  pun 
ning,  and  jesting,  (which  only  made  me 
acceptable  to  trifling  company,)  I  gave  Silence 
the  second  place.  This  and  the  next,  Order, 
I  expected  would  allow  me  more  time  for 
attending  to  my  project  and  my  studies.  Re 
solution  once  become  habitual,  would  keep 
me  firm  in  my  endeavours  to  obtain  all  the 
subsequent  virtues.  Frugality  and  Industry 
relieving  me  from  my  remaining  debt,  and 
producing  affluence  and  independence,  would 
make  more  easy  the  practice  of  Sincerity  and 
Justice,  &c.  &c.  Conceiving  then,  that 
agreeably  to  the  advice  of  Pythagoras  in  his 
Golden  Verses,  daily  examination  would  be 
necessary  ;  I  contrived  the  following  method 
for  conducting  that  examination. 

I  made  a  little  book,  in  which  I  allotted  a 
page  for  each  of  the  virtues.  I  ruled  each 
page  with  red  ink,  so  as  to  have  seven  co 
lumns,  one  for  each  day  of  the  week,  marking 
each  column  with  a  letter  for  the  day.  I 
crossed  these  columns  with  thirteen  red  lines, 
marking  the  beginning  of  each  line  with  the 
first  letter  of  one  of  the  virtues  ;  on  which 
line,  and  in  its  proper  column,  I  might  mark 
by  a  little  black  spot,  every  fault  I  found  upon 
examination  to  have  been  committed  respect 
ing  that  virtue,  upon  that  day.* 

*  This  little  hook  is  dated  Sunday,  1st  July,  1733,  and 
is  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  W.  T.  Franklin  :  a  copy 
was  also  in  the  possession  of  the  late  B.  F.  Bache. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN 


35 


Form  of  the  pages. 

TEMPERANCE. 
Eat  not  to  dulness  :  drink  not  to  elevation. 


Sun. 

M. 

T. 

W. 

Th. 

P. 

8. 

Tern. 
Sil. 



—  — 



* 

* 

* 

Ord. 

* 

* 

* 

)fr 

* 

4 

Res. 
Pru. 

* 

1  * 



* 

* 

Ind. 

* 

Sine. 

Jus. 

Mod. 

Clea. 



Tran. 
Chas. 
Hum. 

I  determined  to  give  a  week's  strict  atten 
tion  to  each  of  the  virtues  successively.  Thus 
in  the  first  week,  my  great  guard  was  to  avoid 
every  the  least  offence  against  Temperance; 
leaving  the  other  virtues  to  their  ordinary 
chance,  only  marking  every  evening  the  faults 
of  the  day.  Thus,  if  in  the  first  week  I  could 
keep  my  first  line  marked  T.  clear  of  spots,  I 
supposed  the  habit  of  that  virtue  so  much 
strengthened,  and  its  opposite  weakened,  that 
I  might  venture  extending  my  attention  to 
include  the  next ;  and  for  the  following  week 
keep  both  lines  clear  of  spots.  Proceeding 
thus  to  the  last,  I  could  get  through  a  course 
complete  in  thirteen  weeks,  and  four  courses 
in  a  year.  And  like  him  who  having  a  gar 
den  to  weed,  does  not  attempt  to  eradicate  all 
the  bad  herbs  at  once,  (which  would  exceed 
his  reach  and  his  strength,)  but  works  on  one 
of  the  beds  at  a  time,  and  having  accomplished 
the  first,  proceeds  to  a  second ;  so  I  should 
have  (I  hoped)  the  encouraging  pleasure,  of 
seeing  on  my  pages  the  progress  made  in 
virtue,  by  clearing  successively  my  lines  of 
their  spots ;  till  in  the  end,  by  a  number  of 
courses,  I  should  be  happy  in  viewing  a  clean 
book,  after  a  thirteen  weeks'  daily  examination. 

This  my  little  book  had  for  its  motto,  these 
lines  from  Addison's  Cato : 

"  Here  will  I  hold  :  if  there 's  a  power  above  us, 
(And  that  there  is,  all  nature  cries  aloud 
Through  all  her  works ;)    he  must  delight  in 

virtue ; 
And  that  which  he  delights  in  must  be  happy." 

Another  from  Cicero : 

"  0  vitae  philosophia  dux  !  0  virtutum  in- 
dagatrix  expultrixque  vitiorum !  Unus  Dies 
bene,  et  ex  praeceptis  tuis  actus,  peccanti  im- 
mortalitati  est  anteponendus." 


Another  from  the  Proverbs  of  Solomon, 
shaking  of  wisdom  or  virtue : 

"  Length  of  days  is  in  her  right  hand,  and  in 
her  left  hand  riches  and  honour.  Her  ways  are 
ways  of  pleasantness,  and  all  her  paths  are 
peace." 

And  conceiving  God  to  be  the  fountain  of 
wisdom,  I  thought  it  right  and  necessary  to 
solicit  his  assistance  for  obtaining  it ;  to  thin 
end  I  formed  the  following  little  prayer,  which 
was  prefixed  to  my  tables  of  examination,  for 
daily  use. 

"  0  powerful  goodness  !  bountiful  father ! 
merciful  guide  !  Increase  in  me  that  wisdom 
which  discovers  my  truest  interest :  Strengthen 
my  resolution  to  perform  what  that  wisdom  dic 
tates  :  Accept  my  kind  offices  to  thy  other  chil 
dren,  as  the  only  return  in  my  power  for  thy 
continual  favours  to  me." 

I  used  also  sometimes  a  little  prayer,  which 
I  took  from  Thomson's  Poems,  viz. 

"  Father  of  light  and  life,  thou  God  supreme ! 
O  teach  me  what  is  good ;  teach  me  thyself! 
Save  me  from  folly,  vanity,  and  vice, 
From  every  low  pursuit ;  and  fill  my  soul 
With  knowledge,  conscious  peace,  and  virtue 

pure  ; 
Sacred,  substantial,  never-fading  bliss  !" 

The  precept  of  Order,  requiring  that  every 
part  of  my  business  should  have  its  allotted 
time,  one  page  in  my  little  book  contained  the 
following  scheme  of  employment  for  the  twen 
ty-four  hours  of  a  natural  day. 

SCHEME. 

Hours. 

Morning.  "|      Rise,  wash,  and  address  Pow- 

-  I  erful  Goodness !  contrive  day's 
g  ^business,  and  take  the  resolu- 
7  I  lion  of  the  day ;  prosecute  the 
J  present  study,  and  breakfast. 


10 


Work. 


JVcon. 


Afternoon. 


12  |     Read,   or  look  over  my  ac- 
1  i  counts  and  dine. 


Work. 


Evening.        (  6j     Put  things  in  their  places.  Sup- 

The  Question,  )  7  (  per,  music,  or  diversion,  or  con- 

What  good  have  )  8  (  versation.   Examination  of  the 

I  done  to  day?      *  9 ; day. 

fio- 


Might. 


'101 

31 


I  entered  upon  the  execution  of  this  plan 
for  self-examination,  and  continued  it  with 
occasional  intermissions  for  some  time.  I  was 
surprised  to  find  myself  so  much  fuller  of  faults 
than  I  had  imagined ;  but  I  had  the  satisfaction 
of  seeing  them  diminish.  To  avoid  the  trouble 


36 


MEMOIRS  OF 


of  renewing  now  and  then  my  little  book 
which  by  scraping  out  the  marks  on  the  pape 
of  old  feults  to  make  room  for  new  ones  in  a 
new  course,  became  full  of  holes,  I  transferrec 
my  tables  and  precepts  to  the  ivory  leaves  oJ 
a  memorandum  book,  on  which  the  lines  were 
drawn  with  red  ink,  that  made  a  durable  stain 
and  on  those  lines  I  marked  my  faults  with  a 
black  lead  pencil ;  which  marks  I  could  easil) 
wipe  out  with  a  wet  sponge.     After  a  v/hile  J 
went  through  one  course  only  in  a  year ;  anc 
afterwards  only  one  in  several  years ;  till  a 
length  I  omitted  them  entirely,  being  employee 
in  voyages  and  business  abroad,  with  a  multi 
plicity  of  affairs,  that  interfered ;  but  I  always 
carried  my  little  book  with  me.     My  scheme 
of  Order  gave  me  the  most  trouble ;  and  ] 
found  that  though  it  might  be  practicable 
where  a  man's  business  was  such  as  to  leave 
him  the  disposition  of  his  time,  that  of  a  journey 
man  printer  for  instance,  it  was  not  possible  to 
be  exactly  observed  by  a  master,  who  must 
mix  with  the  world,  and  often  receive  people 
of  business  at  their  own  hours.     Order  too, 
with  regard  to  places  for  things,  papers,  &c. 
I  found  extremely  difficult  to  acquire.     I  had 
not  been  early  accustomed  to  method,  and 
having  an  exceeding  good  memory,  I  was  not 
so  sensible  of  the  inconvenience  attending 
want  of  method.     This  article  therefore  cost 
me  much  painful  attention,  and  my  faults  in  it 
vexed  me  so  much,  and  I  made  so  little  pro 
gress  in  amendment,  and  had  such  frequent 
relapses,  that  I  was  almost  ready  to  give  up 
the  attempt,  and  content  myself  with  a  faulty 
character  in  that  respect.     Like  the  man  who 
in  buying  an  axe  of  a  smith  my  neighbour,  de 
sired  to  have  the  whole  of  its  surface  as  bright 
as  the  edge :  the  smith  consented  to  grind  it 
bright  for  him  if  he  would  turn  the  wheel :  he 
turned  while  the  smith  pressed  the  broad  face 
of  the  axe  hard  and  heavily  on  the  stone, 
which  made  the  turning  of  it  very  fatiguing. 
The  man  came  every  now  and  then  from  the 
wheel  to  see  how  the  work  went  on ;  and  at 
length  would  take  his  axe  as  it  was,  without 
further  grinding.     No,  said  the  smith,  turn 
on,  turn  on,  we  shall  have  it  bright  by  and 
by  ;  as  yet  'tis  only  speckled.     Yes,  said  the 
man,  but  "  /  think  I  like  a  speckled  axe  best" 
And  I  believe  this  may  have  been  the  case 
with  many,  who  having  for  want  of  some 
such  means  as  I  employed,  found  the  difficulty 
of  obtaining  good  and  breaking  bad  habits  in 
other  points  of  vice  and  virtue,  have  given  up 
the  struggle,  and  concluded  that  "  a  speckled 
axe  was  best."     For  something,  that  pretend 
ed  to  be  reason,  was  every  now  and  then  sug 
gesting  to  me,  that  such  extreme  nicety  as  I 
exacted  of  myself  might  be  a  kind  of  foppery 
in  morals,  which  if  it  were  known,  would 
make  me  ridiculous  ;  that  a  perfect  character 
might  be  attended  with  the  inconvenience  of 
being  envied  and  hated ;  and  that  a  benevo 


lent  man  should  allow  a  few  faults  in  himself, 
to  keep  his  friends  in  countenance.     In  truth 

I  found  myself  incorrigible  with  respect  to 
Order ;  and  now  I  am  grown  old,  and  my 
memory  bad,  I  feel  very  sensibly  the  want  of 
it.     But  on  the  whole,  though  I  never  arrived 
at  the  perfection  I  had  been  so  ambitious  of 
obtaining,  but  fell  far  short  of  it,  yet  I  was  by 
the  endeavour,  a  better  and  a  happier  man 
than  I  otherwise  should  have  been,  if  I  had 
not  attempted  it ;  as  those  who  aim  at  perfect 
writing  by  imitating  the   engraved   copies, 
though  they  never  reach  the  wished-for  ex 
cellence  of  those  copies,  their  hand  is  mended 
by  the  endeavour,  and  is  tolerable  while  it 
continues  fair  and  legible. 

It  may  be  well  my  posterity  should  be  in 
formed,  that  to  this  little  artifice,  with  the 
blessing  of  God,  their  ancestor  owed  the  con 
stant  felicity  of  his  life  down  to  his  79th  year, 
in  which  this  is  written.  What  reverses  may 
attend  the  remainder  is  in  the  hand  of  Provi 
dence  :  but  if  they  arrive,  the  reflection  on 
past  happiness  enjoyed,  ought  to  help  his 
bearing  them  with  more  resignation.  To 
Temperance  he  ascribes  his  long  continued 
health,  and  what  is  still  left  to  him  of  a  good 
constitution.  To  Industry  and  Frugality, 
the  early  easiness  of  his  circumstances,  and 
acquisition  of  his  fortune,  with  all  that  know 
ledge  that  enabled  him  to  be  an  useful  citizen 
and  obtained  for  him  some  degree  of  reputa 
tion  among  the  learned.  To  Sincerity  and 
Justice,  the  confidence  of  his  country,  and 
:he  honourable  employs  it  conferred  upon 
lim  :  and  to  the  joint  influence  of  the  whole 
mass  of  the  virtues,  even  in  the  imperfect 
state  he  was  able  to  acquire  them,  all  that 
evenness  of  temper  and  that  cheerfulness  in 
onversation  which  makes  his  company  still 
sought  for,  and  agreeable  even  to  his  young 
acquaintance  :  I  hope  therefore  that  some  of 
my  descendants  may  follow  the  example  and 
•eap  the  benefit. 

It  will  be  remarked  that,  though  my  scheme 
vas  not  wholly  without  religion,  there  was 
n  it  no  mark  of  any  of  the  distinguishing 
enets  of  any  particular  sect ;  I  had  purpose- 
y  avoided  them ;  for  being  fully  persuaded 
f  the  utility  and  excellency  of  my  method, 
nd  that  it  might  be  serviceable  to  people  in 

II  religions,  and  intending  some  time  or  other 
o  publish  it,  I  would  not  have  any  thing  in 
t,  that  should  prejudice  any  one,  of  any  sect, 
gainst  it,     I  proposed  writing  a  little  com- 
nent  on  each  virtue,  in  which  I  would  have 
hown  the  advantages  of  possessing  it,  and 
le  mischiefs  attending  its  opposite  vice;  I 
hould  have  called  my  book    The  Art   of 

'irtue,  because  it  would  have  shown  the 
means  and  manner  of  obtaining  virtue,  which 
;ould  have  distinguished  it  from  the  mere 
xhortation  to  be  good,  that  does  not  instruct 
nd  indicate  the  means ;  but  is  like  the  apos- 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


37 


tie's  man  of  verbal  charity,  who  without 
showing  to  the  naked  and  hungry,  how  or 
where  they  might  get  clothes  or  victuals, 
only  exhorted  them  to  be  fed  and  clothed. 
James  ii.  15,  16. 

But  it  so  happened  that  my  intention  of 
writing  and  publishing  this  comment  was 
never  fulfilled.  I  had  indeed  from  time  to 
time  put  down  short  hints  of  the  sentiments, 
reasonings,  &c.  to  be  made  use  of  in  it ;  some 
of  which  I  have  still  by  me  :  but  the  necessary 
close  attention  to  private  business,  in  the 
earlier  part  of  life;  and  public  business  since, 
have  occasioned  my  postponing  it.  For  it 
being  connected  in  my  mind  with  a  great 
and  extensive  project,  that  required  the 
whole  man  to  execute,  and  which  an  unfore 
seen  succession  of  employs  prevented  my 
attending  to,  it  has  hitherto  remained  un 
finished. 

In  this  piece  it  was  my  design  to  explain 
and  enforce  this  doctrine,  that  vicious  actions 
are  not  hurtful,  because  they  are  forbidden, 
but  forbidden  because  they  are  hurtful ;  the 
nature  of  man  alone  considered:  that  it  was 
therefore  every  one's  interest  to  be  virtuous, 
who  wished  to  be  happy  even  in  this  world  : 
and  I  should  from  this  circumstance,  (there 
being  always  in  the  world  a  number  of  rich 
merchants,  nobility,  states  and  princes  who 
have  need  of  honest  instruments  for  the 
management  of  their  affairs,  and  such  being 
so  rare)  have  endeavoured  to  convince  young 
persons,  that  no  qualities  are  so  likely  to  make 
a  poor  man's  fortune,  as  those  of  probity  and 
integrity. 

My  list  of  virtues  contained  at  first  but 
twelve :  but  a  quaker  friend  having  kindly 
informed  me  that  I  was  generally  thought 
proud ;  that  my  pride  showed  itself  frequently 
in  conversation ;  that  I  was  not  content  with 
being  in  the  right  when  discussing  any  point, 
but  was  overbearing,  and  rather  insolent ; 
(of  which  he  convinced  me  by  mentioning 
several  instances)  I  determined  to  endeavour 
to  cure  myself  if  I  could  of  this  vice  or  folly 
among  the  rest ;  and  I  added  Humility  to  my 
list,  giving  an  extensive  meaning  to  the  word. 
I  cannot  boast  of  much  success  in  acquiring 
the  reality  of  this  virtue,  but  I  had  a  good 
deal  with  regard  to  the  appearance  of  it.  I 
made  it  a  rule  to  forbear  all  direct  contradic 
tion  to  the  sentiments  of  others,  and  all  posi 
tive  assertion  of  mine  own.  I  even  forbid 
myself,  agreeably  to  the  old  laws  of  our  Junto, 
the  use  of  every  word  or  expression  in  the 
language  that  imported  a  fixed  opinion ;  such 
as  certainly,  undoubtedly,  <S(-c.  and  I  adopted 
instead  of  them,  /  conceive,  I  apprehend,  or 
/  imagine,  a  thing  to  be  so,  or  so ;  or  it  so 
appears  to  me  at  present.  When  another 
asserted  some  thing  that  I  thought  an  error, 
I  denied  myself  the  pleasure  of  contradicting 
him  abruptly,  and  of  showing  immediately 
4 


some  absurdity  in  his  proposition;  and  in 
answering  I  began  by  observing,  that  in  cer 
tain  cases  or  circumstances,  his  opinion  would 
be  right,  but  in  the  present  case  there  ap 
peared,  or  seemed  to  me,  some  difference, 
&c.  I  soon  found  the  advantage  of  this  change 
in  my  manners;  the  conversations  I  engaged 
in  went  on  more  pleasantly.  The  modest 
way  in  which  I  proposed  my  opinions,  pro 
cured  them  a  readier  reception  and  less  con 
tradiction  ;  I  had  less  mortifi-cation  when  I 
was  found  to  be  in  the  wrong,  and  I  more 
easily  prevailed  with  others  to  give  up  their 
mistakes  and  join  with  me  when  I  happened 
to  be  in  the  right.  And  this  mode,  which  I 
at  first  put  on  with  some  violence  to  natural 
inclination,  became  at  length  easy,  and  so 
habitual  to  me,  that  perhaps  for  the  fifty  years 
past  no  one  has  ever  heard  a  dogmatical  ex 
pression  escape  me.  And  to  this  habit  (after 
my  character  of  integrity)  I  think  it  princi 
pally  owing,  that  I  had  early  so  much  weight 
with  my  fellow-citizens,  when  I  proposed  new 
institutions,  or  alterations  in  the  old  ;  and  so 
much  influence  in  public  councils,  when  I 
became  a  member:  for  I  was  but  a  bad 
speaker,  never  eloquent,  subject  to  much 
hesitation  in  my  choice  of  words,  hardly  cor 
rect  in  language,  and  yet  I  generally  carried 
my  point. 

In  reality  there  is  perhaps  no  one  of  our 
natural  passions  so  hard  to  subdue  as  Pride ; 
disguise  it,  struggle  with  it,  stifle  it,  mortify 
it  as  much  as  one  pleases,  it  is  still  alive,  and 
will  every  now  and  then  peep  out  and  show 
itself;  you  will  see  it  perhaps  often  in  this 
history.  For  even  if  I  could  conceive  that  I 
had  completely  overcome  it,  I  should  proba 
bly  be  proud  of  my  humility. 

[Here  concludes  what  was  written  at  Passy,  near 
Paris.] 


MEMORANDUM. 

/  am  now  about  to  write  at  home  (Phila 
delphia,'}  August  1788,  but  cannot  have  the 
help  expected  from  my  papers,  many  of 
them  being  lost  in  the  war.  I  have  however 
found  the  following ; 

Having  mentioned  a  great  and  extensive 
project  which  I  had  conceived,  it  seems  pro 
per,  that  some  account  should  be  here  given 
of  that  project  and  its  object  Its  first  rise  in 
my  mind  appears  in  the  abovementioned  little 
paper,  accidentally  preserved,  viz. 

OBSERVATIONS,  on  my  reading  history,  in 
library,  May  9, 1731. 

4  That  the  great  affairs  of  the  world,  the 
wars,  revolutions,  &c.  are  carried  on  and  ef 
fected  by  parties. 

"  That  the  view  of  these  parties  is  their 
present  general  interest ;  or  what  they  take 
:o  be  such. 


MEMOIRS  OF 


"  That  the  different  views  of  these  different 
parties  occasion  all  confusion. 

"  That  while  a  party  is  carrying  on  a  gen 
eral  design,  each  man  has  his  particular  pri 
vate  interest  in  view. 

"  That  as  soon  as  a  party  has  gained  its 
general  point,  each  member  becomes  intent 
upon  his  particular  interest,  which  thwarting 
others,  breaks  that  party  into  divisions,  and 
occasions  more  confusion. 

"  That  few  in  public  affairs  act  from  a  mere 
view  of  the  good  of  their  country,  whatever 
they  may  pretend ;  and  though  their  actings 
bring  real  good  to  their  country,  yet  men 
primarily  considered  that  their  own  and  their 
country's  interest  were  united,  and  so  did  not 
act  from  a  principle  of  benevolence. 

"  That  fewer  still,  in  public  affairs,  act  with 
a  view  to  the  good  of  mankind. 

"  There  seems  to  me  at  present  to  be  great 
occasion  for  raising  an  United  Party  for 
Virtue,  by  forming  the  virtuous  and  good  men 
of  all  nations  into  a  regular  body,  to  be  gov 
erned  by  suitable  good  and  wise  rules,  which 
good  and  wise  men  may  probably  be  more 
unanimous  in  their  obedience  to,  than  com 
mon  people  are  to  common  laws. 

"  I  at  present  think,  that  whoever  attempts 
this  aright,  and  is  well  qualified,  cannot  feil 
of  pleasinor  God,  and  of  meeting  with  suc 
cess."  B.  F. 

Revolving  this  project  in  my  mind,  as  to  be 
undertaken  hereafter,  when  my  circumstances 
should  afford  me  the  necessary  leisure,  I  put 
down  from  time  to  time  on  pieces  of  paper 
such  thoughts  as  occurred  to  me  respecting 
it.  Most  of  these  are  lost,  but  I  find  one  pur 
porting  to  be  the  substance  of  an  intended 
creed,  containing  as  I  thought  the  essentials 
of  every  known  religion,  and  being  free  of 
every  thing  that  might  shock  the  professors 
of  any  religion.  It  is  expressed  in  these 
words;  viz. 

"  That  there  is  one  God,  who  made  all 
things. 

"  That  he  governs  the  world  by  his  provi 
dence. 

"  That  he  ought  to  be  worshipped  by  adora 
tion,  prayer,  and  thanksgiving. 

"  But  that  the  most  acceptable  service  to 
God,  is  doing  good  to  man. 

"  That  the  soul  is  immortal. 

"  And  that  God  will  certainly  reward  virtue 
and  punish  vice,  either  here  or  hereafter." 

My  ideas  at  that  time  were,  that  the  sect 
should  be  begun  and  spread  at  first,  among 
young  and  single  men  only ;  that  each  person 
to  be  initiated  should  not  only  declare  his  as 
sent  to  such  creed,  but  should  have  exercised 
himself  with  the  thirteen  weeks'  examination 
and  practice  of  the  virtues,  as  in  the  before- 
mentioned  model;  that  the  existence  of  such 
a  society  should  be  kept  a  secret,  till  it  was 
become  considerable,  to  prevent  solicitations 


for  the  admission  of  improper  persons;  but 
that  the  members  should,  each  of  them,  search 
among  his  acquaintance  for  ingenious,  well- 
disposed  youths,  to  whom,  with  prudent  cau 
tion,  the  scheme  should  be  gradually  com 
municated.  That  the  members  should  en 
gage  to  afford  their  advice,  assistance,  and 
support  to  each  other  in  promoting  one  an 
other's  interest,  business,  and  advancement  in 
life :  that  for  distinction,  we  should  be  called 
THE  SOCIETY  OF  THE  FREE  AND  EASY.  Free, 
as  being  by  the  general  practice  and  habits 
of  the  virtues,  free  from  the  dominion  of  vice ; 
and  particularly  by  the  practice  of  industry 
and  frugality,  free  from  debt,  which  exposes 
a  man  to  constraint,  and  a  species  of  slavery 
to  his  creditors. 

This  is  as  much  as  I  can  now  recollect  of 
the  project,  except  that  I  communicated  it  in 
part  to  two  young  men,  who  adopted  it  with 
enthusiasm  :  but  my  then  narrow  circumstan 
ces,  and  the  necessity  I  was  under  of  sticking 
close  to  my  business,  occasioned  my  postpon 
ing  the  further  prosecution  of  it  at  that  time, 
and  my  multifarious  occupations,  public  and 
private,  induced  me  to  continue  postponing, 
so  that  it  has  been  omitted,  till  I  have  no 
longer  strength  or  activity  left  sufficient  for 
such  an  enterprise.  Though  I  am  still  of 
opinion  it  was  a  practicable  scheme,  and 
might  have  been  very  useful,  by  forming  a 
great  number  of  good  citizens :  and  I  was  not 
discouraged  by  the  seeming  magnitude  of  the 
undertaking,  as  I  have  always  thought  that 
one  man  of  tolerable  abilities,  may  work  great 
changes,  and  accomplish  great  affairs  among 
mankind,  if  he  first  forms  a  good  plan ;  and 
cutting  off  all  amusements  or  other  employ 
ments  that  would  divert  his  attention,  makes 
the  execution  of  that  same  plan,  his  sole  study 
and  business. 

In  1732, 1  first  published  my  Almanack  un 
der  the  name  of  Richard  Sounder s;  it  was 
continued  by  me  about  twenty-five  years,  and 
commonly  called  Poor  Richard's  Almanack. 
I  endeavoured  to  make  it  both  entertaining 
and  useful,  and  it  accordingly  came  to  be  in 
such  demand  that  I  reaped  considerable  profit 
from  it ;  vending  annually  near  ten  thousand. 
And  observing  that  it  was  generally  read, 
(scarce  any  neighbourhood  in  the  province 
being  without  it,)  I  considered  it  as  a  proper 
vehicle  for  conveying  instruction  among  the 
common  people,  who  bought  scarcely  any 
other  books.  I  therefore  filled  all  the  little 
spaces  that  occurred  between  the  remarkable 
days  in  the  Calendar,  with  proverbial  senten 
ces,  chiefly  such  as  inculcated  industry  and 
frugality,  as  the  means  of  procuring  wealth, 
and  thereby  securing  virtue ;  it  being  more 
difficult  for  a  man  in  want  to  act  always 
h6nestly,  as  (to  use  here  one  of  those  pro 
verbs)  "  it  is  hard  for  an  empty  sack  to  stand 
upright"  These  proverbs  which  contained 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


the  wisdom  of  many  ages  and  nations,  I  as 
sembled  and  formed  into  a  connected  discourse 
prefixed  to  the  Almanack  of  1757,  as  the 
harangue  of  a  wise  old  man  to  the  people  at 
tending  an  auction :  the  bringing  all  these 
scattered  counsels  thus  into  a  focus,  enabled 
them  to  make  greater  impression.  The  piece 
being  universally  approved,  was  copied  in  all 
the  newspapers  of  the  American  Continent, 
reprinted  in  Britain  on  a  large  sheet  of  paper 
to  be  stuck  up  in  houses ;  two  translations 
were  made  of  it  in  France,  and  great  num 
bers  bought  by  the  clergy  and  gentry  to  dis 
tribute  gratis  among  their  poor  parishioners 
and  tenants.  In  Pennsylvania,  as  it  dis 
couraged  useless  expense  in  foreign  super 
fluities,  some  thought  it  had  its  share  of  in 
fluence  in  producing  that  growing  plenty  of 
money  which  was  observable  for  several 
years  after  its  publication. 

I  considered  my  newspaper  also  as  another 
means  of  communicating  instruction,  and  in 
that  view  frequently  reprinted  in  it  extracts 
from  the  Spectator,  and  other  moral  writers ; 
^nd  sometimes  published  little  pieces  of  mine 
own  which  had  been  first  composed  for  read 
ing  in  our  Junto.  Of  these  are  a  Socratic 
dialogue,  tending  to  prove,  that  whatever 
might  be  his  parts  arid  abilities,  a  vicious  man 
could  not  properly  be  called  a  man  of  sense ; 
and  a  discourse  on  self-denial,  showing  that 
virtue  was  not  secure  till  its  practice  became 
a  habitude,  and  was  free  from  the  opposition 
of  contrary  inclinations  :  these  may  be  found 
in  the  papers  about  the  beginning  of  1735. 
In  the  conduct  of  my  newspaper,  I  carefully 
excluded  all  libelling  and  personal  abuse, 
which  is  of  late  years  become  so  disgraceful 
to  our  country.  Whenever  I  was  solicited  to 
insert  any  thing  of  that  kind,  and  the  writers 
pleaded  (as  they  generally  did)  the  liberty  of 
the  press  ;  and  that  a  newspaper  was  like  a 
stage-coach,  in  which  any  one  who  would 
pay  had  a  right  to  a  place  I  my  answer  was, 
that  I  would  print  the  piece  separately  if 
desired,  and  the  author  might  have  as  many 
copies  as  he  pleased  to  distribute  himself;  but 
that  I  would  not  take  upon  me  to  spread  his 
detraction ;  and  that  having  contracted  with 
my  subscribers  to  furnish  them  with  what 
might  be  either*useful  or  entertaining,  I  could 
not  fill  their  papers  with  private  altercation 
in  which  they  had  no  concern,  without  doing 
them  manifest  injustice.  Now,  many  of  our 
printers  make  no  scruple  of  gratifying  the 
malice  of  individuals,  by  false  accusations  of 
the  fairest  characters  among  ourselves,  aug 
menting  animosity  even  to  the  producing  of 
duels ;  and  are  moreover  so  indiscreet  as  to 
print  scurrilous  reflections  on  the  government 
of  neighbouring  states,  and  even  on  the  con 
duct  of  our  best  national  allies,  which  may  be 
attended  with  the  most  pernicious  conse 
quences.  These  things  I  mention  as  a  cau 


tion  to  young  printers,  and  that  they  be  en 
couraged  not  to  pollute  the  presses,  and  dis 
grace  their  profession  by  such  infamous  prac 
tices,  but  refuse  steadily,  as  they  may  see  by 
my  example,  that  such  a  course  of  conduct 
will  not  on  the  whole  be  injurious  to  their 
interests. 

In  1733, 1  sent  one  of  my  journeymen  to 
Charleston,  South  Carolina,  where  a  printer 
was  wanting.  I  furnished  him  with  a  press 
and  letters,  on  an  agreement  of  partnership, 
by  which  I  was  to  receive  one  third  of  the 
profits  of  the  business,  paying  one  third  of  the 
expense.  He  was  a  man  of  learning,  but  ig 
norant  in  matters  of  account;  and  though  he 
sometimes  made  me  remittances,  I  could  get 
no  account  from  him,  nor  any  satisfactory  state 
of  our  partnership  while  he  lived.  On  his 
decease  the  business  was  continued  by  his 
widow,  who  being  born  and  bred  in  Holland, 
where,  (as  I  have  been  informed,)  the  know 
ledge  of  accounts  makes  a  part  of  female  edu 
cation  ;  she  not  only  sent  me  as  clear  a  state 
ment  as  she  could  find  of  the  transactions  past, 
but  continued  to  account  with  the  greatest 
regularity  and  exactness  every  quarter  after 
wards  ;  and  managed  the  business  with  such 
success,  that  she  not  only>  reputably  brought 
up  a  family  of  children,  but  at  the  expiration 
of  the  term,  was  able  to  purchase  of  me  the 
printing-house,  and  establish  her  son  in  it.  I 
mention  this  affair  chiefly  for  the  sake  of  re 
commending  that  branch  of  education  for  our 
young  women,  as  likely  to  be  of  more  use  to 
them  and  their  children  in  case  of  widowhood, 
than  either  music  or  dancing;  by  preserving 
them  from  losses  by  imposition  of  crafty  men, 
and  enabling  them  to  continue,  perhaps,  a 
profitable  mercantile  house,  with  established 
correspondence,  till  a  son  is  grown  up  fit  to 
undertake  and  go  on  with  it ;  to  the  lasting 
advantage  and  enriching  of  the  family. 

About  the  year  1734,  there  arrived  among 
us  a  young  Presbyterian  preacher,  named 
Hemphill,  who  delivered  with  a  good  voice, 
and  apparently  extempore,  most  excellent  dis 
courses;  which  drew  together  considerable 
numbers  of  different  persuasions,  who  joined 
in  admiring  them.  Among  the  rest,  I  became 
one  of  his  constant  hearers,  his  sermons  pleas 
ing  me,  as  they  had  little  of  the  dogmatical 
kind,  but  inculcated  strongly  the  practice  of 
virtue,  or  what  in  the  religious  style  are  call 
ed  good  works.  Those,  however,  of  our  con 
gregation  who  considered  themselves  as  ortho 
dox  Presbyterians,  disapproved  his  doctrine, 
and  were  joined  by  most  of  the  old  ministers, 
who  arraigned  him  of  heterodoxy  before  the 
synod,  in  order  to  have  him  silenced.  I  be 
came  his  zealous  partisan,  and  contributed  all 
I  could  to  raise  a  party  in  his  favour,  and 
combated  for  him  awhile  with  some  hopes  of 
success.  There  was  much  scribbling  pro  and 
con  upon  the  occasion;  and  finding,  thai 


40 


MEMOIRS  OP 


though  an  elegant  preacher,  he  was  but  a 
poor  writer,  I  wrote  for  him  two  or  three 
pamphlets,  and  a  piece  in  the  Gazette  of  April, 
1735.  Those  pamphlets,  as  is  generally  the 
case  with  controversial  writings,  though  ea 
gerly  read  at  the  time,  were  soon  put  out  of 
vogue,  and  I  question  whether  a  single  copy 
of  them  now  exists. 

During  the  contest,  an  unlucky  occurrence 
hurt  his  cause  exceedingly.  One  of  our  ad 
versaries  having  heard  him  preach  a  sermon 
that  was  much  admired,  thought  he  had  some 
where  read  the  sermon  before,  or  at  least  a 
part  of  it.  On  searching,  he  found  that  part 
quoted  at  length  in  one  of  the  British  Reviews, 
from  a  Discourse  of  Dr.  Foster's.  This  detec 
tion  gave  many  of  our  party  disgust,  who  ac 
cordingly  abandoned  his  cause,  and  occasioned 
our  more  speedy  discomfiture  in  the  synod.  I 
stuck  by  him  however;  I  rather  approved  of 
his  giving  us  good  sermons  composed  by 
others,  than  bad  ones  of  his  own  manufacture ; 
though  the  latter  was  the  practice  of  our  com 
mon  teachers.  He  afterwards  acknowledged 
to  me  that  none  of  those  he  preached  were 
his  own ;  adding,  that  his  memory  was  such 
as  enabled  him  to  retain  and  repeat  any  ser 
mon  after  once  reading  only.  On  our  defeat 
he  left  us  in  search  elsewhere  of  better  for 
tune,  and  I  quitted  the  congregation,  never 
attending  it  after ;  though  I  continued  many 
years  my  subscription  for  the  support  of  its 
ministers. 

I  had  begun  in  1733  to  study  languages ;  T 
soon  made  myself  so  much  a  master  of  the 
French,  as  to  be  able  to  read  the  books  in  that 
language  with  ease:  I  then  undertook  the 
Italian :  an  acquaintance  who  was  also  learn 
ing  it,  used  often  to  tempt  me  to  play  chess 
with  him:  finding  this  took  up  too  much  of 
the  time  I  had  to  spare  for  study,  I  at  length 
refused  to  play  any  more,  unless  on  this  con 
dition,  that  the  victor  in  every  game  should 
have  a  right  to  impose  a  task,  either  of  parts 
of  the  grammar  to  be  got  by  heart,  or  in  trans 
lations,  &c.  which  tasks  the  vanquished  was 
to  perform  upon  honour  before  our  next  meet 
ing:  as  we  played  pretty  equally,  we  thus 
beat  one  another  into  that  language.  I  after 
wards,  with  a  little  pains-taking,  acquired  as 
much  of  the  Spanish  as  to  read  their  books 
also.  I  have  already  mentioned  that  I  had 
only  one  year's  instruction  in  a  Latin  school, 
and  that  when  very  young,  after  which  I  ne 
glected  that  language  entirely.  But  when  I 
had  attained  an  acquaintance  with  the  French, 
Italian,  and  Spanish,  I  was  surprised  to  find, 
on  looking  over  a  Latin  Testament,  that  I 
understood  more  of  that  language  than  I  had 
imagined;  which  encouraged  me  to  apply 
myself  again  to  the  study  of  it,  and  I  met  with 
the  more  success,  as  those  preceding  languages 
had  greatly  smoothed  my  way.  From  these 
circumstances,  I  have  thought  there  was  some 


inconsistency  in  our  common  mode  of  teach 
ing  languages.  We  are  told  that  it  is  proper 
to  begin  first  with  the  Latin,  and  having  ac 
quired  that,  it  will  be  more  'easy  to  attain 
those  modern  languages  which  are  derived 
from  it:  and  yet  we  do  not  begin  with  the 
Greek,  in  order  more  easily  to  acquire  the 
Latin.  It  is  true,  that  if  we  can  clamber  and 
get  to  the  top  of  a  staircase  without  using  the 
steps,  we  shall  more  easily  gain  them  in  de 
scending  ;  but  certainly  if  we  begin  with  the 
lowest,  we  shall  with  more  ease  ascend  to  the 
top ;  and  I  would  therefore  offer  it  to  the  con 
sideration  of  those  who  superintend  the  edu 
cation  of  our  youth,  whether — since  many  of 
those  who  begin  with  the  Latin,  quit  the  same 
after  spending  some  years  without  having 
made  any  great  proficiency,  and  what  they 
have  learned  becomes  almost  useless,  so  that 
their  time  has  been  lost — it  would  not  have 
been  better  to  have  begun  with  the  French, 
proceeding  to  the  Italian,  and  Latin.  For 
though,  after  spending  the  same  time,  they 
should  quit  the  study  of  languages,  and  never 
arrive  at  the  Latin,  they  would,  however, 
have  acquired  another  tongue  or  two,  that 
being  in  modern  use,  might  be  serviceable  to 
them  in  common  life. 

After  ten  years'  absence  from  Boston,  and 
having  become  easy  in  my  circumstances,  I 
made  a  journey  thither  to  visit  my  relations, 
which  I  could  not  sooner  afford.  In  return 
ing,  I  called  at  Newport  to  see  my  brother 
James,  then  settled  there  with  his  printing- 
house  ;  our  former  differences  were  forgotten, 
and  our  meeting  was  very  cordial  and  affec 
tionate  :  he  was  fast  declining  in  health,  and 
requested  of  me,  that  in  case  of  his  death, 
which  he  apprehended  not  far  distant,  I  would 
take  home  his  son,  then  but  ten  years  of  age, 
and  bring  him  up  to  the  printing  business. 
This  I  accordingly  performed,  sending  him  a 
few  years  to  school  before  I  took  him  into  the 
office.  His  mother  carried  on  the  business 
till  he  was  grown  up,  when  I  assisted  him 
with  an  assortment  of  new  types,  those  of  his 
father  being  in  a  manner  worn  out.  Thus  it 
was  that  I  made  my  brother  ample  amends 
for  the  service  I  had  deprived  him  of  by  leav 
ing  him  so  early. 

In  1736,  I  lost  one  of  my  sons,  a  fine  boy 
of  four  years  old,  by  the  small  pox,  taken  in 
the  common  way.  I  long  regretted  him  bit 
terly,  and  still  regret  that  I  had  not  given  it 
to  him  by  inoculation.  This  I  mention  for 
the  sake  of  parents  who  omit  that  operation, 
on  the  supposition  that  they  should  never  for 
give  themselves  if  a  child  died  under  it;  my 
example  showing  that  the  regret  may  be  the 
same  either  way,  and  therefore  that  the  safer 
should  be  chosen. 

Our  club,  the  Junto,  was  found  so  useful, 
and  afforded  such  satisfaction  to  the  members, 
that  some  were  desirous  of  introducing  their 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


41 


friends,  which  could  not  well  be  done  with 
out  exceeding  what  we  had  settled  as  a  con 
venient  number ;  viz.  twelve.  We  had  from 
the  beginning  made  it  a  rule  to  keep  our  in 
stitution  a  secret,  which  was  pretty  well  ob 
served;  the  intention  was  to  avoid  applica 
tions  of  improper  persons  for  admittance, 
some  of  whom,  perhaps,  we  might  find  it  diffi 
cult  to  refuse.  I  was  one  of  those  who  were 
against  any  addition  to  our  number ;  but,  in 
stead  of  it,  made  in  writing  a  proposal,  that 
every  member  separately  should  endeavour 
to  form  a  subordinate  club,  with  the  same 
rules,  respecting  queries,  &c.,  and  without 
informing  them  of  the  connection  with  the 
Junto.  The  advantages  proposed,  were  the 
improvement  of  so  many  more  young  citizens 
by  the  use  of  our  institutions ;  our  better  ac 
quaintance  with  the  general  sentiments  of 
the  inhabitants  on  any  occasion,  as  the  junto 
member  might  propose  what  queries  we 
should  desire,  and  was  to  report  to  the  Junto, 
what  passed  in  his  separate  club :  the  promo 
tion  of  our  particular  interests  in  business  by 
more  extensive  recommendation,  and  the  in 
crease  of  our  influence  in  public  affairs,  and 
our  power  of  doing  good  by  spreading  through 
the  several  clubs  the  sentiments  of  the  Junto. 
The  project  was  approved,  and  every  member 
undertook  to  form  his  club :  but  they  did  not 
all  succeed.  Five  or  six  only  were  completed, 
which  were  called  by  different  names,  as  the 
Vine,  the  Union,  the  Band,  &c.  they  were 
useful  to  themselves,  and  afforded  us  a  good 
deal  of  amusement,  information,  and  instruc 
tion;  besides,  answering  in  some  considerable 
degree  our  views  of  influencing  the  public  on 
particular  occasions;  of  which  I  shall  give 
Borne  instances  in  course  of  time  as  they 
happened. 

My  first  promotion  was  my  being  chosen, 
in  1736,  clerk  of  the  general  assembly.  The 
choice  was  made  that  year  without  opposi 
tion;  but  the  year  following,  when  I  was 
again  proposed,  (the  choice,  like  that  of  the 
members,  being  annual,)  a  new  member  made 
a  long  speech  against  me,  in  order  to  favour 
some  other  candidate.  I  was,  however, 
chosen,  which  was  the  more  agreeable  to  me, 
as,  besides,  the  pay  for  the  immediate  service 
of  clerk,  the  place  gave  me  a  better  opportu- 
tunity  of  keeping  up  an  interest  among  the 
members,  which  secured  to  me  the  business 
of  printing  the  votes,  laws,  paper-money,  and 
other  occasional  jobs  for  the  public,  that  on 
the  whole  v/ere  very  profitable.  I  therefore 
did  not  like  the  opposition  of  this  new  mem 
ber,  who  was  a  gentleman  of  fortune  and 
education,  with  talents  that  were  likely  to 
give  him  hi  time  great  influence  in  the  house, 
which  indeed  afterwards  happened.  I  did 
not,  however,  aim  at  gaining  his  favour  by 
paying  any  servile  respect  to  him,  but  after 
some  time  took  this  other  method.  Having 

VOL.L...F          4* 


heard  that  he  had  in  his  library  a  certain 
very  scarce  and  curious  book,  I  wrote  a  note 
to  him,  expressing  my  desire  of  perusing  that 
book,  and  requesting  that  he  would  do  me  the 
favour  of  lending  it  to  me  for  a  few  days.  He 
sent  it  immediately;  and  I  returned  it  in 
about  a  week  with  another  note,  expressing 
strongly  my  sense  of  the  favour.  When  we 
next  met  in  the  house,  he  spoke  to  me,  (which 
he  had  never  done  before,)  and  with  great 
civility ;  and  he  ever  after  manifested  a  readi 
ness  to  serve  me  on  all  occasions,  so  that  we 
became  great  friends,  and  our  friendship  con 
tinued  to  his  death.  This  is  another  instance 
of  the  truth  of  an  old  maxim  I  had  learned, 
which  says,  "  He  that  has  once  done  you  a 
kindness,  will  be  more  ready  to  do  you  an 
other,  than  he  whom  you  yourself  have 
obliged."  And  it  shows  how  much  more 
profitable  it  is  prudently  to  remove,  than  to 
resent,  return,  and  continue  inimical  pro 
ceedings. 

In  1737,  colonel  Spotswood,  late  governor 
of  Virginia,  and  then  postmaster-general, 
being  dissatisfied  with  the  conduct  of  his  de 
puty  at  Philadelphia,  respecting  some  negli 
gence  hi  rendering,  and  want  of  exactness  in 
framing  his  accounts,  took  from  him  the  com 
mission,  and  offered  it  to  me.  I  accepted  it 
readily,  and  found  it  of  great  advantage ;  for, 
though  the  salary  was  small,  it  facilitated  the 
correspondence  that  improved  my  newspaper, 
increased  the  number  demanded,  as  well  as 
the  advertisements  to  be  inserted,  so  that  it 
came  to  aflbrd  me  a  considerable  income. 
My  old  competitor's  newspaper  declined  pro- 
portionably,  and  I  was  satisfied,  without  re 
taliating  his  refusal,  while  postmaster,  to  per 
mit  my  papers  being  carried  by  the  riders. 
Thus  he  suffered  greatly  from  his  neglect  in 
due  accounting ;  and  I  mention  it  as  a  lesson 
to  those  young  men  who  may  be  employed  in 
managing  affairs  for  others,  that  they  should 
always  render  accounts,  and  make  remit 
tances  with  great  clearness  and  punctuality. 
The  character  of  observing  such  a  conduct, 
is  the  most  powerful  of  recommendations  to 
new  employments  and  increase  of  business. 

I  began  now  to  turn  my  thoughts  to  public 
affairs,  beginning,  however,  with  small  mat 
ters.  The  city  watch  was  one  of  the  first 
things  that  I  conceived  to  want  regulation.  It 
was  managed  by  the  constables  of  the  re 
spective  wards  in  turn;  the  constable  sum 
moned  a  number  of  housekeepers  to  attend 
him  for  the  night.  Those  who  chose  never 
to  attend,  paid  him  six  shillings  a  year  to  be 
excused,  which  was  supposed  to  go  to  hiring 
substitutes,  but  was,  in  reality,  much  more 
than  was  necessary  for  that  purpose,  and 
made  the  constableship  a  place  of  profit;  and 
the  constable,  for  a  little  drink,  often  got  such 
ragamuffins  about  him  as  a  watch,  that  re 
spectable  housekeepers  did  not  choose  to  mix 


MEMOIRS  OF 


with.  Walking  the  rounds  too  was  often 
neglected,  and  most  of  the  nights  spent  in 
tippling :  I  thereupon  wrote  a  paper  to  be 
read  in  junto,  representing  these  irregulari 
ties,  but  insisting  more  particularly  on  the 
inequality  of  this  six-shilling  tax  of  the  con 
stables,  respecting  the  circumstances  of  those 
who  paid  it,  since  a  poor  widow  housekeeper, 
all  whose  property  to  be  guarded  by  the 
watch  did  not  perhaps  exceed  the  value  of 
fifty  pounds,  paid  as  much  as  the  wealthiest 
merchant  who  had  thousands  of  pounds  worth 
of  goods  in  his  stores.  On  the  whole,  I  pro 
posed  as  a  more  effectual  watch,  the  hiring 
of  proper  men  to  serve  constantly  in  the  busi 
ness  ;  and  as  a  more  equitable  way  of  sup 
porting  the  charge,  the  levying  a  tax  that 
should  be  proportioned  to  the  property.  This 
idea  being  approved  by  the  Junto,  was  com 
municated  to  the  other  clubs,  but  as  origi 
nating  in  each  of  them ;  and  though  the  plan 
was  not  immediately  carried  into  execution, 
yet  by  preparing  the  minds  of  people  for  the 
change,  it  paved  the  way  for  the  law  obtain 
ed  a  few  years  after,  when  the  members  of 
our  clubs  were  grown  into  more  influence. 

About  this  time  I  wrote  a  paper  (first  to  be 
read  in  the  Junto,  but  it  was  afterwards  pub 
lished^  on  the  different  accidents  and  care 
lessnesses  by  which  houses  were  set  on  fire, 
with  cautions  against  them,  and  means  pro 
posed  of  avoiding  them.  This  was  spoken  of 
as  an  useful  piece,  and  gave  rise  to  a  project, 
which  soon  followed  it,  of  forming  a  company 
for  the  more  ready  extinguishing  of  fires,  and 
mutual  assistance  in  removing  and  securing 
of  goods  when  in  danger.  Associates  in  this 
scheme  were  presently  found,  amounting  to 
thirty.  Our  articles  of  agreement  obliged 
every  member  to  keep  always  in  good  order, 
and  fit  for  use,  a  certain  number  of  leathern 
buckets,  with  strong  bags  and  baskets,  (for 
packing  aad  transporting  of  goods,)  which 
were  to  be  brought  to  every  fire;  and  we 
agreed  about  once  a  month  to  spend  a  social 
evening  together,  in  discoursing  and  commu 
nicating  such  ideas  as  occurred  to  us  upon 
the  subject  of  fires,  as  might  be  useful  in  our 
conduct  on  such  occasions.  The  utility  of  this 
institution  soon  appeared,  and  many  more  de 
siring  to  be  admitted  than  we  thought  con 
venient  for  one  company,  they  were  advised 
to  form  another,  which  was  accordingly  done ; 
and  thus  went  on  one  new  company  after  an 
other,  till  they  became  so  numerous  as  to  in 
clude  most  of  the  inhabitants  who  were  men 
of  property ;  and  now  at  the  time  of  my  wri 
ting  this,  (though  upwards  of  fifty  years  since 
its  establishment,)  that  which  I  first  formed, 
called  the  UNION  FIRE  COMPANY,  still  sub 
sists;  though  the  first  members  are  all  de 
ceased  but  one,  who  is  older  by  a  year  than  I 
am.  The  fines  that  have  been  paid  by  mem 
bers  for  absence  at  the  monthly  meetings, 


have  been  applied  to  the  purchase  of  fire  en 
gines,  ladders,  fire-hooks,  and  other  useful  im 
plements  for  each  company ;  so  that  I  ques 
tion  whether  there  is  a  city  in  the  world  bet 
ter'  provided  with  the  means  of  putting  a  stop 
to  beginning  conflagrations ;  and,  in  fact,  since 
these,  institutions,  the  city  has  never  lost  by 
fire  more  than  one  or  two  houses  at  a  time, 
and  the  flames  have  often  been  extinguished 
before  the  house  in  which  they  began  has 
been  half  consumed. 

In  1739,  arrived  among  us  from  Ireland, 
the  reverend  Mr.  Whitefield,  who  had  made 
himself  remarkable  there  as  an  itinerant 
preacher.  He  was  at  first  permitted  to  preach 
in  some  of  our  churches;  but  the  clergy 
taking  a  dislike  to  him,  soon  refused  him  then- 
pulpits,  and  he  was  obliged  to  preach  in  the 
fields.  The  multitude  of  all  sects  and  de 
nominations  that  attended  his  sermons  were 
enormous,  and  it  was  a  matter  of  speculation 
to  me,  (who  was  one  of  the  number)  to  ob 
serve  the  extraordinary  influence  of  his  ora 
tory  on  his  hearers,  and  how  much  they  ad 
mired  and  respected  him,  notwithstanding 
his  common  abuse  of  them,  by  assuring  them, 
they  were  naturally  half  beasts  and  half 
devils.  It  was  wonderful  to  see  the  change 
soon  made  in  the  manners  of  our  inhabitants. 
From  being  thoughtless  or  indifferent  about 
religion,  it  seemed  as  if  all  the  world  were 
growing  religious,  so  that  one  could  not  walk 
through  the  town  in  an  evening  without  hear 
ing  psalms  sung  in  different  families  of  every 
street.  And  it  being  found  inconvenient  to 
assemble  in  the  open  air,  subject  to  its  in 
clemencies,  the  building  of  a  house  to  meet 
in,  was  no  sooner  proposed,  and  persons  ap 
pointed  to  receive  contributions,  but  sufficient 
sums  were  soon  received  to  procure  the 
ground,  and  erect  the  building,  which  was 
one  hundred  feet  long  and  seventy  broad  ;  and 
the  work  was  carried  with  such  spirit  as  to  be 
finished  in  a  much  shorter  time  than  could 
have  been  expected.  Both  house  and  ground 
were  vested  in  trustees,  expressly  for  the  use 
of  any  preacher  of  any  religious  persuasion^ 
who  might  desire  to  say  something  to  the 
people  at  Philadelphia.  The  design  in  build 
ing  not  being  to  accommodate  any  particular 
sect,  but  the  inhabitants  in  general ;  so  that 
even  if  the  Mufti  of  Constantinople,  were  to 
send  a  missionary  to  preach  Mahomedanism 
to  us,  he  would  find  a  pulpit  at  his  service. 

Mr.  Whitefield,  on  leaving  us,  went  preach 
ing  all  the  way  through  the  colonies  to 
Georgia.  The  settlement  of  that  province 
had  lately  been  begun,  but  instead  of  being 
made  with  hardy  industrious  husbandmen, 
accustomed  to  labour,  the  only  people  fit  for 
such  an  enterprise,  it  was  with  families  of 
broken  shopkeepers,  and  other  insolvent 
debtors;  many  of  indolent  and  idle  habits, 
taken  out  of  the  jails,  who  being  set  down  in 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


43 


the  woods,  unqualified  for  clearing  land,  and 
unable  to  endure  the  hardships  of  a  new 
settlement,  perished  in  numbers,  leaving 
many  helpless  children  unprovided  for.  The 
sight  of  their  miserable  situation  inspired  the 
benevolent  heart  of  Mr.  Whitefield,  with  the 
idea  of  building  an  orphan-house  there,  in 
which  they  might  be  supported  and  educated. 
Returning  northward,  he  preached  up  this 
charity,  and  made  large  collections :  for  his 
eloquence  had  a  wonderful  power  over  the 
hearts  and  purses  of  his  hearers,  of  which  I 
myself  was  an  instance.  I  did  not  disapprove 
of  the  design,  but  as  Georgia  was  then  desti 
tute  of  materials  and  workmen,  and  it  was 
proposed  to  send  them  from  Philadelphia  at  a 
great  expense,  I  thought  it  would  have  been 
better  to  have  built  the  house  at  Philadelphia, 
and  brought  the  children  to  it.  This  I  ad 
vised,  but  he  was  resolute  in  his  first  project, 
rejected  my  counsel,  and  I  therefore  refused 
to  contribute.  I  happened  soon  after  to  at 
tend  one  of  his  sermons,  in  the  course  of 
which,  I  perceived  he  intended  to  finish  with 
a  collection,  and  I  silently  resolved  he  should 
get  nothing  from  me :  I  had  in  my  pocket  a 
handful  of  copper  money,  three  or  four  silver 
dollars,  and  five  pistoles  in  gold ;  as  he  pro 
ceeded  I  began  to  soften,  and  concluded  to 
give  the  copper.  Another  stroke  of  his  ora 
tory  made  me  ashamed  of  that,  and  determin 
ed  me  to  give  the  silver ;  and  he  finished  so 
admirably,  that  I  emptied  my  pocket  wholly 
into  the  collector's  dish,  gold  and  all  1  At  this 
sermon  there  was  also  one  of  our  club,  who 
being  of  my  sentiments  respecting  the  build 
ing  in  Georgia,  and  suspecting  a  collection 
might  be  intended,  had  by  precaution  emptied 
his  pockets  before  he  came  from  home ;  to 
wards  the  conclusion  of  the  discourse  how 
ever,  he  felt  a  strong  inclination  to  give,  and 
applied  to  a  neighbour  who  stood  near  him, 
to  lend  him  some  money  for  the  purpose. 
The  request  was  fortunately  made  to  perhaps 
the  only  man  in  the  company  who  had  the 
firmness  not  to  be  affected  by  the  preacher. 
His  answer  was,  "  At  any  other  time,  friend 
Hopkinson,  I  would  lend  to  thee  freely  ;  but 
not  now,  for  thee  seems  to  me  to  be  out  of 
thy  right  senses" 

Some  of  Mr.  Whitefield's  enemies  affected 
to  suppose,  that  he  would  apply  these  collec 
tions  to  his  own  private  emolument;  but  I 
who  was  intimately  acquainted  with  him  (be 
ing  employed  in  printing  his  sermons,  jour 
nals,  &c.)  never  had  the  least  suspicion  of  his 
integrity ;  but  am  to  this  day  decidedly  of 
opinion,  that  he  was  in  all  his  conduct  a  per 
fectly  honest  man ;  and  methinks  my  testi 
mony  in  his  favour  ought  to  have  the  more 
weight,  as  we  had  no  religious  connexion. 
He  used  indeed  sometimes  to  pray  for  my 
conversion,  but  never  had  the  satisfaction  of 
believing  that  his  prayers  were  heard.  Ours 


was  a  mere  civil  friendship,  sincere  on  both 
sides,  and  lasted  to  his  death.  The  following 
instance  will  show  the  terms  on  which  we 
stood.  Upon  one  of  his  arrivals  from  England 
at  Boston,  he  wrote  to  me  that  he  should 
come  soon  to  Philadelphia,  but  knew  not 
where  he  could  lodge  when  there,  as  he  un 
derstood  his  old  friend  and  host,  Mr.  Benezet, 
was  removed  to  Germantown.  My  answer 
was,  you  know  my  house ;  if  you  can  make 
shift  with  its  scanty  accommodations  you  will 
be  most  heartily  welcome.  He  replied,  that 
if  I  made  that  kind  offer  for  Christ's  sake,  I 
should  not  miss  of  a  reward.  And  I  return 
ed,  "  don't  let  me  be  mistaken ;  it  was  not 
for  Christ's  sake,  but  for  your  sake."  One 
of  our  common  acquaintance  jocosely  remark 
ed,  that  knowing  it  to  be  the  custom  of  the 
saints,  when  they  received  any  favour,  to 
shift  the  burden  of  the  obligation  from  off 
their  own  shoulders,  and  place  it  in  heaven,  I 
had  contrived  to  fix  it  on  earth. 

The  last  time  I  saw  Mr.  Whitefield,  was 
in  London,  when  he  consulted  me  about  his 
orphan-house  concern,  and  his  purpose  of  ap 
propriating  it  to  the  establishment  of  a  college. 

He  had  a  loud  and  clear  voice,  and  articu 
lated  his  words  so  perfectly  that  he  might  be 
heard  and  understood  at  a  great  distance; 
especially  as  his  auditories  observed  the  most 
perfect  silence.  He  preached  one  evening 
from  the  top  of  the  Court-House  steps,  which 
are  in  the  middle  of  Market  street,  and  on  the 
west  side  of  Second  street,  which  crosses  it 
at  right  angles.  Both  streets  were  filled  with 
his  hearers  to  a  considerable  distance :  being 
among  the  hindmost  in  Market  street,  I  had 
the  curiosity  to  learn  how  far  he  could  be 
heard,  by  retiring  backwards  down  the  street 
towards  the  river,  and  I  found  his  voice  dis 
tinct  till  I  came  near  Front  street,  when  some 
noise  in  that  street  obscured  it.  Imagining 
then  a  semicircle,  of  which  my  distance  should 
be  the  radius,  and  that  it  'was  filled  with 
auditors,  to  each  of  whom  I  allowed  two 
square  feet ;  I  computed  that  he  might  well 
be  heard  by  more  than  thirty  thousand.  This 
reconciled  me  to  the  newspaper  accounts  of 
his  having  preached  to  25,000  people  in  the 
fields,  and  to  the  history  of  generals  harangu 
ing  whole  armies,  of  which  I  had  sometimes 
doubted. 

By  hearing  him  often  I  came  to  distinguish 
easily  between  sermons  newly  composed,  and 
those  which  he  had  often  preached  in  the 
course  of  his  travels.  His  delivery  of  the 
latter  was  so  improved  by  frequent  repetition, 
that  every  accent,  every  emphasis,  every 
modulation  of  voice,  was  so  perfectly  well- 
turned  and  well-placed,  that  without  being 
interested  in  the  subject,  one  could  not  help 
being  pleased  with  the  discourse ;  a  pleasure 
of  much  the  same  kind  with  that  received 
from  an  excellent  piece  of  music.  This  is  an 


44 


MEMOIRS  OF 


advantage  itinerant  preachers  have  over  those 
who  are  stationary,  as  the  latter  cannot  well 
improve  their  delivery  of  a  sermon  by  so  many 
rehearsals.  His  writing  and  printing  from 
time  to  time  gave  great  advantage  to  his 
enemies;  unguarded  expressions,  and  even 
erroneous  opinions  delivered  in  preaching, 
might  have  been  afterwards  explained  or 
qualified,  by  supposing  others  that  might  have 
accompanied  them ;  or  they  might  have  been 
denied ;  but  litera  scripta  manet :  critics  at 
tacked  his  writings  violently,  and  with  so 
much  appearance  of  reason,  as  to  diminish  the 
number  of  his  votaries  and  prevent  their  in 
crease.  So  that  I  am  satisfied  that  if  he  had 
never  written  any  thing,  he  would  have  left 
behind  him  a  much  more  numerous  and  im 
portant  sect ;  and  his  reputation  might  in  that 
case  have  been  still  growing  even  after  his 
death ;  as  there  being  nothing  of  his  writing 
on  which  to  found  a  censure,  and  give  him  a 
lower  character,  his  proselytes  would  be  left 
at  liberty  to  attribute  to  him  as  great  a  variety 
of  excellencies,  as  their  enthusiastic  admira 
tion  might  wish  him  to  have  possessed. 

My  business  was  now  constantly  augment 
ing,  and  my  circumstances  growing  daily 
easier,  my  newspaper  having  become  very 
profitable,  as  being  for  a  time  almost  the  only 
one  in  this  and  the  neighbouring  provinces. 
I  experienced  too  the  truth  of  the  observa 
tion,  "  that  after  getting  the  first  hundred 
pounds  it  is  more  easy  to  get  the  second :" 
money  itself  being  of  a  prolific  nature. 

The  partnership  at  Carolina  having  suc 
ceeded,  I  was  encouraged  to  engage  in  others, 
and  to  promote  several  of  my  workmen  who 
had  behaved  well,  by  establishing  them  with 
printing  houses  in  different  colonies,  on  the 
same  terms  with  that  in  Carolina.  Most  of 
them  did  well,  being  enabled  at  the  end  of 
our  term,  (six  years,)  to  purchase  the  types 
of  me  and  go  on  working  for  themselves ;  by 
which  means  several  families  were  raised. 
Partnerships  often  finish  in  quarrels,  but  I 
was  happy  in  this  that  mine  were  all  carried 
on  and  ended  amicably ;  owing  I  think  a  good 
deal  to  the  precaution  of  having  very  explicit 
ly  settled  in  our  articles,  every  thing  to  be 
done  by  or  expected  from  each  partner ;  so 
that  there  was  nothing  to  dispute;  which 
precaution  I  would  therefore  recommend  to 
all  who  enter  into  partnerships ;  for  whatever 
esteem  partners  may  have  for,  and  confidence 
in  each  other  at  the  time  of  the  contract,  little 
jealousies  and  disgusts  may  arise,  with  ideas 
of  inequality  in  the  care  and  burden,  busi 
ness,  &c.  which  are  attended  often  with 
breach  of  friendship  and  of  the  connection ; 
perhaps  with  law-suits  and  other  disagreeable 
consequences. 

I  had  on  the  whole  abundant  reason  to 
be  satisfied  with  my  being  established  in 
Pennsylvania ;  there  were  however  some 


things  that  I  regretted,  there  being  no  pro 
vision  for  defence,  nor  for  a  complete  educa 
tion  of  youth  ;  no  militia,  nor  any  college :  I 
therefore,  in  1743,  drew  up  a  proposal  for 
establishing  an  academy ;  and  at  that  time, 
thinking  the  Rev.  Richard  Peters,  who  was 
out  of  employ,  a  fit  person  to  superintend  such 
an  institution,  I  communicated  the  project  to 
him :  but  he  having  more  profitable  views  in 
the  service  of  the  proprietors,  which  succeed 
ed,  declined  the  undertaking :  and  not  know 
ing  another  at  that  time  suitable  for  such  a 
trust,  I  let  the  scheme  lie  awhile  dormant.  I 
succeeded  better  the  next  year,  1744,  in  pro 
posing  and  establishing  a  Philosophical  So 
ciety.  The  paper  I  wrote  for  that  purpose, 
will  be  found  among  my  writings ;  if  not  lost 
with  many  others. 

With  respect  to  defence,  Spain  having  been 
several  years  at  war  against  Great  Britain, 
and  being  at  length  joined  by  France,  which 
brought  us  into  great  danger ;  and  the  labour 
ed  and  long  continued  endeavour  of  our  go 
vernor,  Thomas,  to  prevail  with  our  Quaker 
assembly  to  pass  a  militia  law,  and  make 
other  provisions  for  the  security  of  the  pro 
vince,  having  proved  abortive ;  I  proposed  to 
try  what  might  be  done  by  a  voluntary  sub 
scription  of  the  people :  to  promote  this,  I  first 
wrote  and  published  a  pamphlet,  intitled 
PLAIN  TRUTH,  in  which  I  stated  our  helpless 
situation  in  strong  lights,  with  the  necessity 
of  union  and  discipline  for  our  defence,  and 
promised  to  propose  in  a  few  days,  an  associa 
tion,  to  be  generally  signed  for  that  purpose. 
The  pamphlet  had  a  sudden  and  surprising 
effect.  I  was  called  upon  for  the  instrument 
of  association ;  having  settled  the  draught  of 
it  with  a  few  friends,  I  appointed  a  meeting 
of  the  citizens  in  the  large  building  before- 
mentioned.  The  house  was  pretty  full ;  I 
had  prepared  a  number  of  printed  copies,  and 
provided  pens  and  ink  dispersed  all  over  the 
room.  I  harangued  them  a  little  on  the  sub 
ject,  read  the  paper,  explained  it,  and  then 
distributed  the  copies,  which  were  eagerly 
signed,  not  the  least  objection  being  made. 
When  the  company  separated,  and  the  papers 
were  collected,  we  found  above  twelve  hun 
dred  signatures ;  and  other  copies  being  dis 
persed  in  the  country,  the  subscribers  amount 
ed  at  length  to  upwards  of  ten  thousand. 
These  all  furnished  themselves  as  soon  as 
they  could  with  arms,  formed  themselves  into 
companies,  and  regiments,  chose  their  own 
officers,  and  met  every  week  to  be  instructed 
in  the  manual  exercise,  and  other  parts  of 
military  discipline.  The  women,  by  sub 
scriptions  among  themselves,  provided  silk 
colours,  which  they  presented  to  the  com 
panies,  painted  with  different  devices  and 
mottos,  which  I  supplied.  The  officers  of 
the  companies  composing  the  Philadelphia 
regiment,  being  met,  chose  me  for  their 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


45 


colonel ;  but  conceiving  myself  unfit,  I  de 
clined  that  station,  and  recommended  Mr 
Lawrence,  a  fine  person,  and  a  man  of  in 
fluence,  who  was  accordingly  appointed.  I 
then  proposed  a  lottery  to  defray  the  expense 
of  building  a  battery  below  the  town,  and 
furnished  with  cannon :  it  filled  expeditiously, 
and  the  battery  was  soon  erected,  the  merlons 
being  framed  of  logs  and  filled  with  earth. 
We  bought  some  old  cannon  from  Boston,  but 
these  not  being  sufficient,  we  wrote  to  Lon 
don  for  more ;  soliciting  at  the  same  time  our 
proprietaries  for  some  assistance,  though  with 
out  much  expectation  of  obtaining  it.  Mean 
while,  colonel  Lawrence, Allen,  Abra 
ham  Taylor,  Esquires,  and  myself,  were  sent 
to  New  York  by  the  associators,  commission 
ed  to  borrow  some  cannon  of  governor  Clinton. 
He  at  first  refused  us  peremptorily ;  but  at  a 
dinner  with  his  council,  where  there  was 
great  drinking  of  madeira  wine,  as  the  custom 
of  that  place  then  was,  he  softened  by  degrees, 
and  said  he  would  lend  us  six.  After  a  few 
more  bumpers  he  advanced  to  ten;  and  at 
length  he  very  good-naturedly  conceded  eigh 
teen.  They  were  fine  cannon,  18  pounders, 
with  their  carriages,  which  were  soon  tran 
sported  and  mounted  on  our  batteries,  where 
the  associators  kept  a  nightly  guard  while  the 
war  lasted  :  and  among  the  rest,  I  regularly 
took  my  turn  of  duty  there  as  a  common 
soldier. 

My  activity  in  these  operations  was  agree 
able  to  the  governor  and  council ;  they  took 
me  into  confidence,  and  I  was  consulted  by 
them  in  every  measure,  where  their  concur 
rence  was  thought  useful  to  the  association. 
Calling  in  the  aid  of  religion,  I  proposed  to 
them  the  proclaiming  a  fast,  to  promote  re 
formation,  and  implore  the  blessing  of  heaven 
on  our  undertaking.  They  embraced  the 
motion,  but  as  it  was  the  first  fast  ever  thought 
of  in  the  province,  the  secretary  had  no  pre 
cedent  from  which  to  draw  the  proclamation. 
My  education  in  New  England,  where  a  fast 
is  proclaimed  every  year,  "was  here  of  some 
advantage :  I  drew  it  in  the  accustomed  style, 
it  was  translated  into  German,  printed  in  both 
languages,  and  circulated  through  the  pro 
vince.  This  gave  the  clergy  of  the  different 
sects  an  opportunity  of  influencing  their  con 
gregations  to  join  in  the  association,  and  it 
would  probably  have  been  general  among  all 
but  the  Quakers,  if  the  peace  had  not  soon 
intervened. 

It  was  thought  by  some  of  my  friends,  that 
by  my  activity  in  these  affairs,  I  should  offend 
that  sect,  and  thereby  lose  my  interest  in  the 
assembly  of  the  province,  where  they  formed 
a  great  majority.  A  young  man  who  had 
likewise  some  friends  in  the  assembly,  and 
wished  to  succeed  me  as  their  clerk,  acquaint 
ed  me  that  it  was  decided  to  displace  me  at 
the  next  election ;  and  he  through  good  will 


advised  me  to  resign,  as  more  consistent  with 
my  honour  than  being  turned  out.  My  an 
swer  to  him  was,  that  I  had  read  or  heard  of 
some  public  man,  who  made  it  a  rule,  never 
to  ask  for  an  office,  and  never  to  refuse  one 
when  offered  to  him.  I  approve,  said  I,  of 
this  rule,  and  shall  practise  it  with  a  small 
addition ;  I  shall  never  ask,  never  refuse,  nor 
ever  RESIGN  an  office.  If  they  will  have  my 
office  of  clerk  to  dispose  of  it  to  another,  they 
shall  take  it  from  me.  I  will  not,  by  giving- 
it  up,  lose  my  right  of  some  time  or  other 
making  reprisal  on  my  adversaries.  I  heard 
however  no  more  of  this  :  I  was  chosen  again 
unanimously  as  clerk  at  the  next  election. 
Possibly  as  they  disliked  my  late  intimacy 
with  the  members  of  council  who  had  joined 
the  governors  in  all  the  disputes  about  mili 
tary  preparations,  with  which  the  house  had 
long  been  harassed,  they  might  have  been 
pleased  if  I  would  voluntarily  have  left  them ; 
but  they  did  not  care  to  displace  me  on  ac 
count  merely  of  my  zeal  for  the  association, 
and  they  could  not  well  give  another  reason. 
Indeed  I  had  some  cause  to  believe  that  the 
defence  of  the  country  was  not  disagreeable 
to  any  of  them,  provided  they  were  not  re 
quired  to  assist  in  'it.  And  I  found  that  a 
much  greater  number  of  them  than  I  could 
lave  imagined,  though  against  offensive 
war,  were  clearly  for  the  defensive.  Many 
pamphlets  pro  and  con  were  published  on  the 
subject,  and  some  by  good  Quakers,  in  favour 
of  defence;  which  I  believe  convinced  most 
of  their  young  people.  A  transaction  in  our 
fire  company  gave  me  some  insight  into  their 
Drevailing  sentiments.  It  had  been  proposed 
;hat  we  should  encourage  the  scheme  for 
building  a  battery  by  laying  out  the  present 
stock,  then  about  sixty  pounds,  in  tickets  of 
the  lottery.  By  our  rules  no  money  could  be 
disposed  of  till  the  next  meeting  after  the 
proposal.  The  company  consisted  of  thirty 
members,  of  which  twenty-two  were  Quakers, 
and  eight  only  of  other  persuasions.  We 
ight  punctually  attended  the  meeting ;  but 
though  we  thought  that  some  of  the  Quakers 
would  join  us,  we  were  by  no  means  sure  of 
a  majority.  Only  one  Quaker,  Mr.  James 
Vtorris,  appeared  to  oppose  the  measure.  He 
expressed  much  sorrow  that  it  had  ever  been 
woposed,  as  he  said  friends  were  all  against 
t,  and  it  would  create  such  discord  as  might 
break  up  the  company.  We  told  him  that 
we  saw  no  reason  for  that;  we  were  the 
minority,  and  if  friends  were  against  the 
measure,  and  out-voted  us,  we  must  and 
should,  agreeable  to  the  usage  of  all  societies, 
submit.  When  the  hour  for  business  arrived, 
t  was  moved  to  put  this  to  the  vote :  he  al- 
owed  we  might  do  it  by  the  rules,  but  as  he 
could  assure  us  that  a  number  of  members 
ntended  to  be  present  for  the  purpose  of  op- 
wsing  it,  it  would  be  but  candid  to  allow  a 


46 


MEMOIRS  OF 


little  time  for  their  appearing.  While  we 
were  disputing  this,  a  waiter  came  to  tell  me, 
two  gentlemen  below  desired  to  speak  with 
me ;  I  went  down,  and  found  there  two  of  our 
Quaker  members.  They  told  me  there  were 
eight  of  them  assembled  at  a  tavern  just  by ; 
that  they  were  determined  to  come  and  vote 
with  us  if  there  should  be  occasion,  which 
they  hoped  would  not  be  the  case,  and  desired 
we  would  not  call  for  their  assistance,  if  we 
could  do  without  it ;  as  their  voting  for  such 
a  measure  might  embroil  them  with  their 
elders  and  friends ;  being  thus  secure  of  a 
majority,  I  went  up,  and  after  a  little  seem 
ing  hesitation,  agreed  to  a  delay  of  another 
hour.  This  Mr.  Morris  allowed  to  be  ex 
tremely  fair.  Not  one  of  his  opposing  friends 
appeared,  at  which  he  expressed  great  sur 
prise  ;  and  at  the  expiration  of  the  hour,  we 
carried  the  resolution  eight  to  one  :  and  as  of 
the  22  Quakers,  8  were  ready  to  vote  with 
us,  and  13  by  their  absence  manifested  that 
they  were  not  inclined  to  oppose  the  measure, 
I  afterwards  estimated  the  proportion  of  Qua 
kers  sincerely  against  defence  as  1  to  21  only. 
For  these  were  all  regular  members  of  the 
society,  and  in  good  reputation  among  them, 
and  who  had  notice  <of  what  was  proposed  at 
that  meeting. 

The  honourable  and  learned  Mr.  Logan, 
who  had  always  been  of  that  sect,  wrote  an 
address  to  them,  declaring  his  approbation  of 
defensive  war,  and  supported  his  opinion  by 
many  strong  arguments :  he  put  into  my  hands 
sixty  pounds  to  be  laid  out  in  lottery  tickets 
for  the  battery,  with  directions  to  apply  what 
prizes  might  be  drawn  wholly  to  that  service. 
He  told  me  the  following  anecdote  of  his  old 
master,  William  Penn,  respecting  defence : — 
He  came  over  from  England  when  a  young 
man,  with  {hat  proprietary,  and  as  his  secre 
tary.  It  was  war  time,  and  their  ship  was 
chased  by  an  armed  vessel,  supposed  to  be  an 
enemy.  Their  captain  prepared  for  defence ; 
but  told  William  Penn,  and  his  company  of 
Quakers,  that  he  did  not  expect  their  assist 
ance,  and  they  might  retire  into  the  cabin ; 
which  they  did,  except  James  Logan,  who 
chose  to  stay  upon  deck,  and  was  quartered  to 
a  gun.  The  supposed  enemy  proved  a  friend, 
so  there  was  no  fighting :  but  when  the  secre 
tary  went  down  to  communicate  the  intelli 
gence,  William  Penn  rebuked  him  severely 
for  staying  upon  deck,  and  undertaking  to  as 
sist  in  defending  the  vessel,  contrary  to  the 
principles  of  Friends ;  especially  as  it  had  not 
been  required  by  the  captain.  This  repri 
mand,  being  before  all  the  company,  piqued 
the  secretary,  who  answered :  "  I  being  thy 
servant,  why  did  thee  not  order  me  to  come 
down ;  but  thee  was  willing  enough  that  I 
should  stay  and  help  to  fight  the  ship,  when 
tJiee  thought  there  was  danger." 

My  being  many  years  in  the  assembly,  a 


majority  of  which  were  constantly  Quakers, 
gave  me  frequent  opportunities  of  seeing  the 
embarrassment  given  them  by  their  principle 
against  war,  whenever  application  was  made 
to  them,  by  order  of  the  crown,  to  grant  aids 
for  military  purposes.  They  were  unwilling  to 
offend  government  on  the  one  hand,  by  a  direct 
refusal;  and  their  friends  (the  body  of  the 
Quakers)  on  the  other,  by  a  compliance  con 
trary  to  their  principles ;  using  a  variety  of  eva 
sion  to  avoid  complying,  and  modes  of  disguising 
the  compliance,  when  it  became  unavoidable. 
The  common  mode  at  last  was,  to  grant  mo 
ney  under  the  phrase  of  its  being  '•'•for  the 
king's  use,""  and  never  to  inquire  how  it  was 
applied.  But  if  the  demand  was  not  directly 
from  the  crown,  that  phrase  was  found  not  so 
proper,  and  some  other  was  to  be  invented. 
Thus,  when  powder  was  wanting,  (I  think  it 
was  for  the  garrison  at  Louisburg,)  and  the 
government  of  New  England  solicited  a  grant 
of  some  from  Pennsylvania,  which  was  much 
urged  on  the  house,  by  governor  Thomas; 
they  would  not  grant  money  to  buy  powder, 
because  that  was  an  ingredient  of  war ;  but 
they  voted  an  aid  to  New  England  of  three 
thousand  pounds  to  be  put  in  the  hands  of  the 
governor,  and  appropriated  it  for  the  purchase 
of  bread,  flour,  wheat,  or  other  grain.  Some 
of  the  council,  desirous  of  giving  the  house 
still  further  embarrassment,  advised  the  go 
vernor  not  to  accept  provision,  as  not  being 
the  thing  he  had  demanded :  but  lie  replied, 
"I  shall  take  the  money,  for  I  understand 
very  well  their  meaning,  other  grain  is  gun 
powder  ;"  which  he  accordingly  bought,  and 
they  never  objected  to  it.  It  was  in  allusion 
to  this  fact,  that  when  in  our  fire  company, 
we  feared  the  success  of  our  proposal  in  fa 
vour  of  the  lottery,  and  I  had  said  to  a  friend 
of  mine,  one  of  our  members,  "  if  we  fail,  let 
us  move  the  purchase  of  a  fire  engine  with 
the  money ;  the  Quakers  can  have  no  objec 
tion  to  that :  and  then,  if  you  nominate  me, 
and  I  you,  as  a  committee  for  that  purpose, 
we  will  buy  a  great  gun,  which  is  certainly 
a  fire  engine"  I  see,  says  he,  you  have  im 
proved  by  being  so  long  in  the  assembly ;  your 
equivocal  project  would  be  just  a  match  for 
their  wheat  or  other  grain. 

Those  embarrassments  that  the  Quakers 
suffered,  from  having  established  and  publish 
ed  it  as  one  of  their  principles,  that  no  kind 
of  war  was  lawful,  and  which  being  once  pub 
lished,  they  could  not  afterwards,  (however 
they  might  change  their  minds,)  easily  get 
rid  of,  reminds  me  of  what  I  think  a  more 
prudent  conduct  in  another  sect  among  us — 
that  of  the  Bunkers.  I  was  acquainted  with 
one  of  its  founders,  Michael  Welfare,  soon 
after  it  appeared.  He  complained  to  me  that 
they  were  grievously  calumniated  by  the 
zealots  of  other  persuasions,  and  charged  with 
abominable  principles  and  practices,  to  which 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


47 


they  were  utter  strangers.     I  told  him  this 
had  always  been  the  case  with  new  sects 
and  that  to  put  a  stop  to  such  abuse,  I  ima 
gined  it  might  be  well  to  publish  the  articles 
of  their  belief,  and  the  rules  of  their  discipline 
He  said  that  it  had   been  proposed  among 
them,  but  not  agreed  to  for  this  reason: — 
"  When  we  were  first  drawn  together  as  a 
society,  (said  he,)  it  had  pleased  God  to  en 
lighten  our  minds  so  far  as  to  see  that  some 
doctrines,  which  were  esteemed  truths,  were 
errors;  and  that  others  which  we  have  es 
teemed  errors,  were  real  truths.     From  time 
to  time  he  has  been  pleased  to  afford  us  far 
ther  light,  and  our  principles  have  been  im 
proving,  and  our  errors  diminishing :  now,  we 
are  not  sure  that  we  are  arrived  at  the  end 
of  this  progression,  and  at  the  perfection  of 
spiritual  or  theological  knowledge;  and  we 
fear  that  if  we  should  once  print  our  confes 
sion  of  faith,  we  should  feel  ourselves  as  if 
bound  and  confined  by  it,  and  perhaps  be  un 
willing  to  receive  further  improvement ;  and 
qur  successors  still  more  so,  as  conceiving 
what  their  elders  and  founders  had  done,  to 
be  something  sacred,  never  to  be  departed 
from."    This  modesty  in  a  sect,  is  perhaps  a 
singular  instance  in  the  history  of  mankind, 
every  other  sect  supposing  itself  in  possession 
of  all  truth,  and  that  those  who  differ,  are  so 
far  in  the  wrong:  like  a  man  travelling  in 
foggy  weather ;  those  at  some  distance  before 
him  on  the  road  he  sees  wrapt  up  in  the  fog, 
as  well  as  those  behind  him,  and  also  the  peo 
ple  in  the  fields  on  each  side ;  but  near  him 
all  appear  clear ;  though  in  truth,  he'  is  as 
much  in  the  fog  as  any  of  them.     To  avoid 
this  kind  of  embarrassment,  the  Quakers  have 
of  late  years  been  gradually  declining  the  pub 
lic  service  in  the  assembly  and  in  the  magis 
tracy,  choosing  rather  to  quit  their  power  than 
their  principle. 

In  order  of  time,  I  should  have  mentioned 
before,  that  having,  in  1742,  invented  an  open 
stove  for  the  better  warming  of  rooms,  and  at 
the  same  time  saving  fuel,  as  the  fresh  air 
admitted  was  warmed  in  entering,  I  made  a 
present  of  the  model  to  Mr.  Robert  Grace, 
one  of  my  early  friends,  who  having  an  iron 
furnace,  found  the  casting  of  the  plates  for 
these  stoves  a  profitable  thing,  as  they  were 
growing  in  demand.  To  promote  that  de 
mand,  I  wrote  and  published  a  pamphlet,  en 
titled,  "An  Account  of  the  new-invented 
Pennsylvania  Fire  Places;  wherein  their 
construction  and  manner  of  operation  is  par 
ticularly  explained,  their  advantages  above 
eve.-y  method  of  warming  rooms  demon 
strated;  and  all  objections  that  have  been 
raised  against  the  use  of  them,  answered 
and  obviated,  <£c."  *  This  pamphlet  had  a 
good  effect ;  governor  Thomas  was  so  pleased 

*  See  Papers  on  Philosophical  Subjects. 


with  the  construction  of  this  stove  as  described 
in  it,  that  he  offered  to  give  me  a  patent  for 
the  sole  vending  of  them  for  a  term  of  ye&rs; 
but  I  declined  it,  from  a  principle  which  has 
ever  weighed  with  me  on  such  occasions,  viz : 
That  as  we  enjoy  great  advantages  from 
the  inventions  of  others,  we  should  be  glad 
of  an  opportunity  to  serve  others  by  any  in 
vention  of  ours ;  and  this  we  should  do  freely 
and  generously. 

An  ironmonger  in  London,  however,  as 
suming  a  good  deal  of  my  pamphlet,  and 
working  it  up  into  his  own,  an4  making  some 
small  changes  in  the  machine,  which  rather 
hurt  its  operation,  got  a  patent  for  it  there, 
and  made,  as  I  was  told,  a  little  fortune  by  it. 
And  this  is  not  the  only  instance  of  patents 
taken  out  of  my  inventions  by  others,  though 
not  always  with  the  same  success;  which  I 
never  contested,  as  having  no  desire  of  profit 
ing  by  patents  myself,  and  hating  disputes. 
The  use  of  these  fire  places  in  very  many 
houses,  both  here  in  Pennsylvania,  and  the 
neighbouring  states,  has  been,  and  is,  a  great 
saving  of  wood  to  the  inhabitants. 

Peace  being  concluded,  and  the  association 
business  therefore  at  an  end,  I  turned  my 
thoughts  again  to  the  affair  of  establishing  an 
academy.  The  first  step  I  took  was  to  asso 
ciate  in  the  design  a  number  of  active  friends, 
of  whom  the  Junto  furnished  a  good  part :  the 
next  was  to  write  and  publish  a  pamphlet, 
entitled,  "  Proposals  relating  to  the  Educa 
tion  of  Youth  in  Pennsylvania"  This  I 
distributed  among  the  principal  inhabitants 
gratis :  and  as  soon  as  I  could  suppose  their 
minds  a  little  prepared  by  the  perusal  of  it,  I 
set  on  foot  a  subscription  for  opening  and  sup 
porting  an  academy;  it  was  to  be  paid  in 
quotas  yearly  for  five  years;  by  so  dividing  it 
I  judged  the  subscription  might  be  larger; 
and  I  believe  it  was  so,  amounting  to  no 
less,  if  I  remember  right,  than  five  thousand 
pounds. 

In  the  introduction  to  these  proposals,  I 
stated  their  publication  not  as  an  act  of  mine, 
l)ut  of  some  public-spirited  gentlemen ;  avoid 
ing  as  much  as  I  could,  according  to  my  usual 
rule,  the  presenting  myself  to  the  public  as 
the  author  of  any  scheme  for  their  benefit. 

The  subscribers,  to  carry  the  project  into 
mmediate  execution,  chose  out  of  their  num- 
)er  twenty-four  trustees,  and  appointed  Mr. 
Francis,  then  attorney-general,  and  myself,  to 
draw  up  constitutions  for  the  government  of 
the  academy;  which  being  done  and  signed, 
a  house  was  hired,  masters  engaged,  and  the 
schools  opened;  I  think  in  the  same  year 
1749. 

The  scholars  increasing  fast,  the  house  was 
soon  found  too  small,  and  we  were  looking 
out  for  a  piece  of  ground,  properly  situated, 
with  intent  to  build,  when  accident  threw  in 
to  our  way  a  large  house  ready  built,  which, 


4B 


MEMOIRS  OF 


with  a  few  alterations,  might  well  serve  our 
purpose:  this  was  the  building  beforemen- 
tioned,  erected  by  the  hearers  of  Mr.  White- 
field,  and  was  obtained  for  us  in  the  following 
manner. 

It  is  to  be  noted,  that  the  contributions  to 
this  building  being  made  by  people  of  differ 
ent  sects,  care  was  taken  in  the  nomination 
of  trustees,  in  whom  the  building  and  ground 
were  to  be  vested,  that  a  predominancy  should 
not  be  given  to  any  sect,  lest  in  time  that  pre 
dominancy  might  be  a  means  of  appropriating 
the  whole  to  the  use  of  such  sect,  contrary  to 
the  original  intention ;  it  was  for  this  reason 
that  one  of  each  sect  was  appointed ;  viz.  one 
Church  of  England  man,  one  Presbyterian, 
one  Baptist,  one  Moravian,  &c.,  who,  in  case 
of  vacancy  by  death,  were  to  fill  it  by  elec 
tion  among  the  contributors.  The  Moravian 
happened  not  to  please  his  colleagues,  and  on 
his  death  they  resolved  to  have  no  other  of 
that  sect;  the  difficulty  then  was,  how  to 
avoid  having  two  of  some  other  sect,  by  means 
of  the  new  choice.  Several  persons  were 
named,  and  for  that  reason  not  agreed  to :  at 
length  one  mentioned  me,  with  the  observa 
tion,  that  I  was  merely  an  honest  man,  and 
of  TIO  sect  at  all,  which  prevailed  with  them 
to  choose  me.  The  enthusiasm  which  existed 
when  the  house  was  built,  had  long  since 
abated,  and  its  trustees  had  not  been  able  to 
procure  fresh  contributions  for  paying  the 
ground  rent,  and  discharging  some  other 
debts  the  building  had  occasioned,  which  em 
barrassed  them  greatly.  Being  now  a  mem 
ber  of  both  boards  of  trustees,  that  for  the 
building,  and  that  for  the  academy,  I  had  a 
good  opportunity  of  negociating  with  both, 
and  brought  them  finally  to  an  agreement,  by 
which  the  trustees  for  the  building  were  to 
cede  it  to  those  of  the  academy ;  the  latter 
undertaking  to  discharge  the  debt,  to  keep 
for  ever  open  in  the  building  a  large  hall  for 
occasional  preachers,  according  to  the  origi 
nal  intention,  and  maintain  a  free  school  for 
the  instruction  of  poor  children.  Writings 
were  accordingly  drawn ;  and  on  paying  the 
debts,  the  trustees  of  the  academy  were  put 
in  possession  of  the  premises ;  and  by  dividing 
the  great  and  lofty  hall  into  stories,  and  dif 
ferent  rooms  above  and  below  for  the  several 
schools,  and  purchasing  some  additional 
ground,  the  whole  was  soon  made  fit  for  our 
purpose,  and  the  scholars  removed  into  the 
building.  The  whole  care  and  trouble  of 
agreeing  with  the  workmen,  purchasing  ma 
terials,  and  superintending  the  work,  fell  upon 
me,  and  I  went  through  it  the  more  cheer 
fully,  as  it  did  not  then  interfere  with  my  pri 
vate  business ;  having  the  year  before  taken  a 
very  able,  industrious,  and  honest  partner,  Mr. 
David  Hall,  with  whose  character  I  was  well 
acquainted,  as  he  had  worked  for  me  four 
years ;  he  took  off  my  hands  all  care  of  the 


printing  office,  paying  me  punctually  my 
share  of  the  profits.  This  partnership  con 
tinued  eighteen  years,  successfully  for  us 
both. 

The  trustees  of  the  academy  after  a  while, 
were  incorporated  by  a  charter  from  the  go 
vernor  ;  tfceir  funds  were  increased  by  con 
tributions  in  Britain,  and  grants  of  land  from 
the  proprietaries,  to  which  the  assembly  has 
since  made  considerable  addition;  and  thus 
was  established  the  present  university  of 
Philadelphia.  I  have  been  continued  one  of 
its  trustees  from  the  beginning,  (now  near 
forty  years,)  and  have  had  the  very  great 
pleasure  of  seeing  a  number  of  the  youth  who 
have  received  their  education  in  it,  distin 
guished  by  their  improved  abilities,  service 
able  in  public  stations,  arid  ornaments  to  their 
country. 

When  I  was  disengaged  myself,  as  above- 
mentioned,  from  private  business,  I  flattered 
myself  that  by  the  sufficient,  though  moderate 
fortune  I  had  acquired,  I  had  found  leisure 
during  the  rest  of  my  life  for  philosophical 
studies  and  amusements.  I  purchased  all  Dr. 
Spence's  apparatus,  who  had  come  from  Eng 
land  to  lecture  in  Philadelphia,  and  I  pro 
ceeded  in  my  electrical  experiments  with 
great  alacrity ;  but  the  public  now  consider 
ing  me  as  a  man  of  leisure,  laid  hold  of  me 
for  their  purposes;  every  part  of  our  civil  go 
vernment,  and  almost  at  the  same  tune,  im 
posing  some  duty  upon  me.  The  governor 
put  me  into  the  commission  of  the  peace ;  the 
corporation  of  the  city  chose  me  one  of  the 
common  council,  and  soon  after  alderman; 
and  the  citizens  at  large  elected  me  a  burgess 
to  represent  them  in  assembly ;  this  latter  sta 
tion  was  the  more  agreeable  to  me,  as  I  grew 
at  length  tired  with  sitting  there  to  hear  the 
debates,  in  which  as  clerk  I  could  take  no 
part;  and  which  were  often  so  uninteresting, 
that  I  was  induced  to  amuse  myself  with 
making  magic  squares  or  circles,*  or  any 
thing  to  avoid  weariness ;  and  I  conceived  my 
becoming  a  member,  would  enlarge  my  power 
of  doing  good.  I  would  not,  however,  insinu 
ate  that  my  ambition  was  not  flattered  by  all 
these  promotions:  it  certainly  was;  for,  con 
sidering  my  low  beginning,  they  were  great 
things  to  me :  and  they  were  still  more  pleas 
ing,  as  being  so  many  spontaneous  testimo 
nies  of  the  public  good  opinion,  and  by  me 
entirely  unsolicited. 

The  office  of  justice  of  the  peace  I  tried  a 
little,  by  attending  a  few  courts,  and  sitting 
on  the  bench  to  hear  causes ;  but  finding  that 
more  knowledge  of  the  common  law  than  I 
possessed  was  necessary  to  act  in  that  station 
with  credit,  I  gradually  withdrew  from  it; 
excusing  myself  by  my  being  obliged  to  at 
tend  the  higher  duties  of  a  legislator  in  the 

*  See  several  of  these,  in  "  Papers  on  Subjects  of  Phi 
losophy,  d$-e." 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


49 


assembly.  My  election  to  this  trust  was  re 
peated  every  year  for  ten  years,  without  rny 
ever  asking  any  elector  for  his  vote,  or  signi 
fying  either  directly  or  indirectly  any  desire 
of  being  chosen.  On  taking  my  seat  in  the 
house,  my  son  was  appointed  their  clerk. 

The  year  following,  a  treaty  being  to  be 
held  with  the  Indians  at  Carlisle,  the  governor 
sent  a  message  to  the  house,  proposing  that 
they  should  nominate  some  of  their  members, 
to  be  joined  with  some  members  of  council,  as 
commissioners  for  that  purpose.  The  house 
named  the  speaker  (Mr.  Norris)  and  myself; 
and  being  commissioned,  we  went  to  Carlisle, 
and  met  the  Indians  accordingly.  As  those 
people  are  extremely  apt  to  get  drunk,  and 
when  so  are  very  quarrelsome  and  disorderly, 
we  strictly  forbade  the  selling  any  liquor  to 
them ;  and  when  they  complained  of  this  re 
striction,  we  told  them,  that  if  they  would  con 
tinue  sober  during  the  treaty,  we  would  give 
them  plenty  of  rum  when  the  business  was 
oven  They  promised  this,  and  they  kept  their 
promise,  because  they  could  get  no  rum ;  and 
the  treaty  was  conducted  very  orderly,  and 
concluded  to  mutual  satisfaction.  They  then 
claimed  and  received  the  rum;  this  was  in 
the  afternoon;  they  were  near  one  hundred 
men,  women,  and  children,  and  were  lodged 
in  temporary  cabins,  built  in  the  form  of  a 
square,  just  without  the  town.  In  the  even 
ing,  hearing  a  great  noise  among  them,  the 
commissioners  walked  to  see  what  was  the 
matter ;  we  found  they  had  made  a  great  bon 
fire  in  the  middle  of  the  square :  they  were 
all  drunk,  men  and  women,  quarreling  and 
fighting.  Their  dark-coloured  bodies,  half- 
naked,  seen  only  by  the  gloomy  light  of  the 
bonfire,  running  after  and  beating  one  another 
with  firebrands,  accompanied  by  their  horrid 
yellings,  formed  a  scene  the  most  resembling 
our  ideas  of  hell  that  could  well  be  imagined ; 
there  was  no  appeasing  the  tumult,  and  we 
retired  to  our  lodging.  At  midnight  a  num 
ber  of  them  came  thundering  at  our  door, 
demanding  more  rum,  of  which  we  took  no 
notice.  The  next  day,  sensible  they  had  mis 
behaved  in  giving  us  that  disturbance,  they 
sent  three  of  their  old  counsellors  to  make 
their  apology.  The  orator  acknowledged  the 
fault,  but  laid  it  upon  the  rum ;  and  then  en 
deavoured  to  excuse  the  rum,  by  saying, 
"  The  Great  Spirit,  who  made  all  things, 
made  every  thing  for  some  use,  and  whatever 
use  he  designed  any  thing  for,  that  use  it 
should  always  be  put  to:  now,  when  he  made 
rum,  he  said,  '  LET  THIS  BE  FOR  THE  INDIANS 
TO  GET  DRUNK  WITH  ;'  and  it  must  be  so." 
And,  indeed,  if  it  be  the  design  of  Providence 
to  extirpate  these  savages,  in  order  to  make 
room  for  the  cultivators  of  the  earth,  it  seems 
not  impossible  that  rum  may  be  the  appointed 
means.  It  has  already  annihilated  all  the 
tribes  who  formerly  inhabited  the  sea  coast. 
VOL.I....G  5 


In  1751,  Dr.  Thomas  Bond,  a  particular 
friend  of  mine,  conceived  the  idea  of  esta 
blishing  a  hospital  in  Philadelphia,  (a  vi  ry 
beneficent  design,  which  has  been  ascribed  to 
me,  but  was  originally  and  truly  his,)  for  the 
reception  and  cure  of  poor  sick  persons,  whe 
ther  inhabitants  of  the  province,  or  strangers. 
He  was  zealous  and  active  in  endeavouring 
to  procure  subscriptions  for  it ;  but  the  pro 
posal  being  a  novelty  in  America,  and  at  first 
not  well  understood,  he  met  but  with  little 
success.  At  length  he  came  to  me  with  the 
compliment,  that  he  found  there  was  no  such 
a  thing  as  carrying  a  public-spirited  project 
through  without  my  being  concerned  in  it. 
"  For,"  said  he,  "  I  am  often  asked  by  those 
to  whom  I  propose  subscribing,  Have  you 
consulted  Franklin  on  this  business  ?  And 
what  does  he  think  of  it?  And  when  I  tell 
them  that  I  have  not,  (supposing  it  rather  out 
of  your  line,)  they  do  not  subscribe,  but  say, 
they  will  consider  it."  I  inquired  into  the 
nature  and  probable  utility  of  the  scheme, 
and  receiving  from  him  a  very  satisfactory 
explanation,  1  not  only  subscribed  to  it  my 
self,  but  engaged  heartily  in  the  design  of 
procuring  subscriptions  from  others :  previous 
however  to  the  solicitation,  I  endeavoured  to 
prepare  the  minds  of  the  people,  by  writing 
on  the  subject  in  the  newspapers,  which  was 
my  usual  custom  in  such  cases,  but  which  Dr. 
Bond  had  omitted.  The  subscriptions  after 
wards  were  more  free  and  generous ;  but  be 
ginning  to  flag,  I  saw  they  would  be  insuffi 
cient,  without  some  assistance  from  the  assem 
bly,  and  therefore  proposed  to  petition  for  it ; 
which  was  done.  The  country  members  did 
not  at  first  relish  the  project :  they  objected 
that  it  could  only  be  serviceable  to  the  city, 
and  therefore  the  citizens  alone  should  be  at 
the  expense  of  it ;  and  they  doubted  whether 
the  citizens  themselves  generally  approved 
of  it.  My  allegation  on  the  contrary,  that  it 
met  with  such  approbation  as  to  leave  no 
doubt  of  our  being  able  to  raise  two  thousand 
pounds  by  voluntary  donations,  they  consider 
ed  as  a  most  extravagant  supposition,  and 
utterly  impossible.  On  this  I  formed  my  plan ; 
and  asking  leave  to  bring  in  a  bill  for  incor 
porating  the  contributors  according  to  the 
prayer  of  their  petition,  and  granting  them  a 
blank  sum  of  money ;  which  leave  was  ob 
tained  chiefly  on  the  consideration,  that  the 
house  could  throw  the  bill  out  if  they  did  not 
like  it,  I  drew  it  so  as  to  make  the  important 
clause  a  conditional  one,  viz:  "And  be  it 
enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid,  that  when 
the  said  contributors  shall  have  met  and 
chosen  their  managers  and  treasurer,  and 
shall  have  raised  by  their  contributions  a 
capital  stock  of  two  thousand  pounds  value, 
(the  yearly  interest  of  which  is  to  be  applied 
to  the  accommodation  of  the  sick  poor  in  the 
said  hospital,  and  of  charge  for  diet,  attend- 


MEMOIRS  OF 


ance,  advice,  and  medicines,)  and  shall  make 
the  same  appear  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
speaker  of  the  Assembly  for  the  time  being ; 
that  then  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  for  the 
said  speaker,  and  he  is  hereby  required  to  sign 
an  order  on  the  provincial  treasurer,  for  the 
payment  of  two  thousand  pounds  in  two  yearly 
payments,  to  the  treasurer  of  the  said  hos 
pital,  to  be  applied  to  the  founding,  building, 
and  finishing  of  the  same."  This  condition 
carried  the  bill  through;  for  the  members 
who  had  opposed  the  grant,  and  now  conceiv 
ed  they  might  have  the  credit  of  being  chari 
table  without  the  expense,  agreed  to  its  pass 
age;  and  then  in  soliciting  subscriptions 
among  the  people,  we  urged  the  conditional 
promise  of  the  law  as  an  additional  motive 
to  give,  since  every  man's  donation  would  be 
doubled :  thus  the  clause  worked  both  ways. 
The  subscriptions  accordingly  soon  exceeded 
the  requisite  sum,  and  we  claimed  and  re 
ceived  the  public  gift,  which  enabled  us  to 
carry  the  design  into  execution.  A  conve 
nient  and  handsome  building  was  soon  erect 
ed,  the  institution  has  by  constant  experience 
been  found  useful,  and  flourishes  to  this  day ; 
and  I  do  not  remember  any  of  my  political 
manoeuvres,  the  success  of  which  at  the  time 
gave  me  more  pleasure;  or,  wherein,  after 
thinking  of  it,  I  more  easily  excused  myself 
for  having  made  some  use  of  cunning. 

It  was  about  this  time,  that  another  pro 
jector,  the  Rev.  Gilbert  Tennent,  came  to  me 
with  a  request,  that  I  would  assist  him  in  pro 
curing  a  subscription  for  erecting  a  new 
rneeting-house.  It  was  to  be  for  the  use  of  a 
congregation  he  had  gathered  among  the 
Presbyterians,  who  were  originally  disciples 
of  Mr.  Whitefield.  Unwilling  to  make  my 
self  disagreeable  to  my  fellow  citizens,  by  too 
frequently  soliciting  their  contributions,  I  abso 
lutely  refused.  He  then  desired  I  would  fur 
nish  him  with  a  list  of  the  names  of  persons  I 
knew  by  experience  to  be  generous  and  pub 
lic  spirited.  I  thought  it  would  be  unbecom 
ing  in  me,  after  their  kind  compliance  with 
my  solicitation,  to  mark  them  out  to  be  wor 
ried  by  other  beggars,  and  therefore  refused 
to  give  such  a  list.  He  then  desired  I  would 
at  least  give  him  my  advice.  That  I  will  do, 
said  I ;  and,  in  the  first  place,  I  advise  you  to 
apply  to  all  those  who  you  know  will  give 
something ;  next,  to  those  who  you  are  uncer 
tain  whether  they  will  give  any  thing  or  not, 
and  show  them  the  list  of  those  who  have 
given ;  and,  lastly,  do  not  neglect  those  who 
you  are  sure  will  give  nothing,  for  in  some  of 
them  you  may  be  mistaken.  He  laughed  and 
thanked  me,  and  said  he  would  take  my  ad 
vice.  He  did  so,  for  he  asked  of  every  body, 
and  he  obtained  a  much  larger  sum  than  he 
expected,  with  which  he  erected  the  capa 
cious  and  elegant  meeting-house  that  stands 
in  Arch  street 


Our  city,  though  laid  out  with  a  beautiful 
regularity,  the  streets  large,  straight,  and 
crossing  each  other  at  right  angles,  had  the 
disgrace  of  suffering  those  streets  to  remain 
long  unpaved,  and  in  wet  weather  the  wheels 
of  heavy  carriages  ploughed  them  into  a  quag 
mire,  so  that  it  was  difficult  to  cross  them ; 
and  in  dry  weather  the  dust  was  offensive.  I 
had  lived  near  what  was  called  the  Jersey 
market,  and  saw  with  pain  the  inhabitants 
wading  in  mud,  while  purchasing  their  pro 
visions.  A  strip  of  ground  down  the  middle 
of  that  market  was  at  length  paved  with  brick, 
so  that  being  once  in  the  market  they  had 
firm  footing;  but  were  often  over  shoes  in 
dirt  to  get  there.  By  talking  and  writing  on 
the  subject,  I  was  at  length  instrumental  in 
getting  the  streets  paved  with  stone  between 
the  market  and  the  brick  foot  pavement  that 
was  on  the  side  next  the  houses.  This  for 
some  time  gave  an  easy  access  to  the  market 
dry-shod  ;  but  the  rest  of  the  street  not  being 
paved,  whenever  a  carriage  came  out  of  the 
mud  upon  this  pavement,  it  shook  off  and  left 
its  dirt  upon  it,  and  it  was  soon  covered  with 
mire,  which  was  not  removed,  the  city  as  yet 
having  no  scavengers.  After  some  inquiry  I 
found  a  poor  industrious  man  who  was  will 
ing  to  undertake  keeping  the  pavement  clean, 
by  sweeping  it  twice  a  week,  carry  ing  off  the 
dirt  from  before  all  the  neighbours'  doors,  for 
the  sum  of  sixpence  per  month,  to  be  paid  by 
each  house.  I  then  wrote  and  printed  a  pa 
per,  setting  forth  the  advantages  to  the  neigh 
bourhood  that  might  be  obtained  from  this 
small  expense ;  the  greater  ease  in  keeping 
our  houses  clean,  so  much  dirt  not  being 
brought  in  by  people's  feet ;  the  benefit  to  the 
shops  by  more  custom,  as  buyers  could  more 
easily  get  at  them;  and  by  not  having  in 
windy  weather  the  dust  blown  in  upon  their 
goods,  &c.  I  sent  one  of  these  papers  to  each 
house,  and  in  a  day  or  two  went  round  to  see 
who  would  subscribe  an  agreement  to  pay 
these  sixpences ;  it  was  unanimously  signed, 
and  for  a  time  well  executed.  All  the  in 
habitants  of  the  city  were  delighted  with  the 
cleanliness  of  the  pavement  that  surrounded 
the  market,  it  being  a  convenience  to  all,  and 
this  raised  a  general  desire  to  have  all  the 
streets  paved;  and  made  the  people  more 
willing  to  submit  to  a  tax  for  that  purpose. 
After  some  time  I  drew  a  bill  for  paving  the 
city,  and  brought  it  into  the  assembly.  It 
was  just  before  I  went  to  England,  in  1757, 
and  did  not  pass  till  I  was  gone,  and  then 
with  an  alteration  in  the  mode  of  assessment, 
which  I  thought  not  for  the  better ;  but  with 
an  additional  provision  for  lighting  as  well  as 
paving  the  streets,  which  was  a  great  im 
provement  It  was  by  a  private  person,  the 
late  Mr.  John  Clifton,  giving  a  sample  of  the 
utility  of  lamps,  by  placing  one  at  his  door, 
that  the  people  were  first  impressed  with  the 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


51 


idea  of  lighting  all  the  city.  The  honour  of 
this  public  benefit  has  also  been  ascribed  to 
me,  but  it  belongs  truly  to  that  gentleman.  I 
did  but  follow  nis  example,  and  have  only 
some  merit  to  claim  respecting  the  form  of 
our  lamps,  as  differing  from  the  globe  lamps 
we  were  at  first  supplied  with  from  Ixmdon. 
They  were  found  inconvenient  in  these  res 
pects  :  they  admitted  no  air  below ;  the  smoke 
therefore  did  not  readily  go  out  above,  but 
circulated  in  the  globe,  lodged  on  its  inside, 
and  soon  obstructed  the  light  they  were  in 
tended  to  afford ;  giving  besides  the  daily 
trouble  of  wiping  them  clean  :  and  an  acci 
dental  stroke  on  one  of  them  woitld  demolish 
if,  and  render  it  totally  useless.  I  therefore 
suggested  the  composing  them  of  four  flat 
panes,  with  a  long  funnel  above  to  draw  up 
the  smoke,  and  crevices  admitting  air  below 
to  facilitate  the  ascent  of  the  smoke ;  by  this 
means  they  were  kept  clean,  and  did  not  grow 
dark  in  a  few  hours,  as  the  London  lamps  do, 
but  continued  bright  till  morning ;  and  an 
accidental  stroke  would  generally  break  but 
a  single  pane  easily  repaired.  I  have  some 
times  wondered  that  the  Londoners  did  not, 
from  the  effect  holes  in  the  bottom  of  the 
globe-lamps  used  at  Vauxhall,  have  in  keep 
ing  them  clean,  learn  to  have  such  holes  in 
their  street  lamps.  But  these  holes  being 
made  for  another  purpose,  viz.  to  communi 
cate  flame  more  suddenly  to  the  wick  by  a 
little  flax  hanging  down  through  them,  the 
other  use  of  letting  in  air,  seems  not  to  have 
been  thought  of:  and  therefore,  after  the 
lamps  have  been  lit  a  few  hours,  the  streets 
of  London  are  very  poorly  illuminated. 

The  mention  of  these  improvements  puts 
me  in  mind  of  one  I  proposed,  when  in  Lon 
don,  to  Dr.  Fothergill,*  who  was  among  the 
best  men  I  have  known,  and  a  great  promo 
ter  of  useful  projects.  I  had  observed  that 
the  streets,  when  dry,  were  never  swept,  and 
the  light  dust  carried  away  ;  but  it  was  suffer 
ed  to  accumulate  till  wet  weather  reduced  it 
to  mud ;  and  then,  after  lying  some  days  so 
deep  on  the  pavement  that  there  was  no  cross 
ing  but  in  paths  kept  clean  by  poor  people 
with  brooms,  it  was  with  great  labour  raked 
together  and  thrown  up  into  carts  open  above, 
the  sides  of  which  suffered  some  of  the  slush 
at  every  jolt  on  the  pavement  to  shake  out 
and  fall ;  sometimes  to  the  annoyance  of  foot 
passengers.  The  reason  given  for  not  sweep 
ing  the  dusty  streets  was,  that  the  dust  would 
fly  into  the  windows  of  shops  and  houses.  An 
accidental  occurrence  had  instructed  me  how 
much  sweeping  might  be  done  in  a  little 
time ;  I  found  at  my  door  in  Craven  street, 
one  morning,  a  poor  woman  sweeping  my 
pavement  with  a  birch  broom ;  she  appeared 

*  Fothergill,  (John)  F.  R.  S.,  an  eminent  physician 
born  in  1712,  at  Carr  end,  in  Yorkshire  of  Quaker 
parents,  died  in  1780. 


very  pale  and  feeble,  as  just  come  out  of  a  fit 
of  sickness.  I  asked  who  employed  her  to 
sweep  there  ;  she  said,  "  Nobody ;  but  I  am 
poor  and  in  distress,  and  I  sweeps  before 
gcntlefblkses  doors,  and  hopes  they  will  give 
me  something."  I  bid  her  sweep  the  whole 
street  clean,  and  I  would  give  her  a  shilling  ; 
this  was  at  nine  o'clock ;  at  noon  she  came 
for  the  shilling.  From  the  slowness  I  saw  at 
first  in  her  working,  I  could  scarce  believe 
that  the  work  was  done  so  soon,  and  sent  my 
servant  to  examine  it,  who  reported  that  the 
whole  street  was  swept  perfectly  clean,  and 
all  the  dust  placed  in  the  gutter  which  was 
in  the  middle ;  and  the  next  rain  washed  it 
quite  away,  so  that  the  pavement  and  even 
the  kennel  were  perfectly  clean.  I  then 
judged  that  if  that  feeble  woman  could  sweep 
such  a  street  in  three  hours,  a  strong  active 
man  might  have  done  it  in  half  the  time. 
And  here  let  me  remark  the  convenience  of 
having  but  one  gutter  in  such  a  narrow  street 
running  down  its  middle,  instead  of  two,  one 
on  each  side  near  the  footway.  For  where 
all  the  rain  that  falls  on  a  street  runs  from 
the  sides  and  meets  in  the  middle,  it  forms 
there  a  current  strong  enough  to  wash  away 
all  the  mud  it  meets  with  :  but  when  divided 
into  two  channels,  it  is  often  too  weak  to 
cleanse  either,  and  only  makes  the  mud,  it 
finds  more  fluid,  so  that  the  wheels  of  carri 
ages,  and  feet  of  horses  throw  and  dash  it 
upon  the  foot  pavement,  (which  is  thereby 
rendered  foul  and  slippery,)  and  sometimes 
splash  it  upon  those  who  are  walking.  My 
proposal  communicated  to  the  doctor,  was  as 
follows : 

"For  the  more  effectually  cleaning  and 
keeping  clean  the  streets  of  London  and 
Westminster,  it  is  proposed,  that  the  several 
watchmen  be  contracted  with  to  have  the 
dust  swept  up  in  dry  seasons,  and  the  mud 
raked  up  at  other  times,  each  in  the  several 
streets  and  lanes  of  his  round :  that  they  be 
furnished  with  brooms  and  other  proper  in 
struments  for  these  purposes,  to  be  kept  at 
their  respective  stands,  ready  to  furnish  the 
poor  people  they  may  employ  in  the  service. 

"  That  in  the  dry  summer  months  the  dust 
be  all  sv/ept  up  into  heaps  at  proper  distances, 
before  the  shops  and  windows  of  houses  are 
usually  opened ;  when  scavengers  with  close 
covered  carts  shall  also  carry  it  all  away. 

"  That  the  mud,  when  raked  up,  be  not  left 
in  heaps  to  be  spread  abroad  again  by  the 
wheels  of  carriages  and  trampling  of  horses ; 
but  that  the  scavengers  be  provided  with  bo 
dies  of  carts,  not  placed  high  upon  wheels, 
but  low  upon  sliders,  with  lattice  bottoms, 
which  being  covered  with  straw,  will  retain 
the  mud  thrown  into  them,  and  permit  the 
water  to  drain  from  it ;  whereby  it  will  be 
come  much  lighter,  water  making  the  great 
est  part  of  the  weight.  These  bodies  of  carts 


MEMOIRS  OF 


to  be  placed  at  convenient  distances,  and  the 
mud  brought  to  them  in  wheelbarrows ;  they 
remaining1  where  placed  till  the  mud  is  drain 
ed,  and  then  horses  brought  to  draw  them 
away." 

I  have  since  had  doubts  of  the  practicability 
of  the  latter  part  of  this  proposal,  in  all  places, 
on  account  of  the  narrowness  of  some  streets, 
and  the  difficulty  of  placing  the  draining  sleds 
so  as  not  to  encumber  too  much  the  passage : 
but  I  am  still  of  opinion  that  the  former,  re 
quiring  the  dust  to  be  swept  up  and  carried 
away  before  the  shops  are  open,  is  very  prac 
ticable  in  the  summer,  when  the  days  are 
long ;  for  in  walking  through  the  Strand  and 
Fleet  street,  one  morning  at  seven  o'clock,  I 
observed  there  was  not  one  shop  open,  though 
it  was  daylight  and  the  sun  up  above  three 
hours:  the  inhabitants  of  London,  choosing 
voluntarily  to  live  much  by  candle-light,  and 
sleep  by  sun-shine ;  and  yet  often  complain, 
(a  little  absurdly)  of  the  duty  on  candles,  and 
the  high  price  of  tallow. 

Some  may  think  these  trifling  matters,  not 
worth  minding  or  relating;  but  when  they 
consider  that  though  dust  blown  into  the  eyes 
of  a  single  person,  or  into  a  single  shop  in  a 
windy  day,  is  but  of  small  importance,  yet  the 
great  number  of  the  instances  in  a  populous 
city,  and  its  frequent  repetition,  gives  it  weight 
and  consequence ;  perhaps  they  will  not  cen 
sure  very  severely  those  who  bestow  some 
attention  to  affairs  of  this  seemingly  low  na 
ture.  Human  felicity  is  produced,  not  so 
much  by  great  pieces  of  good  fortune  that 
seldom  happen,  as  by  little  advantages  that 
occur  every  day.  Thus,  if  you  teach  a  poor 
young  man  to  shave  himself,  and  keep  his 
razor  in  order,  you  may  contribute  more  to 
the  happiness  of  his  life  than  in  giving  him  a 
thousand  guineas.  This  sum  may  be  soon 
spent,  the  regret  only  remaining  of  having 
foolishly  consumed  it :  but  in  the  other  case, 
he  escapes  the  frequent  vexation  of  waiting 
for  barbers,  and  of  their  sometimes  duty  fin 
gers,  offensive  breaths,  and  dull  razors :  he 
shaves  when  most  convenient  to  him,  and 
enjoys  daily  the  pleasure  of  its  being  done 
with  a  good  instrument.  With  these  senti 
ments,  I  have  hazarded  the  few  preceding 
pages,  hoping  they  may  afford  hints  which 
some  time  or  other  may  be  useful  to  a  city  I 
love,  (having  lived  many  years  in  it  very 
happily,)  and  perhaps  to  some  of  our  towns  in 
America. 

Having  been  some  time  employed  by  the 
post-master-general  of  America  as  his  comp 
troller  in  regulating  the  several  offices,  and 
bringing  the  officers  to  account,  I  was,  upon 
his  death,  in  1753,  appointed  jointly  with  Mr. 
William  Hu to  succeed  him ;  by  a  com 
mission  from  the  post-master-general  in  Eng 
land.  The  American  office  had  hitherto  ne 
ver  paid  any  thing  to  that  of  Britain:  we  were 


to  have  £600  a-year  between  us,  if  we  could 
make  that  sum  out  of  the  profits  of  the  office. 
To  do  this,  a  variety  of  improvements  were 
necessary ;  some  of  these  were  inevitably  at 
first  expensive ;  so  that  in  the  first  four  years 
the  office  became  above  £900  in  debt  to  us. 
But  it  soon  after  began  to  repay  us ;  and  be 
fore  I  was  displaced  by  a  freak  of  the  minis 
ters,  (of  which  I  shall  speak  hereafter,)  we 
had  brought  it  to  yield  three  times  as  much 
clear  revenue  to  the  crown  as  the  post  office 
of  Ireland.  Since  that  imprudent  transac 
tion,  they  have  received  from  it — not  one 
farthing ! 

The  business  of  the  post  office  occasioned 
my  taking  a  journey  this  year  to  New  Eng 
land,  where  the  college  of  Cambridge,  of  their 
own  motion,  presented  me  with  the  degrea 
of  Master  of  Arts.  Yale  college  in  Connec 
ticut  had  before  made  me  a  similar  compli- 
ment.  Thus,  without  studying  in  any  college, 
I  came  to  partake  of  their  honours.  They 
were  conferred  in  consideration  of  my  im 
provements  and  discoveries  in  the  electric 
branch  of  Natural  Philosophy. 

In  1754,  war  with  France  being  again  ap 
prehended,  a  congress  of  commissioners  from 
the  different  colonies  was,  by  an  order  of  the 
lords  of  trade,  to  be  assembled  at  Albany; 
there  to  confer  with  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  na 
tions,  concerning  the  means  of  defending  both 
their  country  and  ours.  Governor  Hamilton 
having  received  this  order,  acquainted  the 
house  with  it,  requesting  they  would  furnish 
proper  presents  for  the  Indians,  to  be  given 
on  this  occasion;  and  naming  the  speaker 
(Mr.  Norris)  and  myself,  to  join  Mr.  John 
Perm  and  Mr.  Secretary  Peters,  as  commis 
sioners  to  act  for  Pennsylvania.  The  house 
approved  the  nomination,  and  provided  the 
goods  for  the  presents,  though  they  did  not 
much  like  treating  out  of  the  province ;  and 
we  met  the  other  commissioners  at  Albany, 
about  the  middle  of  June.  In  our  way  thither, 
[  projected  and  drew  up  a  plan  for  the  union 
of  all  the  colonies  under  one  government,  so 
far  as  might  be  necessary  for  defence,  and 
other  important  general  purposes.  As  we 
Dassed  through  New  York,  I  had  there  shown 
ny  project  to  Mr.  James  Alexander  and  Mr. 
Kennedy,  two  gentlemen  of  great  knowledge 
'n  public  affairs,  and  being  fortified  by  their 
approbation,  I  ventured  to  lay  it  before  the 
congress.  It  then  appeared,  that  several  of 
the  commissioners  had  formed  plans  of  the 
same  kind.  A  previous  question  was  first 
taken,  whether  an  union  should  be  established, 
which  passed  in  the  affirmative,  unanimously. 
A  committee  was  then  appointed,  one  mem 
ber  from  each  colony,  to  consider  the  several 
plans,  and  report.  Mine  happened  to  be  pre 
ferred,  and  with  a  few  amendments  was  ac 
cordingly  reported.  By  this  plan  the  general 
government  was  to  be  administered  by  a  pre- 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


53 


sident  general,  appointed  and  supported  by 
the  crown ;  and  a  grand  council,  to  be  chosen 
by  the  representatives  of  the  people  of  the 
several  colonies,  met  in  their  respective  as 
semblies.  The  debates  upon  it  in  congress, 
went  on  daily  hand  in  hand  with  the  Indian 
business.  Many  objections  and  difficulties 
were  started,  but  at  length  they  were  all 
overcome,  and  the  plan  was  unanimously 
agreed  to,  and  copies  ordered  to  be  transmit 
ted  to  the  board  of  trade  and  to  the  assemblies 
of  the  several  provinces.  Its  fate  was  singu 
lar  :  the  assemblies  did  not  adopt  it,  as  they 
all  thought  there  was  too  much  prerogative 
.  in  it ;  and  in  England,  it  was  judged  to  have 
too  much  of  the  democratic ;  the  board  of  trade 
did  not  approve  of  it ;  nor  recommend  it  for 
the  approbation  of  his  majesty :  but  another 
scheme  was  formed,  supposed  to  answer  the 
same  purpose  better,  whereby  the  governors 
of  the  provinces,  with  some  members  of  their 
respective  councils,  were  to  meet  and  order 
the  raising  of  troops,  building  of  forts,  &c. 
and  to  draw  on  the  treasury  of  Great  Britain 
for  the  expense,  which  was  afterwards  to  be 
refunded  by  an  act  of  parliament  laying  a  tax 
on  America.  My  plan,  with  my  reasons  in 
support  of  it,  is  to  be  found  among  my  politi 
cal  papers  that  were  printed.  Being  the 
winter  following  in  Boston,  I  had  much  con 
versation  with  governor  Shirley  upon  both 
the  plans.  Part  of  what  passed  between  us 
on  this  occasion,  may  also  be  seen  among 
those  papers.  The  different  and  contrary 
reasons  of  dislike  to  my  plan,  makes  me  sus 
pect,  that  it  was  really  the  true  medium,  and 
I  am  still  of  opinion  it  would  have  been  hap 
py  for  both  sides,  if  it  had  been  adopted.  The 
colonies  so  united  would  have  been  sufficiently 
strong  to  have  defended  themselves:  there 
would  then  have  been  no  need  of  troops  from 
England,  of  course  the  subsequent  pretext  for 
taxing  America;  and  the  bloody  contest  it 
occasioned,  would  have  been  avoided :  but 
such  mistakes  are  not  new :  history  is  full  of 
the  errors  of  states  and  princes. 

"  Look  round  the  habitable  world,  how  few 
Know  their  own  good,  or  knowing  it  pursue !" 

Those  who  govern,  having  much  business 
on  their  hands,  do  not  generally  like  to  take 
the  trouble  of  considering  and  carrying  into 
execution  new  projects.  The  best  public 
measures  are  therefore  seldom  adopted  from 
previous  wisdom,  but  forced  by  the  occasion. 

The  governor  of  Pennsylvania,  in  sending 
it  down  to  the  assembly,  expressed  his  appro 
bation  of  the  plan  "  as  appearing  to  him  to  be 
drawn  up  with  great  clearness  and  strength 
of  judgment,  and  therefore  recommended  it 
as  well  worthy  their  closest  and  most  serious 
attention."  The  house,  however,  by  the 
management  of  a  certain  member,  took  it  up 
when  I  happened  to  be  absent,  (which  I 
5* 


thought  not  very  fair,)  and  reprobated  it  with 
out  paying  any  attention  to  it  at  all,  to  my  no 
small  mortification. 

In  my  journey  to  Boston  this  year,  I  met  at. 
New  York  with  our  new  governor,  Mr.  Mor 
ris,  just  arrived  there  from  England,  with 
whom  I  had  been  before  intimately  acquaint 
ed.  He  brought  a  commission  to  supercede 
Mr.  Hamilton,  who,  tired  with  the  disputes 
his  proprietary  instructions  subjected  him 
to,  had  resigned.  Mr.  Morris  asked  me  if  I 
thought  he  must  expect  as  uncomfortable  an 
administration.  I  said,  "  No,  you  may  on  the 
contrary  have  a  very  comfortable  one,  if  you 
will  only  take  care  not  to  enter  into  any  dis 
pute  with  the  assembly."  "  My  dear  friend," 
said  he,  pleasantly,  "  how  can  you  advise  my 
avoiding  disputes  7  You  know  I  love  dis 
puting,  it  is  one  of  my  greatest  pleasures; 
however,  to  show  the  regard  I  have  for  your 
counsel,  I  promise  you  I  will,  if  possible, 
avoid  them."  He  had  some  reason  for  loving 
to  dispute,  being  eloquent,  an  acute  sophister, 
and  therefore  generally  successful  in  argu 
mentative  conversation.  He  had  been  brought 
up  to  it  from  a  boy,  his  father,  as  I  have 
heard,  accustoming  his  children  to  dispute 
with  one  another  for  his  diversion,  while  sit 
ting  at  table  after  dinner;  but  I  think  the 
practice  was  not  wise ;  for,  in  the  course  of 
my  observation,  those  disputing,  contradict 
ing,  and  confuting  people,  are  generally  un 
fortunate  in  their  affairs.  They  get  victory 
sometimes,  but  they  never  get  good  will, 
which  would  be  of  more  use  to  them.  We 
parted,  he  going  to  Philadelphia,  and  I  to 
Boston.  In  returning,  I  met  at  New  York 
v/ith  the  votes  of  the  assembly  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  by  which  it  appeared,  that  notwith 
standing  his  promise  to  me,  he  and  the  house 
were  already  in  high  contention ;  and  it  was  a 
continual  battle  between  them,  as  long  as  he 
retained  the  government.  I  had  my  share  of 
it,  for  as  soon  as  I  got  back  to  my  seat  in  the 
assembly,  I  was  put  on  every  committee  for 
answering  his  speeches  and  messages,  and  by 
the  committees  always  desired  to  make  the 
draughts.  Our  answers,  as  well  as  his  mes 
sages,  were  often  tart,  and  sometimes  inde 
cently  abusive ;  and  as  he  knew  I  wrote  for 
the  assembly,  one  might  have  imagined  that 
when  we  met  we  could  hardly  avoid  cutting 
throats.  But  he  was  so  good-natured  a  man, 
that  no  personal  difference  between  him  and 
me  was  occasioned  by  the  contest,  and  we 
often  dined  together.  One  afternoon,  in  the 
height  of  this  public  quarrel,  we  met  in  the 
street;  "Franklin,"  said  he,  "you  must  go 
home  with  me  and  spend  the  evening,  I  am 
to  have  some  company  that  you  will  like ;" 
and  taking  me  by  the  arm,  led  me  to  his 
house.  In  gay  conversation  over  our  wine, 
after  supper,  he  told  us  jokingly  that  he 
much  admired  the  idea  of  Sancho  Panza, 


54 


MEMOIRS  OF 


who,  when  it  was  proposed  to  give  him  a 
government,  requested  it  might  be  a  go 
vernment  of  blacks ;  as  then,  if  he  could  not 
agree  with  his  people,  he  might  sell  them. 
One  of  his  friends,  who  sat  next  me,  said, 
"  Franklin,  why  do  you  continue  to  side  with 
those  damned  Quakers  1  had  you  not  better 
sell  them )  the  proprietor  would  give  you  a 
good  price."  "  The  governor,"  said  I,  "  has 
not  yet  blacked  them  enough." — He,  indeed, 
had  laboured  hard  to  blacken  the  assembly  in 
all  his  messages,  but  they  wiped  off  his  colour 
ing  as  fast  as  he  laid  it  on,  and  placed  it  in  re 
turn  thick  upon  his  own  face ;  so,  that  finding 
lie  was  likely  to  be  negrqfied  himself,  he,  as 
well  as  Mr.  Hamilton,  grew  tired  of  the  con 
test,  and  quitted  the  government. 

These  public  quarrels  were  all  at  bottom, 
owing  to  the  proprietaries,  our  hereditary 
governors ;  who,  when  any  expense  was  to  be 
incurred  for  the  defence  of  their  province, 
with  incredible  meanness,  instructed  their 
deputies  to  pass  no  act  for  levying  the  neces 
sary  taxes,  unless  their  vast  estates  were  in 
the  same  act  expressly  exonerated  ;  and  they 
had  even  taken  the  Donds  of  these  deputies 
to  observe  such  instructions.  The  assemblies 
for  three  years  held  out  against  this  injustice, 
though  constrained  to  bend  at  last.  At  length 
captain  Denny,  who  was  governor  Morris's 
successor,  ventured  to  disobey  those  instruc 
tions;  how  that  was  brought  about,  I  shall 
show  hereafter. 

But  I  am  got  forward  too  fast  with  my 
story :  there  are  still  some  transactions  to  be 
mentioned,  that  happened  during  the  admi 
nistration  of  governor  Morris. 

War  being  in  a  manner  commenced  with 
France,  the  government  of  Massachusetts 
Bay  projected  an  attack  upon  Crown  Point, 
and  sent  Mr.  Quincy  to  Pennsylvania,  and 
Mr.  Pownal,  (afterwards  governor  Pownal,) 
to  New  York  to  solicit  assistance.  As  I  was 
in  the  assembly,  knew  its  temper,  and  was 
Mr.  Quincy's  countryman,  he  applied  to  me 
for  my  influence  and  assistance:  I  dictated 
his  address  to  them,  which  was  well  received. 
They  voted  an  aid  often  thousand  pounds,  to 
be  laid  out  in  provisions.  But  the  governor 
refusing  his  assent  to  their  bill,  (which  in 
cluded  this  with  other  sums  granted  for  the 
use  of  the  crown,)  unless  a  clause  were  in 
serted,  exempting  the  proprietary  estate  from 
bearing  any  part  of  the  tax  that  would  be 
necessary;  the  assembly,  though  very  desi 
rous  of  making  their  grant  to  New  England 
effectual,  were  at  a  loss  how  to  accomplish 
it.  Mr.  Quincy  laboured  hard  with  the  go 
vernor  to  obtain  his  assent,  but  he  was  obsti 
nate.  I  then  suggested  a  method  of  doing 
the  business  without  the  governor,  by  orders 
on  the  trustees  of  the  loan  office,  which  by 
law  the  assembly  had  the  right  of  drawing. 
There  was,  indeed,  little  or  no  money  at  the 


time  in  the  office,  and  therefore  I  proposed 
that  the  orders  should  be  payable  in  a  year, 
and  to  bear  an  interest  of  five  per  cent. :  with 
these  orders  I  supposed  the  provisions  might 
easily  be  purchased.  The  assembly,  with 
very  little  hesitation,  adopted  the  proposal; 
the  orders  were  immediately  printed,  and  I 
was  one  of  the  committee  directed  to  sign  and 
dispose  of  them.  The  fund  for  paying  them, 
was  the  interest  of  all  the  paper  currency 
then  extant  in  the  province  upon  loan,  to 
gether  with  the  revenue  arising  from  the  ex 
cise,  which  being  known  to  be  more  than 
sufficient,  they  obtained  credit,  and  were  not 
only  taken  in  payment  for  the  provisions ;  but 
many  monied  people  who  had  cash  lying  by 
them,  vested  it  in  those  orders,  which  they 
found  advantageous,  as  they  bore  interest 
while  upon  hand,  and  might  on  any  occasion 
be  used  as  money ;  so  that  they  were  eagerly 
all  bought  up,  and  in  a  few  weeks  none  of 
them  were  to  be  seen.  Thus  this  important 
affair  was  by  my  means  completed.  Mr. 
Quincy  returned  thanks  to  the  assembly  in 
a  handsome  memorial,  went  home  highly 
pleased  with  the  success  of  his  embassy,  and 
ever  after  bore  for  me  the  most  cordial  and 
affectionate  friendship. 

The  British  government,  not  choosing  to 
permit  the  union  of  the  colonies,  as  proposed 
at  Albany,  arid  to  trust  that  union  with  their 
defence,  lest  they  should  thereby  grow  too 
military,  and  feel  their  own  strength,  (sus 
picion  and  jealousies  at  this  time  being  en 
tertained  of  them,)  sent  over  general  Brad- 
dock  with  two  regiments  of  regular  English 
troops  for  that  purpose.  He  landed  at  Alex 
andria,  in  Virginia,  and  thence  marched  to 
Frederick-town,  in  Maryland,  where  he  halt 
ed  for  carriages.  Our  assembly,  apprehend 
ing  from  some  information,  that  he  had  re 
ceived  violent  prejudices  against  them  as 
averse  to  the  service,  wished  me  to  wait 
upon  him,  not  as  from  them,  but  as  post-mas 
ter-general,  under  the  guise  of  proposing  to 
settle  with  him  the  mode  of  conducting  with 
most  celerity  and  certainty,  the  dispatches 
between  him  and  the  governors  of  the  several 
provinces,  with  whom  he  must  necessarily 
have  continual  correspondence ;  and  of  which 
they  proposed  to  pay  the  expense.  My  son 
accompanied  me  on  this  journey.  We  found 
the  general  at  Frederick-town,  waiting  im 
patiently  for  the  return  of  those  whom  we 
had  sent  through  the  back  parts  of  Maryland 
and  Virginia  to  collect  wagons.  I  staid  with 
him  several  days,  dined  with  him  daily,  and 
had  full  opportunities  of  removing  his  preju 
dices,  by  the  information  of  what  the  assem 
bly  had  before  his  arrival  actually  done,  and 
were  still  willing  to  do,  to  facilitate  his  opera 
tions.  When  I  was  about  to  depart,  the  re 
turns  of  wagons  to  be  obtained  were  brought 
in,  by  which  it  appeared,  that  they  amounted 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


only  to  twenty-five,  and  not  all  of  those  were 
in  serviceable  condition.  The  general  and 
all  the  officers  were  surprised,  declared  the 
expedition  was  then  at  an  end,  being  impos 
sible  ;  and  exclaimed  against  the  ministers  for 
ignorantly  sending  them  into  a  country  desti 
tute  of  the  means  of  conveying  their  stores, 
baggage,  &c.  not  less  than  one  hundred  and 
fifty  wagons  being  necessary.  I  happened  to 
say,  I  thought  it  was  a  pity  they  had  not  been 
landed  in  Pennsylvania,  as  in  that  country 
almost  every  farmer  had  his  wagon.  The 
general  eagerly  laid  hold  of  my  words,  and 
said,  "  Then  you,  sir,  who  are  a  man  of  in 
terest  there,  can  probably  procure  them  for 
us ;  and  I  beg  you  will  undertake  it."  I  ask 
ed  what  terms  were  to  be  offered  the  owners 
of  the  wagons ;  and  I  was  desired  to  put  on 
paper  the  terms  that  appeared  to  me  neces 
sary.  This  I  did,  and  they  were  agreed  to ; 
and  a  commission  and  instructions  accordingly 
prepared  immediately.  What  those  terms 
were,  will  appear  in  the  advertisement  I  pub 
lished  soon  as  I  arrived  at  Lancaster;  which 
being,  from  the  great  and  sudden  effect  it 
produced,  a  piece  of  some  curiosity,  I  shall 
insert  it  at  length,  as  follows: — 

"ADVERTISEMENT. 

"  Lancaster,  April  26th,  1753. 

"  Whereas,  one  hundred  and  fifty  wagons, 
with  four  horses  to  each  wagon,  and  fifteen 
hundred  saddle  or  pack-horses  are  wanted  for 
the  service  of  his  majesty's  forces,  now  about 
to  rendezvous  at  Wills's  creek ;  and  his  ex 
cellency,  general  Braddock,  having  been 
pleased  to  empower  me  to  contract  for  the 
hire  of  the  same ;  I  hereby  give  notice,  that  I 
shall  attend  for  that  purpose  at  Lancaster 
from  this  day  to  next  Wednesday  evening ; 
and  at  York  from  next  Thursday  morning, 
till  Friday  evening ;  where  I  shall  be  ready 
to  agree  for  wagons  and  teams,  or  single 
horses,  on  the  following  terms,  viz : — 1.  That 
there  shall  be  paid  for  each  wagon  with  four 
good  horse?  and  a  driver,  fifteen  shillings  per 
diem.  And  for  each  able  horse  with  a  pack- 
saddle,  or  other  saddle  and  furniture,  two 
shillings  per  diem.  And  for  each  able  horse 
without  a  saddle,  eighteen  pence  per  diem. 
2.  That  the  pay  commence  from  the  time  of 
their  joining  the  forces  at  Wills's  creek, 
(which  must  be  on  or  before  the  20th  of  May 
ensuing,)  and  that  a  reasonable  allowance  be 
paid  over  and  above  for  the  time  necessary 
for  their  travelling  to  Wills's  creek  and  home 
again  after  their  discharge.  3.  Each  wagon 
and  team,  and  every  saddle  or  pack-horse,  is 
to  be  valued  by  indifferent  persons,  chosen 
between  me  and  the  owner ;  and  in  case  of 
the  loss  of  any  wagon,  team,  or  other  horse 
in  the  service,  the  price  according  to  such 
valuation  is  to  be  allowed  and  paid.  4.  Seven 


days'  pay  is  to  be  advanced  and  paid  in  hand 
by  me  to  the  owner  of  each  wagon  and  team, 
or  horse,  at  the  time  of  contracting,  if  re 
quired;  and  the  remainder  to  be  paid  by 
general  Braddock,  or  by  the  paymaster  of  the 
army,  at  the  time  of  their  discharge ;  or  from 
time  to  time  as  it  shall  be  demanded.  5.  No 
drivers  of  wagons,  or  persons  taking  care  of 
the  hired  horses,  are,  on  any  account,  to  be 
called  upon  to  do  the  duty  of  soldiers,  or  be 
otherwise  employed  than  in  conducting  or 
taking  care  of  their  carriages  or  horses.  6. 
All  oats,  Indian  corn,  or  other  forage,  that 
wagons  or  horses  bring  to  the  camp,  more 
than  is  necessary  for  the  subsistence  of  the 
horses,  is  to  be  taken  for  the  use  of  the  army, 
and  a  reasonable  price  paid  for  the  same. 

"  Note. — My  son,  William  Franklin,  is  em 
powered  to  enter  into  like  contracts,  with  any 
person  in  Cumberland  county. 

«  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  the  inhabitants  of  the  counties  of  Lan 
caster,  York,  and  Cumberland. 

"FRIENDS  AND  COUNTRYMEN, — Being  oc 
casionally  at  the  camp  at  Frederick,  a  few 
days  since,  I  found  the  general  and  officers 
extremely  exasperated  on  account  of  their  not 
being  supplied  with  horses  and  carriages, 
which  had  been  expected  from  this  province, 
as  most  able  to  furnish  them ;  but  through  the 
dissensions  between  our  governor  and  assem 
bly,  money  had  not  been  provided,  nor  any 
steps  taken  for  that  purpose. 

"  It  was  proposed  to  send  an  armed  force 
immediately  into  these  counties,  to  seize  as 
many  of  the  best  carriages  and  horses  as 
should  be  wanted,  and  compel  as  many  per 
sons  into  the  service,  as  would  be  necessary 
to  drive  and  take  care  of  them. 

"  I  apprehend,  that  the  progress  of  British 
soldiers  through  these  counties  on  such  an 
occasion,  (especially  considering  the  temper 
they  are  in,  and  their  resentment  against  us,) 
would  be  attended  with  many  and  great  in 
conveniences  to  the  inhabitants,  and  therefore 
more  willingly  took  the  trouble  of  trying  first 
what  might  be  done  by  fair  and  equitable 
means.  The  people  of  these  back  counties 
have  lately  complained  to  the  assembly  that  a 
sufficient  currency  was  wanting ;  you  have  an 
opportunity  of  receiving  and  dividing  among 
you  a  very  considerable  sum ;  for  if  the  ser 
vice  of  this  expedition  should  continue  (as  it 
is  more  than  probable  it  will)  for  120  days, 
the  hire  of  these  wagons  and  horses  will 
amount  to  upwards  of  thirty  thousand  pounds; 
which  will  be  paid  you  in  silver  and  gold  of 
the  king's  money. 

"  The  service  will  be  light  and  easy,  for 
the  army  will  scarce  march  above  twelve 


56 


MEMOIRS  OF 


miles  per  day,  and  the  wagons  and  baggage- 
horses,  as  they  carry  those  things  that  are 
absolutely  necessary  to  the  welfare  of  the 
army,  must  march  with  the  army,  and  no 
faster ;  and  are,  for  the  army's  sake,  always 
placed  where  they  can  be  most  secure,  whe 
ther  in  a  march  or  in  a  camp. 

"  If  you  are  really,  as  I  believe  you  are, 
good  and  loyal  subjects  to  his  majesty,  you 
may  now  do  a  most  acceptable  service,  and 
make  it  easy  to  yourselves ;  for  three  or  four 
of  such  as  cannot  separately  spare  from  the 
business  of  their  plantations,  a  wagon  and 
four  horses  and  a  driver,  may  do  it  together ; 
one  furnishing  the  wagon,  another  one  or  two 
horses,  and  another  the  driver,  and  divide  the 
pay  proportionably  between  you :  but  if  you 
do  not  this  service  to  your  king  and  country 
voluntarily,  when  such  good  pay  and  reason 
able  terms  are  offered  to  you,  your  loyalty 
will  be  strongly  suspected :  the  king's  business 
must  be  done :  so  many  brave  troops,  come  so 
far  for  your  defence,  must  not  stand  idle 
through  your  backwardness  to  do  what  may 
be  reasonably  expected  from  you:  wagons 
and  horses  must  be  had,  violent  measures  will 
probably  be  used ;  and  you  will  be  to  seek  for 
recompence  where  you  can  find  it,  and  your 
case  perhaps  be  little  pitied  or  regarded. 

"  I  have  no  particular  interest  in  this  affair, 
as  (except  the  satisfaction  of  endeavouring  to 
do  good)  I  shall  have  only  my  labour  for  my 
pains.  If  this  method  of  obtaining  the  wagons 
and  horses  is  not  likely  to  succeed,  I  am 
obliged  to  send  word  to  the  general  in  four 
teen  days ;  and  I  suppose,  sir  John  St.  Clair, 
the  hussar,  with  a  body  of  soldiers  will  imme 
diately  enter  the  province  for  the  purpose; 
which  I  shall  be  sorry  to  hear,  because  I  am 
very  sincerely  and  truly,  your  friend  and 
well-wisher,  B.  FRANKLIN." 

I  received  of  the  general  about  eight  hun 
dred  pounds,  to  be  disbursed  in  advance  mo 
ney  to  the  wagon  owners,  &c. ;  but  that  sum 
being  insufficient,  I  advanced  upwards  of  two 
hundred  pounds  more ;  and  in  two  weeks,  the 
one  hundred  and  fifty  wagons,  with  two  hun 
dred  and  fifty-nine  carrying  horses,  were  on 
their  march  for  the  camp.  The  advertisement 
promised  payment  according  to  the  valuation, 
in  case  any  wagons  or  horses  should  be  lost. 
The  owners,  however,  alleging  they  did  not 
know  general  Braddock,  or  what  dependence 
might  be  had  on  his  promise,  insisted  on  my 
bond  for  the  performance;  which  I  accord 
ingly  gave  them. 

While  I  was  at  the  camp,  supping  one 
evening  with  the  officers  of  colonel  Dun- 
bar's  regiment,  he  represented  to  me  his 
concern  for  the  subalterns,  who,  he  said, 
were  generally  not  in  affluence,  and  could  ill 
afford  in  this  dear  country,  to  lay  in  the  stores 
that  might  be  necessary  in  so  long  a  march 


through  a  wilderness,  where  nothing  was  to 
be  purchased.  I  commiserated  their  case, 
and  resolved  to  endeavour  procuring  them 
some  relief.  I  said  nothing  however  to  him 
of  my  intention,  but  wrote  the  next  morning 
to  the  committee  of  assembly,  who  had  the 
disposition  of  some  public  money,  warmly  re 
commending  the  case  of  these  officers  to  their 
consideration,  and  proposing  that  a  present 
should  be  sent  them  of  necessaries  and  re 
freshments.  My  son,  who  had  some  experi 
ence  of  a  camp  life,  and  of  its  wants,  drew 
up  a  list  for  me,  which  I  inclosed  in  my  let 
ter.  The  committee  approved,  and  used  such 
diligence,  that,  conducted  by  my  son,  the 
stores  arrived  at  the  camp  as  soon  as  the 
wagons.  They  consisted  of  twenty  parcels, 
each  containing — 

61b.  Loaf  Sugar 

6  do.  Muscovado  do. 

1  do.  Green  Tea 

1  do.  Bohea  do. 

6  do.  Ground  Coffee 

6  do.  Chocolate 

5  chest  best  white  Biscuit 
Ib.  Pepper 
quart  white  Vinegar 
1  Gloucester  Cheese 

1  keg  containing  20  Ib.  good  Butter 

2  doz.  old  Madeira  Wine 
2  gallons  Jamaica  Spirits 

1  bottle  Flour  of  Mustard 

2  well-cured  Hams 

A  dozen  dried  Tongues 

6  Ib.  Rice 

6  Ib.  Raisins. 

These  parcels,  well  packed,  were  placed 
on  as  many  horses,  each  parcel,  with  the 
horse,  being  intended  as  a  present  for  one 
officer.  They  were  very  thankfully  received, 
and  the  kindness  acknowledged  by  letters  to 
me  from  the  colonels  of  both  regiments,  in 
the  most  grateful  terms.  The  general  too 
was  highly  satisfied  with  my  conduct  in  pro 
curing  him  the  wagons,  &c.  &c.,  and  readily 
paid  my  account  of  disbursements ;  thanking 
me  repeatedly,  and  requesting  my  further 
assistance  in  sending  provisions  after  him.  I 
undertook  this  also,  and  was  busily  employed 
in  it  till  we  heard  of  his  defeat ;  advancing 
for  the  service,  of  my  own  money,  upwards 
of  one  thousand  pounds  sterling;  of  which  I 
sent  him  an  account.  It  came  to  his  hands, 
luckily  forme,  a  few  days  before  the  battle,  and 
he  returned  me  immediately  an  order  on  the 
paymaster  for  the  round  sum  of  one  thou 
sand  pounds,  leaving  the  remainder  to  the 
next  account  I  consider  this  payment  as 
good  luck ;  having  never  been  able  to  obtain 
that  remainder ;  of  which  more  hereafter. 

This  general  was,  I  think,  a  brave  man,  and 
might  probably  have  made  a  figure  as  a  good 
officer  in  some  European  war ;  but  he  had  too 
much  self-confidence,  too  high  an  opinion  of 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


57 


the  validity  of  regular  troops,  and  too  mean 
an    one    of  both    Americans  and  Indians 
George  Croghan,  our  Indian  interpreter,  join 
ed  him  on  his  march  with  one  hundred  of 
those  people,  who  might  have  been  of  grea 
use  to  his  army  as  guides,  scouts,  &c.,  if  he 
had  treated  them  kindly:  but  he  slighted  anc 
neglected  them,  and  they  gradually  left  him. 
In  conversation  with  him  one  day,  he  was 
giving  me  some  account  of  his  intended  pro 
gress.     "After  taking  fort  Duquesne,"  saic 
he,  "  I  am  to  proceed  to  Niagara ;  and  havino 
taken  that,  to  Frontenac,  if  the  season  wiS 
allow  time,  and  I  suppose  it  will ;  for  Du 
quesne  can  hardly  detain  me  above  three  or 
four  days ;  and  Jhen  I  see  nothing  that  can 
obstruct  my  march  to  Niagara."     Having  be 
fore  revolved  in  my  mind  the  long  line  his 
army  must  make  in  their  marcli  by  a  very 
narrow  road,  to  be  cut  for  them  through  the 
woods  and  bushes ;  and  also  what  I  had  read 
of  a  former  defeat  of  fifteen  hundred  French, 
who  invaded  the  Illinois  country,  I  had  con 
ceived  some  doubts  and  some  fears  for  the 
event  of  the  campaign.     But  I  ventured  only 
to  say,  "  to  be  sure,  sir,  if  you  arrive  well  be 
fore  Duquesne,  with  the  fine  troops,  so  well 
provided  with  artillery,  the  fort,  though  com 
pletely  fortified,  and  assisted  with  a  very 
strong  garrison,  can  probably  make  but  a  short 
resistance.     The  only  danger  I  apprehend  of 
obstruction  to  your  march,  is  from  the  am 
buscades  of  the  Indians,  who  by  constant 
practice,  are  dextrous  in  laying  and  execut 
ing  them  :  and  the  slender  line,  near  four 
miles  long,  which  your  army  must  make,  may 
expose  it  to  be  attacked  by  surprise  in  its 
flanks,  and  to  be  cut  like  a  thread  into  several 
pieces,  which  from  their  distance  cannot  come 
up  in  time  to  support  each  other."     He  smiled 
at  my  ignorance,  and   replied,   "  These  sa 
vages  may  indeed  be  a  formidable  enemy  to 
your  raw  American  militia;  but  upon  the 
king's  regular  and  disciplined  troops,  sir,  it  is 
impossible  they  should  make  any  impression." 
I  was  conscious  of  an  impropriety  in  my  dis 
puting  with  a  military  man  in  matters  of  his 
profession,  and  said  no  more.     The  enemy, 
however,  did  not  take  the  advantage  of  his 
army  which  I  apprehend  its  long  line  of  march 
exposed  it  to,  but  let  it  advance  without  in 
terruption  till  within  nine  miles  of  the  place; 
and  then  when  more  in  a  body,  (for  it  had 
just  passed  a  river,  where  the  front  had  halt 
ed  till  all  were  come  over)  and  in  a  more 
open  part  of  the  woods  than  any  it  had  passed, 
attacked  its  advanced  guard  by  a  heavy  fire 
from  behind  trees  and  bushes;  which  was  the 
first  intelligence  the    general    had    of   an 
enemy's  being  near  him.     This  guard  being 
disordered,  the  general  hurried  the  troops  up 
to  their  assistance,  which  was  done  in  great 
confusion,  through    wagons,    baggage,   and 
cattle ;  and  presently  the  fire  came  upon  their 
VOL.  I. .    .  H 


flank :  the  officers  being  on  horseback,  were 
more  easily  distinguished,  picked  out  as 
marks,  and  fell  very  fast;  and  the  soldiers 
were  crowded  together  hi  a  huddle,  having 
or  hearing  no  orders,  and  standing  to  be  shot 
at  till  two  thirds  of  them  were  killed ;  and 
then  being  seized  with  a  panic  the  remainder 
fled  with  precipitation.  The  wagoners  took 
each  a  horse  out  of  his  team  and  scampered  ; 
their  example  was  immediately  followed  by 
others ;  so  that  all  the  wagons,  provisions, 
artillery,  and  stores  were  left  to  the  enemy. 
The  general  being  wounded  was  brought  off 
with  difficulty;  his  secretary,  Mr.  Shirley, 
was  killed  by  his  side,  and  out  of  eighty-six 
officers  sixty-three  were  killed  or  wounded  ; 
and  seven  hundred  and  fourteen  men  killed 
of  eleven  hundred.  These  eleven  hundred 
had  been  picked  men  from  the  whole  army  ; 
the  rest  had  been  left  behind  with  colonel 
Dunbar,  who  was  to  follow  with  the  heavier 
part  of  the  stores,  provisions,  and  baggage. 
The  flyers  not  being  pursued  arrived  at  Dun- 
bar's  camp,  and  the  panic  they  brought  with 
them  instantly  seized  him  and  all  his  people. 
And  though  he  had  now  above  one  thousand 
men,  and  the  enemy  who  had  beaten  Brad- 
dock,  did  not  at  most  exceed  four  hundred 
Indians  and  French  together,  instead  of  pro 
ceeding  and  endeavouring  to  recover  some 
of  the  lost  honour,  he  ordered  all  the  stores, 
ammunition,  &c.,  to  be  destroyed,  that  he 
might  have  more  horses  to  assist  his  flight 
towards  the  settlements,  and  less  lumber  to 
remove.  He  was  there  met  with  requests 
from  the  governor  of  Virginia,  Maryland,  and 
Pennsylvania,  that  he  would  post  his  troops 
on  the  frontiers,  so  as  to  afford  some  protec 
tion  to  the  inhabitants;  but  he  continued  his 
tasty  march  through  all  the  country,  not 
thinking  himself  safe  till  he  arrived  at  Phila 
delphia,  where  the  inhabitants  could  protect 
lim.  This  whole  transaction  gave  us  Ameri 
cans  the  first  suspicion  that  our  exalted  ideas 
of  the  prowess  of  British  regular  troops  had 
not  been  well  founded. 

In  their  first  march  too,  from  their  landing 
ill  they  got  beyond  the  settlements,  they  had 
)lundered  and  stripped  the  inhabitants,  totally 
ruining  some  poor  families,  besides  insulting, 
abusing,  and  confining  the  people  if  they  re 
monstrated.     This  was  enough  to  put  us  out 
)f  conceit  of  such  defenders,  if  we  had  really 
vanted  any.     How  different  was  the  conduct 
)f  our  French  friends  in  1781,  who  during  a 
march  through  the  most  inhabited  part  of  our 
country,  from  Rhode  Island  to  Virginia,  near 
seven    hundred    miles,   occasioned   not  the 
mallest  complaint,  for  the  loss  of  a  pig,  a 
hicken,  or  even  an  apple  ! 

Captain  Orme,  who  was  one  of  the  gene 
ral's  aids-de-camp  and  being  grievously  wound 
ed,  was  brought  off  with  him,  and  continued 
vith  him  to  his  death,  which  happened  in  a 


58 


MEMOIRS  OF 


few  days,  told  me  he  was  totally  silent  all  the 
first  day,  and  at  night  only  said,  "  Who  would 
have  thought  it .?"  That  he  was  silent  again 
the  following  day,  saying  only  at  last,  "  We 
shall  better  know  how  to  deal  with  them 
another  time;"  and  died  in  a  few  minutes 
after. 

The  secretary's  papers,  witn  all  the  gene 
ral's  orders,  instructions,  and  correspondence 
falling  into  the  enemy's  hands,  they  selected 
and  translated  into  French  a  number  of  the 
articles,  which  they  printed  to  prove  the  hos 
tile  intentions  of  the  British  court  before  the 
declaration  of  war.  Among  these  I  saw  some 
letters  of  the  general  to  the  ministry,  speak 
ing  highly  of  the  great  service  I  had  render 
ed  the  army,  and  recommending  me  to  their 
notice.  David  Hume,  who  was  some  years 
after  secretary  to  lord  Hertford,  when  minis 
ter  in  France,  and  afterwards  to  general  Con- 
way,  when  secretary  of  state,  told  me  he  had 
seen  among  the  papers  in  that  office,  letters 
from  Braddock,  highly  recommending  me. 
But  the  expedition  having  been  unfortunate, 
my  service,  it  seems,  was  not  thought  of  much 
value,  for  those  recommendations  were  never 
of  any  use  to  me.  As  to  rewards  from  him 
self,  I  asked  only  one,  which  was,  that  he 
would  give  orders  to  his  officers,  not  to  enlist 
any  more  of  our  bought  servants,  and  that  he 
would  discharge  such  as  had  been  already 
enlisted.  This  he  readily  granted,  and  seve 
ral  were  accordingly  returned  to  their  mas 
ters,  on  my  application.  Dunbar,  when  the 
command  devolved  on  him,  was  not  so  gen 
erous.  He  being  at  Philadelphia,  on  his  re 
treat,  or  rather  flight,  I  applied  to  him  for  the 
discharge  of  the  servants  of  three  poor  far 
mers  of  Lancaster  county,  that  he  had  enlist 
ed,  reminding  him  of  the  late  general's  orders 
on  that  head.  He  promised  me  that  if  the 
masters  would  corne  to  him  at  Trenton,  where 
he  should  be  in  a  few  days  on  his  march  to 
New  York,  he  would  there  deliver  their  men 
to  them.  They  accordingly  were  at  the  ex 
pense  and  trouble  of  going  to  Trenton,  and 
there  he  refused  to  perform  his  promise,  to 
their  great  loss  and  disappointment. 

As  soon  as  the  loss  of  the  wagons  and 
horses  was  generally  known,  all  the  owners 
came  upon  me  for  the  valuation  which  I  had 
given  bond  to  pay.  Their  demands  gave  me 
a  great  deal  of  trouble  :  I  acquainted  them  that 
the  money  was  ready  in  the  paymaster's 
hands,  but  the  order  for  paying  it  must  first 
be  obtained  from  general  Shirley,  and  that  I 
had  applied  for  it ;  but  he  being  at  a  distance, 
an  answer  could  not  soon  be  received,  and 
they  must  have  patience.  All  this  however 
was  not  sufficient  to  satisfy,  and  some  began 
to  sue  me  :  general  Shirley,  at  length  reliev- 1 
ed  me  from  this  terrible  situation,  by  appoint 
ing  commissioners  to  examine  the  claims,  and  I 
ordering  payment.  They  amounted  to  near  | 


twenty  thousand  pounds,  which  to  pay  would 
have  ruined  me. 

Before  we  had  the  news  of  this  defeat,  the 
two  doctors  Bond  came  to  me  with  a  subscrip 
tion  paper  for  raising  money  to  defray  the  ex 
pense  of  a  grand  fire-work,  which  it  was  in 
tended  to  exhibit  at  a  rejoicing  on  receiving 
the  news  of  our  taking  fort  Duquesne.  I 
looked  grave,  and  said,  "  It  would,  I  thought, 
be  time  enough  to  prepare  the  rejoicing  when 
we  knew  we  should  have  occasion  to  rejoice." 
They  seemed  surprised  that  I  did  not  im 
mediately  comply  with  their  proposal.  "  Why 

the  d 1,"  said  one  of  them,  "  you  surely 

don't  suppose  that  the  fort  will  not  be  taken  ?" 
"  I  don't  know  that  it  will  not  be  taken ;  but 
I  know  that  the  events  of  war  are  subject  to 
great  uncertainty."  I  gave  them  the  reasons 
of  my  doubting:  the  subscription  was  dropped, 
and  the  projectors  thereby  missed  the  mortifi 
cation  they  would  have  undergone  if  the  fire 
work  had  been  prepared.  Dr.  Bond,  on  some 
other  occasion  afterwards,  said  that  he  did 
not  like  Franklin's  forebodings. 

Governor  Morris,  who  had  continually 
worried  the  assembly  with  message  after 
message  before  the  defeat  of  Braddock,  to 
beat  them  into  the  making  of  acts  to  raise 
money  for  the  defence  of  the  province,  with 
out  taxing  among  others  the  proprietary 
estates,  and  had  rejected  all  their  bills  for  not 
having  such  an  exempting  clause,  now  re 
doubled  his  attacks  with  more  hope  of  suc 
cess,  the  danger  and  necessity  being  greater. 
The  assembly  however  continued  firm,  be 
lieving  they  had  justice  on  their  side ;  and 
that  it  would  be  giving  up  an  essential  right, 
if  they  suffered  the  governor  to  amend  their 
money  bills.  In  one  of  the  last,  indeed,  which 
was  for  granting  fifty  thousand  pounds,  his 
proposed  amendment  was  only  of  a  single 
word:  the  bill  expressed,  "that  all  estates 
real  and  personal  were  to  be  taxed  ;  those  of 
the  proprietaries  not  excepted."  His  amend 
ment  was ;  for  not  read  only.  A  small,  but 
very  material  alteration  !  However,  when 
the  news  of  the  disaster  reached  England,  our 
friends  there,  whom  we  had  taken  care  to 
furnish  with  all  the  assembly's  answers  to  the 
governor's  messages,  raised  a  clamour  against 
the  proprietaries  for  their  meanness  and  in 
justice  in  giving  their  governor  such  instruc 
tions  ;  some  going  so  far  as  to  say,  that  by 
obstructing  the  defence  of  their  province,  they 
forfeited  their  right  to  it.  They  were  intimi 
dated  by  this,  sent  orders  to  their  receiver- 
general  to  add  five  thousand  pounds  of  their 
money  to  whatever  sum  might  be  given  by 
the  assembly  for  such  purpose.  This  being 
testified  to  the  house,  was  accepted  in  lieu  of 
their  share  of  a  general  tax,  and  a  new  bill 
was  formed  with  an  exempting  clause,  which 
passed  accordingly.  By  this  act  I  was  ap 
pointed  one  of  the  commissioners  for  disposing 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


59 


of  the  money ;  sixty  thousand  pounds.  I  had 
been  active  in  modelling  the  bill,  and  procur 
ing  its  passage ;  and  had  at  the  same  time 
drawn  one  for  establishing  and  disciplining  a 
voluntary  militia;  which  I  carried  through 
the  house  without  much  difficulty,  as  care 
was  taken  in  it  to  leave  the  quakers  at  liberty. 
To  promote  the  association  necessary  to  form 
the  militia,  I  wrote  a  dialogue  stating  and 
answering  all  the  objections  I  could  think  of 
to  such  a  militia;  which  was  printed,  and 
had,  as  I  thought,  great  effect.  While  the 
several  companies  in  the  city  and  country 
were  forming,  and  learning  their  exercise, 
the  governor  prevailed  with  me  to  take  charge 
of  our  north-western  frontier,  which  was  in 
fested  by  the  enemy,  and  provide  for  the  de 
fence  of  the  inhabitants  by  raising  troops,  and 
building  a  line  of  forts.  I  undertook  this 
military  business,  though  I  did  not  conceive 
myself  well  qualified  for  it.  He  gave  me  a 
commission  with  full  powers,  and  a  parcel  of 
blank  commissions  for  officers,  to  be  given  to 
whom  I  thought  fit  I  had  but  little  difficulty 
in  raising  men,  having  soon  five  hundred  and 
sixty  under  my  command.  My  son,  who  had 
in  the  preceding  war  been  an  officer  in  the 
army  raised  against  Canada,  was  my  aid-de 
camp,  and  of  great  use  to  me.  The  Indians 
had  burned  Gnadenhutten,  a  village  settled 
by  the  Moravians,  and  massacred  the  inhabi 
tants  ;  but  the  place  was  thought  a  good  situa 
tion  for  one  of  the  forts.  In  order  to  march 
thither,  I  assembled  the  companies  at  Bethle 
hem,  the  chief  establishment  of  those  people; 
I  was  surprised  to  find  it  in  so  good  a  posture 
of  defence :  the  destruction  of  Gnadenhutten 
had  made  them  apprehend  danger.  The 
principal  buildings  were  defended  by  a  stock 
ade  ;  they  had  purchased  a  quantity  of  arms 
and  ammunition  from  New  York,  and  had 
even  placed  quantities  of  small  paving  stones 
between  the  windows  of  their  high  stone 
houses,  for  their  women  to  throw  them  down 
upon  the  heads  of  any  Indians  that  should  at 
tempt  to  force  into  them.  The  armed  bre 
thren  too  kept  watch,  and  relieved  each  other 
on  guard  as  methodically  as  in  any  garrison 
town.  In  conversation  with  the  bishop, 
Spangenberg,  I  mentioned  my  surprise  ;  for 
knowing  they  had  obtained  an  act  of  parlia 
ment  exempting  them  from  military  duties 
in  the  colonies,  I  had  supposed  they  were 
conscientiously  scrupulous  of  bearing  arms. 
He  answered  me,  "  That  it  was  not  one  of 
their  established  principles;  but  that  at  the 
time  of  their  obtaining  that  act  it  was  thought 
to  be  a  principle  with  many  of  their  people. 
On  this  occasion,  however,  they  to  their  sur 
prise,  found  it  adopted  by  but  a  few."  It 
seems  they  were  either  deceived  in  them 
selves,  or  deceived  the  parliament :  but  com 
mon  sense  aided  by  present  danger  will  some 
times  be  too  strong  for  whimsical  opinions. 


It  was  the  beginning  of  January  when  we 
set  out  upon  this  business  of  building  forts ;  I 
sent  one  detachment  towards  the  Minisink, 
with  instructions  to  erect  one  for  the  security 
of  that  upper  part  of  the  country ;  and  another 
to  the  lower  part  with  similar  instructions : 
and  I  concluded  to  go  myself  with  the  rest  of 
my  force  to  Gnadenhutten,  where  a  fort  was 
thought  more  immediately  necessary.  The 
Moravians  procured  me  five  wagons  for  our 
tools,  stores,  baggage,  &c.  Just  before  we 
left  Bethlehem,  eleven  farmers,  who  had  been 
driven  from  their  plantations  by  the  Indians, 
came  to  me  requesting  a  supply  of  fire-arms, 
that  they  might  go  back  and  bring  off'  their 
cattle.  I  gave  them  each  a  gun  with  suitable 
ammunition.  We  had  not  marched  many 
miles  before  it  began  to  rain,  and  it  continued 
raining  all  day ;  there  were  no  habitations  on 
the  road  to  shelter  us,  till  we  arrived  near 
night  at  the  house  of  a  German,  where,  and 
in  his  barn,  we  were  all  huddled  together  as 
wet  as  water  could  make  us.  It  was  well  we 
were  not  attacked  in  our  march,  for  our  arms 
were  of  the  most  ordinary  sort,  and  our  mm 
could  not  keep  the  locks  of  their  guns  dr> . 
The  Indians  are  dextrous  in  contrivances  for 
that  purpose,  which  we  had  not.  They  met 
that  day  the  eleven  poor  farmers  abovemen- 
tioned,  and  killed  ten  of  them ;  the  one  that 
escaped,  informed  us,  that  his,  and  his  com 
panions'  guns  would  not  go  off,  the  priming 
being  wet  with  the  rain.  The  next  day  be 
ing  fair  we  continued  our  march,  and  arrived 
at  the  desolate  Gnadenhutten ;  there  was  a 
mill  near,  round  which  were  left  several  pine 
boards,  with  which  we  soon  hutted  ourselves ; 
an  operation  the  more  necessary  at  that  incle 
ment  season,  as  we  had  no  tents.  Our  first 
work  was  to  bury  more  effectually  the  dead 
we  found  there,  who  had  been  half  interred 
by  the  country  people ;  the  next  morning  our 
fort  was  planned  and  marked  out,  the  circum 
ference  measuring  four  hundred  and  fifty-five 
feet,  which  would  require  as  many  palisades 
to  be  made,  one  with  another  of  a  foot  diame 
ter  each.  Our  axes,  of  which  we  had  seventy, 
were  immediately  set  to  work,  to  cut  down 
trees ;  and  our  men  being  dextrous  in  the  use 
of  them,  great  despatch  was  made.  Seeing 
the  trees  fall  so  fast,  I  had  the  curiosity  to 
look  at  my  watch  when  two  men  began  to 
cut  at  a  pine :  in  six  minutes  they  had  it  upon 
the  ground,  and  I  found  it  of  fourteen  inches 
diameter :  each  pine  made  three  palisades  of 
eighteen  feet  long,  pointed  at  one  end.  While 
these  were  preparing,  our  other  men  dug  a 
trench  all  round  of  three  feet  deep,  in  which 
the  palisades  were  to  be  planted ;  and  the  bo 
gies  being  taken  off  our  wagons,  and  the  fore 
and  hind  wheels  separated  by  taking  out  the 
pin  which  united  the  two  parts  of  the  perch, 
we  had  ten  carriages  with  two  horses  each, 
to  bring  the  palisades  from  the  woods  to  the 


60 


MEMOIRS  OF 


spot.  When  they  were  set  up,  our  carpen 
ters  built  a  platform  of  boards  all  round  with 
in,  about  six  feet  high,  for  the  men  to  stand 
on  when  to  fire  through  the  loop-holes.  We 
had  one  swivel  gun,  which  we  mounted  on 
one  of  the  angles,  and  fired  it  as  soon  as  fixed, 
to  let  the  Indians  know  if  any  were  within 
hearing,  that  we  had  such  pieces ;  and  thus  our 
fort  (if  that  name  may  be  given  to  so  misera 
ble  a  stockade)  was  finished  in  a  week,  though 
it  rained  so  hard  every  other  day  that  the 
men  could  not  well  work. 

This  gave  me  occasion  to  observe,  that 
when  men  are  employed  they  are  best  con 
tented;  for  on  the  days  they  worked  they 
were  good-natured  and  cheerful:  and  with 
.  the  consciousness  of  having  done  a  good  day's 
work,  they  spent  the  evening  jollily ;  but  on 
our  idle  days,  they  were  mutinous  and  quar 
relsome,  finding  fault  with  the  pork,  the  bread, 
/  &c.,  and  were  continually  in  bad  humour; 
which  put  me  in  mind  of  a  sea  captain,  whose 
rule  it  was  to  keep  his  men  constantly  at 
work ;  and  when  his  mate  once  told  him  that 
they  had  done  every  thing,  and  there  was 
nothing  farther  to  employ  them  about ;  "  O," 
said  he,  "  make  them  scour  the  anchor" 

This  kind  of  fort,  however  contemptible,  is 
a  sufficient  defence  against  Indians  who  had 
no  cannon.  Finding  ourselves  now  posted 
securely,  and  having  a  place  to  retreat  to  on 
occasion,  we  ventured  out  in  parties  to  scour 
the  adjacent  country.  We  met  with  no  In 
dians,  but  we  found  the  places  on  the  neigh 
bouring  hills  where  they  had  lain  to  watch 
our  proceedings.  There  was  an  art  in  their 
contrivance  of  those  places,  that  seems  worth 
mentioning.  It  being  winter,  a  fire  was  ne 
cessary  for  them :  but  a  common  fire  on  the 
surface  of  the  ground,  would,  by  its  light, 
have  discovered  their  position  at  a  distance : 
they  had  therefore  dug  holes  in  the  ground 
about  three  feet  diameter,  and  somewhat 
deeper;  we  found  where  they  had  with  their 
hatchets  cut  off  the  charcoal  from  the  sides 
of  burnt  logs  lying  in  the  woods.  With  these 
coals  they  had  made  small  fires  in  the  bottom 
of  the  holes,  and  we  observed  among  the 
weeds  and  grass  the  prints  of  their  bodies, 
made  by  their  lying  all  round  with  their  legs 
hanging  down  in  the  holes  to  keep  their  feet 
warm;  which,  with  them,  is  an  essential 
point.  This  kind  of  fire,  so  managed,  could 
not  discover  them  either  by  its  light,  flame, 
sparks,  or  even  smoke :  it  appeared  that  the 
number  was  not  great,  and  it  seems  they  saw 
we  were  too  many  to  be  attacked  by  them 
with  prospect  of  advantage. 

We  had  for  our  chaplain  a  zealous  Presby< 
terian  minister,  Mr.  Beatty,  who  complained 
to  me  that  the  men  did  not  generally  attend 
his  prayers  and  exhortations.  When  they 
enlisted,  they  were  promised,  besides  pay  and 
provisions,  a  gill  of  rum  a  day,  which  was 


punctually  served  out  to  them,  half  in  the 
morning,  and  half  in  the  evening ;  and  I  ob 
served  they  were  punctual  in  attending  to  re 
ceive  it :  upon  which  I  said  to  Mr.  Beatty,  "  it 
is,  perhaps,  below  the  dignity  of  your  profession 
to  act  as  steward  of  the  rum ;  but  if  you  were 
to  distribute  it  out  only  just  after  prayers,  you 
would  have  them  all  about  you/'  He  liked  the 
thought,  undertook  the  task,  and  with  the  help 
of  a  few  hands  to  measure  out  the  liquor,  exe 
cuted  it  to  satisfaction ;  and  never  were  pray 
ers  more  generally  and  more  punctually  at 
tended.  So  that  I  think  this  method  preferable 
to  the  punishment  inflicted  by  some  military 
laws  for  non-attendance  on  divine  service. 

I  had  hardly  finished  this  business,  and  got 
my  fort  well  stored  with  provisions,  when  I 
received  a  letter  from  the  governor,  acquaint 
ing  me  that  he  had  called  the  assembly,  and 
wished  my  attendance  there,  if  the  posture 
of  affairs  on  the  frontiers  was  such  that  my 
remaining  there  was  no  longer  necessary. 
My  friends  too  of  the  assembly  pressing  me 
by  their  letters  to  be,  if  possible,  at  the  meet 
ing  ;  and  my  three  intended  forts  being  now 
completed,  and  the  inhabitants  contented  to 
remain  on  their  farms  under  that  protection, 
I  resolved  to  return ;  the  more  willingly,  as  a 
New  England  officer,  colonel  Clapham,  expe 
rienced  in  Indian  war,  being  on  a  visit  to  our 
establishment,  consented  to  accept  the  com 
mand.  I  gave  him  a  commission,  and  parad 
ing  the  garrison,  had  it  read  before  them ; 
and  introduced  him  to  them  as  an  officer,  who 
from  his  skill  in  military  affairs,  was  much 
more  fit  to  command  them  than  myself;  and 
giving  them  a  little  exhortation,  took  my 
leave.  I  was  escorted  as  far  as  Bethlehem, 
where  I  rested  a  few  days  to  recover  from 
the  fatigue  I  had  undergone.  The  first  night 
lying  in  a  good  bed,  I  could  hardly  sleep,  it 
was  so  different  from  my  hard  lodging  on  the 
floor  of  a  hut  at  Gnadenhutten,  with  only  a 
blanket  or  two.  While  at  Bethlehem,  I  in 
quired  a  little  into  the  practices  of  the  Mora 
vians;  some  of  them  had  accompanied  me, 
and  all  were  very  kind  to  me.  I  found  they 
worked  for  a  common  stock,  eat  at  common 
tables,  and  slept  in  common  dormitories,  great 
numbers  together.  In  the  dormitories  I  ob 
served  loop-holes  at  certain  distances  all  along 
just  under  the  ceiling,  which  I  thought  judi 
ciously  placed  for  change  of  air.  I  went  to 
their  church,  where  I  was  entertained  with 
good  music,  the  organ  being  accompanied 
with  violins,  hautboys,  flutes,  clarinets,  &c. 
I  understood  their  sermons  were  not  usually 
preached  to  mixed  congregations  of  men,  wo 
men,  and  children,  as  is  our  common  practice ; 
but  that  they  assembled  sometimes  the  mar 
ried  men,  at  other  times  their  wives,  then  the 
young  men,  the  young  women,  and  the  little 
children;  each  division  by  itself.  The  ser 
mon  I  heard  was  to  the  latter,  who  came  in 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


61 


and  were  placed  in  rows  on  benches,  the 
boys  under  the  conduct  of  a  young  man  their 
tutor;  and  the  girls  conducted  by  a  young 
woman.  The  discourse  seemed  well  adapted 
to  their  capacities,  and  was  delivered  in  a 
pleasing,  familiar  manner,  coaxing  them  as  it 
were  to  be  good.  They  behaved  very  orderly, 
but  looked  pale  and  unhealthy,  which  made 
rne  suspect  they  were  kept  too  much  within 
doors,  or  not  allowed  sufficient  exercise.  I 
inquired  concerning  the  Moravian  marriages, 
whether  the  report  was  true  that  they  were 
by  lot ;  I  was  told  that  lots  were  used  only 
in  particular  cases :  that  generally,  when  a 
young  man  found  himself  disposed  to  marry, 
he  informed  the  elders  of  his  class,  who  con 
sulted  the  elder  ladies  that  governed  the 
young  women.  As  these  elders  of  the  differ 
ent  sexes  were  well  acquainted  with  the  tem 
pers  and  dispositions  of  their  respective  pupils, 
they  could  best  judge  what  matches  were 
suitable,  and  their  judgments  were  generally 
acquiesced  in.  But  if,  for  example,  it  should 
happen  that  two  or  three  young  women  were 
found  to  be  equally  proper  for  the  young  man, 
the  lot  was  then  recurred  to.  I  objected,  if 
the  matches  are  not  made  by  the  mutual 
choice  of  the  parties,  some  of  them  may 
chance  to  be  very  unhappy.  "  And  so  they 
may,"  answered  my  informer,  "  if  you  let  the 
parties  choose  for  themselves."  Which  in 
deed  I  could  not  deny. 

Being  returned  to  Philadelphia,  I  found  the 
association  went  on  with  great  success,  the 
inhabitants  that  were  not  quakers,  having 
pretty  generally  come  into  it,  formed  them 
selves  into  companies,  and  chose  their  cap 
tains,  lieutenants,  and  ensigns,  according  to 
the  new  law.  Dr.  Bond  visited  me  and  gave 
me  an  account  of  the  pains  he  had  taken  to 
spread  a  general  good  liking  to  the  law,  and 
ascribed  much  to  those  endeavours.  I  had 
the  vanity  to  ascribe  all  to  my  dialogue ;  how 
ever,  not  knowing  but  that  he  might  be  in 
the  right,  I  let  him  enjoy  his  opinion  ;  which 
I  take  to  be  generally  the  best  way  in  such 
cases.  The  officers  meeting,  chose  me  to  be 
colonel  of  the  regiment ;  which  I  this  time 
accepted.  I  forget  how  many  companies  we 
had,  but  we  paraded  about  twelve  hundred 
well-looking  men,  with  a  company  of  artille 
ry,  who  had  been  furnished  with  six  brass 
field-pieces,  which  they  had  become  so  expert 
in  the  use  of,  as  to  fire  twelve  tunes  in  a 
minute.  The  first  time  I  reviewed  my  regi 
ment,  they  accompanied  me  to  my  house,  and 
would  salute  me  with  some  rounds  fired  be 
fore  my  door,  which  shook  down  and  broke 
several  glasses  of  my  electrical  apparatus. 
And  my  new  honour  proved  not  much  less 
brittle;  for  all  our  commissions  were  soon 
after  broken,  by  a  repeal  of  the  law  in  Eng 
land. 

During  this  short  time  of  my  colonelship, 
6 


being  about  to  set  out  on  a  journey  to  Vir 
ginia,  the  officers  of  my  regiment,  took  it  into 
their  heads  that  it  would  be  proper  for  them 
to  escort  me  out  of  town,  as  far  as  the  Lower- 
ferry  ;  just  as  I  was  getting  on  horseback  they 
came  to  my  door,  between  thirty  and  forty, 
mounted,  and  all  in  their  uniforms.  I  had 
not  been  previously  acquainted  with  their 
project,  or  I  should  have  prevented  it,  being 
naturally  averse  to  the  assuming  of  state  on 
any  occasion  ;  arid  I  was  a  good  deal  chagrin 
ed  at  their  appearance,  as  I  could  not  avoid 
their  accompanying  me.  What  made  it 
worse  was,  that  as  soon  as  we  began  to  move, 
they  drew  their  swords  and  rode  with  them 
naked  all  the  way.  Somebody  wrote  an  ac 
count  of  this  to  the  proprietor,  and  it  gave 
him  great  offence.  No  such  honour  had  been 
paid  him,  when  in  the  province ;  nor  to  any 
of  his  governors ;  and  he  said  it  was  only 
proper  to  princes  of  the  blood  royal ;  which 
may  be  true  for  aught  I  know,  who  was,  and 
still  am  ignorant  of  the  etiquette  in  such 
cases.  This  silly  affair,  however,  greatly  in 
creased  his  rancour  against  me,  which  was  be 
fore  considerable  on  account  of  my  conduct  in 
the  assembly,  respecting  the  exemption  of  his 
estate  from  taxation,  which  I  had  always  op 
posed  very  warmly ;  and  not  without  severe 
reflections  on  the  meanness  and  injustice  in 
contending  for  it.  He  accused  me  to  the 
ministry,  as  being  the  great  obstacle  to  the 
king's  service:  preventing  by  my  influence 
in  the  house,  the  proper  form  of  the  bills  for 
raising  money  ;  and  he  instanced  the  parade 
with  my  officers,  as  a  proof  of  my  having  an 
intention  to  take  the  government  of  the  pro 
vince  out  of  his  hands  by  force.  He  also  ap 
plied  to  sir  Everard  Faukener,  the  post-mas 
ter-general,  to  deprive  me  of  my  office ;  but 
it  had  no  other  effect  than  to  procure  from  sir 
Everard  a  gentle  admonition. 

Notwithstanding  the  continual  wrangle 
between  the  governor  and  the  house,  in  which 
I  as  a  member  had  so  large  a  share,  there  still 
subsisted  a  civil  intercourse  between  that 
gentleman  and  myself,  and  we  never  had  any 
personal  difference.  I  have  sometimes  since 
thought,  that  his  little  or  no  resentment 
against  me  for  the  answers  it  was  known  I 
drew  up  to  his  messages,  might  be  the  effect 
of  professional  habit,  and  that  being  bred  a 
lawyer,  he  might  consider  us  both  as  merely 
advocates  for  contending  clients  in  a  suit ;  he 
for  the  proprietaries,,  and  I  for  the  assembly : 
he  would  therefore  sometimes  call  in  a  friend 
ly  way  to  advise  with  me  on  difficult  points ; 
and  sometimes,  though  not  often,  take  my 
advice.  We  acted  in  concert  to  supply  Brad- 
dock's  army  with  provisions,  and  when  the 
shocking  news  arrived  of  his  defeat,  the 
governor  sent  in  haste  for  me,  to  consult  with 
him  on  measures  for  preventing  the  desertion 
of  the  back  counties.  I  forget  now  the  advice 


62 


MEMOIRS  OF 


I  gave,  but  I  think  it  was  that  Dunbar  should 
be  written  to  and  prevailed  with,  if  possible, 
to  post  his  troops  on  the  frontiers  for  their 
protection,  until  by  reinforcements  from  the 
colonies,  he  might  be  able  to  proceed  in  the 
expedition :  and  after  my  return  from  the 
frontier,  he  would  have  had  me  undertake 
the  conduct  of  such  an  expedition  with  pro 
vincial  troops,  for  the  reduction  of  fort  Du- 
quesne ;  (Dunbar  and  his  men  being  other 
wise  employed ;)  and  he  proposed  to  commis 
sion  me  as  general.  I  had  not  so  good  an 
opinion  of  my  military  abilities  as  he  professed 
to  have,  and  I  believe  his  professions  must 
have  exceeded  his  real  sentiments :  but  pro 
bably  he  might  think  that  my  popularity  would 
facilitate  the  business  with  the  men,  and  in 
fluence  in  the  assembly  the  grant  of  money 
to  pay  for  it ;  and  that  perhaps  without  taxing 
the  proprietary.  Finding  me  not  so  forward 
to  engage  as  he  expected,  the  project  was 
dropt ;  and  he  soon  after  left  the  government, 
being  superseded  by  captain  Denny. 

Before  I  proceed  in  relating  the  part  I  had 
in  public  affairs  under  this  new  governor's 
administration,  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  give 
here  some  account  of  the  rise  and  progress 
of  my  philosophical  reputation. 

In  1746,  being  at  Boston,  I  met  there  with 
a  Dr.  Spence,  who  was  lately  arrived  from 
Scotland,  and  showed  me  some  electric  ex 
periments.  They  were  imperfectly  perform 
ed,  as  he  was  not  very  expert ;  but  being  on 
a  subject  quite  new  to  me,  they  equally  sur 
prised  and  pleased  me.  Soon  after  my  re 
turn  to  Philadelphia,  our  library  company  re 
ceived  from  Mr.  Peter  Collinson,  F.  R.  S.  of 
London,  a  present  of  a  glass  tube,  with  some 
account  of  the  use  of  it  in  making  such  ex 
periments.  I  eagerly  seized  the  opportunity 
of  repeating  what  I  had  seen  at  Boston  ;  and 
by  much  practice  acquired  great  readiness  in 
performing  those  also  which  we  had  an  ac 
count  of  from  England,  adding  a  number  of 
new  ones.  I  say  much  practice,  for  my  house 
was  continually  full  for  some  time,  with  per 
sons  who  came  to  see  these  new  wonders. 
To  divide  a  little  this  incumbrance  among  my 
friends,  I  caused  a  number  of  similar  tubes  to 
be  blown  in  our  glass-house,  with  which  they 
furnished  themselves,  so  that  we  had  at  length 
several  performers.  Among  these  the  prin 
cipal  was  Mr.  Kinnersly  an  ingenious  neigh 
bour,  who  being  out  of  business,  I  encouraged 
to  undertake  showing  the  experiments  for 
money,  and  drew  up  for  him  two  lectures,  in 
which  the  experiments  were  ranged  in  such 
order,  and  accompanied  with  explanations  in 
such  method,  as  that  the  foregoing  should  as 
sist  in  comprehending  the  following.  He 
procured  an  elegant  apparatus  for  the  pur 
pose,  in  which  all  the  little  machines  that  I 
had  roughly  made  for  myself,  were  neatly 
formed  by  instrument  makers.  His  lectures 


were  well  attended,  and  gave  great  satisfac 
tion  ;  and  after  some  time  he  went  through 
the  colonies  exhibiting  them  in  every  capital 
town,  and  picked  up  some  money.  In  the 
West  India  Islands  indeed,  it  was  with  diffi 
culty  the  experiments  could  be  made,  from 
the  general  moisture  of  the  air. 

Obliged  as  we  were  to  Mr.  Collinson,  for 
the  present  of  the  tube,  &c.,  I  thought  it 
right  he  should  be  informed  of  our  success 
in  using  it,  and  wrote  him  several  letters  con 
taining  accounts  of  our  experiments.*  He 
got  them  read  in  the  Royal  Society,  where 
they  were  not  at  first  thought  worth  so  much 
notice  as  to  be  printed  in  their  transactions. 
One  paper  which  I  wrote  for  Mr.  Kinnersly, 
on  the  sameness  of  lightning  with  electricity, 
I  sent  to  Mr.  Mitchel,  an  acquaintance  of 
mine,  and  one  of  the  members  also  of  that  so 
ciety  ;  who  wrote  me  word  that  it  had  been 
read,  but  was  laughed  at  by  the  connoisseurs. 
The  papers  however  being  shown  to  Dr.  Fo- 
thergill,  he  thought  them  of  too  much  value 
to  be  stifled,  and  advised  the  printing  of  them. 
Mr.  Collinson  then  gave  them  to  Cave  for 
publication,  in  his  Gentleman's  Magazine ; 
but  he  chose  to  print  them  separately  in  a 
pamphlet,  and  Dr.  Fothergill  wrote  the  pre 
face.  Cave,  it  seems,  judged  rightly  for  his 
profession,  for  by  the  additions  that  arrived 
afterwards,  they  swelled  to  a  quarto  volume ; 
which  has  had  five  editions,  and  cost  him 
nothing  for  copy-money. 

It  was,  however,  some  time  before  those 
papers  were  much  taken  notice  of  in  Eng 
land.  A  copy  of  them  happening  to  fall  into 
the  hands  of  the  count  de  Buffbn,  (a  philoso 
pher  deservedly  of  great  reputation  in  France, 
and  indeed  all  over  Europe,)  he  prevailed  with 
monsieur  Dubourg  to  translate  them  into 
French;  and  they  were  printed  at  Paris. 
The  publication  offended  the  Abbe  Nollet, 
preceptor  in  Natural  Philosophy  to  the  royal 
family,  and  an  able  experimenter,  who  had 
formed  and  published  a  theory  of  electricity, 
which  then  had  the  general  vogue.  He  could 
not  at  first  believe  that  such  a  work  came 
from  America,  and  said  it  must  have  been 
fabricated  by  his  enemies  at  Paris,  to  oppose 
his  system.  Afterwards,  having  been  assured 
that  there  really  existed  such  a  person  as 
Franklin,  at  Philadelphia,  (which  he  had 
doubted,)  he  wrote  and  published  a  volume 
of  letters,  chiefly  addressed  to  me,  defending 
his  theory,  and  denying  the  verity  of  my  ex 
periments,  and  of  the  positions  deduced  from 
them.  I  once  purposed  answering  the  Abbe, 
and  actually  began  the  answer ;  but  on  con 
sideration  that  my  writings  contained  a  de 
scription  of  experiments,  which  any  one  might 
repeat  and  verify,  and  if  not  to  be  verified, 
could  not  be  defended;  or  of  observations 

*  See  Letters  and  Papers  on  Philosophical  Suijects. 
Vol.  II.  of  this  edition. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


63 


offered  as  conjectures,  and  not  delivered  dog-    any  application  for  that  honour,  they  chose 
matically,  therefore  not  laying  me  under  any   me  a  member;  and  voted  that  I  should  be  ex- 


obligation  to  defend  them ;  and  reflecting  that 
a  dispute  between  two  persons,  written  in 
different  languages,  might  be  lengthened 
greatly  by  mistranslations,  and  thence  mis 
conceptions  of  another's  meaning,  much  of 
one  of  the  Abbe's  letters  being  founded  on  an 
error  in  the  translation ;  I  concluded  to  let  my 
papers  shift  for  themselves;  believing  it  was 
better  to  spend  what  time  I  could  spare  from 
public  business,  in  making  new  experiments, 
than  in  disputing  about  those  already  made. 
I  therefore  never  answered  monsieur  Nollet ; 
and  the  event  gave  me  no  cause  to  repent  my 
silence ;  for  my  friend,  monsieur  Le  Roy,  of 
the  royal  academy  of  sciences,  took  up  my 
cause  and  refuted  him :  my  book  was  trans 
lated  into  the  Italian,  German,  and  Latin  lan 
guages;  and  the  doctrine  it  contained  was  by 
degrees  generally  adopted  by  the  philosophers 
of  Europe,  in  preference  to  that  of  the  Abbe  ; 
so  that  he  lived  to  see  himself  the  last  of  his 

sect;  except  monsieur  B of  Paris,  his 

eUve  and  immediate  disciple. 

What  gave  my  book  the  more  sudden  and 
general  celebrity,  was  the  success  of  one  of 
its  proposed  experiments,  made  by  messieurs 
Dalibard  arid  Delor,  at  Marly ;  for  drawing 
lightning  from  the  clouds.  This  engaged  the 
public  attention  every  where.  Monsieur  De 
lor,  who  had  an  apparatus  for  experimental 
philosophy,  and  lectured  in  that  branch  of 
science,  undertook  to  repeat,  what  he  called 
the  Philadelphia  experiments;  and  after 
they  were  performed  before  the  king  and 
court,  all  the  curious  of  Paris  flocked  to  see 
them.  I  will  not  swell  this  narrative  with 
an  account  of  that  capital  experiment,  nor  of 
the  infinite  pleasure  I  received  in  the  success 
of  a  similar  one  I  made  soon  after  with  a  kite 
at  Philadelphia,  as  both  are  to  be  found  in  the 
histories  of  electricity.  Dr.  Wright,  an  Eng 
lish  physician,  when  at  Paris,  wrote  to  a 
friend  who  was  of  the  Royal  Society,  an  ac 
count  of  the  high  esteem  my  experiments 
were  in  among  the  learned  abroad,  and  of 
their  wonder  that  ray  writings  had  been  so 
little  noticed  in  England.  The  society  on 
this  resumed  the  consideration  of  the  letters 
that  had  been  read  to  them;  and  the  cele 
brated  Dr.  Watson  drew  up  a  summary  ac 


Count  Of  them,  and  of  all   I  had  afterwards    expressing  that  he  is  Desirous  of  that  honour,  and  is  so 

sent  to  England  on  the  subject;   which  he   a 
accompanied  with  some  praise  of  the  writer. 
This  summary  was  then   printed   in   their 
transactions:  and  some  members  of  the  so 
ciety  in  London,  particularly  the  very  inge- 

i\/r     r<      t         u  -.c    i   tu  tne  society  unsolicited  bv  me,  it  was  thought  wrong  to 

mOOS  Mr.  Canton,  having  verified   the  expe-  ;  demand  or  receive  the  usual  fees  or  composition;  so  that 
riment  of  procuring  lightning  from  the  clouds  i  my  name  was  entered  on  ::ie  list  with  a  vo 

by  a  pointed  rod,  and  acquainted  them  with  j    *  ' 

the  success;  they  SOOn  made  me  more  than  i 

amends  for    the  slight  with  which  they  had 
t   c  j  TIT-  i  i       •  i 

betore  treated  me.    Without  my  having  made 


cused  the  customary  payments,  which  would 
have  amounted  to  twenty-five  guineas ;  and 
ever  since  have  given  me  their  transactions 
gratis.*  They  also  presented  me  with  the 
gold  medal  of  sir  Godfrey  Copley,  for  the 
year  1753,  the  delivery  of  which  was  accom 
panied  by  a  very  handsome  speech  of  the 
president,  lord  Macclesfield,  wherein  I  was 
highly  honoured. 

Our  new  governor,  captain  Denny,  brought 
over  for  me  the  beforementioned  medal  from 
the  Royal  Society,  which  he  presented  to  me 
at  an  entertainment  given  him  by  the  city 
He  accompanied  it  with  very  polite  expres 
sions  of  his  esteem  for  me,  having,  as  he  said, 
been  long  acquainted  with  my  character. — 
After  dinner,  when  the  company,  as  was  cus 
tomary  at  that  time,  were  engaged  in  drink 
ing,  he  took  me  aside  into  another  room,  and 
acquainted  me  that  he  had  been  advised  by 
his  friends  in  England  to  cultivate  a  friend 
ship  with  me,  as  one  who  was  capable 
of  giving  him  the  best  advice,  and  of  con 
tributing  most  effectually  to  the  making  his 
administration  easy.  That  he  therefore  de 
sired  of  all  things  to  have  a  good  understand 
ing  with  me,  and  he  begged  me  to  be  assured 
of  his  readiness  on  all  occasions  to  render  me 
every  service  that  .might  be  in  his  power. 
He  said  much  to  me  also  of  the  proprietors' 


*  Dr.  Franklin  gives  a  further  account  of  his  election, 
n  the  following  extract  of  a  letter  to  his  son,  governor 
Franklin. 

"  London,  Dec.  19,  1767. 

"  We  have  had  an  ugly  affai  r  at  the  Royal  Society  late 
y.  One  Dacosta,  a  Jew,  who,  as  our  clerk,  was  en 
rusted  with  collecting  our  monies,  has  been  sounfaith 
ul  as  to  embezzle  near  thirteen  hundred  pounds  in 
four  years.  Being  one  of  the  council  this  year  as  well 
as  the  last,  I  have  been  employed  all  the  last  week  in 
attending  the  inquiry  into  and  unravelling  his  ac 
counts,  in  order  to  come  at  a  full  knowledge  of  his 
rauds.  His  securities  are  bound  in  one  thousand 
xwnds  to  the  society,  which  they  will  pay.  but  we  are 
ike  to  lose  the  rest.  He  had  this  year  received  twenty- 
six  admission  payments  of  twenty-five  guineas  each, 
which  he  did  not  bring  to  account. 

"  While  attending  this  affair,  I  had  an  opportunity  of 
ooking  over  the  old  council  books  and  journals  of  the 
ociety,  and  having  a  curiosity  to  see  how  I  came  in, 
of  which  I  had  never  been  informed,)  I  looked  back 
or  the  minutes  relating  to  it.  You  must  know  it  is 
ot  usual  to  admit  persons  that  have  not  requested  to 
>e  admitted;  and  a  recommendatory  certificate  in  fa 
vour  of  the  candidate,  signed  by  at  least  three  of  the 
members,  is  by  our  rule  to  be  presented  to  the  society. 


qualified.  As  1  had  never  asked  or  expected  the 
honour,  I  was,  as  I  said  before,  curious  to  see  how  the 
business  was  manaced.  I  found  that  the  certificate', 
worded  very  advantageously  for  me,  was  signed  by 
lord  Macclesfield,  then  president,  lord  Parker,  and  lord 
Willotighby  ;  that  the  election  was  by  an  unanimous 
vote  ;  and  the  honour  being  voluntarily  conferred  by 
the  society  unsolicited  by  me,  it  was  thought  wrong  to 


ote  of  council. 


admitted  in  the  common  way,  pay  five  guineas  admis 
sion  ^ees,  and  two  guineas  and  a  hnlf  yearly  contribu- 
tion,  or  twenty-five  guineas  down,  in  lieu  of  it.  In  my 
case  a  substantial  favour  accompanied  the  honour. 


64 


MEMOIRS  OF 


good  disposition  txnVards  the  province,  and 
of  the  advantage  it  would  be  to  us  all,  and  to 
me  in  particular,  if  the  opposition  that  had 
been  so  long  continued  to  his  measures  was 
dropped,  and  harmony  restored  between  him 
and  the  people ;  in  effecting  which,  it  was 
thought  no  one  could  be  more  serviceable 
than  myself;  and  I  might  depend  on  adequate 
acknowledgments  and  recompenses,  &c.  The 
drinkers  finding  we  did  not  return  immedi 
ately  to  the  table,  sent  us  a  decanter  of  Ma 
deira,  which  the  governor  made  liberal  use 
of,  and  in  proportion  became  more  profuse  of 
his  solicitations  and  promises.  My  answers 
were  to  this  purpose ;  that  my  circumstances, 
thanks  to  God,  were  such  as  to  make  pro 
prietary  favours  unnecessary  to  me ;  and  that 
being  a  member  of  the  assembly,  I  could  not 
possibly  accept  of  any ;  that,  however,  I  had 
no  personal  enmity  to  the  proprietary,  and 
that  whenever  the  public  measures  he  pro 
posed,  should  appear  to  be  for  the  good  of  the 
people,  no  one  would  espouse  and  forward 
them  more  zealously  than  myself;  my  past 
opposition  had  been  founded  on  this,  that  the 
measures  which  having  been  urged,  were 
evidently  intended  to  serve  the  proprietary 
interest  with  great  prejudice  to  that  of  the 
people.  That  I  was  much  obliged  to  him 
(the  governor)  for  his  profession  of  regard  to 
me,  and  that  he  might  rely  on  every  thing  in 
my  power  to  render  his  administration  as  easy 
to  him  as  possible,  hoping,  at  the  same  time, 
that  he  had  not  brought  with  him  the  same 
unfortunate  instructions  his  predecessors  had 
been  hampered  with.  On  this  he  did  not 
then  explain  himself,  but  when  he  afterwards 
came  to  do  business  with  the  assembly,  they 
appeared  again ;  the  disputes  were  renewed, 
and  I  was  as  active  as  ever  in  the  opposition, 
being  the  penman,  first  of  the  request  to  have 
a  communication  of  the  instructions,  and  then 
of  the  remarks  upon  them,  which  may  be 
found  in  the  Votes  of  the  Times,  and  in  the 
HISTORICAL  REVIEW  I  afterwards  published ; 
but  between  us  personally  no  enmity  arose, 
we  were  often  together ;  he  was  a  man  of  let 
ters,  had  seen  much  of  the  world,  and  was 
entertaining  and  pleasing  in  conversation. 
He  gave  me  information  that  my  old  friend 
Ralph,  was  still  alive,  that  he  was  esteemed 
one  of  the  best  political  writers  in  England ; 
had  been  employed  in  the  dispute  between 
prince  Frederick,  and  the  king,  and  had  ob 
tained  a  pension  of  three  hundred  pounds  a- 
year ;  that  his  reputation  was  indeed  small  as 
a  poet,  Pope  having  damned  his  poetry  in  the 
Dunciad ;  but  his  prose  was  thought  as  good 
as  any  man's. 

The  assembly  finally  finding  the  proprie 
tary  obstinately  persisted  in  shackling  the 
deputies  with  instructions,  inconsistent  not 
only  with  the  privileges  of  the  people,  but 
with  the  service  of  the  crown,  resolved  to 


petition  the  king  against  them,  and  appointed 
me  their  agent  to  go  over  to  England,  to  pre 
sent  and  support  the  petition.  The  house 
had  sent  up  a  bill  to  the  governor,  granting  a 
sum  of  sixty  thousand  pounds  for  the  king's 
use,  (ten  thousand  pounds  of  which  was  sub 
jected  to  the  orders  of  the  then  general,  lord 
Loudon,)  which  the  governor,  in  compliance 
with  his  instructions  absolutely  refused  to 
pass.  I  had  agreed  with  captain  Morris,  of 
the  packet  at  New  York,  for  my  passage,  and 
my  stores  were  put  on  board ;  when  lord 
Loudon,  arrived  at  Philadelphia,  expressly  as 
he  told  me,  to  endeavour  an  accommodation 
between  the  governor  and  assembly,  that  his 
majesty's  service  might  not  be  obstructed  by 
their  dissensions.  Accordingly  he  desired 
the  governor  and  myself  to  meet  him,  that  he 
might  hear  what  was  to  be  said  on  both  sides. 
We  met  and  discussed  the  business  :  in  be 
half  of  the  assembly,  I  urged  the  various  argu 
ments  that  may  be  found  in  the  public  papers 
of  that  time,  which  were  of  my  writing,  and 
are  printed  with  the  minutes  of  the  assembly ; 
and  the  governor  pleaded  his  instructions,  the 
bond  he  had  given  to  observe  them,  and  his 
ruin  if  he  disobeyed  ;  yet  seemed  not  unwil 
ling  to  hazard  himself  if  lord  Loudon  would 
advise  it.  This  his  lordship  did  not  choose  to 
do,  though  I  once  thought  I  had  nearly  pre 
vailed  with  him  to  do  it ;  but  finally  he  rather 
chose  to  urge  the  compliance  of  the  assembly; 
and  he  intreated  me  to  use  my  endeavours 
with  them  for  that  purpose,  declaring  that  he 
would  spare  none  of  the  king's  troops  for  the 
defence  of  our  frontiers,  and  that  if  we  did  not 
continue  to  provide  for  that  defence  ourselves, 
they  must  remain  exposed  to  the  enemy.  I 
acquainted  the  house  with  what  had  passed, 
and  presenting  them  with  a  set  of  resolutions 
I  had  drawn  up,  declaring  our  rights,  that  we 
did  not  relinquish  our  claim  to  those  rights, 
but  only  suspended  the  exercise  of  them  on 
this  occasion,  through  force,  against  which 
we  protested ;  they  at  length  agreed  to  drop 
that  bill,  and  frame  arlother  conformably  to 
the  proprietary  instructions;  this  of  course 
the  governor  passed,  and  I  was  then  at  liberty 
to  proceed  on  my  voyage.  But  in  the  mean 
time  the  packet  had  sailed  with  my  sea  stores, 
which  was  some  loss  to  me,  and  my  only  re 
compense  was  his  lordship's  thanks  for  my 
service;  all  the  credit  of  obtaining  the  ac 
commodation  falling  to  his  share. 

He  set  out  for  New  York  before  me  ;  and 
as  the  time  for  dispatching  the  packet  boats 
was  in  his  disposition,  and  there  were  two 
then  remaining  there,  one  of  which,  he  said, 
was  to  sail  very  soon,  I  requested  to  know  the 
precise  time,  that  I  might  not  miss  her,  by 
any  delay  of  mine.  The  answer  was,  "I 
have  given  out  that  she  is  to  sail  on  Saturday 
next,  but  I  may  let  you  know,  entre  nous, 
that  if  you  are  there  by  Monday  morning, 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


65 


you  will  be  in  time,  but  do  not  delay  longer ! 
By  some  accidental  hindrance  at  a  ferry,  i 
was  Monday  noon  before  I  arrived,  and  I  wa 
much  afraid  she  might  have  sailed,  as  th 
wind  was  fair  ;  but  I  was  soon  made  easy  b 
the  information  that  she  was  still  in  the  liar 
bour,  and  would  not  move  till  next  day.     One 
would  imagine  that  I  was  now  on  the  ver 
point  of  departing  for  Europe ;  I  thought  so 
but  I  was  not  then  so  well  acquainted  with 
his  lordship's  character,  of  which  indecision 
was  one  of  the  strongest  features ;  I  shall  give 
some  instances.     It  was  about  the  beginning 
of  April,  that  I  came  to  New  York,  and  1 
think  it  was  near  the  end  of  June  before  we 
sailed.     There  were  then  two  of  the  packet- 
boats  which  had  been  long  in  readiness,  but 
were  detained  for  the  general's  letters,  which 
were  always  to  be  ready  to-morrow.     An 
other  packet  arrived,  she  too  was  detained, 
and  before  we  sailed  a  fourth  was  expected. 
Ours  was  the  first  to  be  dispatched  ;  as  hav 
ing  been  there  longest.     Passengers  were 
engaged  for  all,  and  some  extremely  impatient 
to  be  gone,  and  the  merchants  uneasy  about 
their  letters,  and  for  the  orders  they  had  given 
for  insurance  (it  being  war  time)  and  for  au 
tumnal  goods ;  but  their  anxiety  availed  no 
thing,  his  lordship's  letters  were  not  ready : 
and  yet  whoever  waited  on  him  found  him 
always  at  his  desk,  pen  in  hand,  and  conclud 
ed  he  must  needs  write  abundantly.     Going 
myself  one  morning  to  pay  my  respects,  I 
found  in  his  anti-chamber,  one  Innis,  a  mes 
senger  of  Philadelphia,  who  had  come  thence 
express,  with  a  packet  from  governor  Denny, 
for  the  general.     He  delivered  to  me  some 
letters  from  my  friends  there,  which  occasion 
ed  my  inquiring  when  he  was  to  return,  and 
where  he  lodged,  that  I  might  send  some  let 
ters  by  him.     He  told  me  he  was  ordered  to 
call  to-morrow  at  nine  for  the  general's  an 
swer  to  the  governor,  and  should  set  off  im 
mediately  ;  I  put  my  letters  into  his  hands 
the  same  day.     A  fortnight  after  I  met  him 
again  in  the  same  place.     "  So  you  are  soon 
returned,  Innis !"     "  Returned ;  no,  I  am  not 
gone  yet."    "  How  sol"    "I  have  called  here 
this  and  every  morning  these  two  weeks  past 
for  his  lordship's  letters,  and  they  are  not  yet 
ready."     "Is  it  possible,  when  he  is  so  great 
a  writer;   for  I  see  him  constantly  at  his 
escritoir."     "  Yes,"  said  Innis,  "  but  he  is  like 
St.  George,  on  the  signs,  always  on  horseback 
but  never  rides  on."     This  observation  of 
the  messenger  was  it  seems  well  founded; 
for  when  in  England,  I  understood,  that  Mr. 
Pitt,  (afterwards  lord  Chatham,)  gave  it  as 
one  reason  for  removing  this  general,  and 
sending  generals  Amherst  and  Wolf,  that  the 
minister  never  heard  from  him,  and  could 
not  know  what  he  was  doing. 

This  daily  expectation  of  sailing,  and  all 
the  three  packets  going-  down  to  Sandy  Hook, 

r.i       6* 


to  join  the  fleet  there,  the  passengers  thought 
it  best  to  be  on  board,  lest  by  a  sudden  order, 
the  ships  should  sail,  and  they  be  left  behind. 
There,  if  I  remember,  we  were  about  six 
weeks,  consuming  our  sea  stores,  and  obliged 
to  procure  more.     At  length  the  fleet  sailed, 
the  general  and  all  his  army  on  board  bound 
to  Louisburg,  with  intent  to  besiege  and  take 
that  fortress ;  all  the  packet-boats  in  company, 
ordered  to  attend  the  general's  ship,  ready  to 
receive  his  dispatches  when  they  should  be 
ready.     We  were  out  five  days  before  we 
got  a  letter  with  leave  to  part ;  and  then  our 
ship  quitted  the  fleet  and  steered  for  England. 
The  other  two    packets  he  still  detained, 
carried  them  with  him  to  Halifax ;  where  he 
staid  some  time  to  exercise  his  men  in  sham 
attacks  upon  sham   forts;    then  altered  his 
mind  as  to  besieging  Louisburg,  and  returned 
to  New  York,  with  all  his  troops,  together 
with  the  two  packets  abovementioned,  and  all 
heir  passengers !     During  his  absence  the 
Drench  and  savages  had  taken  Fort  George, 
on  the  frontier  of  that  province,  and  the  In- 
lians  had  massacred  many  of  the  garrison 
after  capitulation.     I  saw  afterwards  in  Lon- 
~on,  captain  Bound,  who  commanded  one  of 
hose  packets ;  he  told  me  that  when  he  had 
)een  detained  a  month,  he  acquainted  his 
ordship  that  his  ship  was  grown  foul,  to  a 
egree  that  must  necessarily  hinder  her  fast 
sailing,  (a  point  of  consequence  for  a  packet- 
wat,)  and  requested  an  allowance  of  time  to 
eave  her  down  and  clean  her  bottom.     His 
ordship  asked  how  long  time  that  would  re- 
uire.     He  answered  three  days.     The  gen- 
ral  replied,  "  if  you  can  do  it  in  one  day,  I 
•ive  leave  ;  otherwise  not ;  for  you  must  cer- 
ainly  sail  the  day  after  to-morrow."     So  he 
ever  obtained  leave,  though  detained  after 
wards  from    day  to   day  during  full   three 
lonths.     I  saw  also  in  London,  one  of  Bonell's 
assengers,  who  was  so  enraged  against  his 
>rdship  for  deceiving  and  detaining  him  so 
>ng  at  New  York,  and  then  carrying  him  to 
Halifax  and  back  again,  that  he  swore  he 
ould  sue  him  for  damages.     Whether  he 
d  or  not  I  never  heard  ;  but  as  he  represent- 
d  it,  the  injury  to  his  affairs  was  very  con- 
derable.     On  the  whole,  I  wondered  much 
ow  such  a  man  came  to  be  intrusted  with  so 
mportant  a  business  as  the  conduct  of  a  great 
rmy :  but  having  since  seen  more  of  the  great 
world,  and  the  means  of  obtaining,  and  mo 
ves  for  giving  places  and  employments,  my 
Bonder  is  diminished.     General  Shirley,  on 
whom  the  command  of  the  army  devolved 
pon  the  death  of  Braddock,  would  in  my 
rinion,  if  continued  in  place,  have  made  a 
uch  better  campaign  than  that  of  Loudon, 
1756,  which  was  frivolous,  expensive,  and 
isgracefiil  to  our  nation  beyond  conception, 
^or  though  Shirley  was  not  bred  a  soldier,  he 
was  sensible  and  sagacious  in  himself,  and 


MEMOIRS  OF 


attentive  to  good  advice  from  others,  capable 
of  forming  judicious  plans,  and  quick  and  ac 
tive  in  carrying  them  into  execution.  Lou- 
don,  instead  of  defending  the  colonies  with 
his  great  army,  left  them  totally  exposed, 
while  he  paraded  idly  at  Halifax ;  by  which 
means  Fort  George  was  lost ;  besides,  he  de 
ranged  all  our  mercantile  operations,  and  dis 
tressed  our  trade  by  a  long  embargo  on  the 
exportation  of  provisions,  on  pretence  of  keep 
ing  supplies  from  be  ing  obtained  by  the  enemy, 
but  in  reality  for  beating  down  their  price  in 
favour  of  the  contractors,  in  whose  profits,  it 
was  said,  (perhaps  from  suspicion  only,)  he 
had  a  share  ;  and  when  at  length  the  embargo 
was  taken  off,  neglecting -to  send  notice  of  it 
to  Charleston,  where  the  Carolina  fleet  was 
detained  near  three  months;  and  whereby 
their  bottoms  were  so  much  damaged  by  the 
worm,  that  a  great  part  of  them  foundered  in 
their  passage  home.  Shirley  was,  I  believe, 
sincerely  glad  of  being  relieved  from  so  bur 
densome  a  charge,  as  the  conduct  of  an  army 
must  be  to  a  man  unacquainted  with  military 
business.  I  was  at  the  entertainment  given 
by  the  city  of  New  York,  to  lord  Loudon,  on 
his  taking  upon  him  the  command.  Shirley, 
though  thereby  superseded,  was  present  also. 
There  was  a  great  company  of  officers,  citi 
zens,  and  strangers,  and  some  chairs  having 
been  borrowed  in  the  neighbourhood,  there 
was  one  among  them  very  low,  which  fell  to 
the  lot  of  Mr.  Shirley.  I  sat  by  him,  and 
perceiving  it,  I  said,  they  have  given  you  a 
very  low  seat  "  No  matter,  Mr.  Franklin, 
said  he,  I  find  a  low  seat  the  easiest." 

While  I  was,  as  beforementioned,  detained 
at  New  York,  I  received  all  the  accounts  of 
the  provisions,  &c.,  that  I  had  furnished  to 
Braddock,  some  of  which  accounts  could  not 
sooner  be  obtained  from  the  different  persons 
I  had  employed  to  assist  in  the  business;  I 
presented  them  to  lord  Loudon,  desiring  to 
be  paid  the  balance.  He  caused  them  to  be 
examined  by  the  proper  officer,  who,  after 
comparing  every  article  with  its  voucher, 
certified  them  to  be  right ;  and  his  lordship 
promised  to  give  me  an  order  on  the  paymas 
ter  for  the  balance  due  to  me.  This  was, 
however,  put  off  from  time  to  time,  and  though 
I  called  often  for  it  by  appointment,  I  did  not 
get  it.  At  length,  just  before  my  departure, 
he  told  me  he  had,  on  better  consideration, 
concluded  not  to  mix  his  accounts  with  those 
of  his  predecessors.  "  And  you,"  said  he, 
"  when  in  England,  have  only  to  exhibit  your 
accounts  to  the  treasury,  and  you  will  be  paid 
immediately."  I  mentioned,  but  without  ef 
fect,  a  great  and  unexpected  expense  I  had 
been  put  to  by  being  detained  so  long  at  New 
York,  as  a  reason  for  my  desiring  to  be  pre 
sently  paid ;  and,  on  my  observing  that  it  was 
not  right  I  should  be  put  to  any  further  trou 
ble  or  delay  in  obtaining  the  money  I  had  ad 


vanced,  as  I  charged  no  commission  for  my 
service ;  "  O,"  said  he,  "  you  must  not  think 
of  persuading  us  that  you  are  no  gainer:  we 
understand  better  those  matters,  and  know 
that  every  one  concerned  in  supplying  the 
army,  finds  means  in  the  doing  it,  to  fill  his 
own  pockets."  I  assured  him  that  was  not 
my  case,  and  that  I  had  not  pocketed  a  far 
thing  :  but  he  appeared  clearly  not  to  believe 
me ;  and,  indeed,  I  afterwards  learned,  that 
immense  fortunes  are  often  made  in  such  em 
ployments  :  as  to  my  balance,  I  am  not  paid 
it  to  this  day ;  of  which  more  hereafter. 

Our  captain  of  the  packet,  boasted  much 
before  we  sailed  of  the  swiftness  of  his  ship ; 
unfortunately,  when  we  came  to  sea,  she 
proved  the  dullest  of  ninety-six  sail,  to  his  no 
small  mortification.  After  many  conjectures 
respecting  the  cause,  when  we  were  near 
another  ship,  almost  as  dull  as  ours,  which 
however  gained  upon  us,  the  captain  ordered 
all  hands  to  come  aft,  and  stand  as  near  the 
ensign  staff  as  possible.  We  were,  passen 
gers  included,  about  forty  persons ;  while  we 
stood  there,  the  ship  mended  her  pace,  and 
soon  left  her  neighbour  far  behind,  which 
proved  clearly  what  our  captain  suspected, 
that  she  was  loaded  too  much  by  the  head. 
The  casks  of  water,  it  seems,  had  been  placed 
forward;  these  he  therefore  ordered  to  be 
moved  further  aft,  on  which  the  ship  recover 
ed  her  character,  and  proved  the  best  sailer 
in  the  fleet.  The  captain  said  she  had  once 
gone  at  the  rate  of  thirteen  knots,  which  is 
accounted  thirteen  miles  per  hour.  We  had 
on  board,  as  a  passenger,  captain  Archibald 
Kennedy,  of  the  royal  navy,  afterwards  earl 
of  Cassilis,  who  contended  that  it  was  impos 
sible,  and  that  no  ship  ever  sailed  so  fast,  and 
that  there  must  have  been  some  error  in  the 
division  of  the  log-line,  or  some  mistake  in 
heaving  the  log.  A  wager  ensued  between 
the  two  captains,  to  be  decided  when  there 
should  be  sufficient  wind :  Kennedy,  therefore 
examined  the  log-line,  and  being  satisfied 
with  it,  he  determined  to  throw  the  log  him 
self.  Some  days  after,  when  the  wind  was 
very  fair  and  fresh,  and  the  captain  of  the 
packet  (Lutwidge)  said,  he  believed  she  then 
went  at  the  rate  of  thirteen  knots ;  Kennedy 
made  the  experiment,  and  owned  his  wager 
lost.  The  foregoing  fact  I  give  for  the  sake 
of  the  following  observation :  it  has  been  re 
marked,  as  an  imperfection  in  the  art  of  ship 
building,  that  it  can  never  be  known  till  she 
is  tried,  whether  a  new  ship  will,  or  will  not 
be  a  good  sailer ;  for  that  the  model  of  a  good 
sailing  ship  has  been  exactly  followed  in  a 
new  one,  which  has  been  proved  on  the  con 
trary  remarkably  dull.  I  apprehend  that  this 
may  partly  be  occasioned  by  the  different 
opinions  of  seamen  respecting  the  modes  of 
loading,  rigging,  and  sailing  of  a  ship ;  each 
has  his  method,  and  the  same  vessel  laden  by 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


67 


the  method  and  orders  of  one  captain,  shall  sail 
worse  than  when  by  the  orders  of  another. 
Besides,  it  scarce  ever  happens  that  a  ship  is 
formed,  fitted  for  the  sea,  and  sailed  by  the 
same  person;  one  man  builds  the  hull,  an 
other  rigs  her,  a  third  loads  and  sails  her.  No 
one  of  these  has  the  advantage  of  knowing  all 
the  ideas  and  experience  of  the  others,  and 
therefore  cannot  draw  just  conclusions  from  a 
combination  of  the  whole.  Even  hi  the  sun- 
pie  operation  of  sailing  when  at  sea,  I  have 
often  observed  different  judgments  in  the  offi 
cers  who  commanded  the  successive  watches, 
the  wind  being  the  same.  One  would  have 
the  sails  trimmed  sharper  or  flatter  than  an 
other,  so  that  they  seemed  to  have  no  certain 
rule  to  govern  by.  Yet  I  think  a  set  of  ex 
periments  might  be  instituted,  first  to  deter 
mine  the  most  proper  form  of  the  hull  for 
swift  sailing :  next,  the  best  dimensions,  and 
properest  place  for  the  masts ;  then  the  form 
and  quantity  of  sails,  and  their  position  as  the 
winds  may  be ;  and  lastly,  the  disposition  of 
the  lading.  This  is  an  age  of  experiments, 
and  I  think  a  set  accurately  made  and  com 
bined  would  be  of  great  use. 

We  were  several  times  chased  in  our  pas 
sage,  but  outsailed  every  thing ;  and  in  thirty 
days  had  soundings.  We  had  a  good  obser 
vation,  and  the  captain  judged  himself  so  near 
our  port,  (Falmouth,)  that  if  we  made  a  good 
run  in  the  night,  we  might  be  off  the  mouth 
of  that  harbour  in  the  morning;  and  by  run 
ning  in  the  night  might  escape  the  notice  of 
the  enemy's  privateers,  who  often  cruised 
near  the  entrance  of  the  channel.  Accord 
ingly  all  the  sail  was  set  that  we  could  possi 
bly  carry,  and  the  wind  being  very  fresh  and 
fair,  we  stood  right  before  it,  and  made  great 
way.  The  captain,  after  his  observation, 
shaped  his  course,  as  he  thought,  so  as  to  pass 
wide  of  the  Scilly  rocks ;  but  it  §eems  there 
is  sometimes  a  strong  current  setting  up  St. 
George's  Channel,  which  formerly  caused  the 
loss  of  sir  Cloudesley  Shovel's  squadron,  (in 
1707) :  this  was  probably  also  the  cause  of 
what  happened  to  us.  We  had  a  watchman 
placed  in  the  bow,  to  whom  they  often  called, 
"Look  well  out  before  there ;"  and  he  as  of 
ten  answered,  "Aye,  aye ;"  but  perhaps  had 


his  eyes  shut,  and  was  half  asleep  at  the  time , 
they  sometimes  answering,  as  is  said,  me 
chanically  ;  for  he  did  not  see  a  light  just  be 
fore  us,  which  had  been  hid  by  the  studding 
sails  from  the  man  at  the  helm,  and  from  the 
rest  of  the  watch,  but  "by  an  accidental  yaw 
of  the  ship  was  discovered,  and  occasioned  a 
great  alarm,  we  being  very  near  it ;  the  light 
appearing  to  me  as  large  as  a  cart  wheel.  It 
was  midnight,  and  our  captain  fast  asleep ; 
but  captain  Kennedy,  jumping  upon  deck, 
and  seeing  the  danger,  ordered  the  ship  to 
wear  round,  all  sails  standing ;  an  operation 
dangerous  to  the  masts,  but  it  carried  us  clear, 
and  we  avoided  shipwreck,  for  we  were  run 
ning  fast  on  the  rocks  on  which  the  light  was 
erected.  This  deliverance  impressed  me 
strong  with  the  utility  of  light-houses,  and 
made  me  resolve  to  encourage  the  build  ing 
some  of  them  in  America,  if  I  should  live  to 
return  thither. 

In  the  morning,  it  was  found  by  the  sound 
ings,  &c.,  that  we  were  near  our  port,  but  a 
thick  fog  hid  the  land  from  our  sight.  About 
nine  o'clock  the  fog  began  to  rise,  and  seem 
ed  to  be  lifted  up  from  the  water,  like  the 
curtain  of  a  theatre,  discovering  underneath 
the  town  of  Falmouth,  the  vessels  in  the  har 
bour,  and  the  fields  that  surround  it.  This 
was  a  pleasing  spectacle  to  those  who  had 
been  long  without  any  other  prospect  than 
the  uniform  view  of  a  vacant  ocean !  and  it 
gave  us  the  more  pleasure,  as  we  were  now 
free  from  the  anxieties  which  had  arisen.* 

I  set  out  immediately,  with  my  son,f  for 
London,  and  we  only  stopped  a  little  by  the 
way  to  view  Stonehenge,  on  Salisbury  plain ; 
and  lord  Pembroke's  house  and  gardens,  with 
the  very  curious  antiquities  at  Wilton. 

We  arrived  in  London,  July  27th,  1757. 


*  In  a  letter  from  Dr.  Franklin  to  his  wife,  dated  at 
Falmouth,  the  17th  July,  1757,  after  giving  her  a  similar 
account  of  his  voyage,  escape,  and  landing;  he  adds, 
"  The  bell  ringing" for  church,  we  went  thither  immedr 
ately,  and  with  hearts  full  of  gratitude,  returned  sin 
cere  thanks  to  God  for  the  mercies  we  had  received  ; 
were  I  a  Roman  Catholic,  perhaps  I  should,  on  this  oc 
casion,  vow  to  build  a  chapel  to  some  saint ;  but  as  I 
am  not,  if  I  were  to  vow  at  all,  it  should  be  to  build  a 
light-house." 

t  William  Franklin,  afterwards  governor  of  New 
Jersey. 


MEMOIRS 


OF 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


PART  III. 


THAT  profound  observer  of  men  and  man 
ners,  lord  Bacon,  hath  observed  on  the  ad 
vantages  of  Biographical  writing,  over  other 
branches  of  historical  composition,  that  "  His 
tory  of  times  represented  the  magnitude  of 
actions,  and  the  public  faces  or  deportments 
of  persons,  and  passeth  over  in  silence  the 
smaller  passages  and  motions  of  men  and  mat 
ters.  But  such  being  the  workmanship  of 
God,  as  he  doth  hang  the  greatest  weights 
upon  the  smallest  wires,  maxima  t  minimis 
suspendens ;  it  comes,  therefore,  to  pass,  that 
such  histories  do  rather  set  forth  the  pomp 
of  business,  than  the  true  and  inward  resorts 
thereof.  But  LIVES,  if  they  be  well  written, 
propounding  to  themselves  a  person  to  repre 
sent,  in  whom,  actions  both  greater  and 
smaller,  public  and  private,  have  a  commix 
ture,  must  of  necessity  contain  a  more  true, 
native,  and  lively  representation."  Of  the 
truth  of  this  sagacious  remark,  a  more  con 
vincing  evidence  can  hardly  be  adduced  than 
the  memoirs  which  Dr.  Franklin  hath  left 
of  himself;  and  the  reader  has  to  lament,  that 
when  the  author  resumed  his  narrative,  at 
the  request  of  some  intelligent  friends,  he  did 
it  under  the  inconvenience  of  public  business, 
and  at  a  distance  from  his  papers ;  but  the 
greatest  matter  of  regret  is,  that  he  did  not 
bring  the  history  of  his  own  times  down 
through  the  stormy  and  eventful  period  in 
which  he  made  so  conspicuous  a  figure,  near 
to  the  close  of  his  illustrious  and  exemplary 
career.  Great  light,  and  much  curious  and 
interesting  information  respecting  the  same, 
may,  however,  be  collected  from  his  "  Private 
and  Political  Correspondence"  forming  a 
sequel  to  these  memoirs. 

The  necessity  of  pursuing  the  narration 
with  chronological  precision,  is  obvious  arid 
imperative;  but  the  only  matter  for  concern 
is,  the  indispensable  obligation  of  changing 


the  style  of  the  relation  from  the  dignity 
of  the  first  person,  which  diffuses  exquisite 
beauty,  and  gives  peculiar  energy  to  the  pre 
ceding  parts  of  the  history.  This,  however, 
will,  in  some  instances,  be  avoided,  Dr.  Frank 
lin  having  left,  (written  by  himself,)  several 
separate  relations  of  events,  or  circumstances 
in  which  he  was  particularly  concerned; 
these,  together  with  some  of  his  letters,  elu 
cidating  similar  objects,  will  be  inserted  (in 
his  own  language)  in  their  proper  places; 
which  he  probably  would  himself  have  done, 
had  he  lived  to  complete  the  narrative  of  his 
Life :  where,  however,  this  resource  is  want 
ing,  all  that  remains  to  be  done,  is,  to  adhere 
scrupulously  to  the  verity  of  facts,  and  to  the 
evidence  of  authorities;  with  as  close  an 
attention  to  the  simplicity  of  the  preceding 
pages  as  may  be,  without  falling  into  the 
error  of  servile  imitation. 

It  will  be  proper  here  to  enter  into  some 
detail  on  the  state  of  Pennsylvania,  at  the  pe 
riod  when  the  voyage  to  England  took  place, 
of  which  an  account  is  given  at  the  close  of 
the  last  part  of  the  author's  own  memoir ;  be 
cause,  as  he  was  obliged  to  trust  solely  to  his 
memory,  some  slight  inaccuracies  escaped 
him,  that  would  otherwise  have  been  avoided. 

In  January,  1757,  the  house  of  assembly 
voted  a  bill  for  granting  to  his  majesty  the 
sum  of  one  hundred  thousand  pounds,  by  a 
tax  on  all  the  estates,  real  and  personal,  and 
taxables,  within  the  province ;  but  on  submit 
ting  it  to  governor  Denny  for  his  sanction,  he 
refused  it  in  a  message,  which,  among  other 
remarkable  observations,  contained  the  follow 
ing  avowal  of  his  subservience  to  the  Penn 
family : — "  The  proprietaries  are  willing'  their 
estates  should  be  taxed  in  the  manner  that 
appears  to  them  to  be  reasonable,  and  agree 
able  to  the  land  tax  acts  of  parliament  hi  our 
mother  country.  I  am  not  inclined  to  enter 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


into  any  dispute  with  you  on  the  subject, 
since  it  cannot  be  decided  on  this  side  the 
water ;  nor  can  I  see  what  good  end  it  can 
answer,  as  the  proprietaries  have  positively 
enjoined  me,  not  to  pass  any  bill  that  is 
against  their  instruction.  As  his  majesty's 
service,  and  the  defence  of  this  province,  ren 
der  it  necessary  to  raise  immediate  supplies, 
I  must  earnestly  recommend  it  to  you  to  frame 
such  a  bill  as  it  is  in  my  power  to  pass,  con 
sistent  with  my  honour  and  my  engagements 
to  the  proprietaries,  which,  I  am  persuaded, 
you  will  not  desire  me  to  violate.  I  have 
some  amendments  to  propose  to  particular 
parts  of  the  bill  now  before  me,  which  I  shall 
communicate  to  you,  as  soon  as  I  know  whe 
ther  you  determine  to  prepare  a  new  bill,  free 
from  the  objection  I  have  abovementioned." 
Upon  this,  the  house  of  assembly  came  to  a 
resolution  which  was  digested  in  the  form  of 
a  remonstrance,  by  Mr.  Franklin,  as  the  in 
ternal  evidence  of  the  language  plainly  de 
monstrates.  It  was  as  follows : — 

"The  representatives  of  the  freemen  of 
Pennsylvania,  in  general  assembly  met,  do 
hereby  humbly  remonstrate  to  your  honour, 
that  the  proprietaries'  professed  willingness 
to  be  taxed,  mentioned  by  your  honour,  in 
your  message  of  Tuesday  last,  can  be  intend 
ed  only  to  amuse  and  deceive  their  superiors; 
since  they  have  in  their  instructions  excepted 
all  their  quitrents,  located  unimproved  lands, 
purchase-money  at  interest,  and,  in  short,  so 
much  of  their  vast  estate,  as  to  reduce  their 
tax,  as  far  as  appears  to  us,  below  that  of  a 
common  farmer  or  tradesman. 

"  That  though  the  proprietaries'  instructions 
are  by  no  means  laws  in  this  province,  we 
have  so  far  complied  with  them,  as  to  confine 
the  sum  given  to  be  raised  in  one  year.  And 
had  we  complied  with  them  in  the  other  par 
ticulars,  the  raising  any  thing  near  the  sum 
required  by  the  present  exigencies  of  the  pro 
vince,  would  be  absolutely  impossible. 

"  That  the  apparent  necessity  of  so  large  a 
sum  for  his  majesty's  service,  and  the  defence 
of  this  his  province,  founded  upon  the  gover 
nor's  own  estimate,  has  obliged  us  to  an  effort 
beyond  our  strength,  being  assured,  that  hun 
dreds  of  families  must  be  distressed  to  pay 
this  tax. 

"  That  we  have,  in  the  due  exercise  of  our 
just  rights,  by  the  royal  and  provincial  char 
ters,  and  the  laws  of  this  province,  and  as  an 
English  representative  body,  framed  this  bill, 
consistent  with  those  rights. 

"  That  the  bill  is  agreeable  to  justice  and 
equity  with  regard  to  the  proprietaries,  and  is 
not  repugnant  to  the  laws  of  our  mother  coun 
try,  but  as  nearly  agreeable  thereto  as  our 
different  circumstances  will  permit ;  nor  is  it 
contrary  to  any  royal  instruction  whatever. 
That  great  as  the  sum  is,  and  hard  for  this 
people  to  pay,  we  freely  offer  it  to  our  gra- 


!  cious  king  for  his  service,  and  the  defence  of 
this  colony  from  his  majesty's  enemies. 

"That  the  proprietaries  refusing  to  permit 
us  to  grant  money  to  the  crown  in  this  time 
of  war,  and  imminent  danger  to  the  province, 
unless  we  will  consent  thus  to  exempt  their 
estates  from  the  tax,  we  conceive  to  be  inju 
rious  to  the  interests  of  the  crown,  and  tyran 
nical  with  regard  to  the  people. 

"  That  we  do  further  humbly  conceive,  nei 
ther  the  proprietaries,  nor  any  other  power 
on  earth,  ought  to  interfere  between  us  and 
our  sovereign,  either  to  modify,  or  refuse  our 
free  gifts  and  grants  for  his  majesty's  ser 
vice. 

"  That  though  the  governor  may  be  under 
obligations  to  the  proprietaries,  we  conceive 
he  is  under  greater  to  the  crown,  and  to  the 
people  he  is  appointed  to  govern ;  to  promote 
the  service  of  the  former,  preserve  the  rights 
of  the  latter,  and  protect  them  from  their 
cruel  enemies. 

"  We  do,  therefore,  in  the  name  of  our 
most  gracious  sovereign,  and  in  behalf  of  the 
distressed  people  we  represent,  unanimously 
DEMAND  it  of  the  governor  as  our  RIGHT,  that, 
he  give  his  assent  to  the  bill  we  now  present 
him,  for  granting  to  his  majesty  one  hundred 
thousand  pounds  for  the  defence  of  this  pro 
vince,  (and  as  it  is  a  money-bill,  without 
alteration  or  amendment,  any  instructions 
whatsoever  from  the  proprietaries  notwith 
standing,)  as  he  will  answer  to  the  crown  for 
all  the  consequences  of  his  refusal  at  his 
peril. 

"  (Signed  by  order  of  the  house) 

« ISAAC  NORRIS.  Speaker. 

"January  28,  1757." 

This  spirited  remonstrance,  in  which  it 
might  be  almost  said  that  argument  and  satire 
are  blended,  failed  to  produce  any  other  effect 
upon  the  governor  than  of  confirming  his  re 
fusal,  and  of  drawing  from  him  a  laboured 
justification,  grounded  upon  parliamentary 
usage  in  England,  and  the  supposed  hardship 
of  taxing  the  unimproved  lands  of  the  pro 
prietaries.  His  objections  were  replied  to 
seriatim  by  the  house,  and  at  considerable 
length,  but  with  that  perspicuity  for  which 
Franklin  was  ever  distinguished.  At  the 
conclusion  it  was  "ordered,  February  28, 1757, 
that  Mr.  Roberdeau  and  Mr.  Yorke  do  wait 
upon  the  governor  with  the  bill  for  granting- 
one  hundred  thousand  pounds  for  the  defence 
of  the  province,  and  acquaint  him,  that  upon 
receiving  his  honour's  message  of  the  12th 
instant,  sent  down,  with  our  last  supply  bill, 
the  committee  to  whom  that  message  was  re 
ferred,  have  reported  fully  upon  all  the  objec 
tions  against  that  bill,  which,  after  mature 
deliberation,  the  house  have  approved,  and 
find  those  objections  are  rather  excuses  for 
not  passing  the  bill,  than  reasons  against  it : 


70 


MEMOIRS  OF 


— That  the  bill  itself  is  only  a  supplement  to 
an  act,  which,  after  a  full  hearing  before  the 
lords  of  trade,  has  very  lately  received  the 
royal  assent;  and  we  confined  ourselves  to 
that  act,  with  as  few  alterations  as  possible, 
apprehending  the  bill  would  be  free  from  all 
objections  under  the  royal  sanction  so  lately 
obtained  : — That  by  the  estimate  the  governor 
laid  before  us  this  session,  he  computes  the 
sum  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven  thou 
sand  pounds  as  necessary  to  be  raised  for  the 
defence  of  the  province  in  the  ensuing  year ; 
and  yet  upon  the  most  exact  computation  we 
have  been  able  to  make,  no  more  than  thirty 
thousand  pounds  could  be  raised  upon  the  pro 
vince  in  one  year  by  his  restricted  powers, 
and  not  one  third  of  his  proposed  estimate,  by 
the  addition  of  all  the  other  measures  he  has 
proposed,  if  the  house  were  so  insensible  of 
the  duty  they  owe  to  their  constituents  as  to 
take  their  money  laws  from  him  only  : — That 
.therefore  we  desire  to  know  his  final  result 
upon  this  bill,  which  we  once  more  send  up 
for  his  concurrence ;  and  if  he  should,  not 
withstanding,  continue  to  refuse  his  assent  to 
it  as  it  now  stands,  we  must  refer  it  to  his 
honour  to  pay  the  forces  by  him  raised,  or  to 
disband  them,  as  he  shall  judge  he  can  best 
answer  for  his  conduct  to  his  majesty,  whose 
colony  we  apprehend  to  be  in  imminent  dan 
ger,  and  for  the  defence  whereof  we  have  in 
vain  endeavoured  to  make  the  necessary  pro 
vision  as  far  as  lay  in  our  power." 

Great  events  it  has  been  frequently  observ 
ed  spring  from  little  causes,  and  though  the 
contest  between  the  governor  and  the  assem 
bly  of  Pennsylvania  was  far  from  being  in  it 
self  of  trivial  import,  considering  the  variety 
of  interests  which  it  involved,  yet  as  being  a 
local  and  private  concern,  no  extensive  conse 
quences  could  reasonably  have  been  expected 
to  flow  from  it.  To  the  philosophical  his 
torian,  however,  who  watches  the  influence 
of  casual  occurrences  upon  the  actions  and 
opinions  of  eminent  men,  it  will  appear  more 
than  probable,  that  this  struggle  for  an 
equalization  of  rights  in  one  province,  led  the 
way,  or  at  least  incidentally  prepared  the 
people  of  America  for  a  more  general  resist 
ance  to  arbitrary  impositions.  The  refusal 
of  the  proprietaries  to  take  their  part  of  the 
public  burdens,  while  they  enjoyed  all  the 
increasing  advantages  resulting  from  the 
security  thereby  afforded,  brought  questions 
under  discussion  which  might  otherwise  have 
lain  dormant.  Certain  it  is  that  these  dis 
putes,  by  calling  the  energetic  mind  of  Benja 
min  Franklin  into  a  new  field  of  inquiry,  and 
clothing  him  with  the  diplomatic  character, 
enlarged  the  sphere  of  his  observation,  and 
fitted  him  for  those  extraordinary  services  in 
which  he  acquired  the  greatest  glory  by  con 
tributing  to  that  of  his  country. 

On  his  arrival  in  England  he  found,  that 


innumerable  and  weighty  obstacles  were 
thrown  in  his  way,  by  the  art  and  industry  of 
those  who  had  an  interest  in  prejudicing  the 
public  mind  against  the  force  of  his  represent 
ations.  For  this  purpose  the  newspapers 
were  constantly  supplied  with  paragraphs,, 
under  the  form  of  Intelligence  from  Pennsyl 
vania,  but  in  reality  manufactured  in  London, 
and  conveying  gross  reflections  upon  the  as 
sembly  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  province, 
who  were  described  as  actuated  by  selfish 
motives  and  a  refractory  spirit,  because  they 
persisted  in  withstanding  the  claim  of  the 
proprietaries  to  an  exemption  from  that  taxation 
which  was  necessary  to  the  defence  of  their 
own  estates.  To  increase  the  mortification 
of  the  provincial  agent,  he  saw  that  the  peo 
ple  were  so  little  acquainted  with  the  internal 
condition  of  the  colonies,  as  almost  to  regard 
with  indifference  any  complaint  of  grievances 
which  issued  thence.  Besides  this,  the  public 
attention  being  fixed  upon  the  progress  of  the 
war  in  Germany,  rendered  it  a  still  more 
arduous  task  to  remove  the  impressions  pro 
duced  by  interested  individuals,  against  the 
equitable  claims  of  the  inhabitants  of  a  settle 
ment  in  another  part  of  the  world.  If  to  these 
formidable  impediments  be  added  the  natural 
reluctance  of  government  to  interpose  in  local 
disputes,  arising  from  the  ambiguity,  or  even 
the  abuse  of  royal  grants,  it  will  be  seen  that 
the  representative  of  the  Pennsylvania  assem 
bly  had  more  to  dishearten  than  to  encourage 
him  in  the  mission  which  had  been  entrusted 
to  his  zeal  arid  management.  Considering 
the  complexion  of  European  politics  at  that 
period,  and  the  superior  influence  of  those 
with  whom  he  had  to  negotiate  or  contend, 
his  situation  was  of  a  description  that  would 
have  depressed  men  of  vigorous  intellect  and 
of  the  most  enlarged  experience  in  the  in 
trigues  of  public  business.  But  it  was  well 
perhaps  for  the  immediate  benefit  of  the  par 
ticular  province  to  which  he  stood  related, 
and  also  for  the  future  advantage  of  the 
American  states,  that  these  difficulties  occur 
red,  as  they  not  only  brought  into  exercise 
the  powers  of  him  who  was  fitted  to  overcome 
them,  but  laid  the  foundation  of  connexions 
and  improvements  that  in  all  probability  would 
not  otherwise  have  taken  place. 

One  of  the  first  objects  attended  to  by  Dr. 
Franklin,  was  the  current  of  public  opinion 
on  the  concern  in  which  he  was  peculiarly 
interested,  and  to  observe  the  means  adopted 
to  give  that  opinion  a  bias  unfavourable  to  the 
cause  which  he  had  to  support.  Finding  that 
the  press  was  employed  for  this  purpose,  he 
resolved  to  avail  himself  of  the  same  source 
of  information,  and  fully  aware  of  his  own 
strength,  no  less  than  of  the  justice  of  what 
he  defended,  he  entertained  the  confident  as 
surance  of  being  able  to  refute  calumny  by 
facts,  and  to  correct  the  errors  arising  from 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


71 


misrepresentation  by  simple  and  conclusive 
reasoning. 

An  opportunity  soon  offered  to  bring1  the 
subject  fairly  before  the  public,  in  consequence 
of  the  insertion  of  an  article  in  a  paper  called 
the  "  Citizen,  or  General  Advertiser"  sta 
ting  that  recent  letters  from  Philadelphia 
brought  dreadful  accounts  of  the  ravages  com 
mitted  by  the  Indians  on  the  inhabitants  of 
the  back  provinces ;  and  that  notwithstanding 
these  cruelties  the  disputes  between  the 
governor  and  the  assembly  were  carried  on 
to  as  great  a  height  as  ever,  the  messages  on 
both  sides  being  expressed  in  terms  which 
gave  very  little  hopes  of  a  reconciliation.  The 
intelligence  then  went  into  particulars,  by 
saying  the  bill  to  raise  money  was  clogged, 
so  as  to  prevent  the  governor  from  giving  his 
consent  to  it ;  and  that  the  obstinacy  of  the 
Quakers  in  the  assembly  was  such,  that  they 
would  in  no  shape  alter  it ;  so  that  while  the 
enemy  was  in  the  heart  of  the  country,  cavils 
prevented  any  thing  being  done  for  its  relief. 
The  evident  object  of  this  paragraph  was  to 
create  general  indignation  against  the  assem 
bly,  by  making  it  appear  that  the  members 
of  it  were  of  so  factious  a  disposition  as  to 
sacrifice  the  welfare  of  their  country  for  the 
gratification  of  private  ends,  and  so  dead  to 
all  the  finer  feelings  of  humanity  as  to  aban 
don  their  helpless  fellow-creatures  to  savage 
ferocity,  rather  than  lay  aside  their  particular 
differences.  It  did  not  require  the  sagacity 
of  Benjamin  Franklin  to  discover  that  this 
fabrication  originated  in  a  spirit  of  alarm  oc 
casioned  by  the  circumstance  that  an  accredit 
ed  agent  on  the  part  of  the  province  was  in 
London ;  but  reflecting  that,  as  such,  it  did 
not  become  him  on  the  one  hand  to  enter  upon 
the  public  discussion  of  the  concern  which  he 
was  employed  to  bring  to  an  amicable  con 
clusion,  nor  on  the  other  to  preserve  an  abso 
lute  silence,  which  might  prove  detrimental 
to  the  interests  of  those  whom  he  represent 
ed  ;  he  therefore  judiciously  caused  a  reply, 
bearing  the  name  of  his  son,  to  be  inserted  in 
the  same  journal;  from  which  he  had  the 
satisfaction  of  seeing  it  transplanted  into  other 
papers  of  greater  importance  and  more  ex 
tensive  circulation.  In  this  letter,  dated  from 
the  Pennsylvania  coffee  house,  London,  Sep 
tember  16,  1757,  the  author  repels  the  in 
sinuation  thrown  out  against  one  province,  as 
if  it  quiescently  suffered  more  from  the  In 
dians  than  any  other,  by  showing  that  the 
contrary  was  the  fact,  and  that  the  rest  of  the 
colonies  were  as  much  exposed  to  savage 
depredation  as  Pennsylvania.  In  the  next 
place  he  observes,  that  the  inhabitants  on  the 
frontiers  of  that  province  were  not  Quakers, 
and  that  so  far  from  entertaining  the  passive 
principles  of  this  sect,  they  were  supplied 
with  arms,  a.id  had  frequently  repelled  the 
enemy.  On  the  subject  of  the  disputes  so 


invidiously  mentioned  in  the  pretended  news, 
it  was  shown  that  they  were  occasioned 
chiefly  by  new  instructions  or  commands  sent 
from  England,  forbidding  the  governors  to 
sanction  any  laws  imposing  taxes  for  the  de 
fence  of  the  country,  unless  the  proprietary 
estate,  or  much  the  greatest  part  of  it,  was 
exempted  from  the  burden.  With  respect 
to  the  Quakers,  who  had  been  represented  as 
the  instigators  of  the  contention,  the  author 
of  the  letter  satisfactorily  proved,  by  the  ad 
duction  of  facts,  that  they  constituted  but  a 
small  part  of  the  existing  population  of  the 
province,  and  were  no  more  active  in  the 
disputes  than  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants,  who, 
with  the  exception  of  the  proprietary  officers 
and  their  dependants,  had  joined  in  opposing 
the  instructions  and  contending  for  their 
rights.  In  farther  vindication  of  the  Quakers 
it  was  observed,  that  notwithstanding  their 
scruple  about  bearing  arms,  they  had  con 
tributed  largely  for  the  defence  of  the  coun 
try  ;  and  that,  to  prevent  any  obstruction  in 
the  assembly  from  their  peculiar  opinions, 
they  had  for  the  most  part  declined  sitting  in 
the  assembly.  Having  thus  cleared  unfound 
ed  objections,  and  illiberal  aspersions,  the  let 
ter  proceeded  to  a  statistical  account  of  the 
province,  and  of  the  spirit  of  the  people,  from 
which  the  British  public  might  see  that  every 
thing  had  been  done  there  to  secure  the 
frontier  and  to  protect  the  trade  of  the  neigh 
bouring  governments,  without  any  contribu 
tions,  either  from  those  colonies  or  the  mother 
country. 

This  paper  was  well  adapted  to  draw  the 
attention  of  thinking  men  to  the  real  state  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  the  nature  of  the  griev 
ances  complained  of  by  the  great  body  of  its 
inhabitants,  whose  misfortune  it  was  to  have 
their  cause  little  understood,  where  only  they 
had  to  look  for  a  remedy.  To  remove  this 
obstacle  more  effectually,  and  to  bring  the 
subject  so  fully  before  the  public  as  to  render 
all  the  arts  of  misrepresentation  no  longer 
availing  to  the  selfish  purposes  of  an  interest 
ed  party,  Mr.  Franklin,  while  engaged  in 
negotiation  with  the  proprietaries,  employed 
his  leisure  hours  in  drawing  up  a  minute  ac 
count  of  the  province  for  general  information. 
The  necessity  of  such  a  publication  was  obvi 
ous  from  the  insidious  attempts  made,  through 
various  journals,  to  blacken  the  inhabitants  of 
Pennsylvania  with  the  foul  charges  of  ingrati 
tude  to  the  founder  of  that  colony,  injustice  to 
its  present  proprietors,  and  even  disaffection 
to  the  parent  country.  Mr.  Franklin  saw 
with  concern  that  this  delusion  prevailed  to 
such  a  degree  as  to  give  him  little  chance  of 
success  in  the  object  of  his  mission,  until  he 
could  dispel  the  cloud  of  prejudice  that  craft 
had  raised,  and  convince  the  British  nation  of 
the  wrong  which  it  countenanced,  through 
ignorance  and  credulity.  But  knowing  that 


72 


MEMOIRS  OF 


it  is  in  the  nature  of  discussion  to  elicit  truth, 
and  of  perseverance  to  defeat  falsehood,  he 
resolved  to  publish  a  volume  that  should  at 
tract  notice  by  the  manner  of  its  composition, 
and  produce  effect  by  the  importance  of  the 
matter  which  it  contained.  With  this  view 
he  began  to  trace  the  history  of  the  province 
from  its  primary  settlement,  and  to  exhibit 
the  various  changes  which  it  had  progressive 
ly  undergone  in  the  form  of  its  government. 
Having  sketched  his  design,  he  found  that  it 
grew  upon  his  hands,  as  it  not  only  obliged 
him  to  enter  minutely  into  the  detail  of  facts 
and  the  adduction  of  records,  but  to  illustrate 
them  by  explanations  and  to  apply  them  by 
reflections.  This  performance  appeared  at 
the  beginning  of  1759,  with  the  title  of  "  An 
Historical  Review  of  the  Constitution  and 
Government  o/t,  Pennsylvania  from  its 
origin ;  so  far  as  regards  the  several  points 
of  controversy  which  have  from  time  to  time 
arisen  between  the  several  governors  of 
Pennsylvania  and  their  several  assemblies. 
Founded  on  authentic  documents."  To 
which  was  prefixed  this  motto :  "  Those  who 
give  up  essential  liberty  to  purchase  a  little 
temporary  safety,  deserve  neither  liberty 
nor  safety"*  This  work  was  necessarily 
anonymous ;  and  the  strictest  circumspection 
appears  to  have  been  observed  in  regard  to 
the  author,  who  being  at  that  time  employed 
in  negotiating  with  the  proprietaries,  as  well 
as  in  bringing  the  business  before  the  privy 
council,  could  not  well  publish  any  statement 
of  the  matters  under  discussion  in  his  own 
name.  The  "  REVIEW,"  therefore,  long  pass 
ed  as  the  production  of  James  Ralph,  the 
historian,  who  having  long  resided  in  Phila 
delphia,  and  being  generally  known  as  a 
political  writer,  was  the  more  easily  believed 
to  have  taken  this  deep  interest  in  the  con 
cerns  of  a  province  with  which  he  was  well 
acquainted.  There  is  little  doubt  indeed  that 
this  ascription  of  the  book  to  Ralph,  was  a 
matter  perfectly  agreeable  to  the  real  author, 
if  not  actually  concerted  by  him,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  diverting  the  attention  of  those  per 
sons  who,  from  interested  motives  and  resent 
ment,  might  have  been  disposed  to  represent 
his  appeal  to  the  public  as  an  injury  to  in 
dividuals,  and  an  insult  offered  to  government. 
Mr.  Franklin  was  aware,  that  his  mission  ex 
cited  jealousy,  and  that  his  conduct  would 
therefore  be  closely  watched,  in  order  to  take 
the  advantage  of  any  inadvertencies  which  he 
might  commit.  While,  therefore,  he  saw  the 
expediency  of  setting  the  nation  right  on  the 
subject  in  dispute,  in  order  to  justify  the 
colonists  on  the  one  hand,  and  to  reduce  the 
extravagant  claims  of  those  who  lorded  it  over 
them  on  the  other ;  he  was  careful  to  do  this 
in  such  a  manner  as  should  not  give  offence 
to  any  party.  At  present  the  internal  cha- 
*  This  historical  review  is  in  Vol.  II.  of  this  edition. 


racter  of  the  book  is  too  strongly  marked  to 
mislead  any  one  that  is  at  all  conversant  with 
the  style  of  Franklin;  but  when  it  originally 
appeared,  his  reputation  as  a  writer  was  not 
sufficiently  established  to  render  the  discovery 
easy  by  the  simple  test  of  literary  composi 
tion.  Such,  however,  were  its  attractions  in 
this  respect,  that  notwithstanding  the  peculiar 
aridity  of  the  subject,  the  work  gained  public 
notice,  and  was  distinguished  by  the  approba 
tion  of  those  who  were  most  competent  to 
decide  upon  its  merits. 

The  dedication  to  Arthur  Onslow,  the 
venerable  speaker  of  the  house  of  commons, 
would  alone  be  sufficient  to  ascertain  the  hand 
whence  the  review  proceeded ;  for,  indepen 
dent  of  its  epigrammatic  turns  and  general 
terseness,  it  breathes  the  language  of  a  person 
acting  by  the  authority  of  the  provincialists, 
whose  cause  he  so  powerfully  pleaded. 

That  introduction,  and  a  sprightly  dedi 
cation,  will  be  found  in  pages  vii.  viii,  of 
Vol.  II.  This  review  abounds  with  origi 
nal  and  vigorous  ideas.  "  Power  like  wa 
ter  is  ever  working  its  way ;  and  where- 
ever  it  can  find  or  make  an  opening,  is  alto 
gether  as  prone  to  overflow  whatever  is 
subject  to  it;  and  though  matter  of  right 
overlooked  may  be  reclaimed  and  restored 
at  any  time,  it  cannot  be  too  soon  reclaimed 
and  restored." 

A  writer  who  was  a  contemporary,  speak 
ing  of  this  "  Review"  says,  "  Pennsylvania 
had  in  our  author  a  most  zealous  and  able 
advocate.  His  sentiments  are  manly,  liberal, 
and  spirited.  His  style  close,  nervous,  and 
rhetorical.  By  a  forcible  display  of  the  op 
pression  of  his  clients,  he  inclines  the  reader 
to  pity  their  condition,  and  by  an  enumera 
tion  of  their  virtues  he  endeavours  to  remove 
the  idea,  which  may  be  entertained  of  their 
unimportance ;  and  that,  abstracted  from  their 
consideration  in  a  political  light,  they  claim 
our  regard  by  reason  of  their  own  personal 
merits." 

The  publication,  though  anonymous,  un 
doubtedly  produced  a  considerable  effect ;  and 
by  bringing  the  grievances  of  the  colonists 
closely  under  the  consideration  of  the  British 
public,  tended  materially  to  facilitate  the  ob 
ject  of  the  author,  and  even  to  enlarge  his 
views  with  regard  to  the  inconvenience  of  the 
proprietary  government  Finding  that  the 
family  of  the  founder  would  not  relax  in  their 
demands,  and  that  the  publication  of  this  ex 
plicit  statement  had  exasperated  them  in  no 
ordinary  degree,  the  agent  for  the  province 
brought  the  cause  of  his  clients  in  the  shape 
of  a  petition  before  the  privy  council.  Such 
indeed  was  his  activity,  and  so  confident  were 
the  provincialists  of  the  success  of  their  cause 
in  his  hands,  that  during  his  residence  in 
England,  the  assembly  passed  a  law  for  the 
imposition  of  a  tax,  in  which  no  exemption 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


73 


was  made  in  favour  of  the  proprietary  estates 
This  bill  received  the  assent  of  governor 
Denny,  which  plainly  evinced,  that  the  go 
vernor  felt  not  only  the  reasonableness  of  th< 
measure  itself,  but  the  certainty  that  his  em 
ployers  must  soon  yield  to  the  persevering 
efforts  of  their  opponents.  The  proprietaries 
on  receiving  the  intelligence  of  this  advance 
in  the  cause  of  independence,  exerted  them 
selves  to  prevent  the  royal  sanction  from  be 
ing  given  to  the  money-bill,  which  their  own 
governor  had  passed,  but  which  they  repre 
sented  as  subversive  of  their  chartered  rights, 
and  tending  to  ruin  themselves  and  their  pos 
terity,  by  bringing  upon  them  all  the  expenses 
necessary  for  the  defence  and  support  of  the 
province.  The  cause,  however,  proceeded 
l>efore  the  lords  of  the  council,  and  though  the 
Penn  family  did  not  want  powerful  support, 
and  very  able  advocates,  such  was  the  force 
of  simple  truth  and  the  evidence  of  plain  facts, 
that  the  agent  of  the  colony  soon  perceived 
the  advantage  which  had  been  gained  by  his 
prudent  management  and  seasonable  publica 
tion.  After  some  delay  and  much  tedious 
discussion,  a  proposal  of  accommodation  was 
made  on  the  part  of  the  proprietaries,  that 
Mr.  Franklin  should  engage  for  his  employ 
ers  not  to  assess  the  estates  in  question  be 
yond  their  due  proportion.  To  this  proposi 
tion  no  objection  could  be  offered ;  for  it,  in 
fact,  conceded  the  very  ground  of  litigation, 
and  established,  by  consent  of  the  contending 
parties,  and  under  the  authority  of  govern 
ment,  all  the  rights  to  which  the  inhabitants 
of  Pennsylvania  laid  claim,  and  of  which  they 
had  been  so  long  deprived.  This  termination 
of  the  controversy,  brought  the  abilities  of 
Franklin  into  full  exercise,  and  the  engage 
ment  into  which  he  entered  was  so  scrupu 
lously  fulfilled,  as  to  raise  him  in  the  estima 
tion  of  those  persons  who  had  for  a  consider 
able  time  looked  upon  him  with  jealousy,  and 
considered  him  as  inimical  to  their  interests. 
The  conspicuous  light  in  which  this  business 
placed  his  talents  and  integrity,  sufficiently 
appeared,  indeed,  by  the  circumstance,  that 
when  the  conclusion  of  the  dispute  became 
known  in  America,  the  colonies  of  Massachu 
setts,  Maryland,  and  Georgia,  were  anxious  to 
have  him  for  their  agent  in  England ;  which 
appointment  suiting  his  views  and  connex 
ions  was  readily  accepted,  and  as  honourably 
discharged. 

His  conduct,  however,  in  the  Pennsylva- 
nian  differences,  though  so  unequivocally 
marked  by  the  public  approbation  of  those 
who  were  the  most  competent  to  judge  of  its 
merits,  has  not  passed  without  censure ;  and 
the  late  biographer  of  William  Penn,  finding 
it  necessary  to  vindicate  that  extraordinary 
character  from  the  various  charges  and  sur 
mises  brought  against  him  by  various  writers, 
among  the  rest  took  notice  of  the  Historical 

VOL.I....K  7 


Review,  published  by  Franklin,  and  the  spirit 
in  which  it  was  composed.  Mr.  Clarkson 
observes,  that  this  book  was  the  production 
of  Franklin,  "  though  it  was  attributed  to  one 
Ralph,  to  prejudice  the  people  against  the 
proprietary  family,  in  order  to  effect  a  change 
of  government  from  proprietary  to  royal; 
which  was  afterwards  attempted,  but  which, 
to  his  great  chagrin,  failed.  This  failure  laid 
the  foundation  of  his  animosity  to  Great  Bri 
tain,  which  was  so  conspicuous  afterwards."* 
Here  the  biographer,  in  his  zeal  to  defend 
the  founder  of  Pennsylvania,  has  committed 
the  very  fault  which  he  has  endeavoured  to 
fasten  as  an  error  upon  Franklin ;  for  it  cer 
tainly  is  not  true  that  the  latter  wrote  his 
book  to  effect  a  change  in  the  government, 
which  design  there  is  every  reason  to  believe 
had  not  been  even  conceived  at  the  time, 
however  it  may  have  been  long  after.  The 
work  was  drawn  up  for  no  other  purpose  than 
to  exhibit  the  state  of  the  province,  and  to 
make  the  nation  clearly  acquainted  with  the 
progressive  grievances  of  which  the  inhabit 
ants  complained.  Undoubtedly  these  griev 
ances  were,  in  a  great  measure,  traced  by 
the  author  to  the  manner  in  which  William 
Penn  had  secured  his  property  originally,  and 
provided  for  an  increase  of  it  in  the  event  of 
the  prosperous  advance  of  the  colony. 

The  historian  of  Pennsylvania  could  not 
avoid  noticing  the  double  part  which  this 
celebrated  legislator  had  played,  as  proprie 
tary  and  governor ;  for  the  people  of  his  own 
persuasion,  who  had  embarked  with  him  in 
this  concern,  had  heavily  and  repeatedly  com 
plained  of  his  conduct  towards  them,  and 
their  charges  against  him  upon  record,  are 
infinitely  more  severe  than  the  slight  touches 
of  sarcastic  reflection  scattered  here  and  there 
in  the  REVIEW.  Nor  is  it  true,  that  the  dis 
appointment  experienced  in  the  failure  of  the 
projected  alteration  in  the  government  from 
proprietary  to  royal,  laid  the  foundation  of  any 
animosity  in  the  mind  of  Franklin  against 
Great  Britain ;  for  it  is  a  well-known  fact, 
that  the  differences  between  the  parent  coun 
try  and  the  colonies,  were  the  source  of  great 
ineasiness  to  him;  and  he  endeavoured  all 
;hat  lay  in  his  power  to  prevent  the  rupture 
vhich  ensued.  This  will  clearly  appear  in 
he  sequel  of  these  memoirs. 

Mr.  Clarkson  very  properly  enters  into  a 
justification  of  Penn's  moral  character,  and 
ie-  has  succeeded  in  a  great  degree  in  clear- 
ng  up  many  doubtful  points,  which  tended, 
m  the  authority  of  respectable  writers,  to 
mng  the  principles  of  that  eminent  man  into 
suspicion ;  but  the  same  love  of  justice  ought 
o  have  prevented  the  biographer  and  pane 
gyrist  of  Penn,  from  throwing  illiberal  reflec- 
ions,  and  alleging  unfounded  accusations, 

*  Memoirs  of  the  private  and  public  Jife  of  William 
Penn.    By  Thomas  Clarkson,  M.  A.  Vol.  II.  p.  386. 


74 


MEMOIRS  OF 


against  one  who  was  not  at  least  inferior  to 
him  in  ability  and  integrity.  Nevertheless 
Mr.  Clarkson  is  willing  to  obtain  the  testi 
mony  of  Franklin  in  favour  of  the  object  of  : 
his  admiration ;  though  it  is  to  be  regretted, ! 
that  he  could  not  even  do  this,  without  mixing 
with  his  quotation  something  disrespectful  of  : 
the  very  authority  which  he  cited.  "  Nay,"  j 
says  he,  "  if  I  mistake  not,  Dr.  Franklin  him-  i 
self  was  among  those  who  highly  respected 
Penn." 

The  doctor  had  a  satirical  way  of  express 
ing  himself  when  he  was  not  pleased,  and 
therefore  when  he  found  fault  with  William 
Penn,  he  could  not  get  rid  of  his  old  habit; 
but  the  hostility  he  manifested,  was  far  more 
in  manner  than  in  heart.  He  was  assuredly 
more  severe  upon  William  Penn's  grandsons, 
against  whom  (it  is  said)  he  published  a  small 
pamphlet,  where,  as  if  no  other  way  had  been 
left  to  expose  them,  it  is  singular  that  he  con 
trasted  their  conduct  with  the  virtuous  exam 
ple  of  their  noble  ancestor.  The  little  ludi 
crous  motto,  prefixed  to  this  work,  and  which 
was  taken  from  John  Rogers's  primer,  may 
enable  the  reader  to  judge,  in  part,  of  its 
contents : — 

I  send  you  here  a  little  book, 
For  you  to  look  upon  : 
That  you  may  see  your  father's  face, 
Now  he  is  dead  and  gone." 

The  ingenious  eulogist  of  Penn,  however, 
does  not  seem  to  have  been  aware,  that  in 
attempting  to  invalidate  the  testimony  of 
Franklin,  he  had  before  completely  destroyed 
the  value  of  his  praise.  In  the  general  view 
of  the  character  of  Penn,  no  doubt  the  latter 
concurred  fully  with  the  voice  of  the  public  ;* 
but  knowing,  as  he  did,  the  minuter  parts  of 
the  history  of  his  connexions  with  the  pro 
vince  which  bears  his  name,  it  was  impossible 
either  to  pass  them  over  in  absolute  silence,  or 
to  speak  of  them  without  some  observation  on 
the  want  of  consistency  in  so  great  a  man. 

Thus  much  it  was  proper  here  to  remark, 
because  if  a  necessity  existed  for  the  justifica 
tion  of  Penn,  from  any  reflections  bestowed 
upon  him  by  the  historian  of  his  settlement, 
it  must  be  equally  necessary  to  show  that 
these  reflections  did  not  proceed  from  the 
wantonness  of  a  satirical  humour,  or  the  ma 
lignity  of  wit,  but  from  an  attentive  examina 
tion  of  the  subject,  and  the  paramount  love 
of  truth,  in  a  concern  which  demanded  an  in 
vestigation  hi  detail,  and  a  full  exposition  for 
the  ends  of  justice. 

While  Benjamin  Franklin  was  engaged  in 

*  In  a  letter  to  Mr.  David  Barclay,  dated  Passy,  Ja 
nuary  8, 1783,  Dr.  Franklin  thus  expresses  himself:— 
"  Your  friends  on  both  sides  the  Atlantic,  may  be  as 
sured  of  whatever  justice  or  favour  I  may  be  able  to 
procure  for  them.  My  veneration  for  William  Penn  is 
not  less  than  yours;  and  I  have  always  had  great  es 
teem  for  the  body  of  your  people." 


this  troublesome  but  important  concern,  at 
the  court  of  Great  Britain,  he  had  opportuni 
ties  of  becoming  acquainted  with  many  per 
sons  of  the  first  consequence  in  the  state,  who, 
on  then-  side  were  not  wanting  hi  observing 
his  extraordinary  sagacity  and  comprehensive 
understanding.      The   war  in  which  Great 
Britain  \vas  then  involved,  could  not  fail  to 
excite  much  of  his  attention,  and  he  was  not 
alone  in  the  opinion,  that  by  pursuing  the 
contest  solely  in  Germany,  England  incurred 
an  enormous  expenditure,  without  either  reap 
ing  any  immediate  advantage,  or  facilitating 
an  honourable  termination.     There  was  some 
thing,   indeed,    peculiarly  splendid    in    the 
achievements  of  the  king  of  Prussia ;  and  the 
nation,   without  knowing  why,   seemed    to 
identify  the  cause  of  that  monarch  with  the 
security  of  the  Protestant  religion,  and  the 
maintenance  of  the  balance  of  power,  the 
favourite  delusions  of  that  period.     The  judg 
ment  of  Franklin  was  unbiassed  by  prejudices 
which  had  no  foundation  in  reason,  and  too 
cool  to  be  warmed  by  the  report  of  victories, 
the  result  of  which  appeared  to  be  little  more 
than  an  occasion  for  renewed  exertions  and 
more     sanguinary    conflicts,     without     any 
definite  object  or  satisfactory  prospect.     He 
contemplated  the  interests  of  Britain  in  a  more 
dispassionate  point  of  view,  than  those  who 
made  them  dependant  upon  the  success  of 
subsidized  allies ;  and  knowing  by  experience, 
how  desirous  France  was  to  gain  a  more  ex 
tended  footing  in   America,   he  thought  it 
would  be  the  wisest  way  to  counteract  her 
ambitious  projects,  by  an  attack  upon  her  own 
colony.     Franklin  was  no  stranger  to  Canada, 
and  he  was  thoroughly  persuaded  that  the 
possession  of  that  country  gave  to  the  French 
a  commanding  influence  over  the  Indians,  of 
which  they  never  failed  to  take  an  advantage, 
to  the   annoyance  of  the  English  colonies. 
Looking  upon  France  in  relation  to  England 
as  another  Carthage,  he  formed  the  project 
of  destroying  her  maritime  ascendancy ;  as 
well  to  strengthen  the  political  and  commer 
cial  state  of  Great  Britain,  as  to  provide  a 
permanent  security  for  her  foreign  dependen 
cies.     The  more  he  weighed  the  subject  in 
his  mind,  the  more  was  he  satisfied  that  the 
true  interest  of  Great  Britain  lay  in  weaken 
ing  her  rival  on  the  side  of  America,  rather 
than  in  Germany ;  and  these  sentiments  he 
imparted  to  some  of  his  friends,  by  whom  they 
were  reported  to  the  indefatigable  William 
Pitt,  afterwards  earl  of  Chatham ;  who  no 
sooner  consulted  him  on  the  practicability  of 
the  conquest,  than  he  was  convinced  by  the 
force  of  his  arguments,  and  determined  by  the 
simple  accuracy  of  his  statements.     The  en 
terprise  was    immediately  undertaken,  the 
command  given  to  general  Wolfe,  and  con 
ducted  with  such  celerity,  as  completely  to 
deceive  France,  who  had  no  apprehensions 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


75 


for  the  safety  of  Canada,  till  the  intelligence 
reached  Europe  of  its  being  irrevocably  lost. 
This  acquisition  gave  a  new  turn  to  the 
political  interests  of  the  English  colonies,  and 
followed  as  it  soon  was  by  a  new  reign,  it 
contributed  very  materially  to  the  restoration 
of  peace.  The  brilliancy  of  the  conquest  of 
Canada,  and  the  powerful  pamphlet  written 
about  this  time  by  Franklin's  intimate  friend, 
Israel  Mauduit,  a  merchant  of  London,  on 
the  impolicy  of  German  wars,  drew  the  at 
tention  of  the  nation  to  the  importance  of  that 
country,  and  the  necessity  of  preserving  it  for 
the  welfare  of  our  own  colonies.  There  were 
not  wanting,  however,  some  politicians  who 
considered  the  possession  of  Canada  in  another 
light,  and  as  less  desirable  than  the  retention 
of  Guadaloupe,  which  about  the  same  time 
surrendered  to  the  British  arms. 

On  the  prospect  of  peace  with  France,  the 
earl  of  Bath,  addressed  "  A  Letter  to  two 
great  Men"  (Mr.  Pitt  and  the  duke  of  New 
castle)  on  the  terms  necessary  to  be  insisted 
on  in  the  negotiations.  He  preferred  the 
acquisition  of  Canada,  to  the  acquisitions  in 
the  West  Indies.  In  the  same  year  (1760) 
there  appeared,  "  Remarks  on  the  Letter  ad 
dressed  to  two  great  Men"  (written  by 
Messieurs  Burke*)  containing  opposite  opin 
ions  on  this  and  other  subjects.  At  thfs  time 
Mr.  Franklin  stepped  into  the  controversy, 
and  wrote  a  pamphlet,  in  which  he  was  as 
sisted  by  his  friend  Mr.  Richard  Jackson, 
(who  desired  not  to  be  known  on  the  occasion) 
entitled,  "  The  Interest  of  Great  Britain 
considered  with  regard  to  the  Colonies,  and 
the  acquisition  of  Canada  and  Guadaloupe" 
in  which  were  pointed  out  in  the  most  clear 
and  forcible  manner,  the  advantages  that 
would  result  to  Great  Britain  from  the  reten 
tion  of  Canada ;  demonstrating  also,  that  the 
security  of  a  dominion,  is  a  justifiable  and 
prudent  ground  upon  which  to  demand  ces 
sions  from  an  enemy ; — that  the  erection  of 
forts  in  the  back  settlements,  was  almost  in 
no  instance  a  sufficient  security  against  the 
Indians  and  the  French  ;  but  that  the  posses 
sion  of  Canada  implied  every  security,  and 
ought  to  be  had  while  in  the  power  of  the 
British  government: — and  that  the  French 
retaining  Canada,  would  be  an  encourage 
ment  to  disaffection  in  the  British  colonies,  &c. 

These  arguments  appear  to  have  had  the 

*  Of  this  name  there  were  four,  who  obtained  some 
eminence  separately  and  associated.  Edmund  Burke 
the  most  celebrated  of  the  four,  and  whose  his'.ory  is 
associated  with  the  two  great  revolutions  of  the  last 
century;  hid  brother  Richard,  who  became  recorder  of 
the  city  of  Bristol ;  William  Burke  the  cousin  of  these 
two,  who  was  for  a  time  secretary  to  general  Oonway, 
and  an  army  paymaster  in  India,  through  whom  Ed 
mund  received  the  most  minute  details  of  those  events 
which  enabled  him  to  bring  Hastings  bsfore  the  house 
of  lords;  the  fourth  was  Richard  the  son  of  Edmund, 
most  celebrated  as  a  confidential  agent  of  the  British 
government  inlreland,and  at  the  conferences  of  Pilnitz, 
in  1791.-Edit. 


desired  effect,  for  at  the  treaty  in  1762,  France 
ceded  Canada  to  Great  Britain,  and  by  the 
cession  of  Louisiana  at  the  same  time,  re 
linquished  all  her  possessions  on  the  North 
American  continent. 

Mr.  Franklin  about  this  time  made  a  jour 
ney  to  Scotland,  whither  his  reputation  as  a 
philosopher  had  preceded  him :  he  was  greet 
ed  by  the  learned  of  that  country,  and  the 
university  of  St.  Andrews  conferred  upon  him 
the  degree  of  doctor  of  laws.  Its  example 
was  followed  by  the  universities  of  Edinburgh 
and  Oxford.  The  entries  of  the  honours  con 
ferred  by  the  latter,  on  himself  and  son,  are 
thus  made : 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN,  Esq.  Provinc  Pensylvan.  De- 
putat.  ad  Curiain  Sereniss.  Legal  Tabellariorium  per 
American  Septentrionalem  Prafectus  Generalis  et 
Veredariorum  totius  Novae  Angliae,  et  R.  S.  S.  cr.  D. 
C.  L.  Apr.  30, 1762. 

FRANKLIN,  (WILLIAM)  Esq.  Juris  Municip.  Consult, 
cr.  M.  A.  Apr.  30,  1762. 

Most  of  the  other  learned  societies  of 
Europe  were  equally  ambitious  of  calling  him 
a  member,  and  nominated  him  as  such  :  thus 
he  was  eventually  consoled  and  rewarded  for 
the  neglect  or  opposition  his  discoveries  in 
philosophy  had  originally  experienced. 

Soon  after  this  period,  a  vacancy  in  the 
government  of  New  Jersey  having  occurred, 
Dr.  Franklin's  son,  without  any  solicitation 
whatever  on  the  part  of  his  father,  but  from 
his  own  personal  merits,  and  in  consideration 
of  his  military  services  in  America  during 
the  last  war,  (backed  by  the  powerful  recom 
mendation  of  lord  Bute,)  was  appointed 
governor  of  that  province. 

Governor  Franklin  filled  this  high  and 
honourable  situation  with  equal  credit  to  him 
self  and  advantage  to  the  province,  till  the 
commencement  of  the  American  revolution ; 
when,  unlike  most  of  the  governors  of  the 
other  provinces  at  that  eventful  period,  he 
remained  undismayed  at  his  post,  till  he  was 
seized  by  the  revolutionary  government,  con 
veyed  to  Connecticut,  and  rigorously  detain 
ed  as  a  prisoner  for  near  two  years,  when  he 
was  eventually  liberated  in  1778,  in  exchange 
for  an  American  general  officer.  He  retired 
to  England  and  obtained  from  the  British 
government  a  pension,  which  he  enjoyed  till 
his  death,  in  1813. 

It  has  been  frequently  asserted,  that  Dr. 
Franklin  held  out  every  temptation  and  in 
ducement  to  his  son  to  quit  his  allegiance  to 
Great  Britain,  and  tc  take  part  with  the 
colonies.  This  was  not  so :  Dr.  Franklin 
made  no  attempt  of  the  sort,  whatever  may 
have  been  his  secret  wishes  on  that  subject. 
In  a  letter  to  his  son  of  Oct.  6,  1773*  he 
says :  "  I  know  your  sentiments  differ  from 
mine  on  these  subjects.  You  are  a  thorough 
government  man,  Which  I  do  not  wonder  at, 
nor  do  I  aim  at  converting  you.  I  only  wish 
you  to  act  uprightly  and  steadily,  avoiding 
*  See  "  Private  Correspondence." 


76 


MEMOIRS  OF 


that  duplicity,  which  in  Hutchinson  adds  con 
tempt  to  indignation.  If  you  can  promote 
the  prosperity  of  your  people,  and  leave  them 
happier  than  you  found  them,  whatever  your 
political  principles  are,  your  memory  will 
be  honoured." 

During  the  whole  of  the  American  contest, 
Dr.  Franklin  never  had  any  communication 
whatever  with  his  son,  either  directly  or  in 
directly  :  but  at  the  close  of  the  war,  in  an 
swer  to  an  overture  from  him  towards  a  re 
conciliation,  the  father  thus  feelingly  express 
ed  his  sentiments  on  his  son's  late  political 
conduct : — 

"  Passy,  August  16,  1784. 

"  DEAR  SON, — I  received  your  letter  of  the 
22d  ultimo,  and  am  glad  to  find,  that  you  de 
sire  to  revive  the  affectionate  intercourse  that 
formerly  existed  between  us.  It  will  be  very 
agreeable  to  me:  indeed  nothing  has  ever 
hurt  me  so  much,  and  affected  me  with  such 
keen  sensations,  as  to  find  myself  deserted  in 
my  old  age,  by  my  only  son ;  and  not  only- 
deserted,  but  to  find  him  taking  up  arms* 
against  me,  in  a  cause  wherein  my  good 
fame,  fortune,  and  life,  were  all  at  stake. 
You  conceived,  you  say,  that  your  duty  to 
your  king  and  regard  for  your  country  re 
quired  this.  I  ought  not  to  blame  you  for 
differing  in  sentiment  with  me  in  public  af 
fairs.  We  are  men  all  subject  to  errors.  Our 
opinions  are  not  in  our  own  power ;  they  are 
formed  and  governed  much  by  circumstances, 
that  are  often  as  inexplicable  as  they  are  irre 
sistible.  Your  situation  was  such,  that  few 
would  have  censured  your  remaining  neuter, 
though  there  are  natural  duties  which  pre 
cede  political  ones,  and  cannot  be  extin 
guished  by  them.  This  is  a  disagreeable 
subject :  I  drop  it.  And  we  will  endeavour, 
as  you  propose,  mutually  to  forget  what  has 
happened  relating  to  it,  as  well  as  we  can.  I 
send  your  son  over  to  pay  his  duty  to  you. 
You  will  find  him  much  improved.  He  is 
greatly  esteemed  and  beloved  in  this  country, 
and  will  make  his  way  any  where,  &c." 

In  the  summer  of  1762,  Dr.  Franklin  re 
turned  to  Philadelphia,  and  shortly  after  re 
ceived  the  thanks  of  the  assembly  of  Penn 
sylvania,  "  as  well  for  the  faithful  discharge 
of  his  duty  to  that  province  in  particular, 
as  for  the  many  and  important  services  done 
to  America  in  general,  during  his  residence 
in  Great  Britain.'"  A  compensation  of  five 
thousand  pounds,  Pennsylvania  currency, 
was  also  decreed  him  for  his  services  during 
six  years.  Even  in  his  absence,  he  had  been 
annually  elected  a  member  of  the  assembly 
of  representatives  of  the  province,  and  he 
again  took  his  seat  in  that  body,  and  continued 

*  Governor  Franklin  (it  is  believed)  formed  and 
commanded  the  corps  of  royalists  at  New  York. 


his  exertions  for  the  liberties  and  welfare  of 
the  country. 

In  December,  176*2,  considerable  alarm  was 
occasioned  in  the  province,  by  what  was  call 
ed  the  Paxton  murders.  It  is  thus  related ; 
"A  number  of  Indians  had  resided  in  the 
county  of  Lancaster,  and  conducted  them 
selves  uniformly  as  friends  to  the  white  in 
habitants.  Repeated  depredations  on  the 
frontiers,  had  exasperated  the  inhabitants  to 
such  a  degree,  that  they  determined  on  re 
venge  upon  every  Indian.  A  number  of  per 
sons,  to  the  amount  of  about  one  hundred  and 
twenty,  principally  inhabitants  of  Donnegal 
and  Peckstang,  or  Paxton,  township,  in  the 
county  of  York,  assembled,  and,  mounted  on 
horseback,  proceeded  to  the  settlement  of 
these  harmless  and  defenceless  Indians,  whose 
number  had  now  been  reduced  to  about  twen 
ty.  The  Indians  had  received  intelligence 
of  the  attack  which  was  intended  against 
them,  but  disbelieved  it:  considering  the 
white  people  as  their  friends,  they  appre 
hended  no  danger  from  them.  When  the 
party  arrived  at  the  Indian  settlement,  they 
found  only  some  women  and  children,  and  a 
few  old  men,  the  rest  being  absent  at  work 
They  murdered  all  whom  they  found,  and 
amongst  others,  the  chief  Shaheas,  who  had 
always  been  distinguished  for  his  friendship  to 
the  whites.  This  bloody  deed  excited  much 
indignation  in  the  well-disposed  part  of  the 
community. 

"  The  remainder  of  these  unfortunate  In 
dians,  who  by  absence  had  escaped  the  mas 
sacre,  were  conducted  to  Lancaster,  and 
lodged  in  the  gaol  as  a  place  of  security. 
The  governor  of  Pennsylvania  issued  a  pro 
clamation,  expressing  the  strongest  disappro 
bation  of  the  action,  offering  a  reward  for  the 
discovery  of  the  perpetrators  of  the  deed,  and 
prohibiting  all  injuries  to  the  peaceable  in 
habitants  in  future.  But  notwithstanding 
this,  a  party  of  the  same  men  shortly  after 
marched  to  Lancaster,  broke  open  the  gaol, 
and  inhumanly  butchered  the  innocent  In 
dians  who  had  been  placed  there  for  security. 
Another  proclamation  was  issued,  but  it  had 
no  effect.  A  detachment  marched  down  to 
Philadelphia,  for  the  express  purpose  of  mur 
dering  some  friendly  Indians,  who  had  been 
removed  to  the  city  for  safety.  A  number 
of  the  citizens  armed  in  their  defence.  The 
Quakers,  whose  principles  are  opposed  to 
fighting,  even  in  their  own  defence,  were 
most  active  on  this  occasion.  The  rioters 
came  to  Germantown,  within  five  miles  of 
Philadelphia.  The  governor  fled  for  safety 
to  the  house  of  Dr.  Franklin,  who,  with  some 
others,  advanced,  to  meet  the  Paxton-boys, 
as  they  were  called,  and  had  influence  enough 
to  prevail  upon  them  to  relinquish  their  un 
dertaking,  and  return  to  their  homes." — Dr. 
Franklin  wrote  a  pamphlet  on  this  occasion, 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


77 


which  had  a  considerable  effect,  in  soothing 
the  passions,  and  restoring  tranquillity.  His 
services,  however,  were  but  ill  requited  by 
the  governor,  who  was,  as  well  as  the  pro 
vince,  under  great  obligations  to  his  active 
and  successful  exertions. 

The  disputes  between  the  proprietaries  and 
the  assembly,  which  had  so  long  agitated  the 
province,  and  which  had  for  a  time  subsided, 
were  again  revived,  and  are  thus  accounted 
for:— 

"  The  proprietaries  were  discontent  at  the 
concessions  made  in  favour  of  the  people,  and 
again  exerted  themselves  to  recover  the  privi 
lege  of  exempting  their  own  estates  from  tax 
ation,  which  they  had  been  induced,  with 
great  reluctance,  to  relinquish. 

"  In  1763,  the  assembly  passed  a  Militia 
Bill,  to  which  the  governor  refused  to  give 
his  assent,  unless  the  assembly  would  agree 
to  certain  amendments  which  he  proposed. 
These  consisted  in  increasing  the  fines,  and 
in  some  cases  substituting  death  for  fines. 
He  wished,  too,  that  the  officers  should  be 
appointed  altogether  by  himself,  and  not  no 
minated  by  the  people,  as  the  bill  had  pro 
posed.  These  amendments  the  assembly 
considered  as  inconsistent  with  the  spirit  of 
liberty :  they  would  not  adopt  them — the  go 
vernor  was  obstinate,  and  the  bill  was  lost." 

These,  and  various  other  circumstances, 
increased  the  uneasiness  which  subsisted  be 
tween  the  proprietaries  and  the  assembly,  to 
such  a  degree,  that  in  1764,  a  petition  to  the 
king  was  agreed  to  by  the  house,  praying  an 
alteration  from  a  proprietary  to  a  regal  go 
vernment.  The  following  draught  of  the 
same,  was  found  in  Dr.  Franklin's  papers : — 

"To  the  king's  most  excellent  majesty,  in 
council,  the  petition  of  the  representatives 
of  the  freemen  of  the  province  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  in  general  assembly  met,  most  hum 
bly  showeth, 

"  That  the  government  of  this  province  by 
proprietaries,  has,  by  long  experience,  been 
found  inconvenient,  attended  with  many  dif 
ficulties  and  obstructions  to  your  majesty's 
service,  arising  from  the  intervention  of  pro 
prietary  private  interest  in  public  affairs,  and 
disputes  concerning  those  interests. 

"  That  the  said  proprietary-government  is 
weak,  unable  to  support  its  own  authority, 
and  maintain  the  common  internal  peace  of 
the  province,  great  riots  having  lately  arisen 
therein,  armed  mobs  marching  from  place  to 
place,  and  committing  violent  outrages  and 
insults  on  the  government  with  impunity,  to 
the  great  terror  of  your  majesty's  subjects. 
And  these  evils  are  not  likely  to  receive  any 
remedy  here,  the  continual  disputes  between 
the  proprietaries  and  people,  and  their  mu 
tual  jealousies  and  dislikes  preventing. 
"  We  do  therefore,  most  humbly  pray,  that 
7* 


your  majesty  would  be  graciously  pleased  to 
resume  the  government  of  this  province, 
making  such  compensation  to  the  proprietaries 
for  the  same  as  to  your  majesty's  wisdom  and 
goodness  shall  appear  just  and  equitable,  and 
permitting  your  dutiful  subjects  therein  to 
enjoy,  under  your  majesty's  more  immediate 
care  and  protection,  the  privileges  that  have 
been  granted  to  them  by  and  under  your  royal 
predecessors.  By  order  of  the  house." 

Great  opposition  was  made  to  this  measure, 
riot  only  in  the  house,  but  in  the  public  prints. 
A  speech  of  Mr.  Dickinson  on  the  subject  was 
published  with  a  preface  by  Dr.  Smith,  in 
which  great  pains  were  taken  to  show  the 
impropriety  and  impolicy  of  this  proceeding. 
A  speech  of  Joseph  Galloway,  Esquire,  in  re 
ply  to  Mr.  Dickinson,  was  also  published,  ac 
companied  by  a  preface  by  Dr.  Franklin,  in 
which  he  ably  opposed  the  principles  laid 
down  in  the  preface  to  Mr.  Dickinson's  speech. 
Among  other  pointed  remarks,  Dr.  Franklin 
says: 

"In  the  constitution  of  our  government, 
and  in  that  of  one  more,  there  still  remains  a 
particular  thing  that  none  of  the  other  Ameri 
can  government?  have ;  to  wit,  the  appoint 
ment  of  a  governor  by  the  proprietors,  instead 
of  an  appointment  by  the  crown.  This  par 
ticular  in  government  has  been  found  incon 
venient;  attended  with  contentions  and  con 
fusions  wherever  it  existed ;  and  has  therefore 
been  gradually  taken  away  from  colony  after 
colony,  and  every  where  greatly  to  the  satis 
faction  and  happiness  of  the  people.  Our 
wise  first  proprietor  and  founder  William 
Penn,  was  fully  sensible  of  this ;  and  being 
desirous  of  leaving  his  people  happy,  and  pre 
venting  the  mischiefs  that  he  foresaw  must 
arise  from  that  circumstance,  if  it  was  con 
tinued,  he  determined  to  take  it  away,  if 
possible,  during  his  own  life-time.  They  ac 
cordingly  entered  into  a  contract  for  the  sale 
of  the*  proprietary  right  of  government  to  the 
crown ;  and  actually  received  a  sum  in  part 
of  the  consideration.  As  he  found  himself 
likely  to  die  before  that  contract  (and  with  it 
his  plan  for  the  happiness  of  his  people)  could ' 
be  completed,  he  carefully  made  it  a  part  of 
his  last  will  and  testament ;  devising  the  right, 
of  the  government  to  two  noble  lords,  in  trust, 
that  they  should  release  it  to  the  crown.  Un 
fortunately  for  us,  this  has  never  yet  been 
done.  And  this  is  merely  what  the  assembly 
now  desire  to  have  done.  Surely  he  that 
formed  our  constitution,  must  have  understood 
it.  If  he  had  imagined  that  all  our  privileges 
depended  on  the  proprietary  government,  will 
any  one  suppose  that  he  would  himself  have 
meditated  the  change ;  that  he  would  have 
taken  such  effectual  measures  as  he  thought 
them,  to  bring  it  about  speedily,  whether  he 
should  live  or  die  1  Will  any  of  those  who 
now  extol  him  so  highly,  charge  him  at  the 


78 


MEMOIRS  OF 


same  time  with  the  baseness  of  endeavouring 
thus  to  defraud  his  people  of  all  the  liberties 
and  privileges  he  had  promised  them,  and  by 
the  most  solemn  charters  and  grants  assured 
to  them,  when  he  engaged  them  to  assist  him 
in  the  settlement  of  his  province  1  Surely 
none  can  be  so  inconsistent ! — And  yet  this 
proprietary  right  of  governing  or  appointing 
a  governor,  has  all  of  a  sudden  changed  its 
nature;  and  the  preservation  of  it  become  of 
so  much  importance  to  the  welfare  of  the  pro 
vince,  that  the  assembly's  only  petitioning  to 
have  their  venerable  founder's  will  executed, 
and  the  contract  he  entered  into  for  the  good 
of  his  people  completed,  is  styled  an  *  attempt 
to  violate  the  constitution  for  which  our  fa 
thers  planted  a  wilderness ;  to  barter  away 
our  glorious  plan  of  public  liberty  and  char 
ter  privileges ;  a  risking  of  the  whole  con 
stitution  ;  an  offering  up  our  whole  charter 
rights;  a  wanton  sporting  with  things  sa 
cred,'  &c." 

In  addition  to  the  preface  just  mentioned, 
Dr.  Franklin  wrote  a  pamphlet,  entitled 
"  Cool  Thoughts,'"  tending  to  promote  the 
same  views.  The  assembly's  application  to 
the  throne  however,  produced  no  effect,  and 
the  proprietary  government  remained  un 
changed. 

At  the  election  for  a  new  assembly,  in  the 
autumn  of  1764,  the  friends  of  the  proprie 
taries  made  great  exertions  to  exclude  those 
of  the  adverse  party ;  and  they  obtained  a 
small  majority  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia. 
Dr.  Franklin  on  this  occasion  lost  his  seat  in 
the  house,  which  he  had  held  for  fourteen 
years.  On  the  meeting  of  the  assembly, 
however,  it  appeared  that  there  was  still  a 
decided  majority  of  his  friends,  and  he  was 
again  appointed  to  resume  his  agency  at  the 
court  of  Great  Britain,  to  the  great  chagrin 
of  his  enemies,  who  made  a  solemn  protest 
against  his  appointment ;  but  which  was  re 
fused  admission  upon  the  minutes,  as  being 
unprecedented.  It  was,  however,  published 
in  the  papers,  and  produced  a  spirited  reply, 
from  him,  entitled  "  Remarks  on  a  late  Pro 
test,'"  &c. 

The  opposition  made  to  his  re-appointment 
seems  greatly  to  have  affected  his  feelings ; 
as  it  came  from  men  with  whom  he  had  long 
been  connected,  both  in  public  and  private 
life,  "  the  very  ashes  of  whose  former  friend 
ship"  he  declared,  "  he  revered"  His  pa 
thetic  farewell  to  Pennsylvania,  in  the  publi 
cation  abovementioned,  the  day  before  his 
departure,  is  a  strong  proof  of  the  agitation  of 
his  mind  on  this  occasion. 

"  I  am  now,"  says  he,  "  to  take  leave  (per 
haps  a  last  leave)  of  the  country  I  love,  and 
in  which  I  have  spent  the  greatest  part  of  my 
life.  Esto  perpetua  ! — I  wish  every  kind  of 
prosperity  to  my  friends,  and  I  forgive  my 
enemies" 


An  eloquent  divine,  Dr.  William  Smith, 
has  observed  on  this  occasion,  "  That  under 
whatsoever  circumstances  this  second  embassy 
was  undertaken,  it  appears  to  have  been  a 
measure  pre-ordained  in  the  councils  of  Hea 
ven  ;  and  it  will  be  for  ever  remembered  to 
the  honour  of  Pennsylvania,  that  the  agent, 
selected  to  assert  and  defend  the  rights  of  a 
single  province  at  the  court  of  Great  Britain, 
became  the  bold  asserter  of  the  rights  of 
America  in  general ;  and  beholding  the  fetters 
that  were  forging  for  her,  conceived  the 
magnanimous  thought  of  rending  them  asun 
der  before  they  could  be  rivetted." 

The  disturbances  produced  hi  America  by 
Mr.  Grenville's  Stamp  Act,  and  the  oppo 
sition  made  to  it  are  well  known.  But  the 
origin  thereof  has  generally  been  misunder 
stood.  The  following  letter  from  Dr.  Frank 
lin  on  that  subject,  will  correct  some  of  the 
misrepresentations  relative  thereto. 

"  To  William  Alexander,  Esq. 

"  PASSY,  March  12,  1778. 

"  DEAK  SIR, — In  the  pamphlet  you  were 
so  kind  as  to  lend  me,  there  is  one  important 
fact  misstated,  apparently  from  the  writer's 
not  having  been  furnished  with  good  informa 
tion;  it  is  the  transaction  between  Mr.  Gren- 
ville  and  the  colonies,  wherein  he  understands 
that  Mr.  Grenville  demanded  of  them  a 
specific  sum  ;  that  they  refused  to  grant  any 
thing ;  and  that  it  was  on  their  refusal  only 
that  he  made  a  motion  for  the  Stamp  Act . 
No  one  of  these  particulars  is  true.  The  fact 
was  this. 

"  Some  time  in  the  winter  of  1763-4,  Mr. 
Grenville  called  together  the  agents  of  the 
several  colonies,  and  told  them  that  he  pur 
posed  to  draw  a  revenue  from  America,  and 
to  that  end  his  intention  was  to  levy  a  stamp 
duty  on  the  colonies  by  act  of  parliament  in 
the  ensuing  session,  of  which  he  thought  it 
fit  that  they  should  be  immediately  acquaint 
ed,  that  they  might  have  time  to  consider,  and 
if  any  other  duty  equally  productive  would  be 
more  agreeable  to  them,  they  might  let  him 
know  it.  The  agents  were  therefore  direct 
ed  to  write  this  to  their  respective  assemblies, 
and  communicate  to  him  the  answers  they 
should  receive  :  the  agents  wrote  accordingly, 

"  I  was  a  member  in  the  assembly  of  Penn 
sylvania,  when  this  notification  came  to  hand.. 
The  observations  there  made  upon  it  were, 
that  the  ancient,  established,  and  regular  me 
thod  of  drawing  aids  from  the  colonies  was 
this.  The  occasion  was  always  first  consi 
dered  by  their  sovereign  in  his  privy  council, 
by  whose  sage  advice,  he  directed  his  secre 
tary  of  state  to  write  circular  letters  to  the 
several  governors,  who  were  directed  to  lay 
them  before  their  assemblies.  In  those  let 
ters,  the  occasion  was  explained  for  their 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


satisfaction,  with  gracious  expressions  of  his 
majesty's  confidence  in  their  known  duty  and 
affection,  on  which  he  relied,  that  they  would 
grant  such  sums  as  should  be  suitable  to  their 
abilities,  loyalty,  and  zeal  for  his  service. 
That  the  colonies  had  always  granted  liber 
ally  on  such  requisitions,  and  so  liberally 
during  the  late  war,  that  the  king,  sensible 
they  had  granted  much  more  than  their  pro 
portion,  had  recommended  it  to  parliament, 
five  years  successively,  to  make  them  some 
compensation,  and  the  parliament  accordingly 
returned  them  two  hundred  thousand  pounds 
a-year  to  be  divided  among  them.  That  the 
proposition  of  taxing  them  in  parliament,  was 
therefore  both  cruel  and  unjust.*  That  by 
the  constitution  of  the  colonies  their  business 
was  with  the  king  in  matters  of  aid,  they  had 
nothing  to  do  with  any  financier,  nor  he  with 
them ;  nor  were  the  agents  the  proper  chan 
nels  through  which  requisitions  should  be 
made ;  it  was  therefore  improper  for  them  to 
enter  into  any  stipulation,  or  make  any  pro 
position  to  Mr.  Grenville  about  laying  taxes 
on  their  constituents  by  parliament,  which 
had  really  no  right  at  all  to  tax  them,  espe 
cially  as  the  notice  he  had  sent  them  did  not 
appear  to  be  by  the  king's  order,  and  perhaps 
was  without  his  knowledge;  as  tha  king, 
when  he  would  obtain  any  thing  from  them, 
always  accompanied  his  requisition  with  good 
words,  but  this  gentleman,  instead  of  a  decent 
demand,  sent  them  a  menace,  that  they  should 
certainly  be  taxed,  and  only  left  them  the 
choice  of  the  manner.  But  all  this  notwith 
standing,  they  were  so  far  from  refusing  to 
grant  money,  that  they  resolved  to  the  follow 
ing  purpose: — 'That  they  always  had,  so 
they  always  should,  think  it  their  duty  to 
grant  aid  to  the  crown,  according  to  their 
abilities,  whenever  required  of  them  in  the 
usual  constitutional  manner.'  I  went  soon 
after  to  England,  and  took  with  me  an  au 
thentic  copy  of  this  resolution,  which  I  pre 
sented  to  Mr.  Grenville  before  he  brought 
in  the  Stamp  Act.  T  asserted  in  the  house 
of  commons  (Mr.  Grenville  being  present) 
that  I  had  done  so,  and  he  did  not  deny  it. 
Other  colonies  made  similar  resolutions.  And 
had  Mr.  Grenville,  instead  of  that  act,  ap 
plied  to  the  king  in  council  for  such  requisi- 
tional  letters  to  be  circulated  by  the  secretary 
of  state,  I  am  sure  he  would 'have  obtained 
more  money  from  the  colonies  by  their  volun 
tary  grants,  than  he  himself  expected  from 
his  stamps.  But  he  chose  compulsion  rather 
than  persuasion,  and  would  not  receive  from 
their  good-will  what  he  thought  he  could  ob 
tain  without  it.  And  thus  the  golden  bridge 
which  the  ingenious  author  thinks  the  Ameri- 

*  "There  is  neither  king,  nor  sovereign  lord  on  earth, 
who  has,  beyond  his  own  domain,  power  to  lay  one  far 
thing  on  the  subjects,  without  the  grant  and  consent 
of  those  who  pay  it ;  unless  he  does  it  by  tyranny  and 
violence."— (Philippe  de  Commiues,  chap.  108.) 


cans  unwisely  and  unbecomingly  refused  to 
hold  out  to  the  minister  and  parliament,  was 
actually  held  out  to  them,  but  they  refused  to 
walk  over  it.  This  is  the  true  history  of  that 
transaction ;  and  as  it  is  probable  there  may 
be  another  edition  of  that  excellent  pamphlet, 
I  wish  this  may  be  communicated  to  the  can 
did  author,  who,  I  doubt  not,  will  correct  that 
error. — I  am  ever,  with  sincere  esteem,  dear 
sir,  your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 
«B.  FRANKLIN." 

Dr.  Franklin  strenuously  exerted  himself  to 
free  America  from  this  odious  tax ;  the  prin 
cipal  objection  to  which  was,  that  it  was  im 
posed  by  a  British  parliament,  which  the 
Americans  asserted  had  no  right  to  tax  them. 
Dr.  Franklin  thus  expresses  his  sentiments 
on  the  subject,  in  a  letter  to  a  friend,  dated 
London,  January  6,  1766 : — 

"In  my  own  private  judgment,  I  think  an 
immediate  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act  would  be 
the  best  measure  for  this  country ;  but  a  sus 
pension  of  it  for  three  years,  the  best  for  that. 
The  repeal  would  fill  them  with  joy  and  gra 
titude,  re-establish  their  respect  and  venera 
tion  for  parliament,  restore  at  once  their  an 
cient  and  natural  love  for  this  country,  and 
their  regard  for  every  thing  that  comes  froiri 
it  hence ;  the  trade  would  be  renewed  in  all 
its  branches;  they  would  again  indulge  in  all 
the  expensive  superfluities  you  supply  them 
with,  and  their  own  new  assumed  home  in 
dustry  would  languish.  But  the  suspension, 
though  it  might  continue  their  fears  and 
anxieties,  would,  at  the  same  time,  keep  up 
their  resolutions  of  industry  and  frugality; 
which  in  two  or  three  years  would  grow  into 
:iabits,  to  their  lasting  advantage.  However, 
as  the  repeal  will  probably  not  now  be  agreed 
to,  from  what  I  now  think  a  mistaken  opinion, 
ihat  the  honour  and  dignity  of  government  is 
setter  supported  by  persisting  in  a  wrong- 
measure,  once  ent.e'red  into,  than  by  rectify  - 
ng  an  error  as  soon  as  it  is  discovered ;  we 
must  allow  the  next  best  thing  for  the  ad 
vantage  of  both  countries  is,  the  suspension. 
For  as  to  executing  the  act  by  force,  it  is 
madness,  and  will  be  ruin  to  the  whole." 

Contrary  to  Dr.  Franklin's  surmise,  shortly 
after  the  date  of  this  letter,  it  began  to  appear 
xpedient  to  the  administration,  then  under 
the  marquis  of  Rockingham,  to  endeavour  to 
aim  the  minds  of  the  colonists ;  and  the  re 
peal  of  the  Stamp  Tax  was  contemplated. 
Amongst  other  moans  of  collecting  informa 
tion  on  the  disposition  of  the  people  to  submit 
to  it,  Dr.  Franklin  was  (Feb.  3,  1766,)  "or 
dered  to  attend  the  committee  of  the  whole 
louse  of  commons,  to  whom  it  was  referred 
to  consider  further  the  several  papers  relative 
:o  America,  which  were  presented  to  the 
house  by  Mr.  secretary  Conway,  &c."  It 
contains  a  striking  account  of  the  extent  and 


80 


MEMOIRS  OF 


accuracy  of  Dr.  Franklin's  information,  and 
the  facility  and  manliness  with  which  he 
communicated  his  sentiments.  He  repre 
sented  facts  in  so  strong  a  point  of  view,  that 
the  inexpediency  of  the  act  must  have  ap 
peared  clear  to  every  unprejudiced  mind. 

Feb.  24.  The  resolutions  of  the  committee 
were  reported  by  the  chairman,  Mr.  Fuller ; 
their  seventh  and  last  resolution  setting1  forth, 
"  that  it  was  their  opinion  that  the  house  be 
moved,  that  leave  be  given  to  bring  in  a  bill 
to  repeal  the  Stamp  Act.r  A  proposal  for 
re-committing  this  resolution,  was  negatived 
by  two  hundred  and  forty  votes,  to  one  hun 
dred  and  thirty-three:  and  the  act,  after  some 
opposition,  was  repealed  about  a  year  after  it 
was  enacted,  and  before  it  had  ever  been  car 
ried  into  execution.* 


*  A  ludicrous  caricature  was  published  on  this  occa 
sion,  of  which  the  following  description  was  given,  an 
nexed  thereto : 

"  Jin  Account  of  a  humorous  political  print,  called,  The 
Repeal ;  which  (in  the  Painters'  phrase)  may  be  called 
A  Companion  to  the  Tomb-stone,  a  print  not  long 
since  published. 

"  The  subject  of  this  print  is  the  Funeral  of  Miss  AME 
STAMP,  the  favourite  child  and  youngest  daughter  of 
the  honourable  Mr.  George  Stamp,*  the  well-known 
Gentle  Shepherd.  At  one  end  of  the  print  stands  the 
Family  Vault,  with  a  mutilated  inscription,  signifying 
that  '  within  it  lie  (it  is  to  be  hoped  never  to  rise 

again)  the  remains  of Hearth  Mon** 

Ship  Mon** Excise  B***, Jew  B***, 

Gen****  Warrants, &c.'  On  the  top  of  the  vault 

are  two  heads  on  poles,  like  those  on  Temple  Bar, 
marked  on  the  skull  with  the  numbers  1715  and 
1745.J  The  vault  is  supposed  to  be  situated  on  the  side 
of  the  river,  along  the  Strand,  of  which  the  funeral  pro 
cession  proceeds.  The  Reverend  Mr.  ANTI-SEJANUSJ 
that  noted  Constitutionalist,  drawn  to  the  life,  appears 
first,  reading  the  burial  service :  after  him  follow  those 
two  eminent  pillars  of  the  law,  slrBullface  Doublefee§ 
and  Mr.  Alexander  Scotburn,\',  supporting  two  black 
flags  ;  on  which  are  delineated  the  Stamps,  with  the 
white  rose  and  thistle  interweaved,  with  the  old  motto  of 
Semper  eadem ;  to  which  is  annexed  a  new  motto,  con 
sisting  of  those  significant  words,  Three  Farthing's  taken 
from  the  budget.  Beneath  this  motto,  as  if  meant  to 
certify  the  number  of  the  despicable  minority  fighting 
under  these  banners,  appear  on  one  flag  the  figures  71, 
and  on  the  other  122,  with  a  flying  label  surrounding 
both,  bearing  these  words,  All  of  a  STAMP.  Next  ap 
pears  the  sad  father  of  the  deceased  child,  the  honoura 
ble  Mr.  George  Stamp  himself,  with  grief  and  despair 
pictured  on  his  countenance,  carrying  in  his  arms  the 
infant's  coffin,  on  which  is  written  '  Miss  AME 
STAMP,  born  1765,  died  1766.'  Immediately  after  fol 
lows  the  chief  mourner,  Sejanus:  then  his  grace  of 
Spitalfields  IF  and  lord  Gawkee:**  after  these  Jemmy 
Ttcitcher,tf  with  a  catch  by  way  of  funeral  anthem ;  and 
by  his  side  his  friend  and  partner  Mr.  Falconer  Donald 
son  of  Halifax.  At  a  little  distance,  to  close  the  proces 
sion,  are  two  worthy  B****ps,  Dr.  Squirt,  and  another 
right  reverend  gentleman,  who  shall  be  nameless :  and 
behind  them  lie,  on  this  side  of  the  river,  two  huge 
bales  of  returned  commodities,  one  marked  Stamps  from 
America,  the  other  Black  Cloth  from  America. 

"  These  few  mourners  are  separated  from  the  joyful 
scene  that  appears  in  the  back  ground,  by  the  River 
Thames,  in  which  are  riding  three  first-rate  ships,  called, 
TheRocKiNGHAM,J;J  TheGRAFTON,§§andTheCoNWAY,||f 
Along  the  shore  stand  open  warehouses  for  the  seve- 

*  The  right  honourable  George  Grenville,  author  of 
the  Stamp  Act.  t  Years  of  rebellion. 

t  Mr.  Scott.  §  Sir  Fletcher  Norton. 

jj  Mr.  Alexander  Wedderburn  (afterwards  lord  Lough, 
borough.)  IT  (Perhaps)  the  duke  of  Bedford. 

**  (Perhaps)  lord  Gower.         ft  Lord  Sandwich. 
Jt  The  marquis  of  Rockingham. 
§§  The  duke  of  Grafton.        fl!  Mr.  secretary  Con  way. 


Dr.  Franklin  about  this  period,  in  addition 
to  his  agency  for  Pennsylvania,  received  the 
separate  appointments  of  agent  for  the  re 
spective  colonies  of  New  Jersey,  Georgia,  and 
Massachusetts.  All  of  which  he  continued 
to  fill  with  equal  credit  to  himself  and  advan 
tage  to  his  constituents,  during  his  stay  in 
England. 

In  the  course  of  this  year  (1766)  he  visited 
Holland  and  Germany,  and  received  the 
greatest  marks  of  attention  and  respect  from 
men  of  science  in  those  countries.  In  his 
passage  through  Holland,  he  learned  from 
the  watermen  the  effect  which  a  diminution 
of  the  quantity  of  water  in  canals  has,  in  im 
peding  the  progress  of  boats.  Upon  his  re 
turn  to  England  he  was  induced  to  make  a 
number  of  experiments,  which  tended  to  con 
firm  the  observation.  These,  with  an  ex 
planation  of  the  phenomenon,  he  communi 
cated  hi  a  letter  to  his  friend  sir  John  Pr in 
gle,  which  will  be  found  among  his  philoso 
phical  writings. 

In  the  following  year,  as  also  in  1769,  he 
visited  Paris,  where  he  was  no  less  favourably 
received  than  he  had  been  in  Germany.  He 
was  introduced  to  the  king  (Louis  XV.)  and 
his  sisters  Mesdames  de  France,  and  particu 
larly  distinguished  by  them:  as  he  was  also 
by  the  Academy  of  Sciences  (of  which  he 
was  afterwards  elected  a  foreign  associate,) 
and  many  other  scientific  and  literary  cha 
racters. 

Mons.  Dubourg,  a  member  of  the  same 
academy,  undertook  a  French  translation  of 
Dr.  Franklin's  letters  on  his  Discoveries  in 
Electricity,  and  the  third  English  edition  of 
the  same  work  was  now  published  in  London. 
With  respect  to  the  general  merit  and  origin 
ality  of  the  experiments  and  hypotheses  of 
Dr.  Franklin,  as  described  and  explained  in 
these  letters,  that  eminent  natural  philosopher, 
the  late  Dr.  Priestly,  bears  the  following 
testimony  in  his  "  History  of  Electricity.'1'' 

"  Nothing  was  ever  written  upon  the  sub 
ject  of  electricity,  which  was  more  generally 
read  and  admired  in  all  parts  of  Europe  than 
these  letters.  There  is  hardly  any  European 
language  into  which  they  have  not  been 
translated  ;  and,  as  if  this  were  not  sufficient 
to  make  them  properly  known,  a  translation 
of  them  has  lately  been  made  into  Latin.  It 
is  not  easy  to  say,  whether  we  are  most  pleas 
ed  with  the  simplicity  and  perspicuity  with 
which  these  letters  are  written,  the  modesty 
with  which  the  author  proposes  every  hypo 
thesis  of  his  own,  or  the  noble  frankness  with 

ral  goods  of  our  principal  manufacturing  towns,  from 
which  cargoes  are  NOW  shipping  for  America:  among 
these  is  a  large  case,  containing  a  statue  of  Mr.  PITT, 
which  is  heaving  on  board  a  boat  number  250 ;  and 
:here  is  another  boat  taking  in  goods,  nearer  the 
first-rates,  which  is  numbered  105 ;  numbers  which  will 
ever  remain  sacred  to  liberty,  and  render  the  memory 
of  the  triumphant  MAJORITY,  on  this  side  of  the  river, 
revered  by  our  latest  posterity. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


which  he  relates  his  mistakes,  when  they 
were  corrected  by  subsequent  experiments. 

"  Though  the  English  have  not  been  back 
ward  in  acknowledging  the  great  merit  of 
this  philosopher,  he  has  had  the  singular  good 
fortune  to  be,  perhaps,  even  more  celebrated 
abroad  than  at  home  ;  so  that,  to  form  a  just 
idea  of  the  great  and  deserved  reputation  of 
Dr.  Franklin,  we  must  read  the  foreign  pub 
lications  on  the  subject  of  electricity  ;  in  many 
of  which  the  terms  Franklinism,  Franklin- 
ist,  and  the  Franklinian  system,  occur  in 
almost  every  page.  In  consequence  of  this, 
Dr.  Franklin's  principles  bid  fair  to  be  hand 
ed  down  to  posterity  as  equally  expressive  of 
the  true  principles  of  electricity,  as  the  New 
tonian  philosophy  is  of  the  true  system  of  na 
ture  in  general." 

As  Dr.  Franklin  has  only  mentioned  his 
electrical  discoveries  in  a  very  transient  way, 
in  the  former  part  of  these  memoirs,  and  as 
they  are  of  a  most  important  and  interesting 
nature,  it  has  been  thought  a  short  digression 
on  the  subject  would  be  excusable,  and  not 
void  of  entertainment.  For  this  purpose  the 
following  account  of  the  same,  including  the 
first  experiment  of  the  Lightning  Kite,  as 
given  by  Dr.  Stuber,  is  here  given. 

"Dr.  Franklin  engaged  in  a  course  of 
electrical  experiments,  with  all  the  ardour 
and  thirst  for  discovery  which  characterized 
the  philosophers  of  that  day.  Of  all  the 
branches  of  experimental  philosophy,  Elec 
tricity  had  been  least  explored.  The  attrac 
tive  power  of  amber  is  mentioned  by  Theo- 
phrastus  and  Pliny,  and,  from  them,  by  later 
naturalists.  In  the  year  1600,  Gilbert,  an 
English  physician,  enlarged  considerably  the 
catalogue  of  substances  which  have  the  pro 
perty  of  attracting  light  bodies.  Boyle,  Otto 
Guericke,  a  burgomaster  of  Magdeburg,  (cele 
brated  as  the  inventor  of  the  air  pump,)  Dr. 
Wall,  and  sir  Isaac  Newton,  added  some  facts. 
Guericke  first  observed  the  repulsive  power 
of  electricity,  and  the  light  and  noise  pro 
duced  by  it.  In  1709,  Hawkesbee  communi 
cated  some  important  observations  and  experi 
ments  to  the  world.  For  several  years  elec 
tricity  was  entirely  neglected,  until  Mr.  Grey 
applied  himself  to  it,  in  1728,  with  great  as 
siduity.  He  and  his  friend  Mr.  Wheeler, 
made  a  great  variety  of  experiments;  in 
which  they  demonstrated,  that  electricity  may 
be  communicated  from  one  body  to  another, 
even  without  being  in  contact,  and  in  this 
way  may  be  conducted  to  a  great  distance. 
Mr.  Grey  afterwards  found,  that  by  suspend 
ing  rods  of  iron  by  silk  or  hair  lines,  and 
bringing  an  excited  tube  under  them,  sparks 
might  be  drawn,  and  a  light  perceived  at  the 
extremities  in  the  dark.  M.  Du  Faye,  in- 
tendant  of  the  French  king's  gardens,  made  a 
number  of  experiments,  which  added  not  a 
little  to  the  science.  He  made  the  discovery 

VOL.  I. . . .  L 


of  two  kinds  of  electricity,  which  he  called 
vitreous  and  resinous ;  the  former  produced 
by  rubbing  glass,  the  latter  from  excited  sul 
phur,  sealing-wax,  &c.  But  this  idea  he 
afterwards  gave  up  as  erroneous.  Between 
the  years  1739  and  1742,  Deeaguliers  made  a 
number  of  experiments,  but  added  little  of 
importance.  He  first  used  the  terms  conduc 
tors  and  electrics,  per  se.  1742,  several  in 
genious  Germans  engaged  in  this  subject. 
Of  these  the  principal  were,  professor  Boze 
of  Wittemberg,  professor  Winkler  of  Leipsic, 
Gordon,  a  Scotch  Benedictine  monk,  professor 
of  philosophy  at  Erfurt,  arid  Dr.  Ludolf  of 
Berlin.  The  result  of  their  researches  as 
tonished  the  philosophers  of  Europe.  Their 
apparatus  was  large,  and  by  means  of  it  they 
were  enabled  to  collect  large  quantities  of 
electricity,  and  thus  to  produce  phenomena 
which  had  been  hitherto  unobserved.  They 
killed  small  birds,  and  set  spirits  on  fire. 
Their  experiments  excited  the  curiosity  of 
other  philosophers.  Collinson,  about  the  year 
1745,  sent  to  the  library  company  of  Phila 
delphia  an  account  of  these  experiments, 
together  with  a  tube,  and  directions  how  to 
use  it.  Franklin,  with  some  of  his  friends, 
immediately  engaged  in  a  course  of  experi 
ments  ;  the  result  of  which  is  well  known. 
He  was  enabled  to  make  a  number  of  impor 
tant  discoveries,  and  to  propose  theories  to 
account  for  various  phenomena ;  which  have 
been  universally  adopted,  and  which  bid  fair 
to  endure  for  ages.  His  observations  he  com 
municated,  in  a  series  of  letters,  to  his  friend 
Collinson ;  the  first  of  which  is  dated  March 
28,  1747.  In  these  he  makes  known  the 
power  of  points  in  drawing  and  throwing  off 
the  electrical  matter,  which  had  hitherto 
escaped  the  notice  of  electricians.  He  also 
made  the  grand  discovery  of  a.  plus  and  minus, 
or  of  a  positive  and  negative  state  of  elec 
tricity.  We  give  him  the  honour  of  this, 
without  hesitation ;  although  the  English  have 
claimed  it  for  their  countryman  Dr.  Watson. 
Watson's  paper  is  dated  Jan.  21, 1748 ;  Frank 
lin's,  July  11,  1747;  several  months  prior. 
Shortly  after,  Franklin,  from  his  principles 
of  plus  and  minus  state,  explained,  in  a  satis 
factory  manner,  the  phenomena  of  the  Leyden 
phial,  first  observed  by  Mr.  Cuneus,  or  by 
professor  Muschenbroeck  of  Leyden,  which 
had  much  perplexed  philosophers.  He  show 
ed  clearly  that  the  bottle,  when  charged,  con 
tained  no  more  electricity  than  before,  but 
that  as  much  was  taken  from  one  side  as  was 
thrown  on  the  other ;  and  that  to  discharge  it, 
nothing  was  necessary  but  to  make  a  com 
munication  between  the  two  sides,  by  which 
the  equilibrium  might  be  restored,  and  that 
then  no  signs  of  electricity  would  remain. 
He  afterwards  demonstrated  by  experiments, 
that  the  electricity  did  not  reside  in  the  coat 
ing,  as  had  been  "supposed,  but  in  the  pores 


MEMOIRS  OF 


of  the  glass  itself.  After  a  phial  was  charged, 
he  removed  the  coating,  and  found  that  upon 
applying  a  new  coating  the  shock  might  still 
be  received.  In  the  year  1749,  he  first  sug 
gested  his  idea  of  explaining  the  phenomena 
of  thunder-gusts  and  of  the  aurora  borealis, 
upon  electrical  principles.  He  points  out 
many  particulars  in  which  lightning  and 
electricity  agree ;  and  he  adduces  many  facts, 
and  reasonings  from  facts,  in  support  of  his 
positions.  In  the  same  year  he  conceived  the 
astonishingly  bold  and  grand  idea  of  ascer 
taining  the  truth  of  his  doctrine,  by  actually 
drawing  down  the  forked  lightning,  by  means 
of  sharp-pointed  iron  rods  raised  into  the 
region  of  the  clouds.  Even  in  this  uncertain 
state,  his  passion  to  be  useful  to  mankind  dis 
plays  itself  in  a  powerful  manner.  Admit 
ting  the  identity  of  electricity  and  lightning, 
and  knowing  the  power  of  points  in  repelling 
bodies  charged  with  electricity,  and  in  con 
ducting  their  fire  silently  and  imperceptibly, 
he  suggests  the  idea  of  securing  houses,  ships, 
&c.,  from  being  damaged  by  lightning,  by 
erecting  pointed  iron  rods,  which  should  rise 
some  feet  above  the  most  elevated  part,  and 
descend  some  feet  into  the  ground  or  the 
water.  The  effect  of  these,  he  concluded, 
would  be  either  to  prevent  a  stroke  by  repel 
ling  the  cloud  beyond  the  striking  distance,  or 
by  drawing  off  the  electrical  fire  which  it 
contained ;  or,  if  they  could  not  effect  this, 
they  would  at  least  conduct  the  stroke  to  the 
earth,  without  any  injury  to  the  building. 

"  It  was  not  until  the  summer  of  1752,  that 
he  was  enabled  to  complete  his  grand  and 
unparalleled  discovery  by  experiment.  The 
plan  which  he  had  originally  proposed,  was, 
to  erect  on  some  high  tower,  or  other  elevated 
place,  a  sentry-box,  from  which  should  rise  a 
pointed  iron  rod,  insulated  by  being  fixed  in 
a  cake  of  resin.  Electrified  clouds  passing 
over  this,  would,  he  conceived,  impart  to  it  a 
portion  of  their  electricity,  which  would  be 
rendered  evident  to  the  senses  by  sparks  be 
ing  emitted,  when  a  key,  a  knuckle,  or  other 
conductor  was  presented  to  it.  Philadelphia 
at  this  time  afforded  no  opportunity  of  trying 
an  experiment  of  this  kind.  Whilst  Franklin 
was  waiting  for  the  erection  of  a  spire,  it  oc 
curred  to  him,  that  he  might  have  more  ready 
access  to  the  region  of  clouds,  by  means  of  a 
common  kite.  He  prepared  one,  by  attach 
ing  two  cross  sticks  to  a  silk  handkerchief, 
which  would  not  suffer  so  much  from  the  rain 
as  paper.  To  his  upright  stick,  was  affixed 
an  iron  point.  The  string  was,  as  usual,  of 
hemp,  except  the  lower  end,  which  was  silk. 
Where  the  hempen  string  terminated,  a  key 
was  fastened.  With  this  apparatus,  on  the 
appearance  of  a  thunder-gust  approaching,  he 
went  out  into  the  commons,  accompanied  by 
his  son,  to  whom  alone  he  communicated  his 
intentions,  well  knowing  the  ridicule  which, 


too  generally  for  the  interest  of  science, 
awaits  unsuccessful  experiments  in  philoso 
phy.  He  placed  himself  under  a  shed  to 
avoid  the  rain.  His  kite  was  raised.  A 
thunder-cloud  passed  over  it.  No  sign  of 
electricity  appeared.  He  almost  despaired 
of  success ;  when  suddenly,  he  observed  the 
loose  fibres  of  his  string  to  nwe  towards  an 
erect  position.  He  now  presented  his  knuckle 
to  the  key,  and  received  a  strong  spark.  How 
exquisite  must  his  sensations  have  been  at 
this  moment !  On  this  experiment  depended 
the  fate  of  his  theory.  If  he  succeeded,  his 
name  would  rank  high  amongst  those  who 
have  improved  science ;  if  he  failed,  he  must 
inevitably  be  subjected  to  the  derision  of  man 
kind,  or  what  is  worse,  their  pity,  as  a  well- 
meaning  man,  but  a  weak,  silly  projector. — 
The  anxiety  with  which  he  looked  for  the 
result  of  his  experiment,  may  be  easily  con 
ceived.  Doubts  and  despair  had  begun  to 
prevail,  when  the  fact  was  ascertained  in  so 
clear  a  manner,  that  even  the  most  incredu 
lous  could  no  longer  withhold  their  assent. 
Repeated  sparks  were  drawn  from  the  key,  a 
phial  was  charged,  a  shock  given,  and  all  the 
experiments  made,  which  are  usually  per 
formed  with  electricity. 

"  About  a  month  before  this  period,  some 
ingenious  Frenchmen  had  completed  the  dis 
covery  in  the  manner  originally  proposed  by 
Dr.  Franklin.  The  letters  which  he  sent  to 
Mr.  Collinson,  it  is  said,  were  refused  a  place 
amongst  the  papers  of  the  Royal  Society  of 
London.  However  this  may  be,  Collinson 
published  them  in  a  separate  volume,  under 
the  title  of,  New  Experiments  and  Observa 
tions  on  Electricity,  made  at  Philadelphia, 
in  America.  They  were  read  with  avidity, 
and  soon  translated  into  different  languages. 
A  very  incorrect  French  translation  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  celebrated  Buffbn,  who,  not 
withstanding  the  disadvantages  under  which 
the  work  laboured,  was  much  pleased  with  it, 
and  repeated  the  experiments  with  success. 
He  prevailed  upon  his  friend,  M.  D'Alibard, 
to  give  to  his  countrymen  a  more  correct 
translation  of  the  work  of  the  American  elec 
trician.  This  contributed  much  towards 
spreading  a  knowledge  of  Franklin's  princi 
ples  in  France.  The  king,  Louis  XV.,  hear 
ing  of  these  experiments,  expressed  a  wish  to 
be  a  spectator  of  them.  A  course  of  experi 
ments  was  given  at  the  seat  of  the  Due 
D'Ayen,  at  St.  Germains,  by  M.  De  Lor. 
The  applauses  which  the  king  bestowed  upon 
Franklin,  excited  in  Buffbri,  D'Alibard,  and 
De  Lor,  an  earnest  desire  of  ascertaining  the 
truth  of  his  theory  of  thunder-gusts.  Buffbn 
erected  his  apparatus  on  the  tower  of  Mont- 
bar,  M.  D'Alibard  at  Marly-la-ville,  and  De 
Lor  at  his  house  in  the  Estrapade,  at  Paris, 
some  of  the  highest  ground  in  that  capital. 
D'Alibard's  machine  first  showed  signs  of 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


electricity.  On  the  10th  of  May,  1752,  a 
thunder-cloud  passed  over  it,  in  the  absence 
of  M.  D'Alibard;  and  a  number  of  sparks 
were  drawn  from  it  by  Coiffier,  a  joiner,  with 
whom  D'Alibard  had  left  directions  how  to 
proceed,  and  by  M.  Raulet,  the  prior  of  Mar 
ly-la- ville.  An  account  of  this  experiment  was 
given  to  the  royal  academy  of  sciences,  in  a 
memoir  of  M.  D'Alibard,  dated  May  13, 1752. 
On  the  16th  of  May,  M.  De  Lor  proved  equally 
successful  with  the  apparatus  erected  at  his 
own  house.  These  discoveries  soon  excited 
the  philosophers  of  other  parts  of  Europe  to 
repeat  the  experiment.  Amongst  these,  none 
signalized  himself  more  than  father  Beccaria 
of  Turin,  to  whose  observations,  science  is 
much  indebted.  Even  the  cold  regions  of 
Russia  were  penetrated,  by  the  ardour  for 
discovery.  Professor  Richmann  bade  fair  to 
add  much  to  the  stock  of  knowledge  on  this 
subject,  when  an  unfortunate  flash  from  his 
rod  put  a  period  to  his  existence.  The  friends 
of  science  will  long  remember  with  regret, 
the  amiable  martyr  to  electricity. 

"  By  these  experiments,  Franklin's  theory 
was  established  in  the  most  firm  manner. 
When  the  truth  of  it  could  no  longer  be 
doubted,  the  vanity  of  men  endeavoured  to 
detract  from  its  merit.  That  an  American, 
an  inhabitant  of  the  obscure  city  of  Philadel 
phia,  the  name  of  which  was  hardly  known, 
should  be  able  to  make  discoveries,  and  to 
frame  theories,  which  had  escaped  the  notice 
of  the  enlightened  philosophers  of  Europe, 
was  too  mortifying  to  be  admitted.  He  must 
certainly  have  taken  the  idea  from  some  one 
else.  An  American,  a  being  of  an  inferior 
order,  make  discoveries !  Impossible.  It  was 
said,  that  the  abbe  Nollet,  in  1748,  had  sug 
gested  the  idea  of  the  similarity  of  lightning 
and  electricity,  in  his  Lemons  de  Physique. 
It  is  true  that  the  abbe  mentions  the  idea ; 
but  he  throws  it  out  as  a  bare  conjecture, 
and  proposes  no  mode  of  ascertaining  the 
truth  of  it.  He  himself  acknowledges,  that 
Franklin  first  entertained  the  bold  thought 
of  bringing  lightning  from  the  heavens,  by 
means  of  pointed  rods  fixed  in  the  air.  The 
similarity  of  electricity  and  lightning  is  so 
strong,  that  we  need  not  be  surprised  at  no 
tice  being  taken  of  it,  as  soon  as  electrical 
phenomena  became  familiar.  We  find  it 
mentioned  by  Dr.  Wall  and  Mr.  Grey,  while 
the  science  was  in  its  infancy.  But  the  ho 
nour  of  forming  a  regular  theory  of  thunder- 
gusts,  of  suggesting  a  mode  of  determining 
the  truth  of  it  by  experiments,  and  of  putting 
these  experiments  in  practice,  and  thus  esta 
blishing  his  theory  upon  a  firm  and  solid  basis, 
is  incontestibly  due  to  Franklin.  D'Alibard, 
who  made  the  first  experiments  in  France, 
says,  that  he  only  followed  the  track  which 
Franklin  had  pointed  out 
"It  has  been  of  late  asserted,  that  the  ho 


nour  of  completing  the  experiment  with  the 
lectrical  kite,  does  not  belong  to  Franklin. 
Some  late  English  paragraphs  have  attributed 
it  to  some  Frenchman,  whose  name  they  do 
not  mention ;  and  the  abb£  Bertholon  gives  it 
to  M.  De  Romas,  assessor  to  the  presideal  of 
Ne"rac ;  the  English  paragraphs  probably  re 
fer  to  the  same  person.  But  a  very  slight 
attention  will  convince  us  of  the  injustice  of 
this  procedure.  Dr.  Franklin's  experiment 
was  made  in  June,  1752 ;  and  his  letter,  giv 
ing  an  account  of  it,  is  dated  October  19, 
1752.  M.  De  Romas  made  his  first  attempt 
on  the  14th  of  May,  1753,  but  was  not  suc 
cessful  until  the  7th  of  June,  a  year  after 
Franklin  had  completed  the  discovery,  and 
when  it  was  known  to  all  the  philosophers  in 
Europe. 

;'  Besides  these  great  principles,  Franklin's 
letters  on  electricity  contain  a  number  of 
facts  and  hints,  which  have  contributed  great 
ly  towards  reducing  this  branch  of  knowledge 
to  a  science.  His  friend,  Mr.  Kinnersley, 
communicated  to  him  a  discovery  of  the  dif 
ferent  kinds  of  electricity  excited  by  rubbing 
glass  and  sulphur.  This  we  have  said,  was 
first  observed  by  M.  Du  Faye ;  but  it  was  for 
many  years  neglected.  The  philosophers 
were  disposed  to  account  for  the  phenomena, 
rather  from  a  difference  in  the  quantity  of 
electricity  collected ;  and  even  Du  Faye  him 
self  seems  at  last  to  have  adopted  this  doc 
trine.  Franklin  at  first  entertained  the  same 
idea;  but  upon  repeating  the  experiments, 
he  perceived  that  Mr.  Kinnersley  was  right ; 
and  that  the  vitreous  and  resinous  electricity 
of  Du  Faye  were  nothing  more  than  the  posi 
tive  and  negative  states  which  he  had  before 
observed  ;  that  the  glass  globe  charged  posi 
tively,  or  increased  the  quantity  of  electricity 
on  the  prime  conductor,  whilst  the  globe  of 
sulphur  diminished  its  natural  quantity,  or 
charged  negatively.  These  experiments  and 
observations  opened  a  new  field  for  investi 
gation,  upon  which  electricians  entered  with 
avidity;  and  their  labours  have  added  much 
to  the  stock  of  our  knowledge. 

"In  September,  1752,  Franklin  entered 
upon  a  course  of  experiments,  to  determine 
the  state  of  electricity  in  the  clouds.  From  a 
number  of  experiments  he  formed  this  con 
clusion  :  "  that  the  clouds  of  a  thunder-gust 
are  most  commonly  in  a  negative  state  of 
electricity,  but  sometimes  in  a  positive  state ;" 
and  from  this  it  follows,  as  a  necessary  con 
sequence,  "  that,  for  the  most  part,  in  thun 
der-strokes,  it  is  the  earth  that  strikes  into 
the  clouds,  and  not  the  clouds  that  strike  into 
the  earth."  The  letter  containing  these  ob 
servations,  is  dated  in  September,  1753 ;  and 
yet  the  discovery  of  ascending  thunder  has 
been  said  to  be  of  a  modern  date,  and  has 
been  attributed  to  the  abbe  Bertholon,  who 
published  his  memoir  on  the  subject  in  1776. 


84 


MEMOIRS  OF 


"Franklin's  letters  on  electricity,  have 
been  translated  into  most  of  the  European 
languages,  and  into  Latin.  In  proportion  as 
they  have  become  known,  his  principles  have 
been  adopted.  Some  opposition  was  made  to 
his  theories,  particularly  by  the  abbe  Nollet 
who  was,  however,  but  feebly  supported, 
whilst  the  first  philosophers  of  Europe  step 
ped  forth  in  defence  of  Franklin's  principles ; 
amongst  whom  D'Alibard  and  Beccaria  were 
the  most  distinguished.  The  opposition  has 
gradually  ceased,  and  the  Franklinian  system 
is  now  universally  adopted,  where  science 
flourishes. 

"  The  important  practical  use  which  Frank 
lin  made  of  his  discoveries,  the  securing  of 
houses  from  injury  by  lightning,  has  been 
already  mentioned.  Pointed  conductors  are 
now  very  common  in  America;  but  preju 
dice  has  hitherto  prevented  their  general  in 
troduction  into  Europe,  notwithstanding  the 
most  undoubted  proofs  of  their  utility  have 
been  given.  But  mankind  can  with  difficulty 
be  brought  to  lay  aside  established  practices, 
or  to  adopt  new  ones.  And  perhaps  we  have 
more  reason  to  be  surprised  that  a  practice, 
however  rational,  which  was  proposed  about 
forty  years  ago,  should  in  that  time  have 
been  adopted  in  so  many  places,  than  that  it 
has  not  universally  prevailed.  It  is  only  by 
degrees  that  the  great  body  of  mankind  can 
be  led  into  new  practices,  however  salutary 
their  tendency.  It  is  now  nearly  eighty 
years  since  innoculation  was  introduced  into 
Europe  and  America;  and  it  is  so  far  from 
being  general  at  present,  that  it  will,  per 
haps,  require  one  or  two  centuries  to  render 
it  so." 

To  revert  to  Dr.  Franklin's  political  trans 
actions.  His  exertions  and  examination  be 
fore  the  house  of  commons,  having  greatly 
contributed  to  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act  ; 
lie  now  turned  his  attention  towards  obtain 
ing  the  repeal  of  the  Act  restraining  the 
legal  tender  of  paper  money  in  the  colonies ; 
another  grievance  they  complained  of.  The 
ministry  had  at  one  time  agreed  to  the  re 
peal  ;  not  so  much  to  serve  the  colonies,  as 
from  the  impression  that  they  might  raise  a 
revenue  from  paper  money  lent  on  mortgage, 
by  the  parliament  appropriating  the  interest 
arising  therefrom.  This  notion  was,  how 
ever,  removed,  by  Dr.  Franklin's  assuring 
them,  that  no  colony  would  issue  money  on 
those  terms ;  and  that  the  advantage  arising 
to  the  commerce  of  Great  Britain  in  America, 
from  a  plentiful  currency,  would  thereby  be 
lost,  and  the  repeal  answer  no  end,  if  the 
assemblies  were  not  allowed  to  appropriate 
the  interest  themselves.  The  measure  was 
afterwards  dropt,  and  the  restraint  unwisely 
continued. 

As  early  as  the  period  of  these  discussions 
between  Great  Britain  and  her  colonies,  the , 


French  government  appear  to  have  begun  to 
take  an  interest  in  their  affairs.  The  cir 
cumstance  is  thus  alluded  to  in  a  letter  of  Dr. 
Franklin  to  his  son,  dated  London,  August 
28,  1767. 

"  De  Guerchy,  the  French  ambassador,  is 
gone  home,  and  Mons.  Durand  is  left  minis 
ter  plenipotentiary.  He  is  extremely  curious 
to  inform  himself  in  the  affairs  of  America ; 
pretends  to  have  a  great  esteem  for  me,  on 
account  of  the  abilities  shown  in  my  exami 
nation  ;  has  desired  to  have  all  my  political 
writings ;  invited  me  to  dine  with  him,  was 
very  inquisitive,  treated  me  with  great  civi 
lity,  makes  me  visits,  &c.  I  fancy  that  in 
triguing  nation  would  like  very  well  to  med 
dle  on  this  occasion,  and  blow  up  the  coals 
between  Great  Britain  and  her  colonies ;  but 
I  hope  we  shall  give  them  no  opportunity." 

Dr.  Franklin  was  right  in  his  conjectures, 
but  his  hopes  were  not  realized ;  the  oppor 
tunity  was  given,  and  they  availed  them 
selves  of  it, — eminently  contributing  to  the 
separation  of  the  two  countries. 

Certain  resolutions  of  the  town  of  Boston, 
respecting  trade  and  manufactures,  arrived  in 
London  about  the  commencement  of  the  year 
1768,  and  occasioned  a  considerable  clamour ; 
they  gave  Dr.  Franklin  and  the  friends  of 
America  great  concern.  He  endeavoured  by 
every  means  to  palliate  the  affair,  by  various 
writings  in  the  newspapers ;  and  the  discon 
tents  of  the  British  colonies  being  much  the 
subject  of  general  discussion  at  the  time,  and 
greatly  misunderstood,  he,  with  a  view  to 
elucidate  the  same,  and  soften  the  prevalent 
animosity  against  America,  wrote  and  pub 
lished  (in  the  Chronicle  of  January  7th,)  a 
piece  signed  F — S.  intitled  "  Causes  of  the 
American  discontents  before  1768,"  with  this 
inscription :  "  The  waves  never  rise  but 
when  the  winds  blow"  Prov. 

This  short  tract,  together  with  his  "  An 
swer  (in  Nov.  1769,)  to  the  queries  of  Mr. 
Strahan"  (which  were  probably  made  under 
the  dictation  of  administration,)  give  the  best 
account  of  the  then  existing  complaints  of  the 
colonies,  and  (from  their  not  being  attended 
to,)  of  the  primitive  cause  of  the  disputes, 
that  produced  civil  war,  and  terminated  in 
their  separation  from  Great  Britain.*  These 
papers,  interesting  for  the  historian,  form,  in 
some  degree,  a  complement  to  these  me 
moirs  ;  and  constitute  sufficient  proofs  of  Dr. 
Franklin's  candour  and  foresight. 

At  this  time  a  change  of  ministry  took 
jlace,  in  which  the  American  business  was 
iaken  from  lord  Shelburne,  and  given  to  lord 
HLillsborough,  as  secretary  of  state  for  Ame 
rica,  a  new  distinct  apartment.  There  was  a 

*  See  also  a  letter  of  Dr.  Franklin's,  On  the  rise  and 
progress  of  the  differences  between  Great  Britain  and  her 
American  colonies :  signed  "  Ji  well  wisher  to  the  king- 
and  alt  his  dominions,"  and  addressed  to  the  printer  of 
he  Public  Advertiser.—Pwatc  Correspondence. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


85 


talk  at  the  time  of  getting  Dr.  Franklin  ap 
pointed  under  secretary  of  state  for  that  de 
partment  ;  but  it  fell  through,  he  being  con 
sidered  too  much  of  an  American. 

Lord  Hillsborough  had  formerly,  at  sundry 
times,  discoursed  with  Dr.  Franklin  on  the 
subject  of  the  restraining  act,  relative  to  pa 
per-money  :  the  latter  now  waited  on  the  new 
minister,  in  order  again  to  press  the  repeal 
of  the  same ;  but  he  found  he  had  not  altered 
in  the  sentiments  concerning  it,  which  he 
entertained  when  at  the  head  of  the  board 
of  trade,  and  which  still  continued  adverse 
to  it 

Dr.  Franklin  took  this  opportunity  of  con 
versing  with  his  lordship  concerning  the  par 
ticular  affair  with  which  he  was  charged  by 
his  Pennsylvania  constituents,  relative  to  the 
change  of  government  in  that  province ;  giv 
ing  him  a  detail  of  all  the  proceedings  hither 
to,  the  delays  it  had  experienced,  and  its  pre 
sent  situation.  He  promised  him  he  would 
inquire  into  the  matter,  and  would  talk  with 
him  further  upon  it:  his  lordship  expressed 
great  satisfaction  at  the  good  disposition  that 
he  said  appeared  now  to  be  general  in  Ame 
rica,  with  regard  to  the  British  government, 
according  to  his  last  advices;  and  added,  that 
he  had  by  his  majesty's  order,  written  the 
most  healing  letters  to  the  several  governors, 
which  if  shown  to  the  assemblies,  as  he  sup 
posed  they  would  be,  could  not  but  confirm 
that  good  disposition. 

These  expectations  were  not  however  re 
alized  :  the  Americans  began  to  be  sensible 
of  their  own  consequence,  and  the  inhabitants 
of  Boston,  at  a  public  meeting  on  the  27th 
October,  1767,  entered  into  a  variety  of  reso 
lutions  for  encouraging  manufactures,  pro 
moting  economy,  arid  restraining  the  use  of 
foreign  superfluities.  These  resolutions,  all 
of  which  were  highly  prejudicial  to  the  trade 
of  Great  Britain,  contained  a  long  list  of  arti 
cles  which  it  was  either  determined  not  to 
use  at  all,  or  at  least  in  the  smallest  possible 
quantities.  A  subscription  was  opened  at  the 
same  time,  and  a  committee  appointed,  for  the 
increase  of  their  old  manufactures,  and  the 
establishment  of  new  ones.  Among  other 
things,  it  was  determined  to  give  particular 
encouragement  to  the  making  of  paper,  glass, 
and  other  commodities  that  were  liable  to  the 
payment  of  the  new  duties  upon  importation. 
It  was  also  resolved  to  restrain  the  expense  of 
funerals,  to  reduce  dress  to  a  degree  of  primi 
tive  simplicity  and  plainness,  and,  in  general, 
not  to  purchase  any  commodities  from  the 
mother  country,  that  could  be  procured  in 
any  of  the  colonies. 

All  these  resolutions  were  either  adopted, 
or  similar  ones  entered  into,  by  most,  if  not 
all  the  other  colonies  on  the  continent. 

Though  the  colonies  never  pretended  an 
exemption,  from  contributing  to  the  common 


expenses  necessary  to  the  prosperity  of  the 
empire,  they  continued  to  assert,  that  having 
parliaments  of  their  own,  and  not  having  re 
presentatives  in  that  of  Great  Britain,  their 
own  parliaments  were  the  only  proper  judges 
of  what  they  could  and  ought  to  contribute  in 
this  case;  and  that  the  English  parliament 
had  no  right  to  take  their  money  without 
their  consent.  They  considered  the  British 
empire,  hot  as  a  single  state,  but  as  compre 
hending  many;  and  though  the  parliament 
of  Great  Britain  had  arrogated  to  itself  the 
power  of  taxing  the  colonies,  it  had  no  more 
right  to  do  so,  than  it  had  to  tax  Hanover : 
both  countries  had  the  same  king,  but  not  the 
same  legislatures.  The  Americans,  conceiv 
ing  their  rights  thus  established,  were  deter 
mined  to  maintain  them ;  and  they  accord 
ingly,  opposed  to  the  acts  of  a  venal  court, 
resolved  to  subjugate  them  to  its  authority, 
that  calm,  steady  perseverance,  worthy  of 
men  who  were  determined  to  be  free. 

In  1772,  lord  Hillsborough  gave  in  his  re 
signation,  occasioned,  as  was  supposed,  from 
some  mortification  he  had  experienced,  or  the 
evident  dislike  of  the  king  to  his  administra 
tion,  which  he  conceived  had  tended  to  weaken 
the  affection  and  respect  of  the  colonies  for  a 
royal  government — a  sentiment  which  Dr. 
Franklin  had  taken  every  proper  means  to 
encourage,  by  the  communication  of  suitable 
information,  and  convincing  proofs  derived 
from  America.  But  the  doctor  was  not  only 
instrumental  in  the  dismissal  of  this  minister, 
but  perhaps  in  the  appointment  of  his  succes 
sor  :  for  complaining  of  lord  Hillsborough  one 
day  at  court,  to  a  person  of  considerable  influ 
ence,  that  person  told  him,  that  the  Ameri 
cans  were  represented  by  his  lordship  as  an 
unquiet  people,  not  easily  satisfied  with  any 
ministry;  that  however  it  was  thought  too 
much  occasion  had  been  given  them  to  dislike 
the  present;  and  he  asked  him,  whether,  in 
case  he  should  be  removed,  he  could  name 
another  likely  to  be  more  acceptable  to  the 
colonies?  Dr.  Franklin  instantly  replied, 

Yes,  there  is  lord  Dartmouth — we  liked 
him  very  well  when  he  was  at  the  head  of 
the  board  formerly,  and  hi  all  probability 
should  again."  This  was  probably  reported*: 
what  influence  it  may  have  had  is  uncertain ; 
but  shortly  after,  lord  Dartmouth  was  actually 
appointed  to  succeed  lord  Hillsborough,  to 
the  great  satisfaction  of  all  the  friends  of 
America. 

Dr.  Franklin,  it  appears,  had,  about  this 
time,  a  strong  inclination  to  return  to  Ame 
rica,  though  well  pleased  with  his  residence 
in  England,  where,  as  he  writes  to  his  son, 

Nothing  can  be  more  agreeable  than  my 
situation,  more  especially  as  I  hope  for  less 
embarrassment  from  the  new  administration. 
A  general  respect  paid  me  by  the  learned — a 
number  of  friends  and  acquaintance  among 


86 


MEMOIRS  OF 


them,  with  whom  I  have  a  pleasing  inter 
course  ;  a  character  of  so  much  weight,  that 
it  has  protected  me,  when  some  in  power 
would  have  done  me  injury,  and  continued 
me  in  an  office*  they  would  have  deprived 
me  of;  my  company  so  much  desired,  that  I 
seldom  dine  at  home  in  winter,  and  could 
spend  the  whole  summer  in  the  country- 
houses  of  inviting  friends,  if  I  chose  it.  Learn 
ed  and  ingenious  foreigners  that  came  to 
England,  almost  all  make  a  point  of  visiting 
me,  (for  my  reputation  is  still  higher  abroad 
than  here) ;  several  of  the  foreign  ambassa 
dors  have  assiduously  cultivated  my  acquaint 
ance,  treating  me  as  one  of  their  corps,  partly 
I  believe,  from  the  desire  they  have  from 
time  to  time  of  hearing  something  of  Ameri 
can  affairs,  an  object  become  of  importance  in 
foreign  courts,  who  begin  to  hope  Britain's 
alarming  power  will  be  diminished  by  the 
defection  of  her  colonies;  and  partly,  that 
they  may  have  an  opportunity  of  introducing 
me  to  the  gentlemen  of  their  country  who 
desire  it.  The  king,  too,  has  lately  been 
heard  to  speak  of  me  with  regard.  These  are 
flattering  circumstances;  but  a  violent  longing 
for  home  sometimes  seizes  me,  which  I  can 
no  otherwise  subdue,  but  by  promising  my 
self  a  return  next  spring,  or  next  autumn, 
and  so  forth.  As  to  returning  hither,  if  I 
once  go  back,  I  have  no  thoughts  of  it.  I  am 
too  far  advanced  in  life,  to  propose  three  voy 
ages  more,  f  I  have  some  important  affairs  to 
settle  at  home;  and  considering  my  double 
expenses  here  and  there,  I  hardly  think  my 
salaries  fully  compensate  the  disadvantages. 
The  late  change,  however,  (of  the  American 
minister)  being  thrown  into  the  balance,  de 
termines  me  to  stay  another  winter." 

Lord  Dartmouth  had  heretofore  expressed 
great  personal  regard  for  Dr.  Franklin,  who 
now  found  himself  upon  very  good  terms  with 
this  new  minister. 

As  an  explanatory  introduction  to  a  trans 
action  of  much  interest  and  importance  in  the 
an/ials  of  Dr.  Franklin,  which  made  a  con 
siderable  noise  at  this  time,  (1773-4,)  and 
which  has  not  hitherto  been  satisfactorily  de 
veloped  to  the  public,  it  may  be  proper  to  re 
vert  a  few  years  back  to  the  history  of  the 
colony  of  Massachusetts ;  for  which  purpose 
the  following  short  sketch,  from  an  unknown 
hand,  is  submitted : — 

"  From  the  royal  and  ministerial  assurances 
given  in  favour  of  America  in  the  yeatf  1769, 
the  subsequent  repeal  in  1770,  of  five  sixths 
of  the  duties  which  had  been  imposed  in  1767, 
together  with  the  renewal  of  the  mercantile 

*  Deputy  postmaster-general  of  America. 

t  After  his  return  to  America,  in  the  spring  of  1775, 
the  welfare  of  his  country  again  induced  him  to  cross 
the  Atlantic  in  1776,  and  undertake,  at  the  age  of  se 
venty-one,  infirm,  and  exposed  to  be  captured,  a  win 
ter's  voyage,  to  France ;  he  returned  in  1785  then  in 
his  eightieth  year. 


intercourse  between  Great  Britain  and  her 
colonies,  many  hoped  that  the  contention  be 
tween  the  two  countries  was  finally  closed. 
In  all  the  provinces  excepting  Massachusetts, 
appearances  seemed  to  favour  that  opinion. 
Many  incidents  operated  there  to  the  pre 
judice  of  that  harmony  which  had  began  else 
where  to  return.  The  stationing  a  military 
force  among  them  was  a  permanent  source  of 
uneasiness.  The  royal  army  had  been  brought 
thither  with  the  avowed  design  of  enforcing 
submission  to  the  mother  country.  Speeches 
from  the  throne,  and  addresses  from  both 
houses  of  parliament,  had  taught  them  to  look 
upon  the  inhabitants  as  factious  turbulent 
citizens,  who  aimed  at  throwing  off  all  subor 
dination  to  Great  Britain ;  they  on  the  other 
hand  were  accustomed  to  look  upon  the  sol 
diery  as  instruments  of  tyranny,  sent  on  pur 
pose  to  dragoon  them  out  of  their  liberties. 
Mutual  insults  and  provocations  were  the 
consequence. 

"  On  the  evening  of  the  5th  of  March,  1770, 
a  tumult  between  the  town's-people  and  a 
party  of  the  soldiers  took  place.  In  this  the 
latter  fired  on  the  former  and  killed  several 
of  them.  Moderate  men  interposed  and  pre 
vented  a  general  carnage.  The  events  of 
this  tragical  night  sunk  deep  in  the  minds  of 
the  citizens.  The  anniversary  of  it  was  ob 
served  with  great  solemnity.  Their  ablest 
speakers  were  successively  employed  to  de 
liver  an  annual  oration,  to  preserve  the  re 
membrance  of  it  fresh  in  their  minds.  On 
these  occasions,  the  blessings  of  liberty — the 
horrors  of  slavery — and  a  variety  of  such 
popular  topics  were  displayed  in  elegant  lan 
guage,  and  presented  to  the  public  view  in 
their  most  pleasing  or  most*  hideous  forms. 

"  The  obstacles  to  returning  harmony, 
which  have  already  been  mentioned,  were 
increased  by  making  the  judges  in  Massa 
chusetts  independent  of  the  province.  For 
merly  they  had  been  paid  by  yearly  grants 
from  the  assembly ;  but  from  the  year  1772, 
Peter  Oliver,  the  chief  justice  of  the  superior 
court,  received  his  salary  from  the  crown. 
This  was  resented  by  the  assembly  as  a  species 
of  bribery,  tending  to  bias  his  judicial  deter 
minations  in  favour  of  the  mother  country. 
They  made  it  the  foundation  of  an  impeach 
ment  ;  but  this  produced  no  other  consequence 
than  a  dissolution  of  the  assembly  which 
prosecuted  the  uncourtly  measure. 

"  A  personal  animosity  between  governor 
Bernard,  lieutenant-governor  Hutchinson,  and 
some  distinguished  patriots  in  Massachusetts, 
contributed  to  perpetuate  a  flame  of  discon 
tent  in  that  province,  though  elsewhere  it 
had  visibly  abated.  This  was  worked  up  in 
the  year  1773  to  a  high  pitch  by  a  singular 
combination  of  circumstances.  Some  letters 
had  been  written  in  the  course  of  the  dispute 
by  lieutenant-governor  Hutchinson,  Mr.  Oli- 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


87 


ver,  and  others  in  Boston,  to  persons  in  power 
and  office  in  England,  which  contained  a  very 
unfavourable  representation  of  public  affairs, 
and  tended  to  show  the  necessity  of  coercive 
measures,  and  of  changing  the  chartered  sys 
tem  of  provincial  government.  These  letters 
fell  into  the  hands  of  Dr.  Franklin,  agent  of 
the  province,  who  transmitted  them  to  his 
constituents.  The  indignation  and  animosity 
which  was  excited  on  their  perusal,  knew  no 
bounds.  The  house  of  representatives  agreed 
on  a  petition  and  remonstrance  to  his  majesty, 
in  which  they  charged  their  governor  and 
lieutenant-governor  with  being  betrayers  of 
their  trust,  and  of  the  people  they  governed ; 
and  of  giving  private,  partial,  and  false  inform 
ation.  They  also  declared  them  enemies  to 
the  colonies,  and  prayed  for  justice  against 
them,  and  for  their  speedy  removal  from  their 
places. 

"This  petition  and  remonstrance  being 
transmitted  to  England,  the  merits  of  it  were 
discussed  before  his  majesty's  privy  council. 
After  a  hearing  before  that  board,  in  which 
Dr.  Franklin  represented  the  province  of 
Massachusetts,  the  governor  and  lieutenant- 
governor  were  acquitted.  Mn^Vedderburn, 
(afterwards  lord  Jxmghbqrough,)  who  defend 
ed  the  accused  \ruyal  servants,  in  the  course 
of  his  pleadings,  inveighed  against  Drt  Frank 
lin  in  the  bitterest  lansftn^e,  as  the.fomenter 
of  the  disputes  between  the  two  countries.  It 
was  no  protection  to  this  venerable  sa'ge,*fhat 
being  the  agent  of  Massachusetts,  he  conceiv 
ed  it  his  duty  to  inform  his 'constituents  of 
letters  written  on  public  affairs,  calculated  to 
overturn  their  chartered  constitution.  The 
age,  respectable  character,  and  highly  literary 
rank  of  the  subject  of  the  philippic  of—'  The 
pert,  prim,  prater  of  the  northern  race,''  (as 
the  satiric  poet  Churchill  designates  Wed 
derburn,}  turned  the  attention  of  the  public 
on  the  transaction.  The  insult  offered  to  one 
of  their  public  agents,  and  especially  to  one 
who  was  both  the  idol  and  ornament  of  his 
country,  sunk  deep  into  the  minds  of  the 
Americans :  that  a  faithful  servant,  whom 
they  loved  and  almost  adored,  should  be  in 
sulted  for  discharging  his  official  duty,  rankled 
in  their  hearts."* 

Dr.  Franklin  told  Mr.  Lee,  one  of  his  coun 
sel,  after  the  business  was  concluded,  that  he 
was  indifferent  to  Mr.  Wedderburn's  speech, 
but  that  he  was  indeed  sincerely  sorry  to  see 
the  lords  of  council  behave  so  indecently; 
manifesting,  in  the  rudest  manner,  the  great 
pleasure  they  received  from  the  solicitor's 
speech;  that  dernier  court,  he  said,  before 
whom  all  the  colony  affairs  were  tried,  was 
not  likely  to  act  in  a  candid  and  impartial 
manner  upon  any  future  American  question. 
They  showed,  he  added,  that  the  coarsest 
language  can  be  grateful  to  the  politest  ear. 
*  See  the  Examinations,  in  this  edition. 


The  following  short  statement  of  Dr. 
Franklin's  behaviour  before  the  privy  council, 
from  the  pen  of  Dr.  Priestly,  (who  was  pre 
sent)  may  not  be  deemed  uninteresting* 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  Dr.  Priestly,  dated 

Northumberland,   United  States,  Nov.  10, 

1802. 

"  I  shall  proceed  to  relate  some  particulars 
respecting  Dr.  Franklin's  behaviour,  whei 
lord  Loughborough,  (then  Mr.  Wedderburn,) 
pronounced  his  violent  invective  against  him 
at  the  privy  council,  on  his  presenting  the 
complaints  of  the  province  of  Massachusetts 
against  their  governor.  Some  of  the  particu 
lars  may  be  thought  amusing. 

"  On  the  morning  of  the  day  on  which  the 
cause  was  to  be  heard,  I  met  Mr.  Burke,  in 
Parliament-street,  accompanied  by  Dr.  Dou 
glas,  afterwards  bishop  of  Carlisle ;  and  after 
introducing  us  to  each  other  as  men  of  letters, 
he  dsked  me  whither  I  was  going  1  I  said  I 
could  tell  him  where  I  wished  to  go.  He 
then  asking  me  where  it  was,  I  said  to  the 
privy-council,  but  that  I  was  afraid  I  could 
not  get  admission.  He  then  desired  me  to  go 
along  with  him.  Accordingly  I  did ;  but 
when  we  got  into  the  anti-room,  we  found  it. 
quite  filled  with  persons  as  desirous  of  get 
ting  admission  as  ourselves.  Seeing  this,  I 
said  we  should  never  get  through  the  crowd. 
He  said,  '  give  me  your  arm ;'  and  locking 
it  fast  in  his,  he  soon  made  his  way  to  the 
door  of  the  privy-council.  I  then  said,  '  Mr. 
Burke,  you  are  an  excellent  leader :'  he  re 
plied,  •'  I  wish  other  persons  thought  so  too.' 

"  After  waiting  a  short  time,  the  door  of  the 
privy-council  opened,  and  we  entered  the 
first,  when  Mr.  Burke  took  his  stand  behind 
the  first  chair  next  to  the  president,  and  I  be 
hind  that  the  next  to  his.  When  the  busi 
ness  was  opened,  it  was  sufficiently  evident, 
from  the  speech  of  Mr.  Wedderburn,  who 
was  counsel  for  the  governor,  that  the  real 
object  of  the  court  was  tainsult  Dr.  Franklin, 
All  this  time  he  stood  in  a  corner*  of  the  room, 
not  far  from  me,  without  the  least  apparent 
emotion. 

"  Mr.  Dunning,  who  was  the  leading  counsel 
on  the  part  of  the  colony,  was  so  hoarse,  that 
he  could  hardly  make  himself  heard;  and 
Mr.  Lee,  who  was  the  second,  spoke  but 
feebly  in  reply ;  so  that  Mr.  Wedderburn  had 
a  complete  triumph.  At  the  sallies  of  his 
sarcastic  wit,  all  the  members  of  the  council, 
the  president  himself  (lord  Gower)  not  ex- 
cepted,  frequently  laughed  outright.  No  per 
son  belonging  to  the  council  behaved  with 
decent  gravity,  except  lord  North,  who,  com 
ing  late,  took  his  stand  behind  the  chair  op 
posite  to  me. 

"When  the  business  was  over,  Dr.  Franklin, 

*  Error.  He  stood  close  to  the  fire,  and  in  front  of 
the  council-table. 


MEMOIRS  OF 


in  going  out,  took  me  by  the  hand,  in  a  man 
ner  that  indicated  some  feeling.  I  soon  fol 
lowed  him,  and  going  through  the  anti-room, 
saw  Mr.  Wedderburn  there,  surrounded  with 
a  circle  of  his  friends  and  admirers.  Being 
known  to  him,  he  stepped  forwards,  as  if  to 
speak  to  me ;  but  I  turned  aside,  and  made 
what  haste  I  could  out  of  the  place. 

"  The  next  morning  I  breakfasted  with  the 
doctor,  when  he  said,  '  he  had  never  before 
been  so  sensible  of  the  power  of  a  good  con 
science;  for  if  he  had  not  considered  tbe 
thing  for  which  he  had  been  so  mucli  insult 
ed,  as  one  of  the  best  actions  of  his  life,  and 
what  he  should  certainly  do  again  in  the  same 
circumstances,  he  could  not  have  supported 
it.'  He  was  accused  of  clandestinely  procur 
ing  certain  letters,  containing  complaints  of 
the  governor,  and  sending  them  to  America, 
with  a  view  to  excite  their  animosity  against 
him,  and  thus  to  embroil  the  two  counties. 
But  he  assured  me,  that  he  did  not  even 
know  that  such  letters  existed,  till  they  were 
brought  to  him  as  agent  for  the  colony,  in 
order  to  be  sent  to  his  constituents;  and  the 
cover  of  the  letters  on  which  the  direction 
had  been  written,  being  lost,  he  only  guessed 
at  the  person  to  whom  they  were  addressed^ 
by  the  contents. 

"  That  Dr.  Franklin,  notwithstanding  he  did 
not  show  it  at  the  time,  was  much  impressed 
by  the  business  of  the  privy-council,  appeared 
from  this  circumstance :  when  he  attended 
there,  he  was  dressed  in  a  suit  of  Manchester 
velvet ;  and  Silas  Deane  told  me,  when  they 
met  at  Paris,  to  sign  the  treaty  between 
France  and  America,  he  purposely  put  on 
that  suit. 

"The  publication  of  the  letters  of  Hutchin- 
son  and  Oliver,  by  the  legislature  of  Massa 
chusetts,  and  the  transmission  of  attested  co 
pies  of  the  same,  with  their  address,  event 
ually  produced  a  duel  between  Mr.  William 
Whately,  (brother  of  the  deceased  Mr.  Tho 
mas  Whately,  secretary  to  the  treasury,  to 
whom  the  letters  were  originally  addressed, 
and  in  whose  possession  they  were  supposed 
to  have  been  at  the  time  of  his  death,  in 
1772,)  and  Mr.  John  Temple,*  of  Boston, 
New  England ;  each  of  whom  had  been  sus 
pected  of  having  been  instrumental  in  procur 
ing  the  letters,  and  sending  them  to  America. 
This  tragical  event,  which  Dr.  Franklin 
could  not  foresee,  nor  had  an  opportunity  of 
preventing,  was  maliciously  made  use  of  by  his 
enemies,  to  cast  an  odium  on  his  character." 

The  following  account  is  from  a  manu 
script  in  Dr.  Franklin's  hand-writing,  found 
among  his  papers ;  evidently  drawn  up  with 
a  view  to  justify  his  conduct  with  respect  to 
those  famous  letters,  and  the  unfortunate 

*  Afterwards  sir  John  Temple,  and  for  several  years 
British  consul  in  the  United  States. 


event  that  resulted  therefrom,  and  probably 
with  the  intent  of  inserting  it  in  his  memoirs ; 
for  it  is  embodied  in  the  present  work,  as  well 
for  justification,  as  an  historical  document,  im 
portant  in  the  American  annals. 

Dr.  Franklin  may  be  considered  as  thus 
again  continuing  his  own  memoirs. 

HAVING  been  from  my  youth  more  or  less 
engaged  in  public  affairs,  it  has  often  happen 
ed  to  me  in  the  course  of  my  life,  to  be  cen 
sured  sharply  for  the  part  I  took  in  them. 
Such  censures  I  have  generally  passed  over 
in  silence,  conceiving,  when  they  were  just, 
that  I  ought  rather  to  amend  than  defend ; 
and  when  they  were  undeserved,  that  a  little 
time  would  justify  me.  Much  experience 
has  confirmed  my  opinion  of  the  propriety  of 
this  conduct;  for  notwithstanding  the  fre 
quent,  and  sometimes  the  virulent,  attacks 
which  the  jostlings  of  party  interests  have 
drawn  upon  me,  I  have  had  the  felicity  of 
bringing  down  to  a  good  old  age  as  fair  a  re 
putation  (may  I  be  permitted  to  say  it)  as 
most  public  men  that  I  have  known,  and  have 
never  had  reason  to  repent  my  neglecting  to 
defend  it. 

I  should,  therefose,  (persisting  as  old  men 
ought  to  do  in  old  habits^)  have  taken  no  no 
tice  of  the  late  invective  of  the  solicitor-gene 
ral,  nor  of  the  abundant  abuse  in  the  papers, 
were  I  not  urged  to  it  by  my  friends,  who 
say,  that  the  first  being  delivered  by  a  public 
officer  of  government,  before  a  high  and  most 
respectable  court,  the  privy  council,  and 
countenanced  by  its  report,  and  the  latter 
having  that  for  its  foundation,  it  behoves  me, 
more  especially  as  I  am  about  leaving  this 
country,  to  furnish  them  with  the  knowledge 
of  such  facts  as  may  enable  them  to  justify  to 
others  their  good  opinion  of  me.  This  com 
pels  me  to  the  present  undertaking;  for, 
otherwise,  having,  for  some  time  past,  been 
gradually  losing  all  public  connections,  de 
clining  my  agencies,  determining  on  retiring 
to  my  little  family,  that  I  might  enjoy  the  re 
mainder  of  life  in  private  repose,  indifferent 
to  the  opinion  of  courtiers,  as  having  nothing 
to  seek  or  wish  among  them ;  and  being  se- 
ure,  that  time  would  soon  lay  the  dust  which 
prejudice  and  party  have  so  lately  raised,  I 
should  not  think  of  giving  myself  the  trouble 
of  writing,  and  my  friends  of  reading,  an 
apology  for  my  political  conduct. 

That  this  conduct  may  be  better  under 
stood,  and  its  consistency  more  apparent,  it 
seems  necessary  that  I  should  first  explain 
the  principles  on  which  I  have  acted.  It  has 
long  appeared  to  me  that  the  only  true  British 
policy  was  that  which  aimed  at  the  good  of 
the  whole  British  empire,  not  that  which 
sought  the  advantage  of  one  part  in  the  dis 
advantage  of  the  others ;  therefore  all  mea 
sures  of  procuring  gain  to  the  mother  coun- 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


try,  arising  from  loss  to  her  colonies,  and  all 
of  gain  to  the  colonies,  arising  from  or  occa 
sioning  loss  to  Britain,  especially  where  the 
gain  was  small,  and  the  loss  great,  every 
abridgment  of  the  power  of  the  mother  coun 
try,  where  that  power  was  not  prejudicial  to 
the  liberties  of  the  colonists,  and  every  dimi 
nution  of  the  privileges  of  the  colonists,  where 
they  were  not  prejudicial  to  the  welfare  of 
the  mother  country,  I,  in  my  own  mind,  con 
demned  as  improper,  partial,  unjust,  and  mis 
chievous;  tending  to  create  dissensions,  and 
weaken  that  union,  on  which  the  strength, 
solidity,  and  duration  of  the  empire  greatly 
depended ;  and  I  opposed,  as  far  as  my  little 
powers  went,  all  proceedings  either  here  or 
in  America,  that  in  my  opinion  had  such 
tendency.  Hence  it  has  often  happened  to 
me,  that  while  I  have  been  thought  here  too 
much  of  an  American,  I  have  in  America 
been  deemed  too  much  of  an  Englishman. 

From  a  thorough  inquiry  (on  occasion  of 
the  stamp  act)  into  the  nature  of  the  connec 
tion  between  Britain  and  the  colonies,  I  be 
came  convinced,  that  the  bond  of  their  union 
is  not  the  parliament  but  the  king.  That  in 
removing  to  America,  a  country  out  of  the 
realm,  they  did  not  carry  with  them  the  sta 
tutes  then  existing ;  for  if  they  did,  the  Puri 
tans  must  have  been  subject  there  to  the  same 
grievous  act  of  conformity,  tithes,  spiritual 
courts,  &c.,  which  they  meant  to  be  free  from 
by  going  thither;  and  in  vain  would  they 
have  left  their  native  country,  and  all  the 
conveniences  and  comforts  of  its  improved 
state,  to  combat  the  hardships  of  a  new  set 
tlement  in  a  distant  wilderness,  if  they  had 
taken  with  them  what  they  meant  to  fly  from, 
or  if  they  had  left  a  power  behind  them  capa 
ble  of  sending  the  same  chains  after  them,  to 
bind  them  in  America.  They  took  with  them, 
however,  by  compact,  their  allegiance  to  the 
king,  and  a  legislative  power  for  the  making 
a  new  body  of  laws  with  his  assent,  by  which 
they  were  to  be  governed.  Hence  they  be 
came  distinct  states,  under  the  same  prince, 
united  as  Ireland  is  to  the  crown,  but  not  to 
the  realm  of  England,  and  governed  each  by 
its  own  laws,  though  with  the  same  sove 
reign,  and  having  each  the  right  of  granting 
its  own  money  to  that  sovereign. 

At  the  same  time,  I  considered  the  king's 
supreme  authority  over  all  the  colonies,  as  of 
the  greatest  importance  to  them,  affording  a 
dernier  resort  for  settling  all  their  disputes, 
a  means  of  preserving  peace  among  them  with 
each  other,  and  a  centre  in  which  their  com 
mon  force  might  be  united  against  a  common  j 
enemy  :  this  authority,  I  therefore  thought, ' 
when  acting  within  its  due  limits,  should  be 
ever  as  carefully  supported  by  the  colonists 
as  by  the  inhabitants  of  Britain. 

In  conformity  with  these  principles,  and  as 
agent  for  the  colonies,  I  opposed  the  stamp 

VOL.  I. . . .  M  8* 


act,  and  endeavoured  to  obtain  its  repeal,  as 
an  infringement  of  the  rights  of  the  colonists, 
of  no  real  advantage  to  Britain,  since  she 
might  ever  be  sure  of  greater  aids  from  our 
voluntary  grants,  than  she  could  expect  from 
arbitrary  taxes,  as  by  losing  our  respect  and 
affection,  on  which  much  of  her  commerce 
with  us  depended,  she  would  lose  more  in 
that  commerce  than  she  could  possibly  gain 
by  such  taxes,  and  as  it  was  detrimental  to 
the  harmony  which  had  till  then  so  happily 
subsisted,  and  which  was  so  essential  to  the 
welfare  of  the  whole.  And  to  keep  up  as 
much  as  in  me  lay,  a  reverence  for  the  king, 
and  a  respect  for  the  British  nation  on  that 
side  of  the  water,  and  on  this,  some  regard 
for  the  colonies  (both  tending  to  promote  that 
harmony,)  I  industriously  on  all  occasions,  in 
my  letters  to  America,  represented  the  mea 
sures  that  were  grievous  to  them,  as  being 
neither  royal  nor  national  measures,  but  the 
schemes  of  an  administration,  which  wished 
to  recommend  itself  for  its  ingenuity  in  finance, 
or  to  avail  itself  of  new  revenues  in  creating, 
by  places  and  pensions,  new  dependencies ; 
for  that  the  king  was  a  good  and  gracious 
prince,  and  the  people  of  Britain  their  real 
friends.  And  on  this  side  the  water,  I  re 
presented  the  people  of  America  as  fond  of 
Britain,  concerned  for  its  interests  and  its 
glory,  and  without  the  least  desire  of  a  separa 
tion  from  it.  In  both  cases,  I  thought  and 
still  think,  I  did  not  exceed  the  bounds  of 
truth,  and  I  have  the  heart-felt  satisfaction 
attending  good  intentions,  even  when  they 
are  not  successful. 

With  these  sentiments  I  could  not  but  see 
with  concern  the  sending  of  troops  to  Boston ; 
and  their  behaviour  to  the  people  there,  gave 
me  infinite  uneasiness,  as  I  apprehended  from 
that  measure  the  worst  of  consequences ; — a 
breach  between  the  two  countries.  And  I 
was  the  more  concerned  when  I  found,  that 
it  was  considered  there  as  a  national  measure, 
(since  none  here  opposed  it,)  and  as  a  proof 
that  Britain  had  no  longer  a  parental  regard 
for  them.  I  myself  in  conversation  sometimes 
spoke  of  it  in  this  light,  and  I  own  with  some 
resentment,  (being  myself  a  native  of  that 
country)  till  I  was,  to  my  great  surprise,  as 
sured  by  a  gentleman  of  character  and  dis 
tinction,  (whom  I  am  not  permitted  to  name)* 
that  not  only  the  measure  I  particularly  cen 
sured  so  warmly,  but  all  the  other  grievances 
we  complained  of,  took  their  rise,  not  from  the 
government  here,  but  were  projected,  pro 
posed  to  administration,  solicited,  and  obtain 
ed,  by  some  of  the  most  respectable  among 
the  Americans  themselves ;  as  necessary  mea 
sures  for  the  welfare  of  that  country.  As  I 
could  not  readily  assent  to  the  probability  of 
this,  he  undertook  to  convince  me,  and  he 

*  Dr.  Williamson,  of  South  Carolina,  has   avowed 
himself  as  the  communicator. 


90 


MEMOIRS  OF 


hoped  through  me  (as  their  agent  here)  my 
countrymen.  Accordingly,  he  called  on  me 
some  days  after,  and  produced  to  me  these 
very  letters  from  lieutenant-governor  Hutchin 
son,  secretary  Oliver,  and  others,  which  have 
since  been  the  subject  of  so  much  discussion. 

Though  astonished,  I  could  not  but  confess 
myself  convinced,  and  I  was  ready,  as  he 
desired,  to  convince  my  countrymen ;  for  I 
saw,  I  felt  indeed  by  its  eifect  upon  myself, 
the  tendency  it  must  have  towards  a  recon 
ciliation ;  which  for  the  common  good  I 
earnestly  wished ;  it  appeared,  moreover,  my 
duty  to  give  my  constituents  intelligence  of 
such  importance  to  their  affairs ; — but  there 
was  some  difficulty,  as  this  gentleman  would 
not  permit  copies  to  be  taken  of  the  letters ; 
and  if  that  could  have  been  done,  the  authen 
ticity  of  those  copies  might  have  been  doubted 
and  disputed.  My  simple  account  of  them, 
as  papers  I  had  seen,  would  have  been  still 
less  certain ;  I  therefore  wished  to  have  the 
use  of  the  originals  -Jbr  that  purpose,  which  I 
at  length  obtained,  on  these  express  conditions : 
that  they  should  not  be  printed,  that  no  copies 
should  be  taken  of  them,  that  they  should  be 
shown  only  to  a  few  of  the  leading  people  of 
the  government,  and  that  they  should  be  care 
fully  returned. 

I  accepted  those  conditions,  and  under  the 
same  transmitted  the  original  letters  to  the 
committee  of  correspondence  at  Boston,  with 
out  taking  or  reserving  any  copy  of  them  for 
myself.  I  agreed  the  more  willingly  to  the 
restraint,  from  an  apprehension  that  a  publi 
cation  might,  considering  the  state  of  irritation 
in  which  the  minds  of  the  people  there  had 
long  been  kept,  occasion  some  riot  of  mis 
chievous  consequence.  I  had  no  other  scru 
ple  in  sending  them,  for  as  they  had  been 
handed  about  here  to  injure  that  people,  why 
not  use  them  for  their  advantage"?  The 
writers,  too,  had  taken  the  same  liberty  with 
the  letters  of  others,  transmitting  hither  those 
of  Rosne  and  Auchmuty,  in  confirmation  of 
their  own  calumnies  against  the  Americans  ; 
copies  of  some  of  mine  too,  had  been  returned 
here  by  officers  of  government;  why  then 
should  theirs  be  exempt  from  the  same  treat 
ment^  To  whom  they  had  been  directed 
here  I  could  only  conjecture ;  for  I  was  not 
informed,  and  there  was  no  address  upon 
them  when  I  received  them.  My  letter,  in 
which  I  inclosed  them,  expressed  more  fully 
the  motives  abovementioned  for  sending  them, 
and  I  shall  presently  give  an  extract  of  so 
much  as  related  to  them. 

But  as  it  has,  on  the  contrary,  been  roundly 
asserted,  that  I  did  not,  as  agent,  transmit 
those  letters  to  the  assembly's  committee  of 
correspondence ;  that  I  sent  them  to  a  junto, 
my  peculiar  correspondents ;  that  fearing  to 
be  known  as  the  person  who  sent  them,  I  had 
insisted  on  the  keeping  that  circumstance  a 


secret ;  that  I  had  "  shown  the  utmost  solici 
tude  to  have  that  secret  kept ;"  and  as  this 
has  been  urged  as  a  demonstrative  proof,  that 
I  was  conscious  of  guilt  in  the  manner  of  ob 
taining  them,  and  therefore  feared  a  discovery 
so  much  as  to  have  been  afraid  of  putting  my 
name  to  the  letter  in  which  I  inclosed  them, 
and  which  only  appeared  to  be  mine  by  my 
well-known  hand  writing;  I  would  here, 
previous  to  that  extract,  observe,  that  on  the 
same  paper  was  first  written  the  copy  of  a 
preceding  letter,  which  had  been  first  signed 
by  me  as  usual ;  and,  accordingly,  the  letter 
now  in  question  began  with  these  words, 
"  The  above  is  a  copy  of  my  last ;"  and  all 
the  first  part  of  it  was  on  business  transacted 
by  me  relating  to  the  affairs  of  the  province, 
and  particularly  to  two  petitions  sent  to  me 
as  agent  by  the  assembly,  to  be  presented  to 
the  king.  These  circumstances  must  to  every 
person  there  have  as  clearly  shown  me  to  be 
the  writer  of  that  letter,  as  my  well-known 
hand  must  have  done  to  those  peculiar  cor 
respondents  of  my  own,  to  whom  it  is  said  I 
sent  it.  If  then  I  hoped  to  be  concealed  by 
not  signing  my  name  to  such  a  letter,  I  must 
have  been  as  silly  as  that  bird,  which  is  sup 
posed  to  think  itself  unseen  when  it  has  hid 
only  its  head.  And  if  I  could  depend  on  my 
correspondents  keeping  secret,  a  letter  and  a 
transaction  which  they  must  needs  know  were 
mine,  I  might  as  well  have  trusted  them  with 
my  name,  and  could  have  had  no  motive  for 
omitting  it.  In  truth,  all  I  insisted  on  was, 
(in  pursuance  of  my  engagement,)  that  the 
letters  should  not  be  printed  or  copied  ;  but  I 
had  not  at  the  time  the  least  thought  or  desire 
of  keeping  my  part  in  that  transaction  a 
secret ;  and,  therefore,  so  far  from  requesting 
it,  I  did  not  so  much  as  give  the  smallest 
intimation,  even  that  it  would  be  agreeable 
to  me  not  to  be  mentioned  on  the  occasion. 
And  if  I  had  had  that  inclination,  I  must  have 
been  very  weak  indeed  to  fancy,  that  the 
person  I  wrote  to,  all  the  rest  of  the  com 
mittee  of  correspondence,  five  other  persons 
named,  and  "  such  others  as  the  committee 
might  think  fit  to  show  them  to,"  with  three 
gentlemen  here  to  whom  I  had  communi 
cated  the  matter,  should  all  keep  as  a  secret 
on  my  account  what  I  did  not  state  as  a  secret, 
or  request  should  be  concealed. 

So  much  of  the  letter  as  relates  to  the 
governor's  letter,  is  as  follows : 

"  On  this  occasion  I  think  it  fit  to  acquaint 
you,  that  there  has  lately  fallen  into  my  hands 
part  of  a  correspondence  that  I  have  reason 
to  believe  laid  the  foundation  of  most,  if  not 
all  our  present  grievances.  I  am  not  at 
liberty  to  tell  through  what  channel  I  receiv 
ed  it ;  and  I  have  engaged  that  it  shall  not  be 
printed,  nor  any  copies  taken  of  the  whole,  or 
any  part  of  it ;  but  I  am  allowed  to  let  it  be 
seen  by  some  men  of  worth  in  the  province, 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


for  their  satisfaction  only.  In  confidence  of 
your  preserving  inviolably  my  engagement, 
I  send  you  inclosed  the  original  letters,  to 
obviate  every  pretence  of  unfairness  in  copy 
ing,  interpolation,  or  omission.  The  hands 
of  the  gentlemen  will  be  well  known.  Possi 
bly  they  may  not  like  such  an  exposal  of 
their  conduct,  however  tenderly  and  privately 
it  may  be  managed.  But  if  they  are  good 
men,  or  pretend  to  be  such,  and  agree  that 
all  good  men  wish  a  good  understanding 
and- harmony  to  subsist  between  the  colonies 
and  their  mother  country,  they  ought  the 
less  to  regret,  that  at  the  small  expense  of 
their  reputation  for  sincerity  and  public  spirit 
among  their  compatriots,  so  desirable  an  event 
may  in  some  degree  be  forwarded.  For  my 
own  part,  I  cannot  but  acknowledge,  that  my 
resentment  against  this  country,  for  its  arbi 
trary  measures  in  governing  us,  conducted  by 
the  late  minister,  has,  since  my  conviction  by 
these  papers,  that  those  measures  were  pro 
jected,  advised,  and  called  for,  by  men  of 
character  among  ourselves,  and  whose  advice 
must  therefore  be  attended  with  all  the  weight 
that  was  proper  to  mislead,  and  which  could 
therefore  scarce  fail  of  misleading ;  my  own 
resentment,  I  say,  has  by  this  means  been 
exceedingly  abated.  /  think  they  must  have 
the  same  effect  with  you ;  but  I  am  not,  as  I 
have  said,  at  liberty  to  make  the  letters  public. 
I  can  only  allow  them  to  be  seen  by  yourself, 
by  the  other  gentlemen  of  the  committee  of 
correspondence,  by  Messrs.  Bowdoin  and  Pitts 
of  the  council,  and  doctors  Chauncey,  Cooper, 
and  Winthrop,  with  a  few  such  other  gentle 
men  as  you  may  think  fit  to  show  them  to. 
After  being  some  months  in  your  possession, 
you  are  requested  to  return  them  to  me. 

"  As  to  the  writers,  I  can  easily,  as  well  as 
charitably,  conceive  it  possible,  that  a  man 
educated  in  prepossessions  of  the  unbounded 
authority  of  parliament,  &c.,  may  think  un 
justifiable  every  opposition  even  to  its  uncon 
stitutional  exactions,  and  imagine  it  their  duty 
to  suppress,  as  much  as  in  them  lies,  such  op 
position.  But  when  I  find  them  bartering 
away  the  liberties  of  their  native  country  for 
posts,  and  negotiating  for  salaries  and  pen 
sions  extorted  from  the  people ;  and  conscious 
of  the  odium  these  might  be  attended  with, 
calling  for  troops  to  protect  and  secure  the 
enjoyment  of  them ;  when  I  see  them  excit 
ing  jealousies  in  the  crown,  and  provoking  it 
to  work  against  so  great  a  part  of  its  faithful 
subjects ;  creating  enmities  between  the  dif 
ferent  countries  of  which  the  empire  consists ; 
occasioning  a  great  expense  to  the  old  coun 
try,  for  suppressing  or  preventing  imaginary 
rebellions  in  the  new,  and  to  the  new  coun 
try,  for  the  payment  of  needless  gratifications 
to  useless  officers  and  enemies ;  I  cannot  but 
doubt  their  sincerity,  even  in  the  political 
principles  they  profess,  and  deem  them  mere 


91 

time-servers,  seeking  their  own  private  emo 
lument,  through  any  quantity  of  public  mis 
chief;  betrayers  of  the  interest,  not  of  their 
native  country  only,  but  of  the  government 
they  pretend  to  serve,  and  of  the  whole  Eng 
lish  empire. 

"  With  the  greatest  esteem  and  respect,  I 
have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  your  and  the  com 
mittee's  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 

My  next  letter  is  of  January  5th,  1773,  to 
the  same  gentleman,  beginning  with  these 
words: — "I  did  myself  the  honour  of  writing 
to  you  on  the  2d  of  December  past,  inclosing 
some  original  letters  from  persons  at  Boston, 
which  I  hope  got  safe  to  hand." — And  then 
goes  on  with  other  business  transacted  by  me 
as  agent,  and  is  signed  with  my  name  as 
usual.  In  truth,  I  never  sent  an  anonymous 
letter  to  any  person  in  America,  since  my  re 
sidence  in  London,  unless  where  two  or  more 
letters  happened  to  be  on  the  same  paper,  the 
first  a  copy  of  a  preceding  letter,  and  the  sub 
sequent  referring  to  the  preceding ;  in  that 
case,  I  may  possibly  have  omitted  signing 
more  than  one  of  them  as  unnecessary. 

The  first  letter,  acknowledging  the  receipt 
of  the  papers,  is  dated  Boston,  March  24, 1773, 
and  begins  thus :  "  I  have  just  received  your 
favour  of  the  2d  December  last,  with  the 
several  papers  inclosed,  for  which  I  am  much 
obliged  to  you.  I  have  communicated  them 
to  some  of  the  gentlemen  you  mentioned. 
They  are  of  opinion,  that  though  it  might  be 
inconvenient  to  publish  them,  yet  it  might  be 
expedient  to  have  copies  taken  and  left  on 
this  side  the  water,  as  there  may  be  a  neces 
sity  to  make  some  use  of  them  hereafter: 
however,  I  read  to  them  what  you  had  wrote 
to  me  upon  the  occasion,  and  told  them  I 
could  by  no  means  consent  copies  of  them  or 
any  part  of  them  should  be  taken  without 
your  express  leave ;  that  I  would  write  to  you 
upon  the  subject,  and  should  strictly  conform 
to  your  directions." 

The  next  letter,  dated  April  20th,  1773,  be 
gins  thus: — "  I  wrote  you  in  my  last,  that  the 
gentlemen  to  whom  I  had  communicated  the 
papers  you  sent  me  under  cover  of  yours  of 
the  2d  of  December  last,  were  of  opinion  that 
they  ought  to  be  retained  on  this  side  the 
water,  to  be  hereafter  employed  as  the  exi 
gency  of  our  affairs  may  require,  or  at  least, 
that  authenticated  copies  ought  to  be  taken 
before  they  are  returned :  I  shall  have,  I  find, 
a  very  difficult  task  properly  to  conduct  this 
matter,  unless  you  obtain  leave  for  their  be 
ing  retained  or  copied.  I  shall  wait  your  di 
rections  on  this  head,  and  hope  they  will  be 
such  as  will  be  agreeable  to  all  the  gentle 
men,  who  unanimously  are  of  opinion,  that  it 
can  by  no  means  answer  any  valuable  pur 
pose  to  send  them  here  for  the  inspection  of 


MEMOIRS  OF 


a  few  persons,  barely  to  satisfy  their  curi 
osity." 

On  the  9th  of  March,  I  wrote  to  the  same 
person,  not  having  then  received  the  preced 
ing  letters,  and  mentioned  my  having  written 
to  him  on  the  2d  of  December  and  5th  of 
January;  and  knowing  what  use  was  made 
against  the  people  there,  of  every  trifling 
mob ;  and  fearing  lest  if  the  letters  should, 
contrary  to  my  directions,  be  made  public, 
something  more  serious  of  the  kind  might 
happen,  I  concluded  that  letter  thus: — "I 
must  hope  that  great  care  will  be  taken  to 
keep  our  people  quiet,  since  nothing  is  more 
wished  for  by  our  enemies,  than  that  by  in 
surrections,  we  should  give  a  good  pretence 
for  increasing  the  military  among  us,  and  put 
ting  us  under  more  severe  restraints.  And 
it  must  be  evident  to  all,  that  by  our  rapidly 
increasing  strength,  we  shall  soon  become  of 
so  much  importance,  that  none  of  our  just 
claims  or  privileges  will  be,  as  heretofore, 
unattended  to,  nor  any  security  we  can  wish 
for  our  rights  be  denied  us." 

Mine  of  May  6th,  begins  thus : — "  I  have 
received  none  of  your  favours  since  that  of 
Nov.  28th.  I  have  since  written  to  you  of 
the  following  dates,  Dec.  2d,  Jan.  5th,  March 
9th,  and  April  3d,  which  I  hope  got  safe  to 
hand."  Thus  in  two,  out  of  three  letters  sub 
sequent  to  that  of  Dec.  2d,  which  inclosed  the 
governor's  letters,  I  mentioned  my  writing 
that  letter,  which  shows  I  could  have  no  in 
tention  of  concealing  my  having  written  it : 
and  that  therefore  the  assertion  of  my  sending 
it  anonymously  is  without  probability. 

In  mine  of  June  2d,  1773,  I  acknowledge 
the  receipt  of  his  letter  of  March  24th,  and 
not  being  able  to  answer  immediately,  his  re 
quest  of  leave  to  copy  the  letters,  I  said  no 
thing  of  them  then,  postponing  that  subject 
to  an  opportunity  which  was  expected  two 
days  after,  viz :  June  4th,  when  my  letter  of 
that  date  concludes  thus : — "  As  to  the  letters 
I  communicated  to  you,  though  I  have  not 
been  able  to  obtain  leave  to  take  copies  or 
publish  them,  I  have  permission  to  let  the 
originals  remain  with  you,  as  long  as  you  may 
think  it  of  any  use  to  have  the  originals  in 
possession." 

In  mine  of  July  —  1773,  I  answer  the 
above  of  April  20,  as  follows :— "  The  letters 
communicated  to  you  were  not  merely  to 
satisfy  the  curiosity  of  any,  but  it  was  thought 
there  might  be  a  use  in  showing  them  to  some 
friends  of  the  province,  and  even  to  some  of 
the  governor's  party,  for  their  more  certain 
information  concerning  his  conduct  and  poli 
tics,  though  the  letters  were  not  made  quite 
public.  I  believe  I  have  since  written  to  you, 
that  there  was  no  occasion  to  return  them 
speedily ;  and  though  I  cannot  obtain  leave  as 
yet  to  suffer  copies  to  be  taken  of  them,  I  am 
allowed  to  say,  that  they  may  be  shown  and 


read  to  whom  and  as  many  as  you  think 
proper." 

The  same  person  wrote  to  me,  June  14th, 
1773,  in  these  terms :  "  I  have  endeavoured 
inviolably  to  keep  to  your  injunctions  with 
respect  to  the  papers  you  sent  me ;  I  have 
shown  them  only  to  such  persons  as  you  di 
rected;  no  one  person,  except  Dr.  Cooper, 
and  one  of  the  committee,  knows  from  whom 
they  came,  or  to  whom  they  were  sent. 
I  have  constantly  avoided  mentioning  your 
name  upon  the  occasion,  so  that  it  never  need 
be  known  (if  you  incline  to  keep  it  a  se 
cret)  who  they  came  from,  and  to  whom  they 
were  sent;  and  I  desire,  so  far  as  lam  con 
cerned,  my  name  may  not  be  mentioned; 
for  it  may  be  a  damage  to  me.  I  thought  it, 
however,  my  duty  to  communicate  them  as 
permitted,  as  they  contained  matters  of  im 
portance  that  very  nearly  affected  the  govern 
ment  ;  and  notwithstanding  all  my  care  and 
precaution,  it  is  now  publicly  known  that 
such  letters  are  here.  Considering  the  num 
ber  of  persons  who  were  to  see  them,  (not 
less  than  ten  or  fifteen)  it  is  astonishing  they 
did  not  get  air  before."  Then  he  goes  on  to 
relate  how  the  assembly  having  heard  of 
them,  obliged  him  to  produce  them,  but  en 
gaged  not  to  print  them ;  and  that  they  after 
wards  did  nevertheless  print  them,  having 
got  over  that  engagement  by  the  appearance 
of  copies  in  the  house,  produced  by  a  member 
who  it  was  reported  had  just  received  them 
from  England.  This  letter  concludes,  "  I 
have  done  all  in  my  power  strictly  to  conform 
to  your  restrictions,  but  from  the  circum 
stances  above  related,  you  must  be  sensible  it 
was  impossible  to  prevent  the  letters  being 
made  public,  and  therefore  hope  I  shall  be 
free  from  all  blame  respecting  this  matter." 

This  letter  accounts  for  its  being  unexpect 
edly  to  me,  made  a  secret  in  Boston  that  I 
had  sent  the  letters.  The  gentleman,  to 
whom  I  sent  them,  had  his  reasons  for  desir 
ing  not  to  be  known  as  the  person  who  re 
ceived  and  communicated  them ;  but  as  this 
would  have  been  suspected,  if  it  were  known 
that  I  sent  them,  that  circumstance  was  to  be 
kept  a  secret.  Accordingly,  they  were  given 
to  another,  to  be  by  him  produced  by  the 
committee.* 

*  When  Dr.  Franklin  put  in  his  answer  to  the  bill 
in  Chancery,  which  had  been  filed  against  him  in  the 
name  of  Mr.  Whately,  he  demurred  to  two  of  the  in 
terrogatories  which  it  contained,  and  by  which  he  was 
required  to  name  the  person  in  England  from  whom 
he  had  received  the  letters  in  question,  and  also  the 
person  in  America  to  whom  they  had  by  him  been 
transmitted ;  and  declined  making  any  disclosure  of 
their  names.  This  demurrer  was  however  overruled ; 
and  he  was  ordered  to  answer  these  interrogatories  : 
but  feeling  that  his  doing  so  would  be  a  violation  of  his 
engagement  to  the  person  from  whom  he  had  received 
the  letters,  and  probably  injurious  to  the  person  to 
whom  they  had  been  sent,  he  thought  it  incumbent  on 
him  to  return  to  America,  and  thereby  avoid  the 
breach  of  his  engagement,  and  he  appears  to  have 
done  this  conscientiously ;  and  so  completely,  that  the 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


My  answer  to  this  was  of  July  25th,  1773, 
as  follows:  "I  am  favoured  with  yours  of 
June  14th,  containing  some  copies  of  the  re 
solves  of  the  committee  upon  the  letters.  I 
see  by  your  account  of  the  transaction,  that 
you  could  not  well  prevent  what  was  done. 
As  to  the  report  of  other  copies  being  come 
from  England,  I  think  that  could  not  be.  It 
was  an  expedient  to  disengage  the  house.*  I 
hope  the  possession  of  the  originals,  and  the 
proceedings  upon  them,  will  be  attended  with 
salutary  effects  to  the  province,  and  then  I 
shall  be  well  pleased. — I  observe  what  you 
mention,  that  no  person  besides  Dr.  Cooper, 
and  one  of  the  committee,  knew  they  came 
from  me.  I  did  not  accompany  them  with 
any  request  of  being  myself  concealed,  for  be 
lieving  what  I  did,  to  be  in  the  way  of  my 
duty  as  agent,  though  I  had  no  doubt  of  its 
giving  offence,  not  only  to  the  parties  ex 
posed,  but  to  administration  here,  I  was  re 
gardless  of  the  consequences.  However, 
since  the  letters  themselves  are  now  copied 
and  printed,  contrary  to  the  promise  I  made, 
I  am  glad  my  name  has  not  been  heard  on 
the  occasion ;  and  as  I  do  not  see  it  could  be 
of  any  use  to  the  public,  I  now  wish  it  may 
continue  unknown,  though  I  hardly  expect  it. 
As  to  yours,  you  may  rely  on  my  never  men 
tioning  it,  except  that  I  may  be  obliged  to 
show  your  letter  in  my  own  vindication,  to 
the  person  only  who  might  otherwise  think 
he  had  reason  to  blame  ME  for  breach  of  en 
gagement." 

With  the  abovementioned  letter  of  the  14th 
of  June,  I  received  one  from  another  of  the 
gentlemen  to  whom  the  papers  had  been  com 
municated,  which  says,  "  By  whom  and  to 
whom  they  were  sent,  is  still  a  secret,  known 
only  to  three  persons  here,  and  may  still  re 
main  so  if  you  desire  it."  My  answer  to  him 
of  July  25th,  was,  "  I  accompanied  them  with 
no  restriction  relating  to  myself;  my  duty  to 
the  province  as  their  agent,  I  thought  requir- 


person  from  whom  the  letters  were  received,  was  never 
ascertained,  till  declared  by  Dr.  W.  himself;  nor  were 
any  of  the  conjectures  respecting  that  person  founded 
upon,  or  suggested  by,  any  infidelity.or  indiscretion  on 
the  part  of  Dr.  Franklin.  He  was  not  however  under 
an  equal  obligation  to  secrecy,  in  regard  to  the  person 
to  whom  the  letters  \vereimmediatcly  transmitted  ;  and 
he  therefore  confidentially  informed  a  friend  of  his,  (Dr. 
Bancroft,)  that  they  had  been  sent  to  Mr.  Cushing, 
then  speaker  of  the  house  of  representatives  of  the 
Massachusetts'  Bay  ;  with  whom  it  was  Dr.  Franklin's 
duty,  as  agent  for  the  assembly  of  that  province,  to 
correspond :— a  fact  now  ascertained  in  his  PRIVATE 
CORRESPONDENCE,  Part  II.,  and  which  there  is  no  long 
er  any  motive  for  concealing. 

*  Men  sometimes  think  it  allowable  to  act  improper 
ly  for  what  they  consider  as  good  purposes.  This  was 
done  at  Boston,  in  regard  to  the  letters  under  consider 
ation  : — a  publication  of  these  letters  was  deemed  of 
the  highest  importance,  by  the  leading  members  of  the 
house  of  representatives;  and  copies  of  them  were 
therefore  made  unwarrantably;  and  these,  the  late 
Mr.  Hancock  was  induced  to  bring  forward  in  that 
house,  of  which  he  was  a  member,  and  to  declare  that 
they  had  been  sent  to  him  from  England ;  a  declara 
tion  which  could  not  have  been  true. 


ed  the  communication  of  them  so  far  as  I 
could.  I  was  sensible  I  should  make  enemies 
there,  and  perhaps  might  offend  government 
here  ;  but  these  apprehensions  I  disregarded. 
I  did  not  expect,  and  hardly  still  expect,  that 
my  sending  them  could  be  kept  a  secret  But 
since  it  is  such  hitherto,  I  now  wish  it  may 
continue  so,  because  the  publication  of  the 
letters,  contrary  to  my  engagement,  has 
changed  the  circumstances." — His  reply  to 
this  of  the  10th  of  November,  is,  "  After  all 
the  solicitous  inquiries  of  the  governor  and 
his  friends  respecting  his  letters,  it  still  re 
mains  a  secret  from  and  to  whom  they  were 
sent  here.  This  is  known  among  us,  to  two 
only  besides  myself;  and  will  remain  undis 
covered,  unless  further  intelligence  should 
come  from  your  side  the  water,  than  I  have 
reason  to  think  has  yet  been  obtained.  I  can 
not,  however,  but  admire  your  honest  open 
ness  in  this  affair,  and  noble  negligence  of 
any  inconveniencies  that  might  arise  to  your 
self  in  this  essential  service  to  our  injured 
country." 

To  another  friend  I  wrote  of  the  same  date, 
July  25th,  what  will  show  the  apprehensions 
I  was  constantly  under,  of  the  mischiefs  that 
might  attend  a  breach  from  the  exasperated 
state  of  things,  and  the  arguments  I  used  to 
prevent  it,  viz.  "  I  am  glad  to  see  that  you  are 
elected  into  the  council,  and  are  about  to 
take  part  in  our  public  affairs.  Your  abili 
ties,  integrity,  and  sober  attachment  to  the 
liberties  of  our  country,  will  be  of  great  use 
at  this  tempestuous  time,  in  conducting  our 
little  bark  into  a  safe  harbour.  By  the  Bos 
ton  newspapers,  there  seem  to  be  among  us 
some  violent  spirits  who  are  for  an  immediate 
rupture.  But  I  trust  the  general  prudence 
of  our  countrymen  will  see,  that  by  our  grow 
ing  strength  we  advance  fast  to  a  situation  in 
which  our  claims  must  be  allowed  ;  that  by  a 
premature  struggle  we  may  be  crippled  and 
kept  down  another  age;  that  as  between 
friends  every  affront  is  not  worth  a  duel,  and 
between  nations  every  injury  is  not  worth  a 
war ;  so  between  the  governed  and  the  go 
verning,  every  mistake  in  government,  every 
encroachment  on  rights,  is  not  worth  a  rebel 
lion:  it  is,  in  my  opinion,  sufficient  for  the 
present,  that  we  hold  them  forth  on  all  occa 
sions,  not  giving  up  any  of  them,  using  at 
the  same  time  every  means  to  make  them 
generally  understood  and  valued  by  the  peo 
ple  ;  cultivating  a  harmony  among  the  colo 
nies,  that  their  union  in  the  same  sentiments 
may  give  them  greater  weight ;  remember 
ing,  withal,  that  this  Protestant  country  (our 
mother,  though  of  late  an  unkind  one,)  is 
worth  preserving,  and  that  her  weight  in  the 
scale  of  Europe,  her  safety  in  a  great  degree, 
may  depend  on  our  union  with  her.  Thus 
conducting,  I  am  confident,  we  may  within  a 
few  years,  obtain  every  allowance  of,  and 


MEMOIRS  OF 


every  security  for,  our  inestimable  privileges, 
that  we  can  wish  or  desire." — His  answer  of 
December  31st,  is,  "  I  concur  perfectly  with 
you  in  the  sentiments  expressed  in  your  last. 
No  considerate  person,  I  should  think,  can 
approve  of  desperate  remedies,  except  in  des 
perate  cases.  The  people  of  America  are  ex 
tremely  agitated  by  the  repeated  efforts  of 
administration  to  subject  them  to  absolute 
power.  They  have  been  amused  with  ac 
counts  of  the  pacific  disposition  of  the  minis 
try,  and  flattered  with  assurances  that  upon 
their  humble  petitions  all  their  grievances 
would  be  redressed.  They  have  petitioned 
from  time  to  time ;  but  their  petitions  have 
had  no  other  effect  than  to  make  them  feel 
more  sensibly  their  own  slavery.  Instead  of 
redress,  every  year  has  produced  some  new 
manoeuvre,  which  could  have  no  tendency 
but  to  irritate  them  more  and  more.  The 
last  measure  of  the  East  India  company's 
sending  their  tea  here,  subject  to  a  duty, 
seems  to  have  given  the  finishing  stroke  to 
their  patience.  You  will  have  heard  of  the 
steps  taken  at  Boston,  New  York,  and  Phila 
delphia,  to  prevent  the  payment  of  this  duty, 
by  sending  the  tea  back  to  its  owners ;  but 
as  this  was  found  impossible  at  Boston,  the 
destruction  of  the  tea  was  the  consequence. 
What  the  event  of  these  commotions  will  be, 
God  only  knows.  The  people  through  the 
colonies  appear  immovably  fixed  in  their  reso 
lution,  that  the  tea  duty  shall  never  be  paid ; 
and  if  the  ministry  are  determined  to  enforce 
these  measures,  I  dread  the  consequences.  I 
verily  fear  they  will  turn  America  into  a 
field  of  blood.  But  I  will  hope  for  the  best." 
I  am  told  that  administration  is  possessed 
of  most  of  my  letters  sent  or  received  on 
public  affairs  for  some  years  past.  Copies  of 
them  having  been  obtained  from  the  files  of 
the  several  assemblies,  or  as  they  passed 
through  the  post  office.  I  do  not  condemn 
their  ministerial  industry,  or  complain  of  it. 
The  foregoing  extracts  may  be  compared 
with  those  copies ;  and  I  can  appeal  to  them 
with  confidence,  that  upon  such  comparison 
these  extracts  will  be  found  faithfully  made. 
And  that  the  whole  tenor  of  my  letters  has 
been,  to  persuade  patience  and  a  careful 
guarding  against  all  violence,  under  the 
grievances  complained  of,  and  this  from  va 
rious  considerations,  such  as  that  the  welfare 
of  the  empire  depended  upon  the  union  of  its 
parts,  that  the  sovereign  was  well  disposed 
towards  us,  and  the  body  of  this  nation,  our 
friends  and  well-wishers;  that  it  was  the 
ministry  only  who  were  prejudiced  against 
us ;  that  the  sentiments  of  ministers  might  in 
time  be  changed,  or  the  ministers  themselves 
be  changed ;  or  that  if  those  chances  failed,  at 
least  time  would  infallibly  bring  redress,  since 
the  strength,  weight,  and  importance  of  Ame 
rica  was  continually  and  rapidly  increasing, 


and  its  friendship  of  course  daily  becoming 
more  valuable,  and  more  likely  to  be  culti 
vated  by  an  attention  to  its  rights.  The 
newspapers  have  announced,  that  treason  is 
found  in  some  of  my  letters.  It  must  then  be 
of  some  new  species.  The  invention  of  court 
lawyers  has  always  been  fruitful  in  the  dis 
covery  of  new  treasons :  and  perhaps  it  is  now 
become  treason,  to  censure  the  conduct  of 
ministers.  None  of  any  other  kind,  I  am 
sure,  can  be  found  in  my  correspondence. 

The  effect  of  the  governor's  letters  on  the 
minds  of  the  people  in  New  England,  when 
they  came  to  be  read  there,  was  precisely 
what  had  been  expected,  and  proposed,  by 
sending  them  over.  It  was  now  seen  that 
the  grievances,  which  had  been  so  deeply  re 
sented,  as  measures  of  the  mother  country, 
were,  in  fact,  the  measures  of  two  or  three 
of  their  own  people ;  of  course  all  that  resent 
ment  was  withdrawn  from  her,  and  fell  where 
it  was  proper  it  should  fall,  on  the  heads  of 
those  caitiffs,  who  were  the  authors  of  the 
mischief.  Both  houses  took  up  the  matter  in 
this  light.  The  council  resolved  that 

[This  piece  is  wanting.] 
and  the  house  of  representatives  agreed  to  the 
folio  whig  resolves,  reported  by  the  committee 
appointed  to  consider  the  letters,  viz  : — 

"  The  Committee  appointed  to  consider  certain  Letters, 

laid  before  the  House  of  Representatives,  reported  the 

following  Resolves. 

"  Tuesday,  June  15th,  1773. 

"Resolved,  That  the  letters  signed  Thomas  Hutchin 
son,  and  Andrew  Oliver,  now  under  the  consideration  of 
this  house,  appear  to  be  the  genuine  letters  of  the  pre 
sent  governor  and  lieutenant-governor  of  this  pro 
vince,  whose  hand-writing  and  signatures  are  well 
known  to  many  of  the  members  of  this  house  :  and  that 
they  contain  aggravated  accounts  of  facts,  and  misre 
presentations:  and  that  one  manifest  design  of  them 
was  to  represent  the  matters  they  treat  of  in  a  light 
highly  injurious  to  this  province,  and  the  persons 
against  whom  they  were  written. 

"  Resolved,  That  though  the  letters  aforesaid,  signed 
Thomas  Hutchinson,  are  said  by  the  governor  in  his 
message  to  this  house  of  June  9th,  to  be,  '  private  let 
ters  written  to  a  gentleman  in  London,  since  deceased,' 
and  '  that  all  except  the  last  were  written  many  months 
before  he  came  to  the  chair  ;  yet  that  they  were  writ 
ten  by  the  present  governor,  when  he  was  lieutenant-go 
vernor  and  chief  justice  of  this  province ;  who  has  been 
represented  abroad,  as  eminent  for  his  abilities,  as  for 
his  exalted  station  ;  and  was  under  no  official  obliga 
tion  to  transmit  private  intelligence:  and,  that  they 
therefore  must  be  considered  by  the  person  to  whom  they 
were  sent,  as  documents  of  solid  intelligence:  and  that 
this  gentleman  in  London  to  whom  they  were  written, 
was  then  a  member  of  the  British  parliament,  and 
one  who  was  very  active  in  American  affairs  ;  and 
therefore  that  these  letters,  however  secretly  written, 
must  naturally  be  supposed  to  have,  and  really  had,  apub- 
lic  operation. 

"  Resolved,  That  these  '  private  letters'  being  writ 
ten  '  with  express  confidence  of  secrecy,'  was  only  to 
prevent  the  contents  of  them  being  known  here,  as  ap 
pears  by  said  letters;  and  this  rendered  them  the 
more  injurious  in  their  tendency,  and  really  insidious. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  letters  signed  Thomas  Hutch 
inson,  considering  the  person  by  whom  they  were  writ 
ten,  the  matters  they  expressly  contain,  the  express 
reference  in  some  of  them  for  'full  intelligence'  to  Mr 
Hallowell,  a  person  deeply  interested  in  the  measures 
so  much  complained  of,  and  recommendatory  notices  of 
divers  other  persons,  whose  emoluments  arising  from 
our  public  burdens  must  excite  them  to  unfavourable 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


representations  of  us,  the  measures  they  suggest,  the 
temper  in  which  they  were  written,  the  manner  in  which 
they  were  sent,  and  the  person  to  whom  they  were  ad 
dressed,  had  a  natural  and  efficacious  tendency  to  in 
terrupt  and  alienate  the  affections  of  our  most  gra 
cious  sovereign  King  George  the  Third,  from  this  his  loy 
al  and  affectionate  province ;  to  destroy  that  harmonj 
and  good  will  between  Great  Britain  and  this  colony 
which  every  friend  to  either  would  wish  to  establish 
to  excite  the  resentment  of  the  British  administration 
against  this  province ;  to  defeat  the  endeavours  o; 
our  agents  and  friends  to  serve  us  by  a  fair  representa 
tion  of  our  state  of  grievances  ;  to  prevent  our  hum 
ble  and  repeated  petitions  from  reaching  the  royal  eai 
of  our  common  sovereign  ;  and  to  produce  the  severe 
and  destructive  measures  which  have  been  taken 
against  this  province,  and  others  still  more  so,  which 
have  been  threatened. 

"Resolved,  As  the  opinion  of  this  house,  that  it 
clearly  appears  from  the  letters  aforesaid,  signed  Tho 
mas  Hutchinson  and  Andrew  Oliver,  that  it  was  the 
desire  and  endeavour  of  the  writers  of  them,  that  cer 
tain  acts  of  the  British  parliament,  for  raising  a  reve 
riue  in  America,  might  be  carried  into  effect  by  military 
force;  and  by  introducing  a  fleet  and  army  into  this 
his  majesty's  loyal  province,  to  intimidate  the  minds 
of  his  subjects  here,  and  to  prevent  every  constitutional 
measure  to  obtain  the  repeal  of  those  acts,  so  justly  es 
teemed  a  grievance  to  us,  and  to  suppress  the  very  spirit 
of  freedom. 

"  Resolved,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  house,  that 
as  the  salaries  lately  appointed  for  the  governor,  lieu 
tenant-governor,  arid  judges  of  this  province,  directly 
repugnant  to  the  charter,  and  subversive  of  justice, 
are  founded  on  this  revenue  ;  and  as  these  letters  were 
written  with  a  design,  and  had  a  tendency  to  promote 
and  support  that  revenue,  therefore,  there  is  great  rea 
son  to  suppose  the  writers  of  those  letters  were  well- 
knowing  to,  suggested  and  promoted  the  enacting  said  re 
venue  acts,  and  the  establishments  founded  on  the 
same. 

"Resolved,  That  while  the  writer  of  these  letters 
signed  Thomas  Hutchinson,  has  been  thus  exerting  him 
self,  by  his  'secret  confidential  correspondence,'  to  in 
troduce  measures  destructive  of  our  constitutional 
liberty,  he  has  bceu  practising  every  method  among 
the  people  of  this  province,  to  fix  in  their  minds  an  ex 
alted  opinion  of  his  warmest  affection  for  them,  and 
his  unremitted  endeavours  to  promott:  their  best  inte 
rests  at  the  court  of  Great  Britain. 

"  Resolved,  as  the  opinion  of  this  house,  That  by 
comparing  these  letters  signed  THO.  HUTCHINSON,  with 
those  signed  AND.  OLIVER,  CHAS.  PAXTON,«and  NATH. 
ROGERS,  and  considering  what  has  since  in  fact  taken 
place  conformable  thereto,  that  there  have  been  for  ma 
ny  years  past,  measures  contemplated,  and  a  plan  form 
ed,  by  a  set  of  men  born  and  educated  among  us,  to  raise 
their  own  fortunes,  and  advance  themselves  to  posts 
of  honour  and  profit,  not  only  to  the  destruction  of  the 
charter  and  constitution  of  this  province,  but  at  the 
expense  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  American 
colonies.  And  it  is  further  the  opinion  of  this  house, 
that  the  said  persons  have  been  some  of  the  chief  v\- 
itruments  in  the  introduction  of  a  military  force  into  the 
province,  to  carry  their  plans  into  execution  ;  and 
therefore  they  have  been  not  only  greatly  instrumental  in 
disturbing  the  peace  and  harmony  of  the  government, 
and  causing  and  promoting  great  discord  and  animo 
sities,  but  are  justly  chargeable  with  the  great  corrup 
tion  of  morals,  and  all  that  confusion,  misery,  andblood- 
shcd,  which  have  been  the  natural  effects  of  the  introduc 
tion  of troops. 

"Whereas,  for  many  years  past,  measures  have 
been  taken  by  the  British  administration,  very  griev 
ous  to  the  good  people  of  this  province ;  which  this 
house  have  now  reason  to  suppose,  were  promoted,  if 
not  originally  suggested  by  the  writers  of  these  letters ; 
and  many  efforts  have  been  made  by  the  people  to  ob 
tain  the  redress  of  their  grievances :  Resolved, 

"  That  it  appears  to  this  house,  that  the  writers  of 
these  letters  have  availed  themselves  of  disorders  that 
naturally  arise  in  a  free  government  under  such  op 
pressions,  as  arguments  to  prove,  that  it  was  original 
ly  necessary  such  measures  should  have  been  taken, 
and  that  they  should  now  be  continued  and  increased. 
"  Whereas,  in  the  letter  singed  Cha.  Paxton,  dated 
Boston  Harbour,  June  20,  1768,  it  is  expressly  declared, 
that  'unless  we  have  immediately  two  or  three  regi 
ments,  'tis  the  opinion  of  all  the  friends  of  govern 
ment,  that  Boston  will  be  in  open  rebellion.' 


"  Resolved,  That  this  is  a  most  wicked  and  injurious 
representation,  designed  to  inflame  the  minds  of  his 
majesty's  ministers,  and  the  nation ;  and  to  excite  in 
the  breast  of  our  sovereign,  a  jealousy  of  his  loyal  sub 
jects  of  said  town,  without  the  least  grounds  there 
for,  as  enemies  of  his  majesty's  person  and  govern 
ment. 

"  Whereas,  certain  letters  by  two  private  persons, 
signed,  T.  Moffat  and  G.  Rome,  have  been  laid  before 
the  house,  which  letters  contain  many  matters  highly 
injurious  to  government,  and  to  (he  national  peace  : 
Resolved,  That  it  has  been  the  misfortune  of  this  go 
vernment,  from  the  earliest  period  of  it,  from  time  to 
time,  to  be  secretly  traduced  and  maliciously  represent 
ed  to  the  British  ministry,  by  persons  who  were  nei 
ther  friendly  to  this  colony,  nor  to  the  English  consti 
tution. 

"  Resolved,  That  this  house  have  just  reason  to  com 
plain  of  it  as  a  very  great  grievance,  that  the  humble 
petitions  and  remonstrances  of  the  commons  of  this 
province,  are  not  allowed  to  reach  the  hands  of  our 
most  gracious  sovereign,  merely  because  they  are  pre 
sented  by  an  agent,  to  whose  appointment  the  governor, 
with  whom  our  chief  dispute  may  subsist,  doth  not 
consent ;  while  the  partial  and  inflammatory  letters  of 
individuals  who  are  greatly  interested  in  the  revenue 
acts,  and  the  measures  taken  to  carry  them  into  exe 
cution,  have  been  laid  before  administration,  attended  to, 
and  determined  upon,  not  only  to  the  injury  of  the  repu 
tation  of  the  people,  but  to  the  depriving  them  of  their 
'nvaluable  rights  and  liberties. 

"  Whereas  this  house  are  humbly  of  opinion,  that 
lis  majesty  will  judge  it  to  be  incompatible  with  the 
interest  of  his  crown,  and  the  peace  and  safety  of  the 
good  people  of  this  his  loyal  province,  that  persons 
should  be  continued  in  places  of  high  trust  and  autho 
rity  in  it,  who  are  known  to  have  with  great  indus 
try,  though  secretly,  endeavoured  to  undermine,  alter, 
and  overthrow  the  constitution  of  the  province. 

"  Therefore, 

"  Resolved,  That  this  house  is  bound  in  duty  to  the 
ting  and  their  constituents,  humbly  to  remonstrate  to 
us  majesty,  the  conduct  of  his  excellency  Thomas 
lutchinson,  esq.  governor,  and  the  honourable  Andrew 
Oliver,  esq.  lieutenant-governor  of  this  province ;  and 
o  pray  that  his  majesty  would  be  pleased  to  remove 
hem  for  ever  from  the  government  thereof." 

Upon  these  resolutions  was  founded  a  peti- 
ion,  transmitted  to  me  to  be  presented  to  his 
najesty. 

Lord  Dartmouth,  secretary  of  state  for  the 
colonies,  being1  in  the  country  when  I  received 
his  petition,  I  transmitted  it  to  his  lordship, 
nclosed  in  a  letter. 

No  one  who  knows  lord  Dartmouth,  can 

oubt  of  the  sincerity  of  the  good  wishes  ex- 

>ressed  in  his  letter  to  me ;  and  if  his  majes- 

y's  other  servants  had  fortunately  been  pos- 

essed  of  the  same  benevolent  dispositions, 

with  as  much  of  that  attention  to  the  public 

nterest,  and   dexterity  in  managing  it,  as 

tatesmen  of  this  country  generally  show  in 

btaining  arid  securing  their  places,  here  was 

fine  opportunity  put  into  their  hands  of  "  re- 

stablishing  the  union  and  harmony  that  for- 

nerly  subsisted   between  Great  Britain  and 

er  colonies,"  so  necessary  to  the  welfare  of 

K)th,  and  upon  the  easy  condition  of  only 

restoring  things  to  the  state  they  were  in  at 

he  conclusion  of  the  late  war."     This  was  a 

olemn  declaration  sent  over  from  the  province 

most  aggrieved,  in  which  they  acquitted  Bri- 

ain  of  their  grievances,  and  charged  them  all 

upon  a  few  individuals  of  their  own  country. 

Upon  the  heads  of  these  very  mischievous 

nen  they  deprecated  no  vengeance,  though 

that  of  the  whole  nation  was  justly  merited ; 


96 


MEMOIRS  OF 


they  considered  it  as  a  hard  thing  for  an  ad 
ministration  to  punish  a  governor  who  had 
acted  from  orders,  though  the  orders  had  been 
procured  by  his  misrepresentations  and  calum 
nies;  they,  therefore,  only  petitioned,  "that 
his  majesty  would  be  pleased  to  remove  T. 
Hutchinson,  esquire,  and  A.  Oliver,  esquire, 
from  their  posts  in  that  government,  and  place 
good  and  faithful  men  in  their  stead."  These 
men  might  have  been  placed  or  pensioned 
elsewhere,  as  others  have  been ;  or  like  the 
scape-goats  of  old,  they  might  have  carried 
away  into  the  wilderness  all  the  offences 
which  had  arisen  between  the  two  countries, 
with  the  burden  of  which,  they,  having  been 
the  authors  of  these  mischiefs,  were  most 
justly  chargeable. 

But  this  opportunity,  ministers  had  not  the 
wisdom  to  embrace ;  they  chose  rather  to  re 
ject  it,  and  to  abuse  and  punish  me  for  giving 
it.  A  court  clamour  was  raised  against  me 
as  an  incendiary ;  and  the  very  action  upon 
which  I  valued  myself,  as  it  appeared  to  me  a 
means  of  lessening  our  differences,  I  was  un 
lucky  enough  to  find  charged  upon  me,  as  a 
wicked  attempt  to  increase  them.  Strange 
perversion  !* 

I  was,  it  seems,  equally  unlucky  in  another 
action,  which  I  also  intended  for  a  good  one, 
and  which  brought  on  the  abovementioned 
clamour.  The  news  being  arrived  here,  of 
the  publication  of  those  letters  in  America, 
great  inquiry  was  made  who  had  transmitted 
them.  Mr.  Temple,  a  gentleman  of  the  cus 
toms,  was  accused  of  it  in  the  papers.  He 
vindicated  himself.  A  public  altercation  en 
sued  upon  it,  between  him  and  a  Mr.  Whately, 
brother  and  executor  to  the  person  to  whom 
it  was  supposed  the  letters  had  been  originally 
written,  and  who  was  suspected  by  some  of 
communicating  them,  on  the  supposition,  that 
by  his  brother's  death,  they  might  have  fallen 
into  his  hands.  As  the  gentleman  to  whom 
I  sent  them,  had,  in  his  letter  to  me  above  re 
cited,  given  an  important  reason  for  his  de 
siring  it  should  be  concealed,  that  he  was  the 
person  who  received  them ;  and  had,  for  the 
same  reason,  chosen  not  to  let  it  be  known  I 
sent  them,  I  suffered  that  altercation  to  go  on 
without  interfering,  supposing  it  would  end, 
as  other  newspaper  controversies  usually  do, 
when  the  parties  and  the  public  should  be 
tired  of  them.  But  this  dispute  unexpectedly 
and  suddenly  produced  a  duel.  The  gentle 
men  were  parted ;  Mr.  Whately  was  wounded, 
but  not  dangerously.  This,  however,  alarmed 
me,  and  made  me  wish  I  had  prevented  it;  but 

*  "We  must  not,  in  the  course  of  public  life,  expect 
immediate  approbation,  and  immediate  grateful  acknow 
ledgment  of  our  services.  But  let  us  persevere  through 
abuse,  and  even  injury.  The  internal  satisfaction  of  a 
good  conscience  is  always  present,  and  time  will  do  us 
justice  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  even  those  at  pre 
sent  the  most  prejudiced  against  us." — Franklin's  Pri 
vate  Correspondence. 


imagining  all  now  over  between  them,  I  still 
kept  silence,  till  I  heard  that  the  duel  was 
understood  to  be  unfinished,  (as  having  been 
interrupted  by  persons  accidentally  near,)  and 
that  it  would  probably  be  repeated  as  soon  as 
Mr.  Whately,  who  was  mending  daily,  had 
recovered  his  strength.  I  then  thought  it 
high  time  to  interpose;  and  as  the  quarrel 
was  for  the  public  opinion,  I  took  what  I 
thought  the  shortest  way  to  settle  that 
opinion,  with  regard  to  the  parties,  by  pub 
lishing  an  explanation  in  the  PUBLIC  ADVER 
TISER. 

This  declaration  of  mine,  was,  at  first,  ge 
nerally  approved,  except  that  some  blamed 
me  for  not  having  made  it  sooner,  so  as  to 
prevent  the  duel ;  but  I  had  not  the  gift  of 
prophecy :  I  could  not  foresee  that  the  gentle 
men  would  fight ;  I  did  not  even  foresee  that 
either  of  them  could  possibly  take  it  ill  of  me. 
I  imagined  I  was  doing  them  a  good  office,  in 
clearing  both  of  them  from  suspicion,  and  re 
moving  the  cause  of  their  difference.  I  should 
have  thought  it  natural  for  them  both  to  have 
thanked  me,  but  I  was  mistaken  as  to  one  of 
them ;  his  wound,  perhaps,  at  first  prevented 
him,  and  afterwards  he  was  tutored  probably 
to  another  kind  of  behaviour  by  his  court  con 
nections.  My  only  acquaintance  with  this 
gentleman,  Mr.  William  Whately,  was  from 
an  application  he  made  to  me  to  do  him  the 
favour  of  inquiring  after  some  land  in  Penn 
sylvania,  supposed  to  have  been  purchased 
anciently  from  the  first  proprietor,  by  a  major 
Thomson,  his  grandfather,  of  which  they  had 
some  imperfect  memorandums  in  the  family, 
but  knew  not  whether  it  might  not  have  been 
sold  or  conveyed  away  by  him  in  his  life-time, 
as  there  was  no  mention  of  it  in  his  will.  I 
took  the  trouble  of  writing  accordingly,  to  a 
friend  of  mine,  an  eminent  lawyer  there,  well 
acquainted  with  such  business,  desiring  him 
to  make  the  inquiry.  He  took  some  pains  in  it 
at  my  request,  and  succeeded ;  and,  in  a  letter 
informed  me,  that  he  had  found  the  land ;  that 
the  proprietary  claimed  it,  but  he  thought  the 
title  was  clear  to  the  heir  of  Thomson  ;  that 
he  could  easily  recover  it  for  him,  and  would 
undertake  it  if  Mr.  Whately  should  think  fit 
to  employ  him ;  or  if  he  rather  chose  to  sell  it, 
my  friend  empowered  me  to  make  him  an 
offer  of  five  thousand  pounds  sterling  for  it. 
With  this  letter,  I  waited  upon  him  about  a 
month  before  the  duel,  at  his  house  in  Lom 
bard  street,  the  first  time  I  had  ever  been  in 
it.  He  was  pleased  with  the  intelligence, 
and  called  upon  me  once  or  twice  afterwards 
to  concert  the  means  of  making  out  his  title. 
I  mention  some  of  these  circumstances  to 
show,  that  it  was  not  through  any  previous 
acquaintance  with  him  that  I  came  to  the 
knowledge  of  the  famous  letters ;  for  they  had 
been  in  America  near  a  year  before  I  so  much 
as  knew  where  he  lived: — and  the  others 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN 


97 


I  mention  to  show  his  gratitude.  I  could  have 
excused  his  not  thanking  me  for  sparing  him 
a  second  hazard  of  his  life;  for  though  he 
might  feel  himself  served,  he  might  also  ap 
prehend,  that  to  seem  pleased,  would  look  as 
if  he  was  afraid  of  fighting  again;  or  perhaps 
he  did  not  value  his  life  at  any  thing ;  but  the 
addition  to  his  fortune,  one  would  think  of 
some  value  to  a  banker  ;  and  yet  the  return 
this  worthy  gentleman  made  ine  for  both  fa 
vours,  was,  without  the  smallest  previous  no 
tice,  warning,  complaint,  or  request  to  me, 
directly  or  indirectly,  to  clap  upon  my  back  a 
chancery  suit.  His  bill  set  forth,  "  That  he 
was  administrator  of  the  goods  and  chatties 
of  his  late  brother,  Thomas  Whately ;  that 
some  letters  had  been  written  to  his  said  bro 
ther,  by  the  governors  Hutchinson  and  Oli 
ver  ;  that  those  letters  had  been  in  the  custody 
of  his  said  brother  at  the  time  of  his  death,  or 
had  been  by  him  delivered  to  some  other  per 
son  for  perusal,  and  to  be  by  such  person 
safely  kept  and  returned  to  said  Thomas 
Whately ;  that  the  same  had  by  some  means 
come  into  my  hands ;  that  to  prevent  a  dis 
covery,  I,  or  some  person  by  my  order, 
had  erased  the  address  of  the  letters  to  the 
said  Thomas  Whately ;  that,  carrying  on  the 
trade  of  a  printer,  I  had  by  my  agents  or  con 
federates,  printed  and  published  the  same 
letters  in  America,  and  disposed  of  great  num 
bers  ;  that  I  threatened  to  print  and  sell  the 
same  in  England ;  and  that  he  had  applied  to 
me  to  deliver  up  to  him  the  said  letters,  and 
all  copies  thereof,  and  desist  from  printing 
and  publishing  the  same,  and  account  with 
him  for  the  profits  thereof;  and  he  was  in 
hopes  I  would  have  complied  with  such  re 
quest,  but  so  it  was  that  I  had  refused,  &c., 
contrary  to  equity  and  good  conscience,  and 
to  the  manifest  injury  and  oppression  of  him, 
the  complainant ;  and  praying  my  lord  chan 
cellor,  that  I  might  be  obliged  to  discover 
how  I  came  by  the  letters,  what  number  of 
copies  I  had  printed  and  sold,  and  to  account 
with  him  for  the  profits,  &c.  &c."  The  gen 
tleman  himself,  must  have  known,  that  every 
circumstance  of  this  was  totally  false ;  that 
of  his  brother's  having  delivered  the  letters 
to  some  other  person  for  perusal,  excepted. 
Those  as  little  acquainted  with  law  as  I  was, 
(who,  indeed,  never  before  had  a  law-suit  of 
any  kind,)  may  wonder  at  this  as  much  as  I 
did ;  but  I  have  now  learned,  that  in  chan 
cery,  though  the  defendant  must  swear  to  the 
truth  of  every  point  in  his  answer,  the  plain 
tiff  is  not  put  to  his  oath,  or  obliged  to  have 
the  least  regard  to  truth  in  his  bill,  but  is 
allowed  to  lie  as  much  as  he  pleases.  I  do 
not  understand  this,  unless  it  be  for  the  en 
couragement  of  business. 

My  answer,  upon  oath,  was,  "  That  the  let 
ters  in  question  were  given  to  me,  and  came 
into  my  hands,  as  agent  for  the  house  of  re- 

VOL.I....N  9 


prescntatives  of  the  province  of  Massachu 
setts  Bay ;  that  when  given  to  me,  I  did  not 
know  to  whom  they  had  been  addressed,  no 
address  appearing  upon  them ;  nor  did  I  know 
before,  that  any  such  letters  existed ;  that  I 
had  not  been  for  many  years  concerned  in 
printing ;  that  I  did  not  cause  the  letters  to 
be  printed,  nor  direct  the  doing  it ;  that  I  did 
not  erase  any  address  that  might  have  been 
on  the  letters ;  nor  did  I  know  that  any  other 
person  had  made  such  erasure ;  that  I  did,  as 
agent  to  the  province,  transmit  (as  I  appre 
hended  it  my  duty  to  do)  the  said  letters  to 
one  of  the  committee,  with  whom  I  had  been 
directed  to  correspond,  inasmuch  as,  in  my 
judgment,  they  related  to  matters  of  great 
public  importance  to  that  province,  and  were 
put  into  my  hands  for  that  purpose ;  that  I  had 
never  been  applied  to  by  the  complainant,  as 
asserted  in  his  bill,  and  had  made  no  profits  of 
the  letters,  nor  intended  to  make  any,  &c." 

It  was  about  this  time  become  evident,  that 
all  thoughts  of  reconciliation  with  the  colony 
of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  by  attention  to 
their  petitions  and  a  redress  of  their  grievan 
ces,  was  laid  aside  ;  that  severity  was  resolv 
ed  ;  and  that  the  decrying  and  villifying  the 
people  of  that  country,  and  me  their  agent 
among  the  rest,  was  quite  a  court  measure. 
It  was  the  ton  with  all  the  ministerial  folks 
to  abuse  them  and  me,  in  every  company,  and 
in  every  newspaper ;  and  it  was  intimated  to 
me  as  a  thing  settled,  long  before  it  happen 
ed,  that  the  petition  for  removal  of  the  gover 
nors  was  to  be  rejected,  the  assembly  censur 
ed,  and  myself  who  had  presented  it,  was  to 
be  punished  by  the  loss  of  my  place  in  the 
post  office.  For  all  this  I  was  therefore  pre 
pared  ;  but  the  attack  from  Mr.  Whately  was, 
I  own,  a  surprise  to  me ;  under  the  above- 
mentioned  circumstances  of  obligation,  and 
without  the  slightest  provocation,  I  could  not 
have  imagined  any  man  base  enough  to  com 
mence,  of  his  own  motion,  such  a  vexatious 
suit  against  me.  But  a  little  accidental  in 
formation  served  to  throw  some  light  upcn 
the  business :  an  acquaintance*  calling  on  me, 
after  having  just  been  at  the  treasury,  show 
ed  me  what  he  styled  a  pretty  thing,  for  a 
friend  of  his ;  it  was  an  order  for  one  hundred 
and  fifty  pounds,  payable  to  Dr.  Samuel  John 
son,  said  to  be  one  half  of  his  yearly  pension, 
and  drawn  by  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  on 
this  same  Mr.  Whately.  I  then  considered 
him  as  a  banker  to  the  treasury  for  the  pen 
sion  money,  and  thence  as  having  an  interest 
ed  connection  with  administration,  that  might 
induce  him  to  act  by  direction  of  others  in 
harassing  me  with  this  suit ;  which  gave  me 
if  possible  a  still  meaner  opinion  of  him,  than 
if  he  had  done  it  of  his  own  accord. 

What  further  steps  he  or  his  confederates, 

*  This  was  the  late  William  Strahan.  Esq.  M.  P.  and 
king's  printer. 


98 


MEMOIRS  OF 


the  ministers,  will  take  in  this  cause,  I  know 
not:  I  do  not  believe  the  banker  himself, 
finding  there  are  no  profits  to  be  shared,  would 
willingly  lay  out  a  sixpence  more  upon  the 
suit ;  but  then  my  finances  are  not  sufficient 
to  cope  at  law  with  the  treasury  here ;  es 
pecially  when  administration  has  taken  care 
to  prevent  my  constituents  of  New  England 
from  paying  me  any  salary,  or  reimbursing 
me  any  expenses,  by  a  special  instruction  to 
the  governor,  not  to  sign  any  warrant  for 
that  purpose  on  the  treasury  there. 

The  injustice  of  thus  depriving  the  people 
there  of  the  use  of  their  own  money,  to  pay 
an  agent  acting  in  their  defence,  while  the 
governor,  with  a  large  salary  out  of  the  money 
extorted  from  them  by  act  of  parliament,  was 
enabled  to  pay  plentifully  Mauduit  and  Wed- 
derburn  to  abuse  and  defame  them  and  their 
agent,  is  so  evident  as  to  need  no  comment. 
But  this  they  call  GOVERNMENT  ! ! 

Here  closes  the  tract,  as  written  by  Dr. 
Franklin. 

It  appears  by  the  foregoing  faithful  account 
of  the  proceedings  before  the  lords  of  the 
privy  council,  that  when  Dr.  Franklin,  as 
agent  for  the  province  of  Massachusetts  Bay, 
presented  the  petition  for  removing  the 
governor  arid  lieutenant-governor,  the  minis 
try  made  the  cause  of  those  gentlemen  their 
own ;  and  Wedderburn,  in  defiance  of  the 
common  law  and  custom  of  the  realm,  was 
ordered  to  change  the  object  of  the  court; 
and,  instead  of  entering  into  the  merits  of  the 
question,  to  abuse  a  man  who  had  offended 
them: 

"  Search  earth,  search  hell,  the  devil  could  not  find, 
An  agent  like  LOTHARIO,  to  his  mind." — Churchill. 

This,  like  all  odious  proceedings,  raised  the 
indignation  of  the  people.  In  the  first  tran 
sports  of  it,  even  corruption  and  venality 
spoke  the  sentiments  of  virtue.  Wedderburn 
was  every  where  mentioned  with  detestation, 
which  was  doing  him  too  much  honour.  It 
was  generous  in  the  public  to  be  angry  with 
him.  Those  who  were  somewhere  behind 
the  scenes,  and  who  ordered  the  exhibitions 
which  the  ostensible  people  were  only  acting, 
were  the  proper  objects  of  indignation ;  and 
if  there  had  been  virtue  enough  in  the  nation, 
they  would  have  been  dragged  into  light. 

Administration  having  at  this  time  succeed 
ed  in  their  plans  in  the  east,  turned  their 
views  westward,  where  alone,  liberty  seemed 
to  have  any  refuge,  and  where  therefore  their 
principal  efforts  must  be  directed.  The  same 
art  and  the  same  chicane  had  been  practised 
there ;  but  it  was  not  likely  to  be  attended 
with  the  same  success.  America  was  not 
disposed  to  become,  like  the  East  Indies,  an 
appendage  to  administration.  It  had  raised 
itself  into  wealth  by  a  kind  industry  which 


produced  virtues,  of  which  administration  had 
little  or  no  conception :  they  therefore  de 
nominated  them  vices. 

It  was  evident,  that  the  contest  with 
America  was  merely  an  affair  of  administra 
tion,  with  a  view  to  increase  the  number  of 
places  at  its  disposal,  and  to  facilitate  the  only 
method  they  knew  of  to  govern  the  people. 
It  will  not  be  wondered  at,  theil&re,  that 
those  persons  who  appeared  in  behalf  of  the 
Americans,  should  undergo  all  th^.jage  and 
malice  of  administration.  Dr.  Frariidin  had 
been  the  most  distinguished  of  those,  and 
would  long  before  have  been  sacrificed  to 
their  resentment,  if  he  had  not  been  protected 
by  real  integrity  and  by  very  superior  talents. 
He  was  sent  over  to  England  to  oppose  the 
stamp  act ;  and  the  virtuous  and  noble  strain 
of  all  his  answers  at  his  examination  before 
the  house  of  commons,  in  February,  1776, 
seemed  to  reproach  the  times :  they  were  like 
the  sentiments  of  an  Aristides,  and  they  left 
deep  impressions  on  the  minds  of  men.  For 
that  very  reason  he  was  watched,  tried,  and 
tempted.  Cunning,  allied  even  with  power, 
cannot  commit  wickedness  in  a  manly  man 
ner.  At  last,  something  like  an  occasion 
arose,  and  the  whole  wisdom  of  government 
was  employed  to  make  the  most  of  it.  Dr. 
Franklin  had  got  into  his  possession  the  let 
ters  of  governor  Hutchinson  and  lieutenant- 
governor  Oliver,  in  a  manner  which  he  has 
shown  to  have  been  very  consistent  with  the 
highest  honour  and  honesty.  These  letters, 
which  Wedderburn  called  private  and  confi 
dential  ones,  were  used  by  public  men  to 
produce  public  measures.  Dr.  Franklin 
thought  it  his  duty  as  an  agent,  to  send  them 
to  Boston,  to  remove  the  misapprehensions  of 
his  friends  there  concerning  all  the  motives 
of  government,  and  to  direct  their  resentment 
to  its  proper  objects.  A  further  use  was 
made  of  the  letters  than  he  intended ;  and 
they  produced  the  petition  which  he  was  or 
dered  to  present.  The  conduct  of  administra 
tion  on  the  occasion  was  most  extraordinary  ! 
The  rulers  of  a  great  people  might  have  been 
expected,  even  with  any  principles,  to  have 
had  some  regard  to  decency.  The  petition 
of  a  large  and  important  province  was  going 
to  be  considered;  administration  thought  fit 
to  turn  it  into  a  pastime  ;  they  invited  their 
friends  in  great  numbers  to  partake  of  the 
entertainment.  This  serious  business  was 
converted  into  a  bull-baiting ;  the  noble  crea 
ture  was  to  be  taken  by  surprise,  to  be  secur 
ed  from  assistance,  and  to  be  yelped  and  bit 
at  by  a  little  noisy  cur.  This  was  proper 
matter  of  diversion  for  a  solemn  committee 
of  the  privy  council,  and  a  large  audience  of 
the  wise  and  virtuous  senators  of  the  country ! 

But  it  served  to  amuse.  The  Boston 
petition  had  the  appearance  of  a  hearing ; 
and  some  noise  was  made  about  virtue,  and 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


truth,  and  honour,  in  ill-grounded  invectives 
against  Dr.  Franklin.  That  truly  great  and 
good  man  beheld  the  childish  tricks  with 
thorough  compassion ;  resolved  himself  not  to 
break  in  upon  the  proper  decorum  of  public 
business ;  as  he  had  not  come  there  to  squab 
ble  with  Mr.  Wedderburn,  and  was  not, 
like  him,  a  wrangler  by  profession.  He  there 
fore  let  the  diversion  go  on  ;  and  went  home 
fully  determined  to  make  his  appeal  to  a 
higher  and  more  competent  tribunal. 

But  cunning  deals  in  something  like  plans 
and  schemes  of  mischief,  which  Franklin  did 
not  suspect  from  the  talents  of  his  abusers ; 
and  if  he  had,  he  could  not  have  provided 
against  them.  On  the  first  rumour  of  a  pe- 
titio^  from  Boston,  against  these  good  friends 
of  administration,  Hutchinson  and  Oliver^ 
they  determined  on  the  whole  plan.  When 
the  matter  came  to  a  hearing,  it  was  to  be 
converted  into  abuse  of  Dr.  Franklin,  who 
was  to  be  dismissed  from  his  place  the  next 
morning,  loaded  with  all  the  ignominy  and 
disgrace  they  could  lay  upon  him. — But  what 
was  to  be  done  with  his  understanding  and  j 
talents  1 — This  man,  though  in  years,  and  of 
a  philosophical  and  peaceable  turn,  might  not 
take  all  these  injuries  in  good  part;  and 
Wilkes  had  given  an  instance  that  the  peo 
ple  will  favour  the  oppressed.  Yes,  and 
Wilkes  had  taught  administration, — caution 
and  prudence  in  committing  violence.  Wed- 
derburn's  talents  would  serve  on  this  occa 
sion  ;  and  he  advised  them  to  a  suit  in  chan 
cery.  Whately,  banker  to  the  treasury,  was 
accordingly  ordered  to  file  a  bill  in  chancery 
against  Dr.  Franklin,  for  taking  away  his 
brother's  letters.  This  it  seems  effectually 
tied  up  the  doctor's  hands,  and  was  undoubt 
edly  done  with  that  sole  view.  For  a  man 
cannot  even  defend  his  own  reputation,  when 
the  question  on  which  it  depends  is  what  they 
call,  pendant  before  my  lord  chancellor.  The 
treasury  is  rich  enough  to  keep  this  matter 
pendant  a  long  while ;  and  an  offender  against 
administration  must  not  expect  to  disobey  the 
rules  of  chancery,  unnoticed  by  the  lord 
chancellor.  This  fact,  at  the  same  time  that 
it  exhibited  the  great  wisdom  and  equity  of 
administration,  accounted  to  the  public  for 
what  seemed  very  strange:  "That  while  a 
man  of  Dr.  Franklin's  character  and  abilities 
was  daily  and  maliciously  traduced,  he  had 
not  published  a  line  in  his  own  defence."  The 
essays  which  appeared  for  him  in  the  public 
papers,  were  without  his  participation,  and 
without  his  knowledge.  He  had  however 
written  a  full  and  clear  account  of  the  part  he 
had  taken  in  all  public  measures,  and  the 
motives  and  views  on  which  he  acted,  proba 
bly  with  the  intention  of  submitting  it  to  the 
consideration  of  the  world,  whenever  he  could 
do  it  with  safety.  In  the  mean  time  it  was 
the  duty  of  his  friends,  to  do  what  they  could 


to  prevent  the  effects  of  the  most  deliberate 
and  rancorous  malice  that  had  ever  been 
exerted  against  an  innocent  and  praiseworthy 
man. 

Every  objection  to  his  conduct  was  answer 
ed  at  the  time,  and  generally  well  answered; 
except  the  plausible  one,  which  was  triumph 
antly  made  by  the  friends  of  administration. 
They  said — that  a  man  holding  a  place  under 
a  government,  should  be  faithful  to  that  go 
vernment;  and  that  Dr.  Franklin,  having  a 
lucrative  office,  should  not  have  embroiled 
government,  on  any  account,  with  the  Ameri 
cans.  This  was  suffering  to  be  taken  for 
granted,  what  indeed  it  would  not  have  been 
difficult  to  prove — that  the  interest  of  adminis 
tration  is  one  thing,  and  the  interest  of  the 
people  another.  It  does  not  signify  where 
the  people  reside,  whether  in  America  or  in 
Middlesex.  This  being  the  case,  it  is  avow 
ing  the  plainest  principle  of  tyranny,  to  main 
tain  that  the  king's  servants  are  his  own,  and 
have  no  duty  or  relation  to  the  people !  des 
potic  governments  perhaps  may  be  alarmed 
to  find  this  doctrine  now  condemned  even  in 
the  army,  which  they  consider  as  immediate 
ly  depending  on  themselves,  and  perfectly 
separate  from  the  public  interest.  To  the 
honour  of  the  military  gentlemen,  however, 
it  is  a  fact,  that  many  officers  define  their 
obligations  with  an  integrity  and  public  spirit 
which  would  have  pleased  a  Cato.  "We 
are  the  king's  servants,"  say  they,  "  but  it  is 
only  while  the  king  is  the  servant  of  the  peo 
ple."  Apply  this  glorious  principle  to  the 
case  of  Dr.  Franklin ;  and  the  Mauduits  and 
Wedderburns  are  prostrated. 

Shortly  after  the  proceedings  before  the 
privy  council,  Dr.  Franklin  was  dismissed 
from  the  office  of  deputy  postmaster-general, 
which  he  held  under  the  crown.  It  was  not 
only  by  his  transmission  of  the  letters  of 
governor  Bernard  and  lieutenant-governor 
Hutchinson,  that  he  had  given  offence  to  the 
British  ministry,  but  by  his  popular  writings 
in  favour  of  America.  Two  pieces  in  par 
ticular  had  lately  attracted  a  large  share  of 
public  attention  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic. 
The  one  purported  to  be  an  edict  from  the 
king  of  Prussia,  for  taxing  the  inhabitants  of 
Great  Britain,  as  descendants  of  emigrants 
from  his  dominions.  The  other  was  entitled, 
"  Rules  for  reducing  a  great  empire  to  a 
small  one ;"  in  both  of  which  he  exposed  the 
claims  of  the  mother  country  and  the  proceed 
ings  of  the  British  ministry,  with  the  severity 
of  poignant  satire. 

Pending  these  transactions,  another  an 
tagonist  to  Dr.  Franklin's  fame  started  up. 
A  publication  by  Josiah  Tucker,  D.  D.  and 
dean  of  Gloucester,  appeared,  and  occasioned 
the  following  correspondence;  by  which  it 


100 


MEMOIRS  OF 


will  be  seen,  that  Dr.  Franklin  endeavoured 
to  obtain  from  the  dean,  an  open  and  fair  com 
munication  of  the  grounds  and  reasons  upon 
which  the  latter  had  relied,  in  making  certain 
charges  against  the  former ;  and  that  he  did 
this  in  the  fullest  confidence  of  being  able 
completely  to  justify  himself  against  them. 
But  Dr.  Tucker  most  uncandidly  endeavours  to 
avoid  that  communication,  and  that  discovery 
of  the  truth  which  it  was  likely  to  produce. 


"  To  Dean  Tucker. 

"LONDON,  February  12,  1774. 

"  REVEREND  SIR, — Being  informed  by  a 
friend,  that  some  severe  strictures  on  my  con 
duct  and  character  had  appeared  in  a  book 
published  under  your  respectable  name,  I 
purchased  and  read  it.  After  thanking  you 
for  those  parts  of  it  that  are  so  instructive  on 
points  of  great  importance  to  the  common 
interest  of  mankind,  permit  me  to  complain, 
that  if  by  the  description  you  give  in  pages 
180, 181,  of  a  certain  American  patriot,  whom 
you  say  you  need  not  name,  you  do,  as  is  sup 
posed,  mean  myself,  nothing  can  be  further 
from  the  truth  than  your  assertion,  that  I  ap 
plied  or  used  any  interest  directly  or  indirect 
ly  to  be  appointed  one  of  the  stamp  officers 
for  America.  I  certainly  never  expressed  a 
wish  of  the  kind  to  any  person  whatever,  much 
less  was  I,  as  you  say,  '  more  than  ordinarily 
assiduous  on  this  head.'  I  have  heretofore 
seen  in  the  newspapers,  insinuations  of  the 
same  import,  naming  me  expressly ;  but  being 
without  the  name  of  the  writer,  I  took  no 
notice  of  them.  I  know  not  whether  they 
were  yours,  or  were  only  your  authority  for 
your  present  charge.  But  now  that  they  have 
the  weight  of  your  name  and  dignified  cha 
racter,  I  am  more  sensible  of  the  injury ;  and 
I  beg  leave  to  request,  that  you  would  re 
consider  the  grounds  on  which  you  have 
ventured  to  publish  an  accusation,  that,  if  be 
lieved,  must  prejudice  me  extremely  in  the 
opinion  of  good  men,  especially  in  my  own 
country,  whence  I  was  sent  expressly  to  op 
pose  the  imposition  of  that  tax.  If  on  such 
reconsideration  and  inquiry,  you  find,  as  I  am 
persuaded  you  will,  that  you  have  been  im 
posed  upon  by  false  reports,  or  have  too  light 
ly  given  credit  to  hearsays  in  a  matter  that 
concerns  another's  reputation,  I  flatter  my 
self  that  your  equity  will  induce  you  to  do 
me  justice,  by  retracting  that  accusation. 

"  In  confidence  of  this,  I  am  with  great  es 
teem,  reverend  sir,  your  most  obedient,  and 
most  humble  servant, 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  Dr.  Franklin. 

"MONDAY,  February  21,  1774. 

"  SIR,— The  letter  which  you  did  me  the 


honour  to  send  to  Gloucester,  I  have  just  re 
ceived  in  London,  where  I  have  resided  many 
weeks,  and  am  now  returning  to  Gloucester. 
On  inquiry  I  find,  that  I  was  mistaken  in 
some  circumstances  relating  to  your  conduct 
about  the  stamp  act,  though  right  as  to  sub 
stance.  These  errors  shall  be  rectified  the 
first  opportunity.  After  having  assured  you, 
that  I  am  no  dealer  in  anonymous  newspaper 
paragraphs,  nor  have  a  connection  with  any 
who  are,  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  your 
humble  servant,  J.  TUCKER." 


"To  Dean  Tucker. 

"  REVEREND  SIR, — I  received  your  favour 
of  yesterday.  If  the  substance  of  what  you 
have  charged  me  with  is  right,  I  can  have  but 
little  concern  about  any  mistakes  in  the  cir 
cumstances:  whether  they  are  rectified  or 
not,  will  be  immaterial.  But  knowing  the 
substance  to  be  wrong,  and  believing  that  you 
can  have  no  desire  of  continuing  in  an  error, 
prejudicial  to  any  man's  reputation,  I  am  per 
suaded  you  will  not  take  it  amiss,  if  I  request 
you  to  communicate  to  me  the  particulars  of 
the  information  you  have  received,  that  I  may 
have  an  opportunity  of  examining  them ;  and 
I  flatter  myself,  I  shall  be  able  to  satisfy  you 
that  they  are  groundless.  I  propose  this  me 
thod  as  more  decent  than  a  public  altercation, 
and  suiting  better  the  respect  due  to  your 
character. 

"  With  great  regard,  I  have  the  honour  to 
be,  reverend  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble 
servant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  Dr.  Franklin. 

"GLOUCESTER,  Feb.  27,  1774. 

"  SIR, — The  request  made  in  your  last  let 
ter,  is  so  very  just  and  reasonable,  that  I  shall 
comply  with  it  very  readily.  It  has  long  ap 
peared  to  me,  that  you  much  exceeded  the 
bounds  of  morality  in  the  methods  you  pur 
sued  for  the  advancement  of  the  supposed  in 
terests  of  America.  If  it  can  be  proved,  that 
I  have  unjustly  suspected  you,  I  shall  ac 
knowledge  my  error,  with  as  much  satisfac 
tion  as  you  can  have  in  reading  my  recanta 
tion  of  it  As  to  the  case  more  immediately 
referred  to  in  your  letters,  I  was  repeatedly 
informed,  that  you  had  solicited  the  late  Mr. 
George  Grenville  for  a  place  or  agency  in  the 
distribution  of  stamps  in  America.  From 
which  circumstance,  I  myself  concluded,  that 
you  had  made  interest  for  it  on  your  own  ac 
count:  whereas,  I  am  now  informed,  there 
are  no  positive  proofs  of  your  having  solicited 
to  obtain  such  a  place  for  yourself,  but  there 
is  sufficient  evidence  still  existing  of  your 
having  applied  for  it  in  favour  of  another  per 
son.  If  this  latter  should  prove  to  be  the  fact, 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


101 


as  I  am  assured  it  will,  I  am  willing  to  sup 
pose,  from  several  expressions  in  both  your 
letters,  that  you  will  readily  acknowledge, 
that  the  difference  in  this  case  between  your 
self  and  your  friend,  is  very  immaterial  to  the 
general  merits  of  the  question.  But  if  you 
should  have  distinctions  in  this  case,  which 
are  above  my  comprehension,  I  shall  content 
myself  with  observing,  that  your  great  abili 
ties  and  happy  discoveries  deserve  universal 
regard ;  and  that  as  on  these  accounts  I  esteem 
and  respect  you,  so  I  have  the  honour  to  be 
sir,  your  very  humble  servant, 

»J.  TUCKER." 


"To  Dean  Tucker. 

"  LONDON,  Feb.  26,  1774. 

"  REVEREND  SIR, — I  thank  you  for  the 
frankness  with  which  you  communicated  to 
me  the  particulars  of  the  information  you  had 
received,  relating  to  my  supposed  application 
to  Mr.  Grenville  for  a  place  in  the  American 
stamp  office.  As  I  deny  that  either  your  for 
mer  or  latter  informations  are  true,  it  seems 
incumbent  on  me,  for  your  satisfaction,  to  re 
late  all  the  circumstances  fairly  to  you,  that 
could  possibly  give  rise  to  such  mistakes. 

"  Some  days  after  the  stamp  act  was  passed, 
to  which  I  had  given  all  the  opposition  I  could, 
with  Mr.  Grenville,  I  received  a  note  from 
Mr.  Whately,  his  secretary,  desiring  to  see 
me  the  next  morning.  I  waited  upon  him 
accordingly,  and  found  with  him  several 
colony  agents.  He  acquainted  us  that  Mr. 
Grenville  was  desirous  to  make  the  execution 
of  the  act  as  little  inconvenient  and  disagree 
able  to  America  as  possible;  and  therefore 
did  not  think  of  sending  stamp  officers  from 
this  country,  but  wished  to  have  discreet  and 
reputable  persons  appointed  in  each  province 
from  among  the  inhabitants,  such  as  would 
be  acceptable  to  them ;  for  as  they  were  to 
pay  the  tax,  he  thought  strangers  should  not 
have  the  emolument.  Mr.  Whately  there 
fore  wished  us  to  name  for  our  respective 
colonies,  informing  us  that  Mr.  Grenville 
would  be  obliged  to  us  for  pointing  out  to 
him  honest  and  responsible  men,  and  would 
pay  great  regard  to  our  nominations.  By  this 
plausible  and  apparently  candid  declaration, 
we  ware  drawn  in  to  no'minate ;  and  I  named 
for  our  province  Mr.  Hughes,  saying  at  the 
same  time,  that  I  knew  not  whether  he  would 
accept  of  it,  but  if  he  did,  I  was  sure  he  would 
execute  the  office  faithfully.  I  soon  after  had 
notice  of  his  appointment.  We  none  of  us,  I 
believe,  foresaw  or  imagined  that  this  compli 
ance  with  the  request  of  the  minister,  would 
or  could  have  been  called  an  application  of 
ours,  and  adduced  as  a  proof  of  our  approba 
tion  of  the  act  we  had  been  opposing ;  other 
wise  I  think  few  of  us  would  have  named  at 
all — I  am  sure  I  should  not.  This,  I  assure 
9* 


you,  and  can  prove  to  you  by  living  evidence, 
is  a  true  account  of  the  transaction  in  ques 
tion,  which,  if  you  compare  with  that  you 
have  been  induced  to  give  of  it  in  your  book, 
I  am  persuaded  you  will  see  a  difference  that 
is  far  from  being  '  a  distinction  above  your 
comprehension.'' 

"Permit  me  further  to  remark,  that  your 
expression  of  there  being  '  no  positive  proofs 
of  my  having  solicited  to  obtain  such  a  place 
for  myself?  implies  that  there  are,  never 
theless,  some  circumstantial  proofs,  sufficient 
at  least  to  support  a  suspicion ;  the  latter  part, 
however,  of  the  same  sentence,  which  says, 
'there  are  sufficient  evidence  still  existing, 
of  my  having  applied  for  it  in  favour  of  an 
other  person,'  must,  I  apprehend,  if  credited, 
destroy  that  suspicion,  and  be  considered  as 
positive  proof  of  the  contrary ;  for,  if  I  had 
interest  enough  with  Mr.  Grenville  to  obtain 
that  place  for  another,  is  it  likely  that  it 
would  have  been  refused  me,  had  I  asked  it 
for  myself? 

"There  is  another  circumstance  which  I 
would  offer  to  your  candid  consideration. — 
You  describe  me  as  '  changing  sides,  and  ap 
pearing  at  the  bar  of  the  house  of  commons  to 
cry  down  the  very  measure  I  had  espoused, 
and  direct  the  storm  that  was  falling  upon 
that  minister.'  As  this  must  have  been  after 
my  supposed  solicitation  of  the  favour  for  my 
self  or  my  friend,  and  Mr.  Grenville  and  Mr. 
Whately  were  both  in  the  house  at  the  time, 
and  both  asked  me  questions,  can  it  be  con 
ceived,  that  offended  as  they  must  have  been 
with  such  a  conduct  in  me,  neither  of  them 
should  put  me  in  mind  of  this  my  sudden 
changing  of  sides,  or  remark  it  to  the  house, 
or  reproach  me  with  it,  or  require  my  reasons 
for  it  ?  and  yet  all  the  members  then  present, 
know  that  not  a  syllable  of  the  kind  fell  from 
either  of  them,  or  from  any  of  their  party. 

"  I  persuade  myself,  that  by  this  time  you 
begin  to  suspect  you  may  have  been  misled 
by  your  informers.  I  do  not  ask  who  they 
are,  because  I  do  not  wish  to  have  particular 
motives  for  disliking  people,  who,  in  general, 
may  deserve  my  respect.  They,  too,  may 
have  drawn  consequences  beyond  the  inform 
ation  they  received  from  others,  and  hear 
ing  the  office  had  been  given  to  a  person  of 
my  nomination,  might  as  naturally  suppose 
/  had  solicited  it;  as  Dr.  Tucker,  hearing 
that  I  had  solicited  it,  might  'conclude"1  it 
was  for  myself. 

"  I  desire  you  to  believe  that  I  take  kindly, 
as  I  ought,  your  freely  mentioning  to  me 
'that  it  "has  long  appeared  to  you,  that  I 
much  exceeded  the  bounds  of  morality  in  the 
methods  I  pursued  for  the  advancement  of  the 
supposed  interests  of  America.'  I  am  sensi 
ble  there  is  a  good  deal  of  truth  in  the  adage 
that  our  sins  and  our  debts  are  always  more 
than  we  take  them  to  be ;  and  though  I  can- 


102 


MEMOIRS  OF 


not  at  present,  on  examination  of  my  con 
science,  charge  myself  with  any  immorality 
of  that  kind,  it  becomes  me  to  suspect,  that 
what  has  long  appeared  to  you,  may  have 
some  foundation.  You  are  so  good  as  to  add, 
that '  if  it  can  be  proved  you  have  unjustly 
suspected  me,  you  shall  have  a  satisfaction  in 
acknowledging  the  error.'  It  is  often  a  thing 
hard  to  prove,  that  suspicions  are  unjust,  even 
when  we  know  what  they  are ;  and  harder 
when  we  are  unacquainted  with  them.  I 
must  presume,  therefore,  that  in  mentioning 
them,  you  had  an  intention  of  communicating 
the  grounds  of  them  to  me,  if  I  should  request 
it,  which  I  now  do,  and,  I  assure  you,  with  a 
sincere  desire  and  design  of  amending  what 
you  may  show  me  to  have  been  wrong  in 
my  conduct,  and  to  thank  you  for  the  admo 
nition. 

"  In  your  writings  I  appear  a  bad  man ;  but 
if  I  am  such,  and  you  can  thus  help  me  to 
become  in  reality  a  good  one,  I  shall  esteem 
it  more  than  a  sufficient  reparation  to,  reve 
rend  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 
»  B.  FRANKLIN." 

[Note  by  Dr.  Franklin,  on  the  rough  draft  of  the  fore 
going  letter.] 

Feb.  7, 1775.  No  answer  has  been  receiv 
ed  to  the  above  letter.  B.  F. 

From  the  preceding  correspondence,  it  is 
fully  evident,  that  this  reverend  divine  was 
not  willing  to  acknowledge,  or  even  find  that 
he  had  substantially  erred  in  regard  to  Dr. 
Franklin.  His  prejudices  indeed,  appear  to 
have  been  so  deeply  rooted,  and  his  desire  to 
do  justice  to  one  whom  he  had  wronged,  ap 
pears  to  have  been  so  dormant,  that  he  be 
trays  an  evident  disinclination  to  ascertain 
the  truth,  or  allow  it  to  approach  him,  in 
opposition  to  these  prejudices.  With  other 
more  equitable  dispositions,  it  would  have 
been  impossible  for  the  dean  to  abstain  so 
pertinaciously  from  giving  any  answer  to  Dr. 
Franklin's  last  letter.  The  facts  and  ex 
planations  which  it  contained  were  so  im 
portant,  and  they  were  stated  with  so  much 
candour  and  civility,  that  the  dean  must  have 
felt  it  to  be  highly  incumbent  on  him,  either 
to  meet  those  facts  by  others  equally  conclu 
sive,  or  to  acknowledge  that  he  had  wrong 
fully  accused  Dr.  Franklin.  The  former  he 
could  not  do,  the  latter  he  would  not.  The 
only  expedient  then  remaining,  was  the  un 
worthy  and  evasive  one  of  giving  no  an 
swer  ! 

But  to  return  to  objects  of  more  public 
interest.  All  the  expectations  that  Dr.  Frank 
lin  had  then  entertained  from  the  good  cha 
racter  and  disposition  of  the  then  minister,  lord 
Dartmouth,  in  favour  of  America,  began  to 
wither :  none  of  the  measures  of  his  prede 
cessor  had  even  been  attempted  to  be  changed, 
but  on  the  contrary  new  ones  had  been  con 


tinually  added,  further  to  exasperate  the 
colonies,  render  them  desperate,  and  drive 
them  into  open  rebellion. 

In  a  paper  written  by  Dr.  Franklin,  "  On 
the  rise  and  progress  of  the  differences  be 
tween  Great  Britain  and  her  American 
colonies"  and  supposed  to  have  been  publish 
ed  about  this  time  (1774,)  he  states,  that  soon 
after  the  late  war,  it  became  an  object  with 
the  British  ministers  to  draw  a  revenue  from 
America :  the  first  attempt  was  by  a  stamp 
act.  It  soon  appeared,  that  this  step  had  not 
been  well  considered;  and  that  the  rights, 
the  ability,  the  opinions,  and  temper  of  that 
great  and  growing  people,  had  not  been  suf 
ficiently  attended  to.  They  complained,  that 
the  tax  was  unnecessary,  because  their  as 
semblies  had  ever  be^n  ready  to  make  volun 
tary  grants  to  the  crown  in  proportion  to  their 
abilities,  when  duly  required  so  to  do ;  and 
unjust,  because  they  had  no  representative 
in  the  British  parliament,  but  had  parliaments 
of  their  own,  wherein  their  consent  was  given, 
as  it  ought  to  be,  in  grants  of  their  own 
money. 

The  parliament  repealed  the  act  as  inex 
pedient,  but  in  another  asserted  a  right  of 
taxing  the  colonies,  and  binding  them  in  all 
cases  whatsoever!  In  the  following  year 
they  laid  duties  on  British  manufactures  ex 
ported  to  America.  On  the  repeal  of  the 
stamp  act,  the  Americans  had  returned  to 
their  wonted  good  humour  and  commerce 
with  Great  Britain ;  but  this  new  act  for  lay 
ing  duties  renewed  their  uneasiness.  These 
and  other  grievances  complained  of  by  the 
colonies  are  succinctly  enumerated  in  Dr. 
Franklin's  paper  abovementioned ;  and  the 
progressive  history  of  the  causes  of  the 
American  discontents  in  general. 

The  whole  continent  of  America  now  be 
gan  to  consider  the  Boston  port  bill,  as  strik 
ing  essentially  at  the  liberty  of  all  the  colo 
nies;  and  these  sentiments  were  strongly 
urged  and  propagated  in  the  American  news 
papers. 

Even  those  colonies  which  depended  most 
upon  the  mother  country  for  the  consumption 
of  their  productions,  entered  into  associations 
with  the  others ;  and  nothing  was  to  be  heard 
of  but  resolutions  for  the  encouragement  of 
their  own  manufactures,  the  consumption  of 
home  products,  the  discouragement  of  foreign 
articles,  and  the  retrenchment  of  all  super 
fluities. 

Virginia  resolved  not  to  raise  any  more 
tobacco,  unless  the  grievances  of  America 
were  redressed.  Maryland  followed  that  ex 
ample  :  Pennsylvania,  and  almost  all  the 
other  colonies,  entered  into  resolutions  in  the 
same  spirit,  with  a  view  to  enforce  a  general 
redress  of  grievances. 

During  these  disputes  between  the  two 
countries,  Dr.  Franklin  invented  an  emble- 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


103 


matical  design,  intended  to  represent  the 
supposed  state  of  Great  Britain  and  her  colo 
nies,  should  the  former  persist  in  her  oppres 
sive  measures,  restraining  the  latter's  trade, 
and  taxing  their  people  by  laws  made  by  a 
legislature  in  which  they  were  not  represent 
ed.  It  was  engraved  on  a  copper-plate,  from 
which  the  annexed  is  a  fac  simile.  Dr. 
Franklin  had  many  of  them  struck  oft*  on 
cards,  on  the  back  of  which  he  occasionally 
wrote  his  notes.  It  was  also  printed  on  a 
half  sheet  of  paper,  with  the  explanation  and 
moral  which  follow  it.  [See  p.  104.] 

These  sentiments,  applied  to  the  picture 
which  they  are  annexed  to,  were  well  calcu 
lated  to  produce  reflection ;  they  form  part  of 
the  same  system  of  political  ethics,  with  the 
following  fragment  of  a  sentence,  which  Dr. 
Franklin  inserted  in  a  political  publication  of 
one  of  his  friends : — "  The  attempts  to  esta 
blish  arbitrary  power  over  so  great  a  part 
of  the  British  empire,  are  to  the  imminent 
hazard  of  our  most  valuable  commerce,  and 
of  that  national  strength,  security,  and  felicity, 
which  depend  on  union  and  liberty ,-" — The 
preservation  of  which,  he  used  to  say,  "  had 
been  the  great  object  and  labour  of  his  life ; 
the  WHOLE  being  such  a  thing  as  the  world 
before  never  saw  /" 

In  June,  1774,  a  general  congress  of  depu 
ties  from  all  the  colonies,  began  to  be  univer 
sally  looked  forward  to.  This  had  a  year  be 
fore  been  suggested  by  Dr.  Franklin,  in  a 
letter  to  Thomas  Gushing,  dated  July  7,  1773, 
he  says,-^'  But  as  the  strength  of 
an  empire  depend^  not  only  on  the  union  of 
it's  parts,  but  on  their  readiness  for  united 
exertion  of  their  common  force ;  and  as  the 
discussion  of  rights  may  seem  unseasonable 
in  the  commencement  of  actual  war,  and  the 
delay  it  might  occasion  be  prejudicial  to  the 
'common  welfare;  as,  likewise,  the  refusal  of 
one  or  a  few  colonies,  would  not  be  so  much 
regarded  if  the  others  granted  liberally,  whiclr 
perhaps  by  various  artifices  and  motives  they 
might  be  prevailed  on  to  do ;  and  as  this  want 
of  concert  would  defeat  the  expectation  of 
general  redress,  that  otherwise  might  be 
justly  formed ;  perhaps  it  would  be  best  and 
fairest  for  the  colonies,  in  a  GENERAL  CON 
GRESS,  now  in  peace  to  be  assembled,  (or  by 
means  of  the  correspondence  lately  proposed,) 
after  a  full  and  solemn  assertion  and  declara 
tion  of  their  RIGHTS,  to  engage  firmly  with 
each  other,  that  they  will  never  grant  aids  to 
the  crown  in  any  general  war,  till  those  rights 
are  recognised  by  the  king  and  both  houses 
of  parliament ;  communicating  to  the  crown 
this  their  resolution.  Such  a  step,  I  imagine, 
will  bring  the  dispute  to  a  crisis;  and  whether 
our  demands  are  immediately  complied  with, 
or  compulsory  measures  thought  of  to  make 
us  rescind  them,  our  ends  will  finally  be  ob 
tained;  for  even  the  odium  accompanying 


such  compulsory  attempts,  will  contribute  to 
unite  and  strengthen  us ;  and,  in  the  mean 
time,  all  the  world  will  allow  that  our  pro 
ceeding  has  been  honourable/V — 
UyyulliLdlMLlJ-DTDr. 


Sue 


Franklin ; 


and,  as  he  observes  somewhere,  "  a  good  mo 
tion  never  dies ;"  so  tliis  was  eventually  acted 
upon  in  all  its  bearings,  and  was  the  first  step 
to  the  union  of  the  colonies,  and  their  final 
emancipation  from  Great  Britain. 

The  first  congress  assembled  at  Philadel 
phia,  September  17, 1774.  Then-  first  public 
act  was  a  declaratory  resolution,  expressive 
of  their  disposition  with  respect  to  the  colony 
of  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  immediately  in 
tended  to  confirm  and  encourage  that  people 
in  their  opposition  to  the  oppressive  acts  of  the 
British  parliament.  This,  and  other  analogous 
resolutions  relative  to  Massachusetts,  being 
passed,  the  congress  wrote  a  letter  to  general 
Gage,  governor  and  commander  of  the  king's 
troops  in  that  province,  in  which,  after  re 
peating  the  complaints  formerly  made  by  the 
town  of  Boston,  they  declared  the  determined 
resolution  of  the  colonies  to  unite  for  the  pre 
servation  of  their  common  rights,  in  opposition 
to  the  late  acts  of  parliament,  under  the  exe 
cution  of  which  the  unhappy  people  of  Massa 
chusetts  were  oppressed;  that  the  colonies 
had  appointed  them  the  guardians  of  their 
rights  and  liberties,  and  that  they  felt  the 
deepest  concern,  that  whilst  they  were  pur 
suing  every  dutiful  and  peaceable  measure  to 
procure  a  cordial  and  effectual  reconciliation 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  colonies,  his 
excellency  should  proceed  in  a  manner  that 
bore  so  hostile  an  appearance,  and  which  even 
the  oppressive  acts  complained  of  did  not  war 
rant.  They  represented  the  tendency  this 
conduct  must  have  to  irritate,  and  force  a  peo 
ple,  however  well  disposed  to  peaceable  mea 
sures,  into  hostilities,  which  might  prevent 
the  endeavours  of  the  congress  to  restore  a 
good  understanding  with  the  parent  state,  and 
involve  them  in  the  horrors  of  a  civil  war. 

The  congress  also  published  a  DECLARA 
TION  OF  RIGHTS,  to  which  they  asserted  the 
English  colonies  of  North  America  were  en 
titled,  by  the  immutable  laws  of  nature,  the 
principles  of  the  English  constitution,  and 
their  several  charters  or  compacts. 

They  then  proceeded  to  frame  a  petition  to 
the  king,  a  memorial  to  the  people  of  Great 
Britain,  an  address  to  the  colonies  in  general, 
and  another  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  province 
of  Quebec. 

These  several  acts  were  drawn  up  with 
uncommon  energy,  address,  and  ability :  they 
well  deserve  the  attention  of  statesmen,  and 
are  to  be  found  in  the  annals  of  American 
history. 

The  petition  to  his  majesty  contained  an 
enumeration  of  the  grievances  of  the  colonies, 
humbly  praying  redress.  It  was  forwarded  to 


104 


MEMOIRS  OP 


MAGNA  BRITANNIA :— HER  COLONIES  REDUCED. 


EXPLANATION. 

GREAT  BRITAIN  is  supposed  to  have  been  placed  upon  the  globe ;  but  the 
COLONIES,  (that  is,  her  limbs,)  being  severed  from  her,  she  i|  seen  lifting  hei;s 
eyes  and  mangled  stumps  to  heaven :  her  shield,  which  sfie  is  unable  to 
wield,  lies  useless  by  her  side ;  her  lance  has  pierced  New  England :  the 
laurel  branch  has  fallen  from  the  hand  of  Pennsylvania :  the  English  oak 
has  lost  its  head,  and  stands  a  bare  trunk,  with  a  few  withered  branches ; 
briars  and  thorns  are  on  the  ground  beneath  it ;  the  British  ships  have 
brooms  at  their  topmast  heads,  denoting  their  being  on  sale ;  and  BRITAN 
NIA  herself  is  seen  sliding  off  the  world,  (no  longer  able  to  hold  its  balance,) 
her  fragments  overspread  with  the  label,  DATE  OBOLUM  BELLISARIO. 

THE  MORAL. 

History  affords  us  many  instances  of  the  ruin  of  states,  by  the  prosecu 
tion  of  measures  ill  suited  to  the  temper  and  genius  of  their  people.  The 
ordaining  of  laws  in  favour  of  one  part  of  the  nation,  to  the  prejudice  and 
oppression  of  another,  is  certainly  the  most  erroneous  and  mistaken  policy. 
An  equal  dispensation  of  protection,  rights,  privileges,  and  advantages,  is 
what  every  part  is  entitled  to,  and  ought  to  enjoy ;  it  being  a  matter  of  no 
moment  to  the  state,  whether  a  subject  grows  rich  and  flourishing  on  the 
Thames  or  the  Ohio,  in  Edinburgh  or  Dublin.  These  measures  never  fail 
to  create  great  and  violent  jealousies  and  animosities  between  the  people 
favoured  and  the  people  oppressed :  whence  a  total  separation  of  affections, 
interests,  political  obligations,  and  all  manner  of  connexions,  necessarily 
ensue,  by  which  the  whole  state  is  weakened,  and  perhaps  ruined  for  ever ! 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


19B 


England,  by  the  secretary  of  congress,  Charles 
Thomson,  under  cover  to  Dr.  Franklin.     The 


with  regard  to  the  misunderstandings  be 
tween  Great  Britain  and  America. 


proceedings  thereon,  as  a  document  of  great       "  During  the  recess  of  the  last  parliament, 

•111-  ,-!•  *  1  ./»  «•*»••  .»..« 


interest,  will  be  inserted  in  another  part  of 
this  edition,  and  will  be  circumstantially  no 
ticed  in  the  progress  of  these  memoirs. 

Dr.  Franklin,  at  this  momentous  period,  was 
unceasing  in  his  endeavours  to  induce  the 
British  government  to  change  its  measures 
with  respect  to  the  colonies.  In  private  con 
versations,  in  letters  to  persons  connected 
with  government,  and  in  writings  in  the  pub 
lic  prints,  he  continually  expatiated  upon  the 
impolicy  and  injustice  of  its  conduct  towards 
America ;  and  stated,  in  the  most  energetic 
manner,  that  notwithstanding  the  sincere  at 
tachment  of  the  colonists  to  the  mother  coun 
try,  a  continuance  of  ill  treatment  must  ulti 
mately  alienate  their  affections.  The  minis 
ters  listened  not  to  his  advice,  and  solemn 
warnings;  they  blindly  persevered  in  their 
own  schemes,  and  left  to  the  Americans  no 
alternative  but  opposition,  or  unconditional 
submission.  The  latter  accorded  not  with 
the  principles  of  freedom  which  they  had  been 
taught  to  revere;  to  the  former  they  were 
compelled,  though  reluctantly,  to  have  re 
course. 

Dr.  Franklin,  thus  finding  all  his  efforts  to 
restore  harmony  between  Great  Britain  and 
her  colonies  ineffectual ;  and  being  looked 
upon  by  government  with  a  jealous  eye,  who, 
it  was  said,  entertained  some  thoughts  of  ar 
resting  him,  under  the  pretence  of  his  having 
fomented  a  rebellion  in  the  colonies,  (of  which 
he  received  private  intimation,)  determined 
on  immediately  returning  to  America,  and  to 
this  effect  embarked  from  England  in  March, 
1775. 

During  the  passage,  he  committed  to  paper 
a  statement  of  his  efforts  to  effect  a  recon 
ciliation,  and  prevent  a  breach  between 
Great  Britain  and  her  colonies.  This  was 
a  narration  of  the  negotiations  he  had  been 
concerned  in,  to  bring  about  so  desirable  an 
object.  Like  the  first  part  of  these  memoirs, 
it  was  addressed  to  his  son,  governor  Frank 
lin  ;  and  intended,  no  doubt,  to  be  incorporated 
in  them,  had  he  lived  to  proceed  so  far  in  his 
history.  It  forms  a  complement  to  his  politi 
cal  transactions  while  in  England,  justifies  his 
character,  and  is  a  document  of  no  mean  in 


terest  in 
lution. 


the  annals  of  the  American  revo- 


which  had  passed  the  severe  acts  against  the 
province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  the  mi 
nority  having  been  sensible  of  their  weakness 
as  an  effect  of  their  want  of  union  among 
themselves,  began  to  think  seriously  of  a  co 
alition.  For  they  saw  in  the  violence  of  these 
American  measures,  if  persisted  in,  a  hazard 
of  dismembering,  weakening,  and  perhaps  rum- 
ing  the  British  empire.  This  inclined  some 
of  them  to  propose  such  an  union  with  each 
other,  as  might  be  more  respectable  in  the 
ensuing  session,  have  more  weight  in  opposi 
tion,  and  be  a  body  out  of  which  a  new  minis 
try  might  easily  be  formed,  should  the  ill  suc 
cess  of  the  late  measures,  and  the  firmness  of 
the  colonies  in  resisting  them,  make  a  change 
appear  necessary  to  the  king. 

"  I  took  some  pains  to  promote  this  disposi 
tion,  in  conversation  with  several  of  the  prin 
cipal  among  the  minority  of  both  houses, 
whom  I  besought  and  conjured  most  earnest 
ly,  not  to  suffer,  by  their  little  misunderstand 
ings,  so  glorious  a  fabric  as  the  present  British 
empire  to  be  demolished  by  these  blunderers ; 
and  for  their  encouragement  assured  them,  as 
far  as  my  opinions  could  give  any  assurance, 
of  the  firmness  and  unanimity  of  America, 
the  continuance  of  which  was  what  they  had 
frequent  doubts  of,  and  appeared  extremely 
apprehensive  and  anxious  concerning  it 

"  From  the  time  of  the  affront  given  me  at, 
the  council  board  in  January,  1774,  I  had 
never  attended  the  levee  of  any  minister.  I 
made  no  justification  of  myself  from  the 
charges  brought  against  me  :  I  made  no  re 
turn  of  the  injury  by  abusing  my  adversaries ; 
but  held  a  cool  sullen  silence,  reserving  my 
self  to  some  future  opportunity;  for  which 
conduct  I  had  several  reasons,  not  necessary 
here  to  specify.  Now  and  then  I  heard  it: 
said,  that  the  reasonable  part  of  the  adminis 
tration  was  ashamed  of  the  treatment  they 
had  given  me.  I  suspected,  that  some  who 
told  me  this,  did  it  to  draw  from  me  my  senti 
ments  concerning  it,  and  perhaps  my  pur 
poses;  but  I  said  little  or  nothing  upon  the 
subject.  In  the  mean  time,  their  measures 
with  regard  to  New  England  failing  of  the 
success  that  had  been  confidently  expected, 
and  finding  themselves  more  and  more  em 


"  On  board  the  Pennsylvania  Packet,  Capt. 
Osborne,  bound  to  Philadelphia, 
22, 1775. 


barrassed,  they  began  (as  it  seems)  to  think 
of  making  use  of  me,  if  they  could,  to  assist  in 
disengaging  them.  But  it  was  too  humiliat 
ing  to  think  of  applying  to  me  openly  and 
^^  and  therefore  Tt  was  contrived  to 
obtain  what  they  could  of  my  sentiments 
i  through  others. 

"  DEAR  SON, — Having  now  a  little  leisure  !      "  The  accounts  from  America,  during  the 

for  writing,  I  will  endeavour,  as  I  promised  I  recess,  all  manifested,  that  the  measures  of 

you,  to  recollect  what  particulars  I  can  of  the  j  administration  had  neither  divided  nor  intimi- 

negotiations  I  have  lately  been  concerned  in,  !  dated  the  people  there ;  that  on  the  contrary 

VOL.I....O 


106 


MEMOIRS  OF 


they  were  more  and  more  united  and  deter 
mined  ;  and  that  a  non-importation  agreement 
was  likely  to  take  place.  The  ministry  thence 
apprehending  that  this,  by  distressing  the 
trading  and  manufacturing  towns,  might  in 
fluence  votes  against  the  court  in  the  elections 
for  a  new  parliament,  (which  were  in  course 
to  come  on  the  succeeding  year,)  suddenly 
and  unexpectedly  dissolved  the  old  one,  and 
ordered  the  choice  of  a  new  one  within  the 
shortest  time  admitted  by  law,  before  the  in- 
conveniencies  of  that  agreement  could  begin 
to  be  felt,  or  produce  any  such  effect. 

"  When  I  came  to  England  in  1757,  you  may 
remember  I  made  several  attempts  to  be  in 
troduced  to  lord  Chatham,  (at  that  time  first 
minister)  on  account  of  my  Pennsylvania 
business,  but  without  success.  He  was  then 
too  great  a  man,  or  too  much  occupied  in  af 
fairs  of  greater  moment,  I  was  therefore 
obliged  to  content  myself  with  a  kind  of  non- 
apparent  and  unacknowledged  communica 
tion  through  Mr.  Potter  and  Mr.  Wood,  his 
secretaries,  who  seemed  to  cultivate  an  ac 
quaintance  with  me  by  their  civilities,  and 
drew  from  me  what  information  I  could  give 
relative  to  the  American  war,  with  my  senti 
ments  occasionally  on  measures  that  were 
proposed  or  advised  by  others,  which  gave 
me  the  opportunity  of  recommending  and  en 
forcing  the  utility  of  conquering  Canada.  I 
afterwards  considered  Mr.  Pitt  as  an  inacces 
sible  ;  I  admired  him  at  a  distance,  and  made 
no  more  attempts  for  a  nearer  acquaintance. 
I  had  only  once  or  twice  the  satisfaction  of 
hearing,  through  lord  Shelburne,  and  I  think 
lord  Stanhope,  that  he  did  me  the  honour  of 
mentioning  me  sometimes  as  a  person  of!  re 
spectable  character. 

"  But  towards  the  end  of  August  last,  return 
ing  from  Brighthelmstone,  I  called  to  visit 
my  friend  Mr.  Sargent,  at  his  seat,  Halsted, 
in  Kent,  agreeably  to  a  former  engagement. 
He  let  me  know,  that  he  had  promised  to 
conduct  me  to  lord  Stanhope's  at  Chevening, 
who  expected  I  would  call  on  him  when  I 
came  into  that  neighbourhood.  We  accord 
ingly  waited  on  lord  Stanhope  that  evening, 
who  told  me  that  lord  Chatham  desired  to  see 
me,  and  that  Mr.  Sargent's  house,  where  I 
was  to  lodge,  being  in  the  way,  he  would  call 
for  me  there  the  next  morning,  and  carry  me 
to  Hayes.  This  was  done  accordingly.  That 
truly  great  man  received  me  with  abundance 
of  civility,  inquired  particularly  into  the  situa 
tion  of  affairs  in  America,  spoke  feelingly  of 
the  severity  of  the  late  laws  against  the 
Massachusetts,  gave  me  some  account  of  his 
speech  in  opposing  them,  and  expressed  great 
regard  and  esteem  for  the  people  of  that  coun 
try,  who  he  hoped  would  continue  firm  and 
united  in  defending,  by  all  peaceable  and  legal 
means,  their  constitutional  rights.  I  assured 
him,  that  I  made  no  doubt  they  would  do  so : 


which  he  said  he  was  pleased  to  hear  from 
me,  as  he  was  sensible  I  must  be  well  ac 
quainted  with  them.  I  then  took  occasion  to 
remark  to  him,  that  in  former  cases  great 
empires  had  crumbled  first  at  their  extremi 
ties,  from  this  cause — that  countries  remote 
from  the  seat  and  eye  of  government,  which 
therefore  could  not  well  understand  their  af 
fairs,  for  want  of  full  and  true  information, 
had  never  been  well  governed,  but  had  been 
oppressed  by  bad  governors,  on  presumption 
that  complaint  was  difficult  to  be  made  and 
supported  against  them  at  such  a  distance : 
hence,  such  governors  had  been  encouraged 
to  go  on,  till  their  oppressions  became  intoler 
able  :  but  that  this  empire  had  happily  found 
and  long  been  in  the  practice  of  a  method, 
whereby  every  province  was  well  governed, 
being  trusted  in  a  great  measure  with  the 
government  of  itself,  that  hence  had  risen 
such  satisfaction  in  the  subjects,  and  such  en 
couragement  to  new  settlements,  that  had  it 
not  been  for  the  late  wrong  politics,  (which 
would  have  parliament  to  be  omnipotent, 
though  it  ought  not  to  be,  unless  it  could  at 
the  same  time  be  omniscient,}  we  might  have 
gone  on  extending  our  western  empire,  add 
ing  province  to  province  as  far  as  the  South 
Sea :  that  I  lamented  the  ruin  which  seemed 
impending  over  so  fine  a  plan,  so  well  adapt 
ed  to  make  all  the  subjects  of  the  greatest 
empire  happy ;  and  I  hoped,  that  if  his  lord 
ship,  with  the  other  great  and  wise  men  of 
the  British  nation,  would  unite  and  exert 
themselves,  it  might  yet  be  rescued  out  of 
the  mangling  hands  of  the  present  set  of 
blundering  ministers ;  and  that  the  union  and 
harmony  between  Britain  and  her  colonies,  so 
necessary  to  the  welfare  of  both,  might  be 
restored. — He  replied  with  great  politeness, 
that  my  idea  of  extending  our  empire  in  that 
manner  was  a  sound  one,  worthy  of  a  great, 
benevolent,  and  comprehensive  mind :  he  wish 
ed  with  me  for  a  good  understanding  among 
the  different  parts  of  the  opposition  here,  as  a 
means  of  restoring  the  ancient  harmony  of 
the  two  countries,  which  he  most  earnestly 
desired ;  but  he  spoke  of  the  coalition  of  our 
domestic  parties  as  attended  with  difficulty, 
and  rather  to  be  desired  than  expected :  he 
mentioned  an  opinion  prevailing  here,  that 
America  aimed  at  setting  up  for  itself  as  an 
independent  state  ;  or,  at  least,  to  get  rid  of 
the  navigation  acts. — I  assured  him,  that 
having  more  than  once  travelled  almost  from 
one  end  of  the  continent  to  the  other,  and 
kept  a  great  variety  of  company,  eating,  drink 
ing,  and  conversing  with  them  freely,  I  never 
had  heard  in  any  conversation  from  any  per 
son,  drunk  or  sober,  the  least  expression  of  a 
wish  for  a  separation,  or  a  hint  that  such  a 
thing  would  be  advantageous  to  America: 
and  as  to  the  navigation  act,  the  main  mate 
rial  part  of  it,  that  of  carrying  on  trade  in 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


107 


British  or  plantation  bottoms,  excluding 
foreign  ships  from  our  ports,  and  navigating 
with  three  quarters  British  seamen,  was  as 
acceptable  to  us  as  it  could  be  to  Britain  :  that 
we  were  even  not  against  regulations  of  the 
general  commerce  by  parliament,  provided 
such  regulations  were  bonafide  for  the  bene 
fit  of  the  whole  empire,  not  for  the  small  ad 
vantage  of  one  part  to  the  great  injury  of  an 
other,  such  as  the  obliging  our  ships  to  call  in 
England  with  our  wine  and  fruit,  from  Portu 
gal  or  Spain ;  the  restraints  on  our  manufac 
tures,  in  the  woollen  and  hat-making  branches, 
the  prohibiting  of  slitting-mills,  steel-works, 
&c.  He  allowed  that  some  amendment  might 
be  made  in  those  acts ;  but  said  those  relating 
to  the  slitting-mills,  trip-hammers,  and  steel 
works,  were  agreed  to  by  our  agents  in  a 
compromise  on  the  opposition  made  here  to 
abating  the  duty. 

"  In  fine,  he  expressed  much  satisfaction  in 
my  having  called  upon  him,  and  particularly 
in  the  assurances  I  had  given  him,  that 
America  did  not  aim  at  independence  ;  add 
ing,  that  he  should  be  glad  to  see  me  again 
as  often  as  might  be.  I  said,  I  should  not 
fail  to  avail  myself  of  the  permission  he  was 
pleased  to  give  me,  of  waiting  upon  his  lord 
ship  occasionally,  being  very  sensible  of  the 
honour,  and  of  the  great  advantages  and  im 
provement  I  should  reap  from  his  instructive 
conversation ;  which  indeed  was  not  a  mere 
compliment. 

"  The  new  parliament  was  to  meet  the 
29th  of  November,  (1774.)  About  the  be 
ginning  of  that  month,  being  at  the  Royal 
Society,  Mr.  Raper,  one  of  our  members,  told 
me  there  was  a  certain  lady  who  had  a  desire 
of  playing  with  me  at  chess,  fancying  she 
could  beat  me,  and  had  requested  him  to 
bring  me  to  her  :  it  was,  he  said,  a  lady  with 
whose  acquaintance  he  was  sure  I  should  be 
pleased,  a  sister  of  lord  Howe's,  and  he  hoped 
I  would  not  refuse  the  challenge.  I  said,  I 
had  been  long  out  of  practice,  but  would  wait 
upon  the  lady  when  he  and  she  should  think 
fit  He  told  me  where  her  house  was,  and 
would  have  me  call  soon  and  without  further 
introduction,  which  I  undertook  to  do;  but 
thinking  it  a  little  awkward,  I  postponed  it ; 
and  on  the  30th,  meeting  him  again  at  the 
feast  of  the  society  election,  being  the  day 
after  the  parliament  met,  he  put  me  in  mind 
of  my  promise,  and  that  I  had  not  kept  it,  and 
would  have  me  name  a  day,  when  he  said  he 
would  call  for  me  and  conduct  me.  I  named 
the  Friday  following.  He  called  according 
ly  :  I  went  with  him,  played  a  few  games 
with  the  lady,  whom  I  found  of  very  sensible 
conversation  and  pleasing  behaviour,  which 
induced  me  to  agree  most  readily  to  an  ap 
pointment  for  another  meeting  a  few  days 
afterwards :  though  I  had  not  the  least  appre 
hension  that  any  political  business  could 


have  any  connection  with  this  new  acquaint 
ance. 

"On  the  Thursday  preceding  this  chess 
party,  Mr.  David  Barclay  called  on  me,  to 
have  some  discourse  concerning  the  meeting 
of  merchants  to  petition  parliament.  When 
that  was  over,  he  spoke  of  the  dangerous 
situation  of  American  affairs,  the  hazard  that 
a  civil  war  might  be  brought  on  by  the  pre 
sent  measures,  and  the  great  merit  that  per 
son  would  have  who  could  contrive  some 
means  of  preventing  so  terrible  a  calamity, 
and  bring  about  a  reconciliation.  He  was 
then  pleased  to  add,  that  he  was  persuaded, 
from  my  knowledge  of  both  countries,  my 
character  and  influence  hi  one  of  them,  and 
my  abilities  in  business,  no  man  had  it  so 
much  in  his  power  as  myself.  I  naturally 
answered,  that  I  should  be  very  happy  if  I 
could  in  any  degree  be  instrumental  in  so 
good  a  work,  but  that  I  saw  no  prospect  of 
it;  for,  though  I  was  sure  the  Americans 
were  always  willing  and  ready  to  agree  upon 
any  equitable  terms,  yet  I  thought  an  accom 
modation  impracticable,  unless  both  side's 
wished  it ;  and  by  what  I  could  judge  from 
the  proceedings  of  the  ministry,  I  did  not  be 
lieve  they  had  the  least  disposition  towards 
it ;  that  they  rather  wished  to  provoke  the 
North  American  people  into  an  open  rebellion, 
which  might  justify  a  military  execution,  and 
thereby  gratify  a  grounded  malice  which  I 
conceived  to  exist  here  against  the  whigs  and 
dissenters  of  that  country.  Mr.  Barclay  ap 
prehended  I  judged  too  hardly  of  the  minis 
ters  ;  he  was  persuaded  they  were  not  all  of 
that  temper,  and  he  fancied  they  would  be 
very  glad  to  get  out  of  their  present  embar 
rassment  on  any  terms,  only  saving  the  ho 
nour  and  dignity  of  government  He  wished, 
therefore,  that  I  would  think  of  the  matter, 
and  he  would  call  again  and  converse  with 
me  further  upon  it  I  said  I  would  do  so,  as 
tie  requested  it,  but  I  had  no  opinion  of  its 
answering  any  purpose.  We  parted  upon 
this.  But  two  days  after  I  received  a  letter 
from  him,  inclosed  in  a  note  from  Dr.  Fother- 
gill,  both  which  follow. 


"  YOUNGSBURY,  near  Ware,  3d  12  mo.  1774. 

"  ESTEEMED  FRIEND, — After  we  parted  on 
Thursday  last,  I  accidentally  met  our  mutual 
friend  Dr.  Fothergill,  in  my  way  home,  and 
ntimated  to  him  the  subject  of  our  discourse; 
in  consequence  of  which,  I  received  from  him 
an  invitation  to  a  further  conference  on  this 
momentous  affair,  and  I  intend  to  be  in  town 
XMnorrow  accordingly,  to  meet  at  his  house 
setween  four  and  five  o'clock ;  and  we  unite 
in  the  request  of  thy  company.  We  are 
neither  of  us  insensible,  that  the  afiair  is  of 
that  magnitude  as  should  almost  deter  private 


108 


MEMOIRS  OF 


persons  from  meddling  with  it ;  at  the  same 
time  we  are  respectively  such  well-wishers 
to  the  cause,  that  nothing  in  our  power  ought 
to  be  left  undone,  though  the  utmost  of  our 
efforts  may  be  unavailable.  I  am  thy  re 
spectful  friend,  DAVID  BARCLAY. 
"  Dr.  Franklin,  Craven  street." 


"  Dr.  Fothergill,  presents  his  respects  to 
Dr.  Franklin,  and  hopes  for  the  favour  of  his 
company  in  Harper  street,  to-morrow  even 
ing,  to  meet  their  mutual  friend  David  Bar 
clay,  to  confer  on  American  affairs.  As  near 
five  o'clock  as  may  be  convenient. 

"  Harper  street,  '3d  inst." 


The  time  thus  appointed  was  the  evening 
of  the  day  on  which  I  was  to  have  my  second 
chess  party  with  the  agreeable  Mrs.  Howe, 
whom  I  met  accorciingly.  After  playing  as 
long  as  we  liked,  we  fell  into  a  little  chat, 
partly  on  a  mathematical  problem,*  and  part 
ly  about  the  new  parliament  then  just  met, 
when  she  said,  "  And  what  is  to  be  done  with 
this  dispute  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
colonies  ?  I  hope  we  are  not  to  have  a  civil 
war."  They  should  kiss  and  be  friends,  said 
I;  what  can  they  do  better?  Quarrelling 
can  be  of  service  to  neither,  but  is  ruin  to 
both.  "  I  have  often  said,"  replied  she,  "  that 
I  wished  government  would  employ  you  to 
settle  the  dispute  for  them ;  I  am  sure  nobody 
could  do  it  so  well.  Do  not  you  think  that 
the  thing  is  practicable?"  Undoubtedly, 
madam,  if  the  parties  are  disposed  to  recon 
ciliation  ;  for  the  two  countries  have  really 
no  clashing  interests  to  differ  about.  It  is 
rather  a  matter  of  punctilio,  which  two  or 
three  reasonable  people  might  settle  in  half 
an  hour.  I  thank  you  for  the  good  opinion 
you  are  pleased  to  express  of  me ;  but  the 
ministers  will  never  think  of  employing  me 
in  that  good  work  ;  they  choose  rather  to  abuse 
me.  "  Ay,"  said  she,  "  they  have  behaved 
shamefully  to  you.  And  indeed  some  of  them 
are  now  ashamed  of  it  themselves." — I  looked 
upon  this  as  accidental  conversation,  thought 
no  more  of  it,  and  went  in  the  evening  to  the 
appointed  meeting  at  Dr.  Fothergill's,  where 
I  found  Mr.  Barclay  with  him. 

The  doctor  expatiated  feelingly  on  the 
mischiefs  likely  to  ensue  from  the  present 
difference,  the  necessity  of  accommodating  it, 
and  the  great  merit  of  being  instrumental  in 
so  good  a  work;  concluding  with  some  com 
pliments  to  me ;  that  nobody  understood  the 
subject  so  thoroughly,  and  had  a  better  head 
for  business  of  the  kind ;  that  it  seemed  there 
fore  a  duty  incumbent  on  me,  to  do  every 
thing  I  could  to  accomplish  a  reconciliation ; 

*  This  lady  (which  is  a  little  unusual  in  ladies,)  has 
a  good  deal  of  mathematical  knowledge. 

[Jfotc  of  Dr.  Franklin.] 


and  that  as  he  had  with  pleasure  heard  from 
David  Barclay,  that  I  had  promised  to,  think 
of  it,  he  hoped  I  had  put  pen  to  paper,  and 
formed  some  plan  for  consideration,  and. 
brought  it  with  me.  I  answered,  that  I  had 
formed  no  plan ;  as  the  more  I  thought  of  the 
proceedings  against  the  colonies,  "the  more 
satisfied  I  was  that  there  did  not  exist  the 
least  disposition  in  the  ministry  to  an  accom 
modation  ;  that  therefore  all  plans  must  be 
useless.  He  said,  I  might  be  mistaken ;  that 
whatever  was  the  violence  of  some,  he  had 
reason,  good  reason,  to  believe  others  were 
differently  disposed ;  and  that  if  I  would  draw 
a  plan  which  we  three  upon  considering 
should  judge  reasonable,  it  might  be  made 
use  of,  and  answer  some  good  purpose,  since 
he  believed  that  either  himself  or  David 
Barclay  could  get  it  communicated  to  some 
of  the  most  moderate  among  the  ministers, 
who  would  consider  it  with  attention ;  and 
what  appeared  reasonable  to  us,  two  of  us  be 
ing  Englishmen,  might  appear  so  to  them. 
As  they  both  urged  this  with  great  earnest 
ness,  and  when  I  mentioned  the  impropriety 
of  my  doing  any  thing  of  the  kind  at  the  time 
we  were  in  daily  expectation  of  hearing  from 
the  congress,  who  undoubtedly  would  be  ex 
plicit  on  the  means  of  restoring  a  good  un 
derstanding,  they  seemed  impatient,  alleging 
that  it  was  uncertain  when  we  should  receive 
the  result  of  the  congress,  and  what  it  would 
be ;  that  the  least  delay  might  be  dangerous ; 
that  additional  punishments  for  New  England 
were  in  contemplation,  and  accidents  might 
widen  the  breach,  and  make  it  irreparable ; 
therefore,  something  preventive  could  not  be 
too  soon  thought  of  and  applied.  I  was,  there 
fore,  finally  prevailed  with  to  promise  doing 
what  they  desired,  and  to  meet  them  again  on 
Tuesday  evening  at  the  same  place,  and 
bring  with  me  something  for  their  considera 
tion. 

Accordingly,  at  the  time,  I  met  with  them, 
and  produced  the  following  paper : — 

HINTS  FOR  CONVERSATION 

Upon  the  subject  of  terms  that  might  proba 
bly  produce  a  durable  union  between  Bri 
tain  and  the  colonies. 

1.  The  tea  destroyed  to  be  paid  for. 

2.  The  tea-duty  act  to  be  repealed,  and  all 
the  duties  that  have  been  received  upon  it  to 
be  repaid  into  the  treasuries  of  the  several 
provinces  from  which  they  have  been  col 
lected. 

3.  The  acts  of  navigation  to  be  all  re-enact 
ed  in  the  colonies. 

4.  A  naval  officer  appointed  by  the  crown 
to  reside  in  each  colony,  to  see  that  those  acts 
are  observed. 

5.  All  the  acts  restraining  manufactures  in 
the  colonies,  to  be  repealed. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


109 


6.  All  duties  arising  on  the  acts  for  regu 
lating  trade  with  the  colonies,  to  be  for  the 
public  use  of  the  respective  colonies,  and  paid 
into  their  treasuries.     The  collectors  and  cus 
tom-house  officers  to  be  appointed  by  each 
governor,  and  not  sent  from  England. 

7.  In  consideration  'of  the  Americans  main- 
taming  their  own  peace  establishment,  and 
the  monopoly  Britain  is  to  have  of  their  com 
merce,  no  requisition  to  be  made  from  them 
in  time  of  peace. 

8.  No  troops  to  enter  and  quarter  in  any 
colony,  but  with  the  consent  of  its  legisla 
ture. 

9.  In  time  of  war,  on  requisition  made  by 
the  king,  with  the  consent  of  parliament, 
every  colony  shall  raise  money  by  the  follow 
ing  rules  or  proportions,  viz.    If  Britain,  on 
account  of  the  war,  raises  '3s.  in  the  pound  to 
its  land  tax,  then  the  colonies  to  add  to  their 
last  general  provincial  peace  tax,  a  sum  equal 
to  one  fourth  thereof;  and  if  Britain,  on  the 
same  account  pays  4«.  in  the  pound,  then  the 
colonies  to  add  to  their  said  last  peace  tax,  a 
sum  equal  to  half  thereof;  which  additional 
tax  is  to  be  granted  to  his  majesty,  and  to  be 
employed  in  raising  and  paying  men  for  land 
or  sea  service,  furnishing  provisions,  trans 
ports,  or  for  such  other  purposes  as  the  king 
shall  require  and  direct :  and  though  no  colo 
ny  may  contribute  less,  each   may  add  as 
much  by  voluntary  grant  as  they  shall  think 
proper. 

10.  Castle  William  to  be  restored  to  the 
province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  no 
fortress  built  by  the  crown  in  any  province, 
i"it  with  the  consent  of  its  legislature. 

11.  The  late  Massachusetts  and  Quebec 
acts  to  be  repealed,  and  a  free  government 
granted  to  Canada. 

12.  All  judges  to  be  appointed  during  good 
behaviour,  with  equally  permanent  salaries, 
to  be  paid  cut  of  the  province  revenues  by  ap 
pointment  of  the  assemblies:  or,  if  the  judges 
are  to  be  appointed  during  the  pleasure  of  the 
crown,  let  the  salaries  be  during  the  pleasure 
of  the  assemblies,  as  heretofore. 

13.  Governors  to  be  supported  by  the  as 
semblies  of  each  province. 

14.  If  Britain  will  give  up  its  monopoly  of 
tne  American  commerce,  then  the  aid  above- 
mentioned  to  be  given  by  America  in  time  of 
neace,  as  well  as  in  time  of  war. 

15.  The  extension  of  the  act  of  Henry  VIII. 
concerning  treasons  to  the  colonies,  to  be  form 
ally  disowned  by  parliament. 

16.  The  American    admiralty-courts    re 
duced  to  the  same  powers  they  have  in  Eng 
land,  and  the  acts  establishing  them  to  be  re- 
enacted  in  America, 

17.  All  powers  of  internal  legislation  in  the 
colonies  to  be  disclaimed  by  parliament. 

In  reading  this  paper  a  second  time,  I  gave 
my  reasons  at  length  for  each  article 
10 


!  On  the  first,  I  observed,  that  when  the  in 
jury  was  done,  Britain  had  a  right  to  repara 
tion,  and  would  certainly  have  had  it  on  de 
mand,  as  was  the  case  when  injury  was  done 
by  mobs  in  the  time  of  the  stamp  act :  or,  she 
might  have  a  right  to  return  an  equal  injury, 
if  she  rather  chose  to  do  that ;  but  she  could 
not  have  a  right  both  to  reparation  and  to 
return  an  equal  injury,  much  less  had  she  a 
right  to  return  the  injury  ten  or  twenty  fold, 
as  she  had  done  by  blocking  up  the  port  of 
'Boston :  all  which  extra  injury  ought,  in  my 
judgment,  to  be  repaired  by  Britain:  that, 
therefore,  if  paying  for  the  tea  was  agreed  to 
by  me,  as  an  article  fit  to  be  proposed,  it  was 
merely  from  a  desire  of  peace,  and  in  compli 
ance  with  their  opinion  expressed  at  our  first 
meeting,  that  this  was  a  sine  qiia  non,  that 
the  dignity  of  Britain  required  it,  and  that  if 
this  were  agreed  to,  every  thing  else  would  be 
easy :  this  reasoning  was  allowed  *to  be  just ; 
but  still  the  article  was  thought  necessary  to 
stand  as  it  did. 

On  the  2d,  That  the  act  should  be  repealed, 
as  having  never  answered  any  good  purpose, 
as  having  been  the  cause  of  the  present  mis 
chief,  and  never  likely  to  be  executed.  That 
the  act  being  considered  as  unconstitutional 
by  the  Americans,  and  what  the  parliament 
had  no  right  to  make,  they  must  consider  all 
the  money  extorted  by  it  as  so  much  wrong 
fully  taken,  and  of  which  therefore  restitution 
ought  to  be  made ;  and  the  rather  as  it  would 
furnish  a  fund,  out  of  which  the  payment  for 
the  tea  destroyed  might  best  be  defrayed. 
The  gentlemen  were  of  opinion,  that  the  first 
part  of  this  article,  viz :  the  repeal,  might  be 
obtained,  but  not  the  refunding  part,  and 
therefore  advised  striking  that  out:  but  as  I 
thought  it  just  and  right,  I  insisted  on  its 
standing. 

On  the  3d  and  4th  articles,  I  observed,  we 
were  frequently  charged  with  views  of  abo 
lishing  the  navigation  act.  That,  in  truth, 
those  parts  of  it  which  were  of  most  import 
ance  to  Britain,  as  tending  to  increase  its  na 
val  strength,  viz.  those  restraining  the  trade, 
to  be  carried  on  only  in  ships  belonging  to 
British  subjects,  navigated  by  at  least  three 
quarters  British  or  colony  seamen,  &c.,  were 
as  acceptable  to  us  as  they  could  be  to  Britain, 
since  we  wished  to  employ  our  own  ships  in 
preference  to  foreigners,  and  had  no  desire  to 
see  foreign  ships  enter  our  ports.  That  in 
deed  the  obliging  us  to  land  some  of  our  com 
modities  in  England  before  we  could  carry 
them  to  foreign  markets,  and  forbidding  our 
importation  of  some  goods  directly  from  fo 
reign  countries,  we  thought  a  hardship,  and  a 
greater  loss  to  us  than  gain  to  Britain,  and 
therefore  proper  to  be  repealed :  but  as  Britain 
had  deemed  it  an  equivalent  for  her  protec 
tion,  we  had  never  applied  or  proposed  to  ap 
ply  for  such  repeal ;  and  if  they  must  be  con- 


110 


MEMOIRS  OF 


tinued,  I  thought  it  best  (since  the  power  of 
parliament  to  make  them  was  now  disputed) 
that  they  should  be  re-enacted  in  all  the  colo 
nies,  which  would  demonstrate  their  consent 
to  them :  and  then  if,  as  in  the  sixth  article, 
all  the  duties  arising-  on  them  were  to  be  col 
lected  by  officers  appointed  and  salaried  in 
the  respective  governments,  and  the  produce 
paid  into  their  treasuries,  I  was  sure  the  acts 
would  be  better  and  more  faithfully  executed, 
and  at  much  less  expense,  and  one  great 
source  of  misunderstanding  removed  between 
the  two  countries,  viz.  the  calumnies  of  low 
officers  appointed  from  home,  who  were  for 
ever  abusing  the  people  of  the  country  to  go 
vernment,  to  magnify  their  own  zeal,  and  re 
commend  themselves  to  promotion.  That  the 
extension  of  the  admiralty  jurisdiction,  so 
much  complained  of,  would  then  no  longer  be 
necessary ;  and  that  besides  its  being  the  in 
terest  of  the  colonies  to  execute  those  acts, 
which  is  the  best  security,  government  might 
be  satisfied  of  its  being  done,  from  accounts  to 
be  sent  home  by  the  naval  officers  of  the  4th 
article.  The  gentlemen  were  satisfied  with 
these  reasons,  and  approved  the  3d  and  4th 
articles ;  so  they  were  to  stand. 

The  5th  they  apprehended  would  meet  with 
difficulty.  They  said,  that  restraining  manu 
factures  in  the  colonies  was  a  favourite  idea 
here ;  and  therefore  they  wished  that  article 
to  be  omitted,  as  the  proposing  it  would  alarm 
and  hinder,  perhaps,  the  considering  and 
granting  others  of  more  importance  :  but  as  I 
insisted  on  the  equity  of  allowing  all  subjects 
in  every  country  to  make  the  most  of  their 
natural  advantages,  they  desired  I  would  at 
least  alter  the  last  word  from  repealed  to  re 
considered,  which  I  complied  with. 

In  maintaining  the  7th  article,  (which  was 
at  first  objected  to,  on  the  principle  that  all 
under  the  care  of  government  should  pay  to 
wards  the  support  of  it,)  my  reasons  were, 
that  if  every  distinct  part  of  the  king's  do 
minions  supported  its  own  government  in  time 
of  poace,  it  was  all  that  could  justly  be  re 
quired  of  it ;  that  all  the  old  or  confederated 
colonies  had  done  so  from  their  beginning; 
that  their  taxes  for  that  purpose  were  very 
considerable;  that  new  countries  had  many 
public  expenses  which  old  ones  were  free 
from,  the  works  being  done  to  their  hands  by 
their  ancestors,  such  as  making  roads  and 
bridges,  erecting  churches,  court-houses,  forts, 
quays,  and  other  public  buildings,  founding 
schools  and  places  of  education,  hospitals  and 
alms-houses,  &c.  &c. ;  that  the  voluntary  and 
legal  subscriptions  and  taxes  for  such  purposes, 
taken  together,  amounted  to  more  than  was 
paid  by  equal  estates  in  Britain.  That  it 
would  be  best  for  Britain,  on  two  accounts, 
not  to  take  money  from  us  as  contribution  to 
its  public  expense,  in  time  of  peace;  first,  for 
that  just  so  much  less  would  be  got  from  us 


in  commerce,  since  all  we  could  spare  was 
already  gained  from  us  by  Britain  in  that 
way;  and  secondly,  that  coming  into  the 
hands  of  British  ministers,  accustomed  to  pro 
digality  of  public  money,  it  would  be  squan 
dered  and  dissipated,  answering  no  good  ge 
neral  purpose.  That  if  we  were  to  be  taxed 
towards  the  support  of  government  in  Britain, 
as  Scotland  has  been  since  the  union,  we 
ought  then  to  be  allowed  the  same  privileges 
in  trade  as  she  has  been  allowed.  That  if  we 
are  called  upon  to  give  to  the  sinking  fund  or 
the  national  debt,  Ireland  ought  to  be  likewise 
called  upon ;  and  both  they  and  we,  if  we  gave, 
ought  to  have  some  means  established  of  in 
quiring  into  the  application,  and  securing  a 
compliance  with  the  terms  on  which  we 
should  grant.  That  British  ministers  would, 
perhaps,  not  like  our  meddling  with  such 
matters;  and  that  hence  might  arise  new 
causes  of  misunderstanding.  That  upon  the 
whole,  therefore,  I  thought  it  best  on  all  sides, 
that  no  aids  shall  be  asked  or  expected  from 
the  colonies  in  time  of  peace ;  that  it  would 
then  be  their  interest  to  grant  bountifully,  and 
exert  themselves  vigorously  in  time  of  war, 
the  sooner  to  put  an  end  to  it.  That  specie 
was  not  to  be  had  to  send  to  England,  in  sup 
plies,  but  the  colonies  could  carry  on  war  with 
their  own  paper  money;  which  would  pay 
troops,  and  for  provisions,  transports,  carriages, 
clothing,  arms,  &c.  So  this  7th  article  was 
at  length  agreed  to  without  further  objec 
tion. 

The  8th,  the  gentlemen  were  confident 
would  never  be  granted.  For  the  whole 
world  would  be  of  opinion  that  the  king,  who 
is  to  defend  all  parts  of  his  dominions,  should 
have,  of  course,  a  right  to  place  his  troops 
where  they  might  best  answer  that  purpose. 
[  supported  the  article  upon  principles  equally 
important  in  my  opinion  to  Britain  as  to  the 
colonies:  for  that  if  the  king  could  bring  into 
one  part  of  his  dominions,  troops  raised  in  any 
other  part  of  them,  without  the  consent  of  the 
legislatures  of  the  part  to  which  they  were 
brought,  he  might  bring  armies  raised  in 
America  into  England  without  consent  of  par- 
"  lament,  which  probably  would  not  like  it,  as 
i  few  years  since  they  had  not  liked  the  in 
troduction  of  the  Hessians  and  Hanoverians, 
;hough  justified  by  the  supposition  of  its  being 
a  time  of  danger.  That  if  there  should  be 
at  any  time  real  occasion  for  British  troops  in 
America,  there  was  no  doubt  of  obtaining  the 
consent  of  the  assemblies  there ;  and  I  was  so 
'ar  from  being  willing  to  drop  this  article, 
:hat  I  thought  I  ought  to  add  another,  requir 
ing  all  the  present  troops  to  be  withdrawn, 
before  America  could  be  expected  to  treat  or 
agree  upon  any  terms  of  accommodation ;  as 
what  they  should  now  do  of  that  kind  might 
3e  deemed  the  effect  of  compulsion,  the  ap 
pearance  of  which,  ought  as  much  as  possible 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


Ill 


to  be  avoided,  since  those  reasonable  things 
might  be  agreed  to,  where  the  parties  seemed 
at  least  to  act  freely,  which  would  be  strongly 
refused  under  threats,  or  the  semblance  of 
force.  That  the  withdrawing  the  troops  was 
therefore  necessary  to  make  any  treaty  dura 
bly  binding  on  the  part  of  the  Americans, 
since  proof  of  having  acted  under  force,  would 
invalidate  any  agreement :  and  it  could  be  no 
wonder  that  we  should  insist  on  the  crown's 
having  no  right  to  bring  a  standing  army 
among  us  in  time  of  peace ;  when  we  saw 
now  before  our  eyes  a  striking  instance  of  the 
ill  use  to  be  made  of  it,  viz.  to  distress  the 
kind's  subjects  in  different  parts  of  his  do 
minions,  one  part  after  the  other,  into  a  sub 
mission  to  arbitrary  power,  which  was  the 
avowed  design  of  the  army  and  fleet  now 
placed  at  Boston. — Finding  me  obstinate,  the 
gentlemen  consented  to  let  this  stand,  but  did 
not  seem  quite  to  approve  of  it :  they  wished, 
they  said,  to  have  this  a  paper  or  plan,  that 
they  might  show  as  containing  the  sentiments 
of  considerate  impartial  persons,  and  such  as 
they  might  as  Englishmen  support,  which 
they  thought  could  not  well  be  the  case  with 
this  article. 

The  9th  article  was  so  drawn,  in  compli 
ance  with  an  idea  of  Dr.  FothergilPs,  started 
at  our  first  meeting,  viz.  that  government 
here  would  probably  not  be  satisfied  with  the 
promise  of  voluntary  grants  in  time  of  war 
from  the  assemblies,  of  which  the  quantity 
must  be  uncertain ;  that,  therefore,  it  would 
be  best  to  proportion  them  in  some  way  to 
the  shillings  in  the  pound  raised  in  England ; 
but  how  such  proportion  could  be  ascertained, 
he  was  at  a  loss  to  contrive ;  I  was  desired  to 
consider  it.  It  had  been  said,  too,  that  parlia 
ment  was  become  jealous  of  the  right  claimed 
and  heretofore  used  by  the  crown,  of  raising 
money  in  the  colonies  without  parliamentary 
consent;  and  therefore,  since  we  would  not 
pay  parliamentary  taxes,  future  requisitions 
must  be  made  with  consent  of  parliament,  and 
not  otherwise.  I  wondered  that  the  crown 
should  be  willing  to  give  up  that  separate 
right,  but  had  no  objection  to  its  limiting  it 
self,  if  it  thought  proper :  so  I  drew  the  arti 
cle  accordingly,  and  contrived  to  proportion 
the  aid  by  the  tax  of  the  last  year  of  peace. 
And  since  it  was  thought  that  the  method  I 
should  have  liked  best,  would  never  be  agreed 
to,  viz.  a  continental  congress  to  be  called  by 
the  crown,  for  answering  requisitions  and  pro 
portioning  aids;  I  chose  to  leave  room  for 
voluntary  additions  by  the  separate  assem 
blies,  that  the  crown  might  have  some  motive 
for  calling  them  together,  and  cultivating 
their  good  will,  and  they  have  some  satisfac 
tion  in  showing  their  loyalty  and  their  zeal  in 
the  common  cause,  and  an  opportunity  of 
manifesting  their  disapprobation  of  a  war,  if 
they  did  not  think  it  a  just  one.  This  article 


therefore  met  with  no  objection  from  them ; 
and  I  had  another  reason  for  liking  it,  viz.  that 
the  view  of  the  proportion  to  be  given  in  time 
of  war,  might  make  us  the  more  frugal  in 
time  of  peace. 

For  the  10th  article,  I  urged  the  injustice 
of  seizing  that  fortress,  (which  had  been  built 
at  an  immense  charge  by  the  province,  for 
the  defence  of  their  port  against  national  ene 
mies,)  and  turning  it  into  a  citadel  for  awing 
the  town,  restraining  their  trade,  blocking  up 
their  port,  and  depriving  them  of  their  privi 
leges  :  that  a  great  deal  had  been  said  of  their 
injustice  in  destroying  the  tea,  but  here  was 
a  much  greater  injustice  uncompensateti,  that 
castle  having  cost  the  province  three  hundred 
thousand  pounds:  and  that  such  a  use  made  of 
a  fortress  they  had  built,  would  not  only  effect 
ually  discourage  every  colony  from  ever  build 
ing  another,  and  thereby  leave  them  more 
exposed  to  foreign  enemies,  but  was  a  good 
reason  for  their  insisting  that  the  crown 
should  never  erect  any  hereafter  in  their 
limits  without  the  consent  of  the  legislature : 
the  gentlemen  had  not  much  to  say  against 
this  article ;  but  thought  it  would  hardly  be 
admitted 

The  llth  article  it  was  thought  would  be 
strongly  objected  to ;  that  it  would  be  urged 
the  old  colonists  could  have  nothing  to  do 
with  the  affairs  of  Canada,  whatever  we  had 
with  those  of  the  Massachusetts ;  that  it  would 
be  considered  as  an  officious  meddling  merely 
to  disturb  government ;  and  that  some  even 
of  the  Massachusetts  acts  were  thought  by 
administration  to  be  improvements  of  that 
government,  viz.  those  altering  the  appoint 
ment  of  counsellors,  the  choice  of  jurymen, 
and  the  forbidding  of  town  meetings.  I  re 
plied,  that  we  having  assisted  in  the  conquest 
of  Canada,  at  a  great  expense  of  blood  and 
treasure,  had  some  right  to  be  considered  in 
the  settlement  of  it :  that  the  establishing  an 
arbitrary  government  on  the  back  of  our  set 
tlements  might  be  dangerous  to  us  all ;  and 
that  loving  liberty  ourselves,  we  wished  it  to 
be  extended  among  mankind,  and  to  have  no 
foundation  for  future  slavery  laid  in  America. 
That  as  to  amending  the  Massachusetts  go 
vernment,  though  it  might  be  shown  that 
every  one  of  these  pretended  amendments 
were  real  mischiefs,  yet  that  charters  being 
compacts  between  two  parties,  the  king  and 
the  people,  no  alteration  could  be  made  in 
them,  even  for  the  better,  but  by  the  consent 
of  both  parties.  That  the  parliament's  claim 
and  exercise  of  a  power  to  alter  our  charters, 
which  had  always  been  deemed  inviolable  but 
for  forfeiture,  and  to  alter  laws  made  in  pur 
suance  of  these  charters  which  had  received 
the  royal  approbation,  and  thenceforth  deem 
ed  fixed  and  unchangeable,  but  by  the  powers 
that  made  them,  had  rendered  all  our  con 
stitutions  uncertain,  and  set  us  quite  afloat : 


112 


MEMOIRS  OF 


that  as  by  claiming  a  right  to  tax  us  ad  libi 
turn,  they  deprived  us  of  all  property  ;  so  b\ 
this  claim  of  altering  our  laws  and  charter 
at  will,  they  deprived  us  of  all  privilege  an< 
right  whatever,  but  what  we  should  hold  a 
their  pleasure :  that  this  was  a  situation  we 
could  not  be  in,  and  must  risk  life  and  ever) 
thing  rather  than  submit  to  it : — so  this  articl< 
remained. 

The  12th  article  I  explained,  by  acquaint 
ing  the  gentlemen  with  the  former  situatioi 
of  the  judges  in  most  colonies,  viz.  that  thej 
were  appointed  by  the  crown,  and  paid  by  the 
assemblies  :  that  the  appointment  being  dur 
ing  the  pleasure  of  the  crown,  the  salary  hac 
been  during  the  pleasure  of  the  assembly 
that  when  it  has  been  urged  against  the  as 
semblies,  that  their  making  judges  dependant 
on  them  for  their  salaries,  was  aiming  at  an 
undue  influence  over  the  courts  of  justice ; 
the  assemblies  usually  replied,  that  making 
them  dependant  on  the  crown  for  continuance 
in  their  places,  was  also  retaining  an  undue 
influence  over  those  courts ;  and  that  one  un 
due  influence  was  a  proper  balance  for  the 
other;  but  that  whenever  the  crown  would 
consent  to  acts  making  the  judges  during 
good  behaviour,  the  assemblies  would  at  the 
same  time  grant  their  salaries  to  be  perma 
nent  during  their  continuance  in  office.  This 
the  crown  has  however  constantly  refused: 
and  this  equitable  offer  is  now  again  here 
proposed ;  the  colonies  not  being  able  to  con 
ceive  why  their  judges  should  not  be  render 
ed  as  independent  as  those  in  England :  that, 
on  the  contrary,  the  crown  now  claimed  to 
make  the  judges  in  the  colonies  dependant  on 
its  favour  for  both  place  and  salary,  both  to  be 
continued  at  its  pleasure :  this  the  colonies 
must  oppose  as  inequitable,  as  putting  both 
the  weights  into  one  of  the  scales  of  justice  : 
if  therefore  the  crown  does  not  choose  to 
commission  the  judges  during  good  behaviour, 
with  equally  permanent  salaries,  the  alterna 
tive  proposed,  that  the  salaries  continue  to  be 
paid  during  the  pleasure  of  the  assemblies  as 
heretofore.  The  gentlemen  allowed  this  ar 
ticle  to  be  reasonable. 

The  13th  was  objected  to,  as  nothing  was 
generally  thought  more  reasonable  here^  than 
that  the  king  should  pay  his  own  governor, 
in  order  to  render  him  independent  of  the 
people,  who  otherwise  might  aim  at  influenc 
ing  him  against  his  duty,  by  occasionally 
withholding  his  salary.  To  this  I  answered, 
that  governors  sent  to  the  colonies  were  often 
men  of  no  estate  or  principle,  who  came 
merely  to  make  fortunes,  and  had  no  natural 
regard  for  the  country  they  were  to  govern : 
that  to  make  them  quite  independent  of  the 
people,  was  to  make  them  careless  of  their 
conduct,  whether  it  was  beneficial  or  mis 
chievous  to  the  public,  and  giving  a  loose  to 
their  rapacious  and  oppressive  dispositions: 


that  the  influence  supposed  could  never  ex 
tend  to  operate  any  thing  prejudicial  to  the 
king's  service,  or  the  interest  of  Britain . 
since  the  governor  was  bound  by  a  set  of  par 
ticular  instructions,  which  he  had  given 
surety  to  observe ;  and  all  the  laws  he  assent 
ed  to  were  subject  to  be  repealed  by  the  crown 
if  found  improper :  that  the  payment  of  the 
salaries  by  the  people  was  more  satisfactory 
to  them,  as  it  was  productive  of  a  good  un 
derstanding,  and  mutual  good  offices  between 
governor  and  governed,  and  therefore  the 
innovation  lately  made  in  that  respect  at 
Boston  and  New  York,  had  in  my  opinion 
better  be  laid  aside  : — so  this  article  was  suf 
fered  to  remain. 

But  the  14th  was  thought  totally  inadmis 
sible.  The  monopoly  of  the  American  com 
merce  could  never  be  given  up,  and  the  pro 
posing  it  would  only  give  offence  without  an 
swering  any  good  purpose.  I  was  therefore 
prevailed  on  to  strike  it  wholly  out. 

The  15th  was  readily  agreed  to. 

The  16th  it  was  thought  would  be  of  little 
consequence,  if  the  duties  were  given  to  the 
colony  treasuries. 

The  17th  it  was  thought  could  hardly  be 
obtained,  but  might  be  tried. 

Thus  having  gone  through  the  whole,  [ 
was  desired  to  make  a  fair  copy  for  Dr. 
Fothergill,  who  now  informed  us,  that  having 
an  opportunity  cf  seeing  daily  lord  Dartmouth, 
of  whose  good  disposition  he  had  a  high  opin 
ion,  he  would  communicate  the  paper  to  him, 
as  the  sentiments  of  considerate  persons  who 
wished  the  welfare  of  both  countries.  Sup 
pose,  said  Mr.  Barclay,  I  were  to  show  this 
raper  to  lord  Hyde  ;  would  there  be  any  thing 
amiss  in  so  doing  1  He  is  a  very  knowing 
nan,  and  though  not  in  the  ministry,  proper- 
y  speaking,  he  is  a  good  deal  attended  to  by 
hem.  I  have  some  acquaintance  with  him, 
ve  converse  freely  sometimes,  and  perhaps 
f  he  and  I  were  to  talk  these  articles  over,  I 
should  communicate  to  him  our  conversation 
ipon  them,  some  good  might  arise  out  of  it. 
)r.  Fothergill  had  no  objection  ;  and  I  said  I 
:ould  have  none.  I  knew  lord  Hyde  a  little, 
ind  had  an  esteem  for  him.  I  had  drawn  the 
>aper  at  their  request,  and  it  was  now  theirs 
o  do  with  it  what  they  pleased.  Mr.  Bar- 
lay  then  proposed,  that  I  should  send  the  fair 
:opy  to  him,  which  after  making  one  for  Dr. 
^othergill  and  one  for  himself,  he  would  re- 
urn  to  me.  Another  question  then  arose, 
vhether  I  had  any  objection  to  their  mention- 
ig  that  I  had  been  consulted  ]  I  said,  none 
hat  related  to  myself;  but  it  was  my  opin- 
on,  if  they  wished  any  attention  paid  to  the 
repositions,  it  would  be  better  not  to  mention 
ne ;  the  ministry  having,  as  I  conceived,  a 
rejudice  against  me  and  every  thing  that 
ame  from  me.  They  said  on  that  considera- 
1011  it  might  be  best  not  to  mention  me,  and 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


113 


so  it  was  concluded.  For  my  own  part,  I 
kept  this  whole  proceeding  a  profound  secret ; 
but  I  soon  after  discovered  that  it  had  taken 
air  by  some  means  or  other. 

Being1  much  interrupted  the  day  following1, 
I  did  not  copy  and  send  the  paper.  The  next 
morning  I  received  a  note  from  Mr.  Barclay, 
pressing  to  have  it  before  twelve  o'clock.  I 
accordingly  sent  it  to  him.  Three  days  after 
I  received  the  following  note  from  him  : — 

"  D.  Barclay  presents  his  respects,  and  ac 
quaints  Dr.  Franklin,  that  being  informed  a 
pamphlet,  entitled  '  A  FRIENDLY  ADDRESS,' 
lias  been  dispersed  to  the  disadvantage  of 
America,  (in  particular  by  the  dean  of  Nor 
wich)  he  desires  Dr.  Franklin  will  peruse  the 
inclosed,  just  come  to  hand  from  America; 
and  if  he  approves  of  it,  republish  it,  as  D. 
Barclay  wishes  something  might  be  properly 
spread  at  Norwich.  D.  Barclay  saw  to-day  a 
person  with  whom  he  had  been  yesterday, 
(before  he  called  on  Dr.  Franklin,)  and  had 
the  satisfaction  of  walking  part  of  the  way 
with  him  to  another  noble  person's  house,  to 
meet  on  the  business,  and  he  told  him,  that 
he  could  say,  that  he  saw  some  light. 

"  Cheapside,  llth  inst" 

The  person  so  met  and  accompanied  by  Mr. 
Barclay,  I  understood  to  be  lord  Hyde,  going 
either  to  lord  Dartmouth's  or  lord  North's,  I 
knew  not  which. 

In  the  following  week  arrived  the  proceed 
ings  of  the  congress,  which  had  been  long  and 
anxiously  expected,  both  by  the  friends  arid 
adversaries  of  America. 

The  petition  of  congress  to  the  king,  was 
inclosed  to  me,  and  accompanied  by  the  fol 
lowing  letter  from  their  president,  addressed 
to  the  American  agents  in  London,  as  fol 
lows  : — 

"To  PAUL  WENTWORTII,  ESQ.,  DR.  BENJA 
MIN  FRANKLIN,  WILLIAM  BOLLEN,  ESQ.,  DR. 
ARTHUR  LEE,  THOMAS  LIFE,  ESQ.,  EDMUND 
BURKE,  ESQ.,  CHARLES  GARTH,  ESQ. 

"  Philadelphia,  October  26,  1774. 

"  GENTLEMEN, — We  give  you  the  strongest 
proof  of  our  reliance  on  your  zeal  and  attach 
ment  to  the  happiness  of  America,  and  the 
cause  of  liberty,  when  we  commit  the  inclosed 
papers  to  your  care. 

"  We  desire  you  will  deliver  the  petition 
into  the  hands  of  his  majesty;  and  after  it  has 
been  presented,  we  wish  it  may  be  made  pub 
lic  through  the  press,  together  with  the  list 
of  grievances.  And  as  we  hope  for  great  as 
sistance  from  the  spirit,  virtue,  and  justice  of 
the  nation ;  it  is  our  earnest  desire,  that  the 
most  effectual  care  be  taken,  as  early  as  pos 
sible,  to  furnish  the  trading  cities  and  manu 
facturing  towns  throughout  the  united  king1- 

VOL.  I....P          10* 


dom,  with  our  memorial  to  the  people  of  Great 
Britain. 

"  We  doubt  not  but  that  your  good  sense 
and  discernment  will  lead  you  to  avail  your 
selves  of  every  assistance  that  may  be  derived 
from  the  advice  and  friendship  of  all  great  and 
good  men,  who  may  incline  to  aid  the  cause 
of  liberty  and  mankind. 

"  The  gratitude  of  America,  expressed  in 
the  inclosed  vote  of  thanks,*  we  desire  may 
be  conveyed  to  the  deserving  objects  of  it,  in 
the  manner  that  you  think  will  be  most  ac 
ceptable  to  them. 

"It  is  proposed,  that  another  congress  be 
held  on  the  10th  of  May  next,  at  this  place ; 
but  in  the  mean  time  we  beg  the  favour  of 
you,  gentlemen,  to  transmit  to  the  speakers 
of  the  several  assemblies,  the  earliest  inform 
ation  of  the  most  authentic  accounts  you  can 
collect,  of  all  such  conduct  and  designs  of 
ministry  or  parliament,  as  it  may  concern 
America  to  know. 

"We  are,  with  unfeigned  esteem  and  re 
gard,  gentlemen,  by  order  of  the  congress, 
"HENRY  MIDDLETON,  President." 


TO  THE  KING'S  MOST  EXCELLENT  MAJESTY. 
MOST  GRACIOI:S  SOVEREIGN: 

WE,  your  majesty's  faithful  subjects  of  the  colonies 
of  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts  Bay,  Rhode  Island 
and  Providence  Plantations,  Connecticut,  New  York 
New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  the  counties  of  Newcastle 
Kent,  and  Sussex  on  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia 
North  Carolina,  and  South  Carolina,  in  behalf  of  our 
selves  and  the  inhabitants  of  those  colonies  who  have 
deputed  us  to  represent  them  in  general  congress,  by 
this  our  humble  petition,  beg  leave  to  lay  our  griev 
ances  before  the  throne. 

A  standing  army  has  been  kept  in  these  colonies,  ever 
since  the  conclusion  of  the  late  war,  without  the  con 
sent  of  our  assemblies:  and  this  army  with  a  consider 
able  naval  armament  has  been  employed  to  enforce 
the  collection  of  taxes. 

The  authority  of  the  commander  in  chief,  and  under 
him,  of  the  brigadiers-general  has  in  time  of  peace  been 
rendered  supreme  in  all  the  civil  governments  in 
America. 

The  commander  in  chief  of  all  your  majesty's  forces 
in  North  America  has,  in  time  of  peace,  been  appointed 
governor  of  a  colony. 

The  charges  of  usual  offices  have  been  greatly  in 
creased:  and  new,  expensive  and  oppressive  offices 
have  been  multiplied. 

The  judges  of  admiralty  and  vice- admiralty  courts 
are  empowered  to  receive  their  salaries  and  fees  from 
the  effects  condemned  by  themselves.  The  officers  of 
the  customs  are  empowered  to  break  open  and  enter 
houses,  without  the  authority  of  any  civil  magistrate 
founded  on  civil  information. 

The  judges  of  courts  of  common  law  have  been  mad.' 
entirely  dependant  on  one  part  of  the  legislature  for 
their  salaries,  as  well  as  for  the  duration  of  their  coir, 
missions. 

Counsellors  holding  their  commissions  during  plea 
sure,  exercise  legislative  authority. 

Humble  and  reasonable  petitions  from  the  repre 
sensatives  of  the  people  have  been  fruitless.  The  agents 

*  This  piece  is  wanting ;  but  it  was  a  vote  of  congress 
declaratory,  in  their  own  names,  and  in  the  behalf  of 
all  those  whom  they  represented  of  their  most  grateful 
acknowledgments,  to  those  truly  noble,  honourable 
and  patriotic  advocates  of  civil  and  religious  liberty, 
who  had  so  generously  and  powerfully,  though  unsuc 
cessfully,  espoused  and  defended  the  cause  of  America 
both  in  and  out  of  parliament. 


114 


MEMOIRS  OF 


of  the  people  have  been  discountenanced,  and  governors 

have  been  instructed  to  prevent  the  payment  of  thei 

salaries. 

Assemblies  have  been  repeatedly  and  injuriously  dis 

solved. 
Commerce  has  been  burdened  with  many  useless  and 

oppressive  restrictions. 

By  several  acts  of  parliament,  made  in  the  fourth 
fifth,  sixth,  seventh,  and  eighth  years  of  your  majesty's 
reign,  duties  are  imposed  on  us>  for  the  purpose  of  rais 
ing  a  revenue,  and  the  powers  of  admiralty  and  vice- 
admiralty  courts  are  extended  beyond  their  ancient 
limits,  whereby  our  property  is  taken  from  us  without 
our  consent,  the  trial  by  jury  in  many  civil  cases  is 
abolished,  enormous  forfeitures  are  incurred  for  slight 
offences,  vexatious  informers  are  exempted  from  paying 
damages,  to  which  they  are  justly  liable,  and  oppressive 
security  is  required  from  owners  before  they  are  allow 
ed  to  defend  their  right. 

Both  houses  of  parliament  have  resolved,  that  colo 
nists  may  be  tried  in  England,  for  offences  alleged  to 
have  been  committed  in  America,  by  virtue  of  a  statute 
passed  in  the  thirty-fifth  year  of  Henry  the  Eighth ; 
and  in  consequence  thereof,  attempts  have  been  made 
to  enforce  that  statute.  A  statute  was  passed  in  the 
twelfth  year  of  your  majesty's  reign,  directing  that 
persons  charged  with  committing  any  offence  therein 
described,  in  any  place  out  of  the  realm,  may  be  indict 
ed  and  tried  for  the  same  in  any  shire  or  county  within 
therein,  whereby  inhabitants  of  these  colonies  may, 
in  sundry  cases  by  that  statute  made  capital,  be  depriv- 
ed  of  a  trial  by  their  peers  of  the  vicinage. 

In  the  last  sessions  of  parliament,  an  act  was  passed 
for  blocking  up  the  harbour  of  Boston  ;  another,  em 
powering  the  governor  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  to 
send  persons  indicted  for  murder  in  that  province,  to 
another  colony,  or  even  to  Great  Britain,  for  trial ; 
whereby  such  offenders  may  escape  legal  punishment; 
a  third,  for  altering  the  chartered  constitution  of  go 
vornment  in  that  province  ;  and  a  fourth,  for  extending 
the  limits  of  duebec,  abolishing  the  English  and  re 
storing  the  French  laws,  whereby  great  numbers  of 
British  freemen  are  subjected  to  the  latter,  and  estab 
lishing  an  absolute  government,  and  the  Roman  Ca 
tholic  religion,  throughout  those  vast  regions  that 
border  on  the  westerly  and  northerly  boundaries  of  the 
free  Protestant,  English  settlements ;  and  a  fifth,  for 
the  better  providing  suitable  quarters  for  officers  and 
soldiers  in  his  majesty's  service  in  North  America. 

To  a  sovereign,  who  "  glories  in  the  name  of  Bri 
ton,"  the  bare  recital  of  these  acts  must,  we  presume, 
justify  the  loyal  subjects,  who  fly  to  the  foot  of  his 
throne,  and  implore  his  clemency  for  protection  against 
them. 

From  this  destructive  system  of  colony  administra 
tion,  adopted  since  the  conclusion  of  the  last  war,  have 
flowed  those  distresses,  dangers,  fears,  and  jealousies, 
that  overwhelm  your  majesty's  dutiful  colonists  with 
affliction  ;  and  we  defy  our  most  subtle  and  inveterate 
enemies,  to  trace  the  unhappy  differences  between 
Great  Britan  and  these  colonies,  from  an  earlier  period, 
or  from  other  causes  than  we  have  assigned.  Had  they 


proceeded  on  our  part  from  a  restless  levity  of  temper, 
unjust  impulses  of  ambition,  or  artful  suggestions  of 
seditious  persons,  we  should  merit  the  opprobrious 
terms  frequently  bestowed  upon  us,  by  those  we  revere; 
but  so  far  from  promoting  innovations,  we  have  only 
opposed  them ;  and  can  be  charged  with  no  offence, 
unless  it  be  one,  to  receive  injuries  and  be  sensible  of 
them. 

Had  our  Creator  been  pleased  to  give  us  existence  in 
a  land  of  slavery,  the  sense  of  our  condition  might 
have  been  mitigated  by  ignorance  and  habit :  but 
thanks  be  to  his  adorable  goodness,  we  were  born  the 
heirs  of  freedom,  and  ever  enjoyed  our  right  under  the 
auspices  of  your  royal  ancestors,  whose  family  was 
seated  on  the  British  throne,  to  rescue  and  secure  a 
pious  and  gallant  nation  from  the  popery  and  despotism 
of  a  superstitious  and  inexorable  tyrant.  Your  majes 
ty,  we  are  confident,  justly  rejoices  that  your  title  to 
the  crown  is  thus  founded  on  the  title  of  your  people 
to  liberty  ;  and  therefore  we  doubt  not  but  your  royal 
wisdom  must  approve  the  sensibility,  that  teaches  your 
subjects  anxiously  to  guard  the  blessing  they  received 
from  Divine  Providence,  and  thereby  to  prove  the  per 
formance  of  that  compact,  which  elevated  the  illustri 
ous  house  of  Brunswick  to  the  imperial  dignity  it  now 


The  apprehension  of  being  degraded  into  a  state  of 
servitude,  from  the  pre-eminent  rank  of  English  free- 


men,  while  our  minds  retain  the  strongest  Jove  of 
liberty,  and  clearly  foresee  the  miseries  preparing  for 
us  and  our  posterity,  excites  emotions,  in  our  breasts, 
which,  though  we  cannot  describe,  we  should  not  wish 
to  conceal.  Feeling  as  men,  and  thinking  as  subjects, 
in  the  manner  we  do,  silence  would  be  disloyalty. 

By  giving  this  faithful  information,  we  do  all  in  oui 
power  to  promote  the  great  objects  of  your  royal 
care,  the  tranquillity  of  your  government,  and  the  we! 
fare  of  your  people. 

Duty  to  your  majesty,  and  regard  for  the  preservation 
of  ourselves  and  our  posterity,  the  primary  obligations 
of  nature  and  society,  command  us  to  entreat  your 
royal  attention  ;  and  as  your  majesty  enjoys  the  signal 
distinction  of  reigning  over  freemen,  we  apprehend  the 
language  of  freemen  cannot  be  displeasing.  Your  royal 
indignation,  we  hope,  will  rather  fall  on  those  design 
ing  and  dangerous  men,  who  daringly  interposing 
themselves  between  your  royal  person  and  your  faith 
ful  subjects,  and  for  several  years  past  incessantly  em 
ployed  to  dissolve  the  bonds  of  society,  by  abusing  your 
majesty's  authority,  misrepresenting  your  American 
subjects,  and  prosecuting  the  most  desperate  andirritat 
ng  projects  of  oppression,  have  at  length  compelled 
us,  by  the  force  of  accumulated  injuries,  too  severe  to 
be  any  longer  tolerable,  to  disturb  your  majesty's  repose 
by  our  complaints. 

These  sentiments  are  extorted  from  hearts,  that 
much  more  willingly  would  bleed  in  your  majesty's  ser 
vice.  Yet  so  greatly  have  we  been  misrepresented,  that 
a  necessity  has  been  alleged  of  taking  our  property 
'rom  us  without  our  consent,  "  to  defray  the  charge  of 
the  administration  of  justice,  the  support  of  civil  go 
vernment,  and  the  defence,  protection,  and  security  of 
he  colonies."    But  we  beg  leave  to  assure  your  majes- 
y,  that  such  provision  has  been  and  will  be  made  for 
defraying  the  two  first  articles,  as  has  been  and  shall 
)e  judged,  by  the  legislatures  of  the  several  colonies, 
ust  and  suitable  to  their  respective  circumstances  . 
and  for  the  defence,  protection,  and  security  of  the  co 
onies,  their  militias,  if  properly  regulated,  as  they  ear 
nestly  desire  may  immediately  be  done,  would  be  fully 
ufficient,  at  least  in  times  of  peace;  and  in  case  of 
war,  your  faithful  colonists  will  be  ready  and  willing, 
is  they  ever  have  been  when  constitutionally  requir 
d,   to  demonstrate  their  loyalty  to  your  majesty,  by 
exerting  their  most  strenuous  efforts  in  granting  sup 
plies  and  raising  forces.  Yielding  to  no  British  subjects* 
in  affectionate  attachment  to  your  majesty's  person, 
family,  and  government,  we  too  dearly  prize  the  privi 
lege  of  expressing  that  attachment  by  those  proofs,  that 
are  honourable  to  the  prince  who  receives  them,  and 
to  the  people  who  give  them,  ever  to  resign  it  to  any 
body  of  men  upon  earth. 

Had  we  been  permitted  to  enjoy  in  quiet  the  inherit 
ance  left  us  by  our  forefathers,  we  should  at  this  time 
have  been  peaceably,  cheerfully,  and  usefully  employed 
in  recommending  ourselves  by  every  testimony  of  de 
votion  to  your  majesty,  and  of  veneration  to  the  state, 
from  which  we  derive  our  origin.  But  though  now  ex 
posed  to  unexpected  and  unnatural  scenes  of  distress, 
by  a  contention,  with  that  nation,  in  whose  parental 
guidance  on  all  important  affairs  we  have  hitherto 


with  filial  reverence  constantly  trusted,  and  therefore 
can  derive  no  instruction  in  our  present  unhappy  and 
perplexing  circumstances  from  any  former  experience, 
yet  we  doubt  not  the  purity  of  our  intention  and  tht; 
integrity  of  our  conduct  will  justify  us  at  that  grand 
tribunal,  before  which  all  mankind  must  submit  to 
judgment. 

We  ask  but  for  peace,  liberty,  and  safety.  We  wish 
not  a  diminution  of  the  prerogative,  nor  do  we  solicit 
the  grant  of  any  new  right  in  our  favour.  Your  roya) 
authority  over  us,  and  our  connexion  with  Great  Bri 
tian,  we  shall  always  carefully  and  zealously  endea 
vour  to  support  and  maintain. 

Filled  with  sentiments  of  duty  to  your  majesty,  and 
of  affection  to  our  parent  state,  deeply  impressed  by 
our  education,  and  strongly  confirmed  by  our  reason, 
and  anxious  to  evince  the  sincerity  of  these  disposi 
tions,  we  present  this  petition  only  to  obtain  redress 
of  grievances,  and  relief  from  fears  and  jealousies  oc 
casioned  by  the  system  of  statutes  and  regulations* 
adopted  since  the  close  of  the  late  war,  for  raising  a 
revenue  in  America — extending  the  powers  of  courts 
f  admiralty  and  vice-admiralty — trying  persons  in 
Sreat  Britain  for  offences  alleged  to  be  committed  in 
America — affecting  the  province  of  Massachusetts 
Bay;  and  altering  the  government  and  extending  the 
imits  of  Quebec;  by  the  abolition  of  which  sys 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


115 


tern,  the  harmony  between  Great  Britian  and  these 
colonies,  so  necessary  to  the  happiness  of  both,  and 
so  ardently  desired  by  the  latter,  and  the  usual  in 
tercourse  will  be  immediately  restored.  In  the  mag 
nanimity  and  justice  of  your  majesty  and  parlia 
ment  we  confide  for  a  redress  of  our  other  griev 
ances,  trusting  that  when  the  causes  of  our  apprehen 
sions  are  removed,  our  future  conduct  will  prove  us  not 
unworthy  of  the  regard  we  have  been  accustomed  in 
our  happier  days  to  enjoy.  For,  appealing  to  that  Be 
ing  who  searches  thoroughly  the  hearts  of  his  crea 
tures,  we  solemnly  profess,  that  our  councils  have  been 
influenced  by  no  othermotive  than  a  dread  of  impend 
ing  destruction. 

Permit  us  then,  most  gracious  sovereign,  in  the  name 
of  all  your  faithful  people  in  America,  with  the  utmost 
humility  to  implore  you,  for  the  honour  of  Almighty 
God,  whose  pure  religion  our  enemies  are  undermin 
ing;  for  your  glory,  which  can  be  advanced  only  by  ren 
dering  your  subjects  happy,  and  keeping  them  united  ; 
for  the  interests  of  your  family,  depending  on  an  ad 
herence  to  the  principles  that  enthroned  it ;  for  the  safe 
ty  and  welfare  of  your  kingdoms  and  dominions,  threat 
ened  with  almost  unavoidable  dangers  and  distresses; 
that  your  majesty,  as  the  loving  father  of  your  whole 
people,  connected  by  the  same  bands  of  law,  loyalty, 
faith,  and  blood,  though  dwelling  in  various  countries, 
will  not  suffer  the  transcendant  relation  formed  by 
these  ties  to  be  further  violated,  in  uncertain  expecta 
tion  of  effects,  that,  if  attained,  never  can  compensate 
for  the  calamities  through  which  they  must  be  gained. 

We  therefore  most  earnestly  beseech  your  majesty, 
that  your  royal  authority  and  interposition  may  be 
used  for  our  relief;  and  that  a  gracious  answer  may 
be  given  to  this  petition. 

That  your  majesty  may  enjoy  every  felicity  through 
a  long  and  glorious  reign,  over  loyal  and  happy  sub 
jects,  and  that  your  descendants  may  inherit  your 
prosperity  and  dominions  till  time  shall  be  no  more,  is 
and  always  will  be,  our  sincere  and  fervent  prayer. 
HENRY  MIDDLET  ON. 

Philadelphia,  October  26,  1774. 


From  New  Hampshire. 
John  Sullivan, 
Nath.  Folsom. 

Massachusetts  Bay. 
Thomas  Cushing, 
Samuel  Adams, 
John  Adams, 
Rob.  Treat  Paine. 

Rhode  Island. 
Step.  Hopkins, 
Sam.  Ward. 

Connecticut. 
Eleph.  Dyer, 
Roger  Sherman. 
Silas  Deane. 

New  York. 
Phil.  Livingston, 
John  Alsop, 
Isaac  Low, 
Jas.  Duane, 
John  Jay, 
Win.  Floyd. 
Henry  Wisner, 
S.  Boerum. 

New  Jersey. 
Wil.  Livingston, 
John  De.  Hart, 
Steph.  Crane, 
Rich.  Smith. 


Pennsylvania, 
E.  Biddle, 
J.  Galloway, 
John  Dickinson, 
John  Morton, 
Thomas  Mifflin, 
George  Ross, 
Cha.  Humphreys. 

Delaware  Government, 
Czesar  Rodney, 
Tho.  M'Kean, 
Geo.  Read. 

Maryland. 
Mat.  Tilgbman, 
Tho.  Johnson,  jun., 
Wm.  Paca, 
Samuel  Chace. 

Virginia. 

Richard  Henry  Lee, 
Patrick  Henry, 
G.  Washington, 
Edmund  Pendleton, 
Rich.  Bland, 
Benj.  Harrison. 

North  Carolina. 
Will.  Hooper, 
Joseph  Hewes, 
Rd.  Caswell. 

South  Carolina. 
Tho.  Lynch, 
Christ.  Gadsden. 
J.  Rutledge, 
Edward  Rutledge. 


The  first  impression  made  by  the  proceed 
ings  of  the  American  congress  on  people  in 
general,  was  greatly  in  our  favour.  Adminis 
tration  seemed  to  be  staggered,  were  impa 


tient  to  know  whether  the  petition  mentioned 
n  the  proceedings  was  come  to  my  hands, 
and  took  round-about  methods  of  obtaining 
that  information,  by  getting  a  ministerial 
merchant,  a  known  intimate  of  the  solicitor- 
reneral,  to  write  me  a  letter,  importing  that 
le  heard  I  had  received  such  a  petition,  that 
!  was  to  be  attended  in  presenting  it  by  the 
merchants,  and  begging  to  know  the  time, 
that  he  might  attend  "  on  so  important  an  oc 
casion,  and  give  his  testimony  to  so  good  a 
work."  Before  these  proceedings  arrived,  it 
lad  been  given  out,  that  no  petition  from  the 
congress  could  be  received,  as  they  were  an 
llegal  body ;  but  the  secretary  of  state,  after 
i  day's  perusal,  (during  which  a  council  was 
held,)  told  us  it  was  a  decent  and  proper  peti- 
;ion,  and  cheerfully  undertook  to  present  it  to 
lis  majesty,  who,  he  afterwards  assured  us, 
was  pleased  to  receive  it  very  graciously, 
and  to  promise  to  lay  it,  as  soon  as  they  met, 
jefore  his  two  houses  of  parliament ;  and  we 
lad  reason  to  believe,  that  at  that  time,  the 
petition  was  intended  to  be  made  the  founda 
tion  of  some  changes  of  measures ;  but  that 
purpose,  if  such  there  was,  did  not  long  con 
tinue. 

About  this  time  I  received  a  letter  from 
Mr.  Barclay,  then  at  Norwich,  dated  Decem 
ber  18,  expressing  his  opinion,  that  it  might 
be  best  to  postpone  taking  any  further  steps 
in  the  affair  of  procuring  a  meeting  and  peti 
tion  of  the  merchants,  (on  which  we  had  had 
several  consultations,)  till  after  the  holidays, 
thereby  to  give  the  proceedings  of  congress 
more  time  to  work  upon  men's  minds,  adding, 
"  I  likewise  consider  that  our  superiors  will 
have  some  little  time  for  reflection,  and  per 
haps  may  contemplate  on  the  propriety  of  the 
HINTS  in  their  possession.  By  a  few  lines  I 
have  received  from  lord  Hyde,  he  intimates 
his  hearty  wish  that  they  may  be  productive 
of  what  may  be  practicable  and  advantageous 
for  the  mother  country  and  the  colonies." — 
On  the  22d,  Mr.  Barclay  was  come  to  town, 
when  I  dined  with  him,  and  learned  that  lord 
Hyde  thought  the  propositions  too  hard. 

On  the  24th,  I  received  the  following  note 
from  a  considerable  merchant  in  the  city,  viz. : 

"  Mr.  William  Neate  presents  his  most  re 
spectful  compliments  to  Dr.  Franklin,  and  as 
a  report  prevailed  yesterday  evening,  that  all 
the  disputes  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
American  colonies,  were,  through  his  applica 
tion  and  influence  with  lord  North,  amicably 
settled,  conformable  to  the  wish  and  desire  of 
the  late  congress,  W.  N.  desires  the  favour 
of  Dr.  Franklin  to  inform  him  by  a  line,  per 
the  bearer,  whether  there  is  any  credit  to  be 
given  to  the  report  1 

"  St.  Mary  ffill,  'Mth  December,  1774." 

My  answer  was  to  this  effect,  that  I  should 
be  very  happy  to  be  able  to  inform  him  that 


116 


MEMOIRS  OF 


the  report  he  had  heard  had  some  truth  in  it ; 
but  I  could  only  assure  him  that  I  knew  no 
thing  of  the  matter.  Such  reports,  however, 
were  confidently  circulated,  and  had  some 
effect  hi  recovering  the  stocks,  which  had 
fallen  three  or  four  per  cent. 

On  Christmas  day,  visiting  Mrs.  Howe,  she 
told  me  as  soon  as  I  went  in,  that  her  brother, 
lord  Howe,  wished  to  be  acquainted  with  me ; 
that  he  was  a  very  good  man,  and  she  was 
sure  we  should  like  each  other.  I  said,  I  had 
always  heard  a  good  character  of  lord  Howe, 
and  should  be  proud  of  the  honour  of  being 
known  to  him.  He  is  just  by,  said  she ;  will 
you  give  me  leave  to  send  for  him  1  By  all 
means,  madam,  if  you  think  proper.  She 
rang  for  a  servant,  wrote  a  note,  and  lord 
Howe  came  in  a  few  minutes. 

After  some  extremely  polite  compliments 
as  to  the  general  motives  for  his  desiring  an 
acquaintance  with  me,  he  said  he  had  a  par 
ticular  one  at  this  time,  which  was  the  alarm 
ing  situation  of  our  affairs  with  America, 
which  no  one,  he  was  persuaded,  understood 
better  than  myself;  that  it  was  the  opinion  of 
some  friends  of  his,  that  no  man  could  do 
more  towards  reconciling  our  differences  than 
I  could,  if  I  would  undertake  it ;  that  he  was 
sensible  I  had  been  very  ill  treated  by  the 
ministry,  but  he  hoped  that  would  not  be  con 
sidered  by  me  in  the  present  case ;  that  he 
himself,  though  not  in  opposition,  had  much 
disapproved  of  their  conduct  towards  me; 
that  some  of  them,  he  was  sure,  were  ashamed 
of  it,  and  sorry  it  had  happened ;  which  he 
supposed  must  be  sufficient  to  abate  resent 
ment  in  a  great  and  generous  mind ;  that  if 
he  were  himself  in  administration,  he  should 
be  ready  to  make  me  ample  satisfaction,  which 
he  was  persuaded,  would  one  day  or  other  be 
done;  that  he  was  unconnected  with  the 
ministry,  except  by  some  personal  friendships, 
wished  well  however  to  government,  was 
anxious  for  the  general  welfare  of  the  whole 
empire,  and  had  a  particular  regard  for  New 
England,  which  had  shown  a  very  endearing 
respect  to  his  family  ;  that  he  was  merely  an 
independent  member  of  parliament,  desirous 
of  doing  what  good  he  could,  agreeably  to  his 
duty  in  that  station;  that  he  therefore  had 
wished  for  an  opportunity  of  obtaining  my 
sentiments  on  the  means  of  reconciling  our 
differences,  which  he  saw  must  be  attended 
with  the  most  mischievous  consequences,  if 
not  speedily  accommodated;  that  he  hoped 
his  zeal  for  the  public  welfare,  would,  with 
me,  excuse  the  impertinence  of  a  mere 
stranger,  who  could  have  otherwise  no  reason 
to  expect,  or  right  to  request  me  to  open  my 
mind  to  him  upon  these  topics ;  but  he  did 
conceive,  that  if  I  would  indulge  him  with 
my  ideas  of  the  means  proper  to  bring  about 
a  reconciliation,  it  might  be  of  some  use; 
that  perhaps  I  might  not  be  willing  myself  to 


have  any  direct  communication  with  this 
ministry  on  this  occasion ;  that  I  might  like 
wise  not  care  to  have  it  known  that  I  had 
any  indirect  communication  with  them,  till  I 
could  be  well  assured  of  their  good  disposi 
tions  ;  that  being  himself  upon  no  ill  terms 
with  them,  he  thought  it  not  impossible  that 
he  might,  by  conveying  my  sentiments  to 
them,  and  theirs  to  me,  be  a  means  of  bring 
ing  on  a  good  understanding,  without  com 
mitting  either  them  or  me,  if  his  negotiation 
should  not  succeed ;  and  that  I  might  rely  on 
his  keeping  perfectly  secret,  every  thing  I 
should  wish  to  remain  so. 

Mrs.  Howe  here  offering  to  withdraw, 
whether  of  herself,  or  from  any  sign  by  him, 
I  know  not,  T  begged  she  might  stay,  as  1 
should  have  no  secret  in  a  business  of  this 
nature  that  I  could  not  freely  confide  to  her 
prudence ;  which  was  truth  ;  for  I  had  never 
conceived  a  higher  opinion  of  the  discretion 
and  excellent  understanding  of  any  woman 
on  so  short  an  acquaintance.  I  added,  that 
though  I  had  never  before  the  honour  of  be 
ing  in  his  lordship's  company,  his  manner  was 
such  as  had  already  engaged  my  confidence, 
and  would  make  me  perfectly  easy  and  free 
in  communicating  myself  to  him.  I  begged 
him  in  the  first  place,  to  give  me  credit  for  a 
sincere  desire  of  healing  the  breach  between 
the  two  countries;  that  I  would  cheerfully 
and  heartily  do  every  thing  in  my  small  power 
to  accomplish  it ;  but  that  I  apprehended  from 
the  king's  speech,  and  from  the  measures 
talked  of,  as  well  as  those  already  determin 
ed  on,  no  intention  or  disposition  of  the  kind 
existed  in  the  present  ministry,  and  therefore 
no  accommodation  could  be  expected  till  we 
saw  a  change.  That  as  to  what  his  lordship 
mentioned  of  the  personal  injuries  done  me, 
those  done  my  country  were  so  much  greater, 
that  I  did  not  think  the  other,  at  this  time, 
worth  mentioning ;  that  besides  it  was  a  fixed 
rule  with  me,  not  to  mix  my  private  affairs 
with  those  of  the  public ;  that  I  could  join 
with  my  personal  enemy  in  serving  the  pub 
lic,  or,  when  it  was  for  its  interest,  with  the 
public  in  serving  that  enemy;  these  being 
my  sentiments,  his  lordship  might  be  assured 
that  no  private  considerations  of  the  kind 
should  prevent  my  being  as  useful  in  the  pre 
sent  case  as  my  small  ability  would  permit. 
He  appeared  satisfied  and  pleased  with  these 
declarations,  and  gave  it  me  as  his  sincere 
opinion,  that  some  of  the  ministry  were  ex 
tremely  well  disposed  to  any  reasonable  ac 
commodations,  preserving  only  the  dignity  of 
government ;  and  he  wished  me  to  draw  up 
in  writing,  some  propositions  containing  the 
terms  on  which  I  conceived  a  good  under 
standing  might  be  obtained  and  establislied, 
and  the  mode  of  proceeding  to  accomplish  it ; 
which  propositions,  as  soon  as  prepared,  we 
might  meet  to  consider,  either  at  his  house • 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


117 


or  at  mine,  or  where  I  pleased ;  but  as  his 
being  seen  at  my  house,  or  me  at  his,  migh 
lie  thought  occasion  some  speculation,  it  w& 
concluded  to  be  best  to  meet  at  his  sister's 
who  readily  offered  her  house  for  the  purpose 
and  where  there  was  a  good  pretence  with 
her  family  and  friends  for  my  being  often 
seen,  as  it  was  known  that  we  played  together 
at  chess.  I  undertook,  accordingly,  to  draw 
up  something  of  the  kind ;  and  so  for  that 
time  we  parted,  agreeing  to  meet  at  the  same 
place  again  on  the  Wednesday  following. 

I  dined  about  this  time  by  invitation  with 
governor  Pownall.  There  was  no  company 
but  the  family,  and  after  dinner  we  had  a 
tete-a-tete.  He  had  been  in  the  opposition ; 
but  was  now  about  making  his  peace,  in  or 
der  to  come  into  parliament  on  ministerial 
interest,  which  I  did  not  then  know.  He 
told  me  what  I  had  before  been  told  by  seve 
ral  of  lord  North's  friends,  that  the  American 
measures  were  not  the  measures  of  that 
minister,  nor  approved  by  him ;  that,  on  the 
contrary,  he  was  well  disposed  to  promote  a 
reconciliation  upon  any  terms  honourable  to 
government ;  that  I  had  been  looked  upon  as 
the  great  fomenter  of  the  opposition  in  Ame 
rica,  and  as  a  great  adversary  to  any  accom 
modation  ;  that  he,  governor  Pownall,  had 
given  a  different  account  of  me,  and  had  told 
his  lordship  that  I  was  certainly  much  mis 
understood  :  from  the  governor's  further  dis 
course,  I  collected,  that  he  wished  to  be  em 
ployed  as  an  envoy  or  commissioner  to  Ame 
rica,  to  settle  the  differences,  and  to  have  me 
with  him ;  but  as  I  apprehended  there  was 
little  likelihood,  that  either  of  us  would  be  so 
employed  by  government,  I  did  not  give  much 
attention  to  that  part  of  his  discourse. 

I  should  have  mentioned  in  its  place,  (but 
one  cannot  recollect  every  thing  in  order) 
that  declining  at  first  to  draw  up  the  propo 
sitions  desired  by  lord  Howe,  I  alleged  its  be 
ing  unnecessary,  since  the  congress  in  their 
petition  to  the  king,  just  then  received  and 
presented  through  lord  Dartmouth,  had  stated 
their  grievances,  and  pointed  out  very  ex 
plicitly  what  would  restore  the  ancient  har 
mony  ;  and  I  read  a  part  of  the  petition  to 
show  their  good  dispositions,  which,  being 
very  pathetically  expressed,  seemed  to  affect 
both  the  brother  and  sister.  But  still  I  was 
desired  to  give  my  ideas  of  the  steps  to  be 
taken,  in  case  some  of  the  propositions  in 
the  petition  should  not  be  thought  admis 
sible  :  and  this,  as  I  said  before,  I  undertook 
to  do. 

I  had  promised  lord  Chatham  to  communi 
cate  to  him  the  first  important  news  I  should 
receive  from  America.  I  therefore  sent  him 
the  proceedings  of  the  congress  as  soon  as  I 
received  them  ;  but  a  whole  week  passed  af 
ter  I  received  the  petition,  before  I  could,  as 
I  wished  to  do,  wait  upon  him  with  it,  in  or 


der  to  obtain  his  sentiments  on  the  whole  ; 
for  my  time  was  taken  up  in  meetings  with 
the  other  agents  to  consult  about  presenting 
the  petition,  in  waiting  three  different  days 
with  them  on  lord  Dartmouth,  in  consulting 
upon  and  writing  letters  to  the  speakers  of 
assemblies,  and  other  business,  which  did  not 
allow  me  a  day  to  go  to  Hayes.     At  last,  on 
Monday  the  26th,  I  got  out,  arid  was  there 
about  one  o'clock ;  he  received  me  with  an 
affectionate  kind  of  respect,  that  from  so  great 
a  man  was  extremely  engaging ;  but  the  opin 
ion  he   expressed  of  the  congress  was  still 
more  so.     They  had  acted,  he  said,  with  so 
much  temper,  moderation,  and  wisdom,  that 
he  thought  it  the  most  honourable  assembly 
of  statesmen  since  those  of  the  ancient  Greeks 
and  Romans,  in  the  most  virtuous  times :  that 
there  was  not  in  their  whole   proceedings, 
above  one  or  two  things  he  could  have  wish 
ed  otherwise ;  perhaps  but  one,  and  that  was 
their  assertion,  that  the  keeping  up  a  stand 
ing  army  in  the  colonies  in  time  of  peace, 
without  consent  of  their  legislatures,   was 
against  law ;  he  doubted  that  was  not  well 
founded,  and  that  the  law  alluded  to  did  not 
extend  to  the  colonies.     The  rest  he  admired 
and  honoured :  he  thought  the  petition  decent, 
manly,  and  properly  expressed  :  he  inquired 
much  and  particularly  concerning  the  state 
of  America,  the  probability  of  their  perseve 
rance,  the  difficulties  they  must  meet  with 
in  adhering  for  any  long  time  to  their  resolu 
tions  ;  the  resources  they  might  have  to  sup 
ply  the  deficiency  of  commerce  ;  to  all  which 
[  gave  him  answers  with  which  he  seemed 
well  satisfied.     He  expressed  a  great  regard 
and   warm  affection  for  that  country,  with 
hearty  wishes  for  their  prosperity ;  and  that 
government  here  might  soon  come  to  see  its 
mistakes,  and  rectify  them;  and   intimated 
that  possibly  he  might,  if  his  health  permitted, 
arepare  something  for  its  consideration,  when 
;he  parliament  should   meet  after  the  holi 
days  ;  on  which  he  should  wish  to  have  pre 
viously  my  sentiments.     I  mentioned  to  him 
:he  very  hazardous  state  I  conceived  we  were 
n,  by  the  continuance  of  the  army  in  Boston ; 
;hat  whatever  disposition  there  might  be  in 
:he  inhabitants  to  ^ive  no  just  cause  of  offence 
;o  the  troops,  or  in  the  general  to  preserve 
order  among  them,  an  unpremeditated  un- 
breseen  quarrel  might  happen,  between  per 
haps  a  drunken  porter  and  a  soldier,  that 
might  bring  on  a  riot,  tumult,  and  bloodshed ; 
and  its  consequences  produce  a  breach  im 
possible  to  be  healed ;  that  the  army  could 
not  possibly  answer  any  good  purpose  there, 
and  might  be  infinitely  mischievous ;  that  no 
accommodation   could  be  properly  proposed 
and  entered  into  by  the  Americans,  while  the 
>ayonet  was  at  their  breasts ;  that  to  have  any 
agreement  binding,  all  force  should  be  with 
drawn.     His  lordship  seemed  to  think  these 


118 


MEMOIRS' OF 


sentiments  had  something  in  them  that  was 
reasonable. 

From  Hayes  I  went  to  Halsted,  Mr.  Sar 
gent's  place,  to  dine,  intending  thence  a  visit 
to  lord  Stanhope  at  Chevening ;  but  hearing- 
there  that  his  lordship  and  the  family  were 
in  town,  I  staid  at  Halsted  all  night,  and  the 
next  morning  went  to  Chiselhurst  to  call  upon 
lord  Camden,  it  being  in  my  way  to  town.  I 
met  his  lordship  and  family  in  two  carriages, 
just  without  his  gate,  going  on  a  visit  of  con 
gratulation  to  lord  Chatham  and  his  lady,  on 
the  late  marriage  of  their  daughter  to  lord 
Mahon,  son  of  lord  Stanhope.  They  were  to 
be  back  to  dinner ;  so  I  agreed  to  go  in,  stay 
dinner,  and  spend  the  evening  there,  and  not 
return  to  town  till  next  morning.  We  had 
that  afternoon  and  evening  a  great  deal  of 
conversation  on  American  affairs,  concerning 
which  he  was  very  inquisitive,  and  I  gave 
him  the  best  information  in  my  power.  I  was 
charmed  with  his  generous  and  noble  senti 
ments  ;  and  had  the  great  pleasure  of  hearing 
his  full  approbation  of  the  proceedings  of  the 
congress,  the  petition,  &c.  &c.  of  which,  at 
his  request,  I  afterwards  sent  him  a  copy.  He 
seemed  anxious  that  the  Americans  should 
continue  to  act  with  the  same  temper,  cool 
ness,  and  wisdom,  with  which  they  had 
hitherto  proceeded  in  most  of  their  public  as 
semblies,  in  which  case  he  did  not  doubt  they 
would  succeed  in  establishing  their  rights, 
and  obtain  a  solid  and  durable  agreement 
with  the  mother  country;  of  the  necessity 
and  great  importance  of  which  agreement,  he 
seemed  to  have  the  strongest  impressions. 

I  returned  to  town  the  next  morning,  in 
time  to  meet  at  the  hour  appointed  by  lord 
Howe.  I  apologised  for  my  not  being  ready 
with  the  paper  I  had  promised,  by  my  having 
been  kept  longer  than  I  intended  in  the  coun 
try.  We  had,  however,  a  good  deal  of  con 
versation  on  the  subject,  and  his  lordship  told 
me  he  could  now  assure  me  of  a  certainty, 
that  there  was  a  sincere  disposition  in  lord 
North  and  lord  Dartmouth  to  accommodate 
the  differences  with  America,  and  to  listen 
favourably  to  any  propositions  that  might  have 
a  probable  tendency  to  answer  that  salutary 
purpose.  He  then  asked  me  what  I  thought 
of  sending  some  person  or  persons  over,  com 
missioned  to  inquire  into  the  grievances  of 
America  upon  the  spot,  converse  with  the 
leading  people,  and  endeavour  with  them  to 
agree  upon  some  means  of  composing  our  dif 
ferences.  I  said,  that  a  person  of  rank  and 
dignity,  who  had  a  character  of  candour,  in 
tegrity,  and  wisdom,  might  possibly,  if  em 
ployed  in  that  service,  be  of  great  use.  He 
seemed  to  be  of  the  same  opinion,  and  that 
whoever  was  employed  should  go  with  a 
hearty  desire  of  promoting  a  sincere  recon 
ciliation,  on  the  foundation  of  mutual  interests 
and  mutual  good-will ;  that  he  should  endea 


vour,  not  only  to  remove  then*  prejudices 
against  government,  but  equally  the  prejudices 
of  government  against  them,  and  bring  on  a 
perfect  good  understanding,  &c.  Mrs.  Howe 
said,  I  wish  brother  you  were  to  be  sent  thither 
on  such  a  service ;  I  should  like  that  much 
better  than  general  Howe's  going  to  com 
mand  the  army  there.  I  think,  madam,  said 
I,  they  ought  to  provide  for  general  Howe 
some  more  honourable  employment.  Lord 
Howe  here  took  out  of  his  pocket  a  paper, 
and  offering  it  to  me,  said,  smiling,  if  it  is  not 
an  unfair  question,  may  I  ask  whether  you 
know  any  thing  of  this  paper  7  Upon  looking 
at  it,  I  saw  it  was  a  copy,  in  David  Barclay's 
hand,  of  the  hints  before  recited ;  and  said, 
that  I  had  seen  it;  adding,  a  little  after,  that 
since  I  perceived  his  lordship  was  acquainted 
with  a  transaction,  my  concern  in  which,  I  had 
understood,  was  to  have  been  kept  a  secret,  I 
should  make  no  difficulty  in  owning  to  him 
that  I  had  been  consulted  on  the  subject,  and 
had  drawn  up  that  paper.  He  said,  he  was 
rather  sorry  to  find  that  the  sentiments  ex 
pressed  in  it  were  mine,  as  it  gave  him  less 
hopes  of  promoting,  by  my  assistance,  the 
wished-for  reconciliation ;  since  he  had  reason 
to  think  there  was  no  likelihood  of  the  admis 
sion  of  these  propositions.  He  hoped,  how 
ever,  that  I  would  re-consider  the  subject,  and 
form  some  plan  that  would  be  acceptable 
here.  He  expatiated  on  the  infinite  service 
it  would  be  to  the  nation,  and  the  great  merit 
in  being  instrumental  in  so  good  a  work ;  that 
he  should  not  think  of  influencing  me  by  any 
selfish  motive,  but  certainly  I  might,  with 
reason  expect  any  reward  in  the  power  of  go 
vernment  to  bestow.  This  to  me  was  what 
the  French  vulgarly  call  spitting  in  the 
soup.  However,  I  promised  to  draw  some 
sketch  of  a  plan  at  his  request,  though  I  much, 
doubted,  I  said,  whether  it  would  be  thought 
preferable  to  that  he  had  in  his  hand.  But 
he  was  willing  to  hope  that  it  would,  and  as 
he  considered  my  situation,  that  I  had  friends 
here  and  constituents  in  America  to  keep  well 
with,  that  I  might  possibly  propose  something 
improper  to  be  seen  in  my  hand-writing ; 
therefore,  it  would  be  better  to  send  it  to  Mrs. 
Howe,  who  would  copy  it,  send  the  copy  to 
him  to  be  communicated  to  the  ministry,  and 
return  me  the  original.  This  I  agreed  to, 
though  I  did  not  apprehend  the  inconvenience 
he  mentioned.  In  general,  I  liked  much  his 
manner,  arid  found  myself  disposed  to  place 
great  confidence  in  him  on  occasion,  but  in 
this  particular  the  secrecy  he  proposed  seem 
ed  not  of  much  importance. 

In  a  day  or  two  I  sent  the  following  paper, 
inclosed  in  a  cover  directed  to  the  honourable 
Mrs.  Howe. 

It  is  supposed  to  be  the  wish  on  both  sides, 
not  merely  to  put  a  stop  to  the  mischief  at 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


119 


present  threatening  the  general  welfare,  but  |  that  held  at  Albany  in  1754,)  and  a  person 


to  cement  a  cordial  union,  and  remove,  not 
only  every  real  grievance,  but  every  cause 
of  jealousy  and  suspicion. 

With  this  view,  the  first  thing  necessary 
is,  to  know  what  is,  by  the  different  parties  in 
the  dispute,  thought  essentially  necessary  for 
the  obtaining  such  an  union. 

The  American  congress,  in  their  petition 
to  the  king,  have  been  explicit,  declaring,  that 
by  a  repeal  of  the  oppressive  acts  therein 
complained  of,  "  the  harmony  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  colonies,  so  necessary  to  the 
happiness  of  both,  and  so  ardently  desired 
of  tkem,  will,  with  the  usual  intercourse,  be 
immediately  restored" 

If  it  has  been  thought  reasonable  here,  to 
expect  that,  previous  to  an  alteration  of  mea 
sures,  the  colonies  should  make  some  declara 
tion  respecting  their  future  conduct,  they  have 
also  done  that,  by  adding,  "  That  when  the 
causes  of  their  apprehensions  are  removed, 
their  future  conduct  will  prove  them  not  un 
worthy  of  the  regard  they  have  been  accus 
tomed  in  their  happier  days  to  enjoy." 

For  their  sincerity  in  these  declarations, 
they  solemnly  call  to  witness  the  Searcher 
of  all  hearts. 

If  Britain  can  have  any  reliance  on  these 
declarations,  (and  perhaps  none  to  be  extorted 
by  force  can  be  more  relied  on  than  these 
which  are  thus  freely  made,)  she  may,  with 
out  hazard  to  herself,  try  the  expedient  pro 
posed,  since,  if  it  fails,  she  has  it  in  her  power 
at  any  time  to  resume  her  present  measures. 
It  is  then  proposed, 

That  Britain  should  show  some  confidence 
in  these  declarations,  by  repealing  all  the  laws 
or  parts  of  laws  that  are  requested  to  be  re 
pealed  in  the  petition  of  the  congress  to  the 
king. 

And  that,  at  the  same  time,  orders  should 
be  given  to  withdraw  the  fleet  from  Boston, 
and  remove  all  the  troops  to  Quebec  or  the 
Floridas,  that  the  colonies  may  be  left  at 
liberty  in  their  future  stipulations. 

That  this  may,  for  the  honour  of  Britain, 
appear  not  the  effect  of  any  apprehension  from 
the  measures  entered  into  and  recommended 
to  the  people  by  the  congress,  but  from  good 
will,  and  a  change  of  disposition  towards  the 
colonies,  with  a  sincere  desire  of  reconcilia 
tion  ;  let  some  of  their  other  grievances,  which 
in  their  petition  they  have  left  to  the  magna 
nimity  a.nd  justice  of  the  king  and  parliament, 
be  at  the  same  time  removed,  such  as  those 
relating  to  the  payment  of  governors'  and 
judges'  salaries,  and  the  instructions  for  dis 
solving  assemblies,  &c.,  with  the  declarations 
concerning  the  statute  of  Henry  VIII. 

And  to  give  the  colonies  an  immediate  op 
portunity  of  demonstrating  the  reality  of  their 
professions,  let  their  proposed  ensuing  con 
gress  be  authorised  by  government,  (as  was 


of  weight  and  dignity  of  character  be  ap 
pointed  to  preside  at  it  on  behalf  of  the 
crown. 

And  then  let  requisition  be  made  to  the 
congress,  of  such  points  as  government  wishes 
to  obtain,  for  its  future  security,  for  aids,  for 
the  advantage  of  general  commerce,  for  repa 
ration  to  the  India  company,  &c.  &c. 

A  generous  confidence  thus  placed  in  the 
colonies,  will  give  ground  to  the  friends  of 
government  there,  in  their  endeavours  to  pro 
cure  from  America  every  reasonable  conces 
sion,  or  engagement,  and  every  substantial 
aid  that  can  fairly  be  desired. 


On  the  Saturday  evening  I  saw  Mrs.  Howe, 
who  informed  me  she  had  transcribed  and  sent 
the  paper  to  lord  Howe  in  the  country,  and 
she  returned  me  the  original.  On  the  follow 
ing  Tuesday,  January  3d,  I  received  a  note 
from  her,  (inclosing  a  letter  she  had  re 
ceived  from  lord  Howe  the  last  night,)  which 
follows : — 

"  Mrs.  Howe's  compliments  to  Dr.  Frank 
lin, — she  incloses  him  a  letter  she  received 
last  night,  and  returns  him  many  thanks  for 
his  very  obliging  present,*  which  has  already 
given  her  great  entertainment.  If  the  doctor 
has  any  spare  time  for  chess,  she  will  be  ex 
ceedingly  glad  to  see  him  any  morning  this 
week,  and  as  often  as  will  be  agreeable  to 
him,  and  rejoices  in  having  so  good  an  excuse 
for  asking  the  favour  of  his  company." 

"Tuesday." 

[Letter  inclosed  in  the  foregoing.] 

"  PORTER'S  LODGE,  Jan.  2d,  1775. 

"  I  have  received  your  packet ;  and  it  is 
with  much  concern  that  I  collect,  from  senti 
ments  of  such  authority  as  those  of  our  worthy 
friend,  that  the  desired  accommodation  threat 
ens  to  be  attended  with  much  greater  difficul 
ty  than  I  had  flattered  myself,  in  the  progress 
of  our  intercourse,  there  would  be  reason  to 
apprehend. 

"  I  shall  forward  the  propositions  as  intend 
ed.  Not  desirous  of  trespassing  further  on 
our  friend's  indulgence  ;  but  returning  senti 
ments  of  regard,  which  his  candid  and  oblig 
ing  attention  to  my  troublesome  inquiries,  will 
render  ever  permanent  in  the  memory  of 
your  affectionate,  &c. 

"  I  ought  to  make  excuses  likewise  to  you. 
"HOWE. 

" Hon.  Mrs.  Howe,  Grafton  street" 

His  lordship  had,  in  his  last  conversation 
with  me,  acknowledged  a  communication  be 
tween  him  and  the  ministry,  to  whom  he 
wished  to  make  my  sentiments  known.    In 
*  His  philosophical  writings. 


120 


MEMOIRS  OF 


this  letter  from  the  country  he  owns  the  re 
ceipt  of  them,  and  mentions  his  intentions  of 
forwarding  them,  that  is,  as  I  understood  it, 
to  the  ministers ;  but  expresses  his  apprehen 
sions  that  such  propositions  were  not  likely  to 
produce  any  good  effect.  Some  time  after, 
perhaps  a  week,  I  received  a  note  from  Mrs. 
Howe,  desiring  to  see  me.  I  waited  upon 
her  immediately,  when  she  showed  me  a  let 
ter  from  her  brother,  of  which  having  no  copy, 
I  can  only  give  from  the  best  of  my  recollec 
tion  the  purport  of  it,  which  I  think  was  this; 
that  he  desired  to  know  from  their  friend, 
meaning  me,  through  her  means,  whether  it 
might  not  be  expected,  that  if  that  friend 
would  engage  for  the  payment  of  the  tea  as  a 
preliminary,  relying  on  a  promised  redress  of 
their  grievances  on  future  petitions  from  their 
assembly,  they  would  approve  of  his  making 
such  engagement ;  and  whether  the  proposi 
tion  in  the  former  paper,  (the  HINTS,)  relat 
ing  to  aids,  was  still  in  contemplation  of  the 
author.  As  Mrs.  Howe  proposed  sending  to 
her  brother  that  evening,  I  wrote  immediate 
ly  the  following  answer,  which  she  transcrib 
ed  and  forwarded. 

"  The  proposition  in  the  former  paper  re 
lating  to  aids,  is  still  in  contemplation  of  the 
author,  and,  as  he  thinks,  is  included  in  the 
last  article  of  the  present  paper. 

"  The  people  of  America,  conceiving  that 
parliament  has  no  right  to  tax  them,  and  that 
therefore  all  that  has  been  extorted  from  them 
by  the  operation  of  the  duty  acts,  with  the 
assistance  of  an  armed  force,  preceding  the 
destruction  of  the  tea,  is  so  much  injury, 
which  ought  in  order  of  time  to  be  first  re 
paired,  before  a  demand  on  the  tea  account 
can  be  justly  made  of  them ;  are  not,  he  thinks, 
likely  to  approve  of  the  measure  proposed,  and 
pay  in  the  first  place  the  value  demanded, 
especially  as  twenty  times  as  much  injury 
has  since  been  done  them  by  blocking  up 
their  port ;  and  their  castle  also  seized  before 
by  the  crown,  has  not  been  restored,  nor  any 
satisfaction  offered  them  for  the  same." 

At  the  meeting  of  parliament  after  the 
holidays,  which  was  on  the  —  of  January, 
(1775,)  lord  Howe  returned  to  town,  when 
we  had  another  meeting,  at  which  he  lament 
ed  that  my  propositions  were  not  such  as 
probably  could  be  accepted ;  intimated,  that 
it  was  thought  I  had  powers  or  instructions 
from  the  congress  to  make  concessions  on 
•occasion  that  would  be  more  satisfactory.  I 
disclaimed  the  having  any  of  any  kind  but 
what  related  to  the  presenting  of  their  peti 
tion.  We  talked  over  all  the  particulars  in 
my  paper,  which  I  supported  with  reasons; 
and  finally  said,  that  if  what  I  had  proposed 
would  not  do,  I  should  be  glad  to  hear  what 
would  do ;  I  wished  to  see  some  propositions 


from  the  ministers  themselves.  His  lordship 
was  not,  he  said,  as  yet  fully  acquainted  with 
their  sentiments,  but  should  learn  more  in  a 
few  days.  It  was,  however,  some  weeks  be 
fore  I  heard  any  thing  further  from  him. 

In  the  meanwhile,  Mr.  Barclay  and  I  were 
frequently  together  on  the  affair  of  preparing 
the  merchants'  petition,  which  took  up  so 
much  of  his  time  that  he  could  not  conveni 
ently  see  lord  Hyde  ;  so  he  had  no  informa 
tion  to  give  me  concerning  the  Hints,  and  I 
wondered  I  heard  nothing  of  them  from  Dr. 
Fothergill.  At  length,  however,  but  I  can 
not  recollect  about  what  time,  the  doctor  call 
ed  on  me,  and  told  me  he  had  communicated 
them,  and  with  them  had  verbally  given  my 
arguments  in  support  of  them,  to  lord  Dart 
mouth,  who,  after  consideration,  had  told  him, 
some  of  them  appeared  reasonable,  but  others 
were  inadmissible  or  impracticable :  that  hav 
ing  occasion  to  see  frequently  the  speaker,* 
he  had  also  communicated  them  to  him,  as  he 
found  him  very  anxious  for  a  reconciliation  : 
that  the  speaker  had  said  it  would  be  very 
humiliating  to  Britain  to  be  obliged  to  submit 
to  such  terms :  but  the  doctor  told  him  she 
had  been  unjust ;  and  ought  to  bear  the  conse 
quences,  and  alter  her  conduct ;  that  the  pill 
might  be  bitter,  but  it  would  be  salutary,  and 
must  be  swallowed  :  that  these  were  the  senti 
ments  of  impartial  men,  after  thorough  con 
sideration  and  full  information  of  all  circum 
stances,  and  that  sooner  or  later  these  or 
similar  measures  must  be  followed,  or  the 
empire  would  be  divided  and  ruined :  the 
doctor  on  the  whole  hoped  some  good  would 
be  effected  by  our  endeavours. 

On  the  19th  of  January,  I  received  a  card 
from  lord  Stanhope,  acquainting  me,  that  lord 
Chatham  having  a  motion  to  make  on  the 
morrow  in  the  house  of  lords,  concerning 
America,  greatly  desired  that  I  might  be  in 
the  house,  into  which  lord  S.  would  endeavour 
to  procure  me  admittance.  At  this  time  it 
was  a  rule  of  the  house  that  no  person  could 
introduce  more  than  one  friend.  The  next 
morning,  his  lordship  let  me  know  by  another 
card,  that  if  I  attended  at  two  o'clock  in  the 
lobby,  lord  Chatham  would  be  there  about 
that  time,  and  would  himself  introduce  me. 
I  attended,  and  met  him  there  accordingly. 
On  my  mentioning  to  him  what  lord  Stan 
hope  had  written  to  me,  he  said, "  Certainly ; 
and  I  shall  do  it  with  the  more  pleasure,  as  I 
am  sure  your  being  present  at  this  day's  de 
bate  will  be  of  more  service  to  America  than 
mine ;"  and  so  taking  me  by  the  arm,  was 
leading  me  along  the  passage  to  the  door  that 
enters  near  the  throne,  when  one  of  the  door 
keepers  followed  and  acquainted  him,  that  by 
the  order,  none  were  to  be  carried  in  at  that 
door,  but  the  eldest  sons  or  brothers  of  peers ; 
on  which  he  limped  back  with  me  to  the  door 
*  Sir  Fletcher  Norton. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


121 


near  the  bar,  where  were  standing1  a  number 
of  gentlemen  waiting1  for  the  peers  who  were 
to  introduce  them,  and  some  peers  waiting 
ibr  friends  they  expected  to  introduce  ;  auiong 
whom  he  delivered  me  to  the  doorkeepers, 
saying  aloud,  this  is  Dr.  Franklin,  whom  I 
would  have  admitted  into  the  house ;  when 
they  readily  opened  the  door  for  me  accord 
ingly.  As  it  had  not  been  publicly  known, 
that  there  was  any  communication  between 
his  lordship  and  me,  this  I  found  occasioned 
some  speculation.  His  appearance  in  the 
house,  I  observed,  caused  a  kind  of  bustle 
among  the  officers,  who  were  hurried  in  send 
ing  messengers  for  members,  I  suppose  those 
in  connection  with  the  ministry,  something 
of  importance  being  expected  when  that  great 
man  appears;  it  being  but  seldom  that  his 
infirmities  permit  his  attendance.  I  had  great 
satisfaction  in  hearing  his  motion  and  the  de 
bate  upon  it,  which  I  shall  not  attempt  to 
give  here  an  account  of,  as  you  may  find  a 
better  in  the  papers  of  the  time.  It'was  his 
motion  for  withdrawing  the  troops  from  Bos 
ton,  as  the  first  step  towards  an  accommoda 
tion.  The  day  following,  I  received  a  note 
from  lord  Stanhope,  expressing,  that  "at  the 
desire  of  lord  Chatham,  was  sent  me  inclosed, 
the  motion  he  made  in  the  house  of  lords,  that 
I  might  be  possessed  of  it  in  the  most  au 
thentic  manner,  by  the  communication  of  the 
individual  paper  which  was  read  to  the  house 
by  the  mover  himself."  I  sent  copies  of  this 
motion  to  America,  and  was  the  more  pleased 
with  it,  as  I  conceived  it  had  partly  taken  its 
rise  from  a  hint  I  had  given  his  lordship  in  a 
former  conversation.  It  follows  in  these 
words. 
Lord  Chatham's  Motion,  January  20, 1775. 

"That  an  humble  address  be  presented 
to  his  majesty,  most  humbly  to  advise  and 
beseech  his  majesty,  that,  in  order  to  open  the 
way  towards  a  happy  settlement  of  the  dan 
gerous  troubles  in  America,  by  beginning  to 
allay  ferments  and  soften  animosities  there  ; 
and  above  ajl,  for  preventing  in  the  mean  time 
any  sudden  and  fatal  catastrophe  at  Boston, 
now  suffering  under  daily  irritation  of  an 
army  before  their  eyes,  posted  in  their  town  ; 
it  may  graciously  please  his  majesty,  that  im 
mediate  orders  may  be  despatched  to  general 
Gage,  for  removing  his  majesty's  forces  from 
the  town  of  Boston,  as  soon  as  the  rigor  of  the 
season  and  other  circumstances,  indispensable 
to  the  safety  and  accommodation  of  the  said 
troops,  may  render  the  same  practicable." 

I  was  quite  charmed  with  lord  Chatham's 
speech  in  support  of  his  motion.*  He  im- 

*  It  was  reported  at  the  time,  that  his  lordship  had 
concluded  his  speech  with  the  following  remarkable 
words.  "  If  the  ministers  thus  persevere  in  misadvising 
and  misleading  the  king,  I  will  not  say  that  they  can 
alienate  the  affections  of  his  subjects  from  his  crown, 
but  I  will  affirm,  that  they  will  make  the  crown  not 
worth  his  wearing.  I  will  not  say  that  the  king  is  be 
trayed,  but  I  will  pronounce  that  the  kingdom  is  undone. 

VOL.  I. . . .  Q  11 


pressed  me  with  the  highest  idea  of  him  as  a 
great  and  most  able  statesman.  Lord  Cam- 
den,  another  wonderfully  good  speaker  and 
close  reasoner,  joined  him  in  the  same  argu 
ment,  as  did  several  other  lords,  who  spoke 
excellently  well  ;  but  all  availed  no  more 
than  the  whistling  of  the  winds.  This  motion 
was  rejected.  Sixteen  Scotch  peers,  and 
twenty-four  bishops,  with  all  the  lords  in  pos 
session  or  expectation  of  places,  when  they 
vote  together  unanimously,  as  they  generally 
do  for  ministerial  measures,  make  a  dead  ma 
jority  that  renders  all  debating  ridiculous  in 
itself,  since  it  can  answer  no  end.  Full  of 
the  high  esteem  I  had  imbibed  for  lord  Chat 
ham,  I  wrote  back  to  lord  Stanhope  the  fol 
lowing  note,  viz. — 

"  Dr.  Franklin  presents  his  best  respects  to 
lord  Stanhope,  with  many  thanks  to  his  lord 
ship  and  lord  Chatham,  for  the  communica 
tion  of  so  authentic  a  copy  of  the  motion.  Dr. 
F.  is  filled  with  admiration  of  that  truly  great 
man.  He  has  seen  in  the  course  of  his  life, 
sometimes  eloquence  without  wisdom,  and 
often  wisdom  without  eloquence  ;  in  the  pre 
sent  instance  he  sees  both  united,  and  both  as 
he  thinks,  in  the  highest  degree  possible. 

"  Craven  street,  Jan.  23,  1775." 

As  in  the  course  of  the  debate,  some  lords 
in  the  administration  had  observed,  that  it  was 
common  and  easy  to  censure  their  measures, 
but  those  who  did  so  proposed  nothing  better ; 
lord  Chatham  mentioned  that  he  should  not 
be  one  of  those  idle  censurers,  that  he  had 
thought  long  and  closely  upon  the  subject, 
and  proposed  soon  to  lay  before  their  lordships 
the  result  of  his  meditation,  in  a  plan  for  heal 
ing  our  differences,  and  restoring-  peace  to 
the  empire,  to  which  his  present  motion  was 
preparatory:  I  much  desired  to  know  what 
his  plan  was,  and  intended  waiting  on  him  to 
see  if  he  would  communicate  it  to  me ;  but 
he  went  the  next  morning  to  Hayes,  and  I 
was  so  much  taken  up  with  daily  business  and 
company,  that  I  could  not  easily  get  out  to 
him.  A  few  days  after,  however,  lord  Ma- 
hon  called  on  me,  and  told  me  lord  Chatham 
was  very  desirous  of  seeing  me  ;  when  I  pro 
mised  to  be  with  him  the  Friday  following, 
several  engagements  prevented  my  going 
sooner.  On  Friday  the  27th,  I  took  a  post- 
chaise  about  9  o'clock,  and  got  to  Hayes  about 
11,  but  my  attention  being  engaged  in  read 
ing  a  new  pamphlet,  the  postboy  drove  me  a 
mile  or  two  beyond  the  gate.  His  lordship 
being  out  an  airing  in  his  chariot,  had  met  me 
before  I  reached  Hayes,  unobserved  by  me, 
turned  and  followed  me,  and  not  finding  me 
there,  concluded,  as  he  had  seen  me  reading, 
that  I  had  passed  by  mistake,  and  sent  a  ser 
vant  after  me.  He  expressed  great  pleasure 
at  my  coming,  and  acquainted  me,  in  a  long 
conversation,  with  the  outlines  of  his  plan, 


122 


MEMOIRS  OF 


parts  of  which  he  read  to  me.  He  said  he  had 
communicated  it  only  to  lord  Camden,  whose 
advice  he  much  relied  on,  particularly  in  the 
law  part ;  and  that  he  would,  as  soon  as  he 
could  get  it  transcribed,  put  it  into  my  hands 
for  my  opinion  and  advice,  but  should  show  it 
to  no  other  person  before  he  presented  it  to 
the  house  ;  and  he  requested  me  to  make  no 
mention  of  it,  otherwise  parts  might  be  mis 
understood  and  blown  up  beforehand,  and 
others  perhaps  adopted  and  produced  by  mi 
nisters  as  their  own.  I  promised  the  closest 
secrecy,  and  kept  my  word :  not  even  men 
tioning  to  any  one  that  I  had  seen  him.  I 
dined  with  him,  his  family  only  present,  and 
returned  to  town  in  the  evening. 

On  the  Sunday  following,  being  the  29th, 
his  lordship  came  to  town,  and  called  upon 
me  in  Craven  street.  He  brought  with  him 
his  plan  transcribed,  in  the  form  of  an  act  of 
parliament,  which  he  put  into  my  hands,  re 
questing  me  to  consider  it  carefully,  and  com 
municate  to  him  such  remarks  upon  it  as 
should  occur  to  me.  His  reason  for  desjring 
to  give  me  that  trouble,  was,  as  he  was 
pleased  to  say,  that  he  knew  no  man  so  tho 
roughly  acquainted  with  the  subject,  or  so 
capable  of  giving  advice  upon  it;  that  he 
thought  the  errors  of  ministers  in  American 
affairs,  had  been  often  owing  to  their  not  ob 
taining  the  best  information :  that  therefore 
though  he  had  considered  the  business  tho 
roughly  in  all  its  parts,  he  was  not  so  confi 
dent  of  his  own  judgment,  but  that  he  came 
to  set  it  right  by  mine,  as  men  set  their 
watches  by  a  regulator.  He  had  not  deter 
mined  when  he  should  produce  it  in  the  house 
of  lords ;  but  in  the  course  of  our  conversa 
tion,  considering  the  precarious  situation  of 
his  health,  and  that  if  presenting  it  was  delay 
ed,  some  intelligence  might  arrive  which 
would  make  it  seem  less  seasonable,  or  in  all 
parts  not  so  proper ;  or  the  ministry  might  en 
gage  in  different  measures,  and  then  say  if 
you  had  produced  your  plan  sooner,  we  might 
have  attended  to  it,  he  concluded  to  offer  it 
the  Wednesday  following ;  and  therefore 
wished  to  see  me  upon  it  the  preceding  Tues 
day,  when  he  would  again  call  upon  me, 
unless  I  could  conveniently  come  to  Hayes. 
I  chose  the  latter,  in  respect  to  his  lordship, 
and  because  there  was  less  likelihood  of  in 
terruptions  ;  and  I  promised  to  be  with  him 
early,  that  we  might  have  more  time.  He 
staid  with  me  near  two  hours,  his  equipage 
waiting  at  the  door  ;  and  being  there  while 
people  were  coming  from  church,  it  was  much 
taken  notice  of  and  talked  of,  as  at  that  time 
was  every  little  circumstance  that  men 
thought  might  possibly  any  way  affect  Ame 
rican  affairs.  Such  a  visit  from  so  great  a 
man,  on  so  important  a  business,  flattered  not 
a  little  my  vanity ;  and  the  honour  of  it  gave 
me  the  more  pleasure,  as  it  happened  on  the. 


very  day  twelve  months,  that  the  ministry  had 
taken  so  much  pains  to  disgrace  me  before 
the  privy  council. 

I  applied  myself  immediately  to  the  read 
ing  and  considering  the  plan,  of  which,  when 
it  was  afterwards  published,  I  sent  you  a 
copy,  and  therefore  need  not  insert  it  here.  I 
put  down  upon  paper,  as  I  went  along,  some 
short  memorandums  for  my  future  discourse 
with  him  upon  it,  which  follow,  that  you  may, 
if  you  please,  compare  them  with  the  plan ; 
and  if  you  do  so,  you  will  see  their  drift  and 
purpose,  which  otherwise  would  make  me 
much  writing  to  explain. 

Tuesday,  Jan.  31rt,  1775. 

Notes  for  discourse  with  lord  Chatham  on  his  plan. 

Voluntary  grants  and  forced  taxes,  not  to 
be  expected  of  the  same  people  at  the  same 
time. 

Permanent  revenue  will  be  objected  to; 
would  not  a  temporary  agreement  be  best, 
suppose  for  100  years  1 

Does  the  whole  of  the  rights  claimed  in 
the  petition  of  rights  relate  to  England  only  1 

The  American  naturalization  act  gives  all 
the  rights  of  natural  born  subjects  to  fo 
reigners  residing  there  seven  years.  Can  it 
be  supposed  that  the  natives  there  have  them 
not] 

If  the  king  should  raise  armies  in  America, 
would  Britain  like  their  being  brought  hither ! 
as  the  king  might  bring  them  when  he 


An  act  of  parliament  requires  the  colonies 
to  furnish  sundry  articles  of  provision  and  ac 
commodation  to  troops  quartered  among  them, 
this  may  be  made  very  burdensome  to  colo 
nies  that  are  out  of  favour. 

If  a  permanent  revenue,  why  not  the  same 
privileges  in  trade  with  Scotland? 

Should  not  the  lands  conquered  by  Britain 
and  the  colonies  in  conjunction,  be  given 
them,  (reserving  a  quit-rent)  whence  they 
might  form  funds  to  enable  them  to  pay. 

Instructions  about  agents  to  be  withdrawn. 

Grants  to  be  for  three  years,  at  the  end  of 
which  a  new  congress — and  so  from  three  to 
three  years. 

Congress  to  have  the  general  defence  of 
the  frontiers,  making  and  regulating  new  set 
tlements. 

Protection  mutual. 

We  go  into  all  your  wars. 

Our  settlements  cost  you  nothing. 

Take  the  plan  of  union. 

"  Defence,  extension,  and  prosperity  of" — 
The  late  Canada  act  prevents  their  extension, 
and  may  check  their  prosperity. 

Laws  should  be  secure  as  well  as  charters. 

Perhaps  if  the  legislative  power  of  parlia 
ment  is  owned  in  the  colonies,  they  may 
make  a  law  to  forbid  the  meeting  of  any  con 
gress,  &c. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


123 


I  was  at  Hayes  early  on  Tuesday,  agree 
ably  to  my  promise,  when  we  entered  into 
consideration  of  the  plan ;  but  though  I  staid 
near  four  hours,  his  lordship,  in  the  manner 
of,  I  think,  all  eloquent  persons,  was  so  full 
and  diffuse  in  supporting  every  particular  I 
questioned,  that  there  was  not  time  to  go 
through  half  my  memorandums ;  he  is  not 
easily  interrupted,  and  I  had  such  pleasure  in 
hearing  him,  that  I  found  little  inclination  to 
interrupt  him ;  therefore,  considering  that  nei 
ther  of  us  had  much  expectation  that  the  plan 
would  be  adopted  entirely  as  it  stood  ;  that  in 
the  course  of  its  consideration,  if  it  should  be 
received,  proper  alterations  might  be  intro 
duced  ;  that  before  it  would  be  settled,  Ame 
rica  should  have  opportunity  to  make  her  ob 
jections  and  propositions  of  amendment ;  that 
to  have  it  received  at  all  here,  'it  must  seem 
to  comply  a  little  with  some  of  the  prevailing 
prejudices  of  the  legislature ;  that  if  it  was 
not  so  perfect  as  might  be  wished,  it  would  at 
least  serve  as  a  basis  for  treaty,  and  in  the 
mean  time  prevent  mischiefs,  and  that  as  his 
lordship  had  determined  to  offer  it  the  next 
day,  there  was  not  time  to  make  changes  and 
another  fair  copy.  I  therefore  ceased  my 
querying ;  and  though  afterwards  many  peo 
ple  were  pleased  to  do  me  the  honour  of  sup 
posing  I  had  a  considerable  share  in  composing 
it,  I  assure  you,  that  the  addition  of  a  single 
word  only  was  made  at  my  instance,  viz. 
"  constitutions"  after  "  charters ;"  for  my  fill 
ing  up,  at  his  request,  a  blank,  with  the  titles 
of  acts  proper  to  be  repealed,  which  I  took 
from  the  proceedings  of  the  congress,  was  no 
more  than  might  have  been  done  by  any  copy 
ing  clerk. 

On  Wednesday,  lord  Stanhope,  at  lord 
Chatham's  request,  called  upon  me,  and  car 
ried  me  down  to  the  house  of  lords,  which  was 
soon  very  full.  Lord  Chatham,  in  a  most  ex 
cellent  speech,  introduced,  explained,  and  sup 
ported  his  plan.  When  he  sat  down,  lord 
Dartmouth  rose,  and  very  properly  said,  it 
contained  matter  of  such  weight  and  magni 
tude  as  to  require  much  consideration,  and  he 
therefore  hoped  the  noble  earl  did  not  expect 
their  lordships  to  decide  upon  it  by  an  imme 
diate  vote,  but  would  be  willing  it  should  lie 
upon  the  table  for  consideration.  Lord  Chat 
ham  answered  readily,  that  he  expected  no 
thing  more.  But  lord  Sandwich  rose,  and  in 
a  petulant  vehement  speech,  opposed  its  being 
received  at  all,  and  gave  his  opinion,  that  ft 
ought  to  be  immediately  rejected,  with  the 
contempt  it  deserved ;  that  he  could  never 
believe  it  to  be  the  production  of  any  British  ] 
peer ;  that  it  appeared  to  him  rather  the  work 
of  some  American ;  and,  turning  his  face  to- ! 
wards  me,  who  was  leaning  on  the  bar,  said,  I 
he  fancied  he  had  in  his  eye  the  person  who  | 
drew  it  up,  one  of  the  bitterest  and  most 
mischievous  enemies  this  country  had  ever 


known.     This  drew  the  eyes  of  many  lords 
upon  me :  but  as  I  had  no  inducement  to  take 
it  to  myselfr  I.  kept  my  countenance  as  im- 
moveable  as  if  my  features  had  been  made  of 
wood.     Then  several  other  lords  of  the  ad 
ministration  gave  their  sentiments  also  for  re 
jecting  it,  of  which  opinion,  also,  was  strongly 
the  wise  lord  Hillsborough ;  but  the  dukes  of 
Richmond  and  Manchester,  lord  Shelburne, 
lord  Camden,  lord  Temple,  lord  Lyttleton  and 
others,  were  for  receiving  it,  some  through 
approbation,  and  others  for  the  character  and 
dignity  of  the  house.     One  lord  mentioning, 
with  applause,  the  candid  proposal  of  one  of 
the  ministers,  lord   Dartmouth,  his  lordship 
rose  again,  and  said,  that  having  since  heard 
the  opinions  of  so  many  lords  against  receiv 
ing  it  to  lie  upon  the  table  for  consideration, 
he  had  altered  his  mind,  could  not  accept  the 
praise  offered  him,  for  a  candour  of  which  he 
was  now  ashamed,  and  should  therefore  give 
his  voice  for  rejecting  the  plan  immediately. 
I  arn  the  more  particular  in  this,  as  it  is  a 
trait  of  that  nobleman's  character,  who,  from 
his  office,  is  supposed  to  have  so  great  a  share 
in  American  affairs,  but  who  has  in  reality  no 
will  or  judgment  of  his  own,  being,  with  dis 
positions  for  the  best  measures,  easily  prevail 
ed  with  to  join  in  the  worst.     Lord  Chatham, 
in  his  reply  to  lord  Sandwich,  took  notice  of 
his  illiberal  insinuation,  that  the  plan  was  not 
the  person's  who  proposed  it :  declared  that  it 
was  entirely  his  own,  a  declaration  he  thought 
himself  the  more  obliged  to  make,  as  many 
of  their  lordships  appeared  to  have  so  mean 
an  opinion  of  it ;  for  if  it  was  so  weak  or  so 
bad  a  thing,  it  was  proper  in  him  to  take  care 
that  no  other  person  should  unjustly  share  in 
the  censure  it  deserved.     That  it  had  been 
heretofore  reckoned  his  vice  not  to  be  apt  to 
take  advice ;  but  he  made  no  scruple  to  de 
clare,  that  if  he  were  the  first  minister  of  this 
country,  and  had  the  care  of  settling  this  mo 
mentous  business,  he  should  not  be  ashamed 
of  publicly  calling  to  his  assistance,  a  person 
so  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  whole  of 
American  affairs  as  the  gentleman  alluded  to, 
and  so  injuriously  reflected  on ;  one,  he  was 
pleased  to  say,  whom  all  Europe  held  in  high 
estimation,  for  his  knowledge   and  wisdom, 
and  ranked  with  our  Boyles  and  Newtons ; 
who  was  an  honour,  not  to  the  English  na 
tion  only,  but  to  human  nature !     I  found  it 
harder  to  stand  this  extravagant  compliment, 
than  the  preceding  equally  extravagant  abuse; 
but  kept  as  well  as  I  could  an  unconcerned 
countenance,  as  not  conceiving  it  to  relate 
to  me. 

To  hear  so  many  of  these  hereditary  legis 
lators  declaiming  so  vehemently  against,  not 
the  adopting  merely,  but  even  the  considera 
tion  of  a  proposal  so  important  in  its  nature, 
offered  by  a  person  of  so  weighty  a  character, 
one  of  the  first  statesmen  of  the  age,  who  had 


124 


MEMOIRS  OF 


taken  up  this  country  when  in  the  lowest 
despondency,  and  conducted  it  to  victory  and 
glory,  through  a  war  with  two  of  the  mighti 
est  kingdoms  in  Europe;  to  hear  them  cen 
suring  his  plan,  not  only  for  their  own  misun 
derstandings  of  what  was  in  it,  but  for  their 
imaginations  of  what  was  not  in  it,  which  they 
would  not  give  themselves  an  opportunity  of 
rectifying  by  a  second  reading;  to  perceive 
the  total  ignorance  of  the  subject  in  some,  the 
prejudice  and  passion  of  others,  and  the  wil 
ful  perversion  of  plain  truth  in  several  of  the 
ministers ;  and  upon  the  whole,  to  see  it  so 
ignominiously  rejected  by  so  great  a  majority, 
and  so  hastily  too,  in  breach  of  all  decency, 
and  prudent  regard  to  the  character  and  dig 
nity  of  their  body,  as  a  third  part  of  the  na 
tional  legislature,  gave  me  an  exceeding  mean 
opinion  of  their  abilities,  and  made  their  claim 
of  sovereignty  over  three  millions  of  virtuous 
sensible  people  in  America,  seem  the  greatest 
of  absurdities,  since  they  appeared  to  have 
scarce  discretion  enough  to  govern  a  herd  of 
swine.  Hereditary  legislators!  thought  I. 
There  would  be  more  propriety,  because  less 
hazard  of  mischief,  in  having  (as  in  some  uni 
versity  of  Germany)  hereditary  professors  of 
mathematics !  But  this  was  a  hasty  reflec 
tion  ;  for  the  elected  house  of  commons  is  no 
better,  nor  ever  will  be  while  the  electors  re 
ceive  money  for  their  votes,  and  pay  money 
wherewith  ministers  may  bribe  their  repre 
sentatives  when  chosen. 

After  this  proceeding,  I  expected  to  hear 
no  more  of  any  negotiation  for  settling  our 
difference  amicably;  yet,  in  a  day  or  two,  I 
had  a  note  from  Mr.  Barclay,  requesting  a 
ineetihg  at  Dr.  Fothergill's,  the  4th  of  Febru 
ary,  in  the  evening.  I  attended  accordingly, 
and  was  surprised  by  bein^  told  that  a  very 
good  disposition  appeared  in  administration; 
that  the  HINTS  had  been  considered,  and 
several  of  them  thought  reasonable,  and  that 
others  might  be  admitted  with  small  amend 
ments.  The  good  doctor,  with  his  usual  phi 
lanthropy,  expatiated  on  the  miseries  of  war ; 
that  even  a  bad  peace  was  preferable  to  the 
most  successful  war ;  that  America  was  grow 
ing  in  strength,  and  whatever  she  might  be 
obliged  to  submit  to  at  present,  she  would  in 
a  few  years  be  in  a  condition  to  make  her 
own  terms.  Mr.  Barclay  hinted  how  much 
it  was  in  my  power  to  promote  an  agreement; 
how  much  it  would  be  to  my  honour  to  effect 
it,  and  that  I  might  expect,  not  only  restora 
tion  of  my  old  place,  but  almost  any  other  I 
could  wish  for,  &c. — I  need  not  tell  you,  who 
know  me  so  well,  how  improper  and  disgust 
ing  this  language  was  to  me.  The  doctor's 
was  more  suitable.  Him  I  answered,  that  we 
did  not  wish  for  war,  and  desired  nothing  but 
xvhat  was  reasonable  and  necessary  for  our 
security  and  well-being.  To  Mr.  Barclay  I 
replied,  that  the  ministry,  I  was  sure,  would 


rather  give  me  a  place  in  a  cart  to  Tyburn, 
than  any  other  place  whatever. — And  to  both, 
that  I  sincerely  wished  to  be  serviceable ;  that 
I  needed  no  other  inducement  than  to  be 
shown  how  1  might  be  so ;  but  saw,  they  ima 
gined  more  to  be  in  my  power  than  really 
was.  I  was  then  told  again  that  conferences 
had  been  held  upon  the  HINTS  ;  and  the  paper 
being  produced,  was  read ;  that  I  might  hear 
the  observations  that  had  been  made  upon 
them  separately,  which  were  as  follows : — 

1.  The  first  article  was  approved. 

2.  The  second  agreed  to,  so  far  as  related 
to  the  repeal  of  the  tea  act.     But  repayment 
of  the  duties  that  had  been  collected,  was  re 
fused. 

3.  The  third  not  approved,  as  it  implied  a 
deficiency  of  power  in  the  parliament  that 
made  those  acts. 

4.  The  fourth  approved. 

5.  The  fifth  agreed  to,  but  with  a  reserve, 
that  no  change  prejudicial  to  Britain  was  to 
be  expected. 

6.  The  sixth  agreed  to,  so  far  as  related  to 
the  appropriation  of  the  duties :  but  the  ap 
pointment  of  the  officers  and  their  salaries,  to 
remain  as  at  present. 

7.  The  seventh,  relating  to  aids  in  time  of 
peace,  agreed  to. 

8.  The  eighth,  relating  to  the  troops,  was 
inadmissible. 

9.  The  ninth  could  be  agreed  to,  with  this 
difference,  that  no  proportion  should  be  ob 
served  with  regard  to  preceding  taxes,  but 
each  colony  should  give  at  pleasure. 

10.  The  tenth  agreed  to,  as  to  the  restitu 
tion  of  Castle  William ;  but  the  restriction  on 
the  crown  in  building  fortresses  refused. 

11.  The  eleventh   refused  absolutely,  ex 
cept  as  to  the  Boston  port  bill,  which  would 
be  repealed ;  and  the  Quebec  act  might  be  so 
far  amended,  as  to  reduce  that  province  to  its 
ancient  limits.   The  other  Massachusetts  acts, 
being  real  amendments  of  their  constitution, 
must  for  that  reason  be  continued,  as  well  as 
to  be  a  standing  example  of  the  power  of  par 
liament. 

12.  The  twelfth  agreed  to,  that  the  judges 
should  be  appointed  during  good  behaviour,  on 
the  assemblies  providing  permanent  salaries, 
such  as  the  crown  should  approve  of. 

13.  The  thirteenth  agreed  to,  provided  the 
assemblies  make  provision  as  in  the  preceding 
article. 

15.  The  fifteenth  agreed  to. 

16.  The  sixteenth  agreed  to,  supposing  the 
duties  paid  to  the  colony  treasuries. 

17.  The  seventeenth  inadmissible. 

We  had  not,  at  this  time,  a  great  deal  of 
conversation  upon  these  points,  for  I  shortened 
it  by  observing,  that  while  the  parliament 
claimed  and  exercised  a  power  of  altering  our 
constitutions  at  pleasure,  there  could  be  no 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


125 


agreement;  for  we  were  rendered  unsafe  i 
every  privilege  we  had  a  right  to,  and  wer 
secure  in  nothing.  And  it  heing  hinted,  hoi 
necessary  an  agreement  was  for  America 
since  it  was  so  easy  for  Britain  to  burn  all  ou 
sea-port  towns,  I  grew  warm,  said  that  th 
chief  part  of  my  little  property  consisted  o 
houses  in  those  towns ;  that  they  might  mak 
bonfires  of  them  whenever  they  pleased,  tha 
the  fear  of  losing  them  would  never  alter  m; 
resolution  to  resist  to  the  last  that  claim  o 
parliament ;  and  that  it  behoved  this  country 
to  take  care  what  mischief  it  did  us,  for  tha 
sooner  or  later  it  would  certainly  be  oblige 
to  make  good  all  damages  with  interest !  Th 
doctor  smiled,  as  I  thought,  with  some  appro 
bation  of  my  discourse,  passionate  as  it  was 
and  said  he  would  certainly  repeat  it  to-mor 
row  to  lord  Dartmouth. 

In  the  discourse  concerning  the  HINTS,  Mr 
Barclay  happened  to  mention,  that  goincr  tc 
lord  Hyde's,  he  found  lord  Howe  with  him 
and  that  lord  Hyde  had  said  to  him,  "you 
may  speak  any  thing  before  lord  Howe,  tha 
you  have  to  say  to  me,  for  he  is  a  friend  in 
whom  I  confide ;"  upon  which  he  accordingly 
had  spoken  with  the  same  freedom  as  usual 
By  this  I  collected  how  lord  Howe  came  by 
the  paper  of  HINTS,  which  he  had  shown  me 
— and  it  being  mentioned  as  a  measure 
thought  of,  to  send  over  a  commissioner  with 
powers  to  inquire  into  grievances  and  give  re 
dress  on  certain  conditions,  but  that  it  was 
difficult  to  find  a  proper  person ;  I  said,  why 
not  lord  Hyde  1  he  is  a  man  of  prudence  and 
temper,  a  person  of  dignity,  and  I  should  think 
very  suitable  for  such  an  employment :  or,  if 
he  would  not  go,  there  is  the  other  person  you 
just  mentioned,  lord  Howe,  who  would,  in 
my  opinion,  do  excellently  well :  this  passed 
as  mere  conversation,  and  we  parted. 

Lord  Chatham's  rejected  plan  being  print 
ed,  for  the  public  judgment,  I  received  six 
copies  from  lord  Mahon,  his  son-in-law, 
which  I  sent  to  different  persons  in  America. 
A  week  and  more  passed,  in  which  I  heard 
nothing  further  of  the  negotiation,  and  my 
time  was  much  taken  up  among  the  members 
of  parliament ;  when  Mr.  Barclay  sent  me  a 
note  to  say,  that  he  was  indisposed,  but  desi 
rous  of  seeing  me,  and  should  be  glad  if  I 
would  call  on  him.  I  waited  upon  "him  the 
next  morning,  when  he  told  me,  that  he  had 
seen  lord  Hyde,  and  had  some  further  dis 
course  with  him  on  the  ARTICLES,  that  he 
thought  himself  now  fully  possessed  of  what 
would  do  in  this  business ;  that  he  therefore 
wished  another  meeting  with  me  and  doctor 
Fothergill,  when  he  would  endeavour  to  bring 
prepared  a  draft  conformable  chiefly  to  what 
had  been  proposed  and  conceded  on  both  sides, 
with  some  propositions  of  his  own.  I  readily 
agreed  to  the  meeting,  which  was  to  be  on 
Thursday  evening,  Feb.  16th. 
10* 


A  PLAN,  which  it  is  believed  would  produce  a 
permanent  union  between  Great  Britain 
and  her  colonies. 

1.  The  tea  destroyed  to  be  paid  for ;  and,  in 
order  that  no  time  may  be  lost,  to  begin  the 
desirable  work  of  conciliation,  it  is  proposed 
that  the  agent  or  agents,  in  a  petition  to  the 
king,  should  engage  that  the  tea  destroyed 
shall  be  paid  for ;  and  in  consequence  of  that 
engagement,  a  commissioner  to  have  authori 
ty,  by  a  clause  in  an  act  of  parliament,  to 
open  the  port,  (by  a  suspension  of  the  Boston 
port  act)  when  that  engagement  shall  be  com 
plied  with. 

2d.  The  tea-duty  act  to  be  repealed,  as  well 
for  the  advantage  of  Great  Britain  as  the  co 
lonies. 

3d.  Castle  William  to  be  restored  to  the 
province  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  as  former 
ly,  before  it  was  delivered  up  by  governor 
Hutchinson. 

4th.  As  it  is  believed  that  the  commence 
ment  of  conciliatory  measures  will  in  a  con 
siderable  degree  quiet  the  minds  of  the  sub 
jects  in  America,  it  is  proposed  that  the  in- 
labitants  of  the  province  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay  should  petition  the  king,  and  state  their 
objections  to  the  said  act*  And  it  is  to  be  un 
derstood,  that  the  said  act  shall  be  repealed, 
nterim,  the  commissioner  to  have  power  to 
suspend  the  act,  in  order  to  enable  the  inha 
bitants  to  petition. 

5th.  The  several  provinces  who  may  think 
hemselves  aggrieved  by  the  Quebec' bill,  to 
jetition  in  their  legislative  capacities ;  and  it 
s  to  be  understood  that  so  far  of  the  act  as 
xtends  the  limits  of  Quebec  beyond  its  an- 
ient  bounds,  is  to  be  repealed. 

6th.  The  act  of  Henry  Vlllth  to  be  formal- 
y  disclaimed  by  parliament. 

7th.  In  tune  of  peace  the  Americans  to 
raise  within  their  respective  provinces,  by 
cts  of  their  own  legislatures,  a  certain  sum 
r  sums,  such  as  may  be  thought  necessary 
or  a  peace  establishment,  to  pay  governors, 
'  idges,  &c. 

Vide — Laws  of  Jamaica. 

8th.  In  time  of  war,  on  requisition  made  by 
he  king,  with  consent  of  parliament,  every 
olony  shall  raise  such  sums  of  money,  as 
icir  legislatures  may  think  suitable  to  their 
bilities  and  the  public  exigency,  to  be  laid 
ut  in  raising  and  paying  men  for  land  or  sea 
ervice,  furnishing  provisions,  transports,  or 
uch  other  purposes  as  the  king  shall  require 
nd  direct. 

9th.  The  acts  of  navigation  to  be  re-ex- 
mined,  in  order  to  see  whether  some  altera- 
ons  might  not  be  made  therein,  as  much  for 
advantage  of  Great  Britain,  as  the  ease  of 
le  colonies. 

10th.  A  naval  officer  to  be  appointed  by  the 

*  Supposed  to  mean  the  Boston  port  act.— B.  F. 


126 


MEMOIRS  OF 


crown  to  reside  in  each  colony,  to  see  those 
acts  observed. 

N.  B.  In  some  colonies  they  are  not  ap 
pointed  by  the  crown. 

llth.  All  duties  arising1  on  the  acts  for  re 
gulating  trade  with  the  colonies,  to  be  for  th 
public  use  of  the  respective  colonies,  and  paid 
into  their  treasuries,  and  an  officer  of  the 
crown  to  see  it  done. 

12th.  The  admiralty  courts  to  be  reduced 
to  the  same  powers  as  they  have  in  England 

13th.  All  judges  in  the  king's  colony  go 
vernments,  to  be  appointed  during  good  beha 
viour,  and  to  be  paid  by  the  province,  agreea 
ble  to  article  7th. 

N.  B.  If  the  king  chooses  to  add  to  their  sa 
laries,  the  same  to  be  sent  from  England. 

14th.  The  governors  to  be  supported  in  the 
same  manner. 


Our  conversation  turned  chiefly  upon  the 
first  article.  It  was  said  that  the  ministry  only 
wanted  some  opening  to  be  given  them,  some 
ground  on  which  to  found  the  commence 
ment  of  conciliating  measures,  that  a  petition, 
containing  such  an  engagement  as  mentioned 
in  this  article,  would  answer  that  purpose : 
that  preparations  were  making  to  send  over 
more  troops  and  ships :  that  such  a  petition 
might  prevent  their  going,  especially  if  a 
commissioner  were  proposed  :  I  was  therefore 
urged  to  engage  the  colony  agents  to  join 
with  me  in  such  a  petition.  My  answer  was, 
that  no  agent  had  any  thing  to  do  with  the 
tea  business,  but  those  for  Massachusetts  Bay, 
who  were,  Mr.  Bollan  for  the  council,  myself 
for  the  assembly,  and  Mr.  Lee,  appointed  to 
succeed  me  when  I  should  leave  England; 
that  the  latter,  therefore,  could  hardly  yet  be 
considered  as  an  agent ;  and  that  the  former 
was  a  cautious  exact  man,  and  not  easily  per 
suaded  to  take  steps  of  such  importance  with 
out  instructions  or  authority  ;  that  therefore  if 
such  a  step  were  to  be  taken,  it  would  lie 
chiefly  on  me  to  take  it;  that  indeed,  if  there 
were,  as  they  supposed,  a  clear  probability  of 
good  to  be  done  by  it,  I  should  make  no  scru 
ple  of  hazarding  myself  in  it ;  but  I  thought 
the  empowering  a  commissioner  to  suspend 
the  Boston  port  act,  was  a  method  too  dilatory, 
and  a  mere  suspension  would  not  be  satisfac 
tory  ;  that  if  such  an  engagement  were  enter 
ed  into,  all  the  Massachusetts  acts  should  be 
immediately  repealed. 

They  laid  hold  of  the  readiness  I  had  ex 
pressed  to  petition  on  a  probability  of  doing 
good,  applauded  it,  and  urged  me  to  draw  up 
a  petition  immediately.  I  said  it  was  a  matter 
of  importance,  and  with  their  leave  I  would 
take  home  the  paper,  consider  the  proposi 
tions  as  they  now  stood,  and  give  them  my 
opinion  to  morrow-evening.  This  was  agreed 
to,  and  for  that  time  we  parted. 

Weighing  now  the  present  dangerous  situa 


tion  of  affairs  in  America,  and  the  daily  hazard 
of  widening  the  breach  there  irreparable,  I 
embraced  the  idea  proposed  in  the  paper,  of 
sending  over  a  commissioner,  as  it  might  be 
a  means  of  suspending  military  operations, 
and  bring  on  a  treaty,  whereby  mischief 
would  be  prevented,  and  an  agreement  by 
degrees  be  formed  and  established  ;  I  also 
concluded  to  do  what  had  been  desired  of  me 
as  to  the  engagement,  and  essayed  a  draft  of 
a  memorial  to  lord  Dartmouth,  for  that  pur 
pose,  simply;  to  be  signed  only  by  myself. 
As  to  the  sending  of  a  commissioner,  a  mea 
sure  which  I  was  desired  likewise  to  propose, 
and  express  my  sentiments  of  its  utility,  I  ap 
prehended  my  colleagues  in  the  agency  might 
be  justly  displeased  if  I  took  a  step  of  such 
importance  without  consulting  them,  and 
therefore  I  sketched  a  joint  petition  to  that 
purpose  for  them  to  sign  with  me  if  they 
pleased ;  but  apprehending  that  would  meet 
with  difficulty,  I  drew  up  a  letter  to  lord 
Dartmouth,  containing  the  same  proposition, 
with  the  reasons  for  it,  to  be  sent  from  me 
only.  I  made  also  upon  paper  some  remarks 
on  the  propositions ;  with  some  hints  on  a 
separate  paper  of  further  remarks  to  be  made 
in  conversation,  when  we  should  meet  in  the 
evening  of  the  17th.  Copies  of  these  papers 
except  the  first,  which  I  do  not  find  with  me 
on  shipboard,)  are  here  placed  as  follows,  viz. 

To  the  King's  most  excellent  Majesty. 

The  PETITION  and  MEMORIAL  of  W.  Bollan, 
B.  Franklin,  and  Arthur  Lee, 

Most  humbly  showeth, — That    your  pe- 
itioners,  being  agents  for  several  colonies, 
and  deeply  affected  with  the  apprehension  of 
mpending  calamities  that  now  threaten  your 
majesty's  subjects  in  America,  beg  leave  to 
pproach  your  throne,  and  to  suggest  with  all 
mmility,  their  opinion,  formed  on  much  at- 
;entive  consideration,  that  if  it  should  please 
four  majesty  to  permit  and  authorise  a  meet- 
ng  of  delegates  from  the  different  provinces, 
and  appoint  some  person  or  persons  of  dignity 
and  wisdom  from  this  country,  to  preside  in 
that  meeting,  or  to  confer  with  the  said  dele 
gates,  acquaint  themselves  fully  with  the  true 
grievances  of  the  colonies,  and  settle  the 
Tieans   of  composing    all  dissensions,    such 
neans  to  be    afterwards    ratified    by  your 
najesty,  if  found  just  and  suitable ;  your  pe- 
itioners  are  persuaded,  from  their  thorough 
nowledge  of  that  country  and  people,  that 
uch  a  measure  might  be  attended  with  the 
most  salutary  effects,  prevent  much  mischief, 
nd  restore  the  harmony  which  so  long  sub- 
isted,  and  is  so  necessary  to  the  prosperity 
and  happiness  of  all  your  majesty's  subjects  in 
very  part  of  your  extensive  dominions;  which 
bat  heaven  may  preserve  entire  to  your 
ajesty  and  your  descendants,  is  the  sincere 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


127 


prayer  of  your  majesty's  most  dutiful  subjects 
and  servants. 


"  To  the  Right  Hon.  Lord  Dartmouth,  <$-c. 
"  MY  LORD, — Being  deeply  apprehensive 
of  the  impending  calamities  that  threaten  the 
nation  and  its  colonies,  through  the  present 
unhappy  dissensions,  I  have  attentively  con 
sidered  by  what  possible  means  those  calami 
ties  may  be  prevented.  The  great  import 
ance  of  a  business  which  concerns  us  all, 
will,  I  hope,  in  some  degree  excuse  me  to 
your  lordship,  if  I  presume,  unasked,  to  offer 
my  humble  opinion,  that  should  his  majesty 
think  fit  to  authorise  delegates  from  the 
several  provinces  to  meet,  at  such  convenient 
time  and  place,  as  in  his  wisdom  shall  seem 
meet,  then  and  there  to  confer  with  a  com 
missioner  or  commissioners  to  be  appointed 
and  empowered  by  his  majesty,  on  the  means 
of  establishing  a  firm  and  lasting  union  be 
tween  Britain  and  the  American  provinces, 
such  a  measure  might  be  effectual  for  that 
purpose.  I  cannot,  therefore,  but  wish  it  may 
be  adopted,  as  no  one  can  more  ardently  and 
sincerely  desire  the  general  prosperity  of  the 
British  dominions,  than,  my  lord,  your  lord 
ship's  most  obedient,  &c. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


Remarks  on  the  Propositions, 

Art.  1.  In  consequence  of  that  engagement 
all  the  Boston  and  Massachusetts  acts  to  be 
suspended,  and  in  compliance  with  that  en 
gagement  to  be  totally  repealed. 

By  this  amendment,  article  4th  will  become 
unnecessary. 

Art.  4  and  5.  The  numerous  petitions  here 
tofore  sent  home  by  the  colony  assemblies, 
and  either  refused  to  be  received,  or  received 
and  neglected,  or  answered  harshly,  and  the 
petitioners  rebuked  for  making  them,  have,  I 
conceive,  totally  discouraged  that  method  of 
application ;  and  if  even  their  friends  were 
now  to  propose  to  them  the  recurring  again 
to  petitioning,  such  friends  would  be  thought 
to  trifle  with  them.  Besides,  all  they  desire 
is  now  before  government  in  the  petition  of 
the  congress,  and  the  whole  or  parts  may  be 
granted  or  refused  at  pleasure.  The  sense 
of  the  colonies  cannot  be  better  obtained  by 
petition  from  different  colonies,  than  it  is  by 
that  general  petition. 

Art.  7.  Read,  such  as  they  may  think  ne 
cessary. 

Art  11.  As  it  stands,  of  little  importance. 
The  first  proposition  was,  that  they  should  be 
repealed  as  unjust.  But  they  may  remain, 
for  they  will  probably  not  be  executed. 

Even  with  the  amendment  proposed  above 


to  article  1,  I  cannot  think  it  stands  as  it 
hould  do.  If  the  object  be  merely  the  pre 
venting  present  bloodshed,  and  the  other  mis 
chiefs  to  fall  on  that  country  in  war,  it  may 
Dossibly  answer  that  end  ;  but  if  a  thorough 
learty  reconciliation  is  wished  for,  all  cause 
of  heart-burning  should  be  removed,  and  strict 
ustice  be  done  on  both  sides,  Thus  the  tea 
should  not  only  be  paid  for  on  the  side  of  Bos 
ton,  but  the  damage  done  to  Boston  by  the 
port  act  should  be  repaired,  because  it  was 
done  contrary  to  the  custom  of  all  nations, 
savage  as  well  as  civilized,  of  first  demand 
ing  satisfaction. 

Art.  14.  The  judges  should  receive  nothing 
from  the  king. 

As  to  the  other  two  acts.  The  Massachu 
setts  must  suffer  all  the  hazards  and  mischiefs 
of  war,  rather  than  admit  the  alteration  of 
their  charters  and  laws  by  parliament. 
"  They  who  can  give  up  essential  liberty  to 
obtain  a  little  temporary  safety,  deserve 
neither  liberty  nor  safety." 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


HINTS. 

I  doubt  the  regulating  duties  will  not  be 
accepted,  without  enacting  them,  and  having 
the  power  of  appointing  the  collectors  in  the 
colonies. 

If  we  mean  a  hearty  reconciliation,  we 
must  deal  candidly,  and  use  no  tricks. 

The  assemblies  are,  many  of  them,  in  a 
state  of  dissolution.  It  will  require  time  to 
make  new  elections ;  then  to  meet  and  choose 
delegates,  supposing  all  could  meet.  But  the 
assembly  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  cannot 
act  under  the  new  constitution,  nor  meet  the 
new  council  for  that  purpose,  without  ac 
knowledging  the  power  of  parliament  to  alter 
their  charter,  which  they  never  will  do.  The 
language  of  the  proposal  is,  Try  on  your  fet 
ters  first,  and  then  if  you  don't  like  them, 
petition  and  we  will  consider. 

Establishing  salaries  for  judges  may  be  a 
general  law.  For  governors  not  so ;  the  con 
stitution  of  colonies  differing.  It  is  possible 
troops  may  be  sent  to  particular  provinces,  to 
burden  them  when  they  are  out  of  favour. 

Canada. — We  cannot  endure  despotism 
over  any  of  our  fellow-subjects.  We  must 
all  be  free,  or  none. 

That  afternoon  I  received  the  following 
note  from  Mrs.  Howe,  inclosing  another  from 
lord  Howe,  viz. 

"  Mrs.  Howe's  compliments  to  Dr.  Franklin ; 
she  has  just  received  the  inclosed  note  from 
lord  Howe,  and  hopes  it  will  be  convenient 
to  him  to  come  to  her  either  to-morrow  or 
Sunday,  at  any  hour  most  convenient  to  him, 
which  she  begs  he  will  be  so  good  to  name. 

"  Grafton  street,  Friday,  Feb.  17, 1775." 


128 


MEMOIRS  OF 


[Inclosed  in  the  foregoing.] 

"To  the  honourable  Mrs.  Howe. 

"  I  wish  you  to  procure  me  an  opportunity 

to  see  Dr.  Franklin  at  your  house  to-morrow 

or  on  Sunday  morning,  for  an  essential  pur- 


"  Graf  ton  street,  Friday,  4  o'clock.'" 

Received  Friday,  5  o'clock,  Feb.  17,  1775. 


I  had  not  heard  from  his  lordship  for  some 
time,  and  readily  answered,  that  I  would  do 
myself  the  honour  of  waiting  upon  him  at  her 
house  to-morrow  at  11  o'clock. 

Mr.  Barclay,  Dr.  Fothergill,  and  myself, 
met  according  to  appointment  at  the  doctor's 
house.  I  delivered  to  them  the  REMARKS  I 
had  made  on  the  paper,  and  we  talked  them 
over.  I  read,  also,  the  sketches  I  had  made 
of  the  petitions  and  memorials ;  but  they  be 
ing  of  opinion,  that  the  repeal  of  none  of  the 
Massachusetts  acts  could  be  obtained  by  my 
engaging  to  pay  for  the  tea,  the  Boston  port 
act  excepted,  and  I  insisting  on  a  repeal  of 
all,  otherwise  declining  to  make  the  offer, 
that  measure  was  deferred  for  the  present, 
and  I  pocketed  my  draughts.  They  con 
cluded,  however,  to  report  my  sentiments, 
and  see  if  any  further  concession  could  be  ob 
tained.  They  observed,  that  I  had  signed  my 
remarks,  on  which  I  said,  that  understanding 
by  other  means  as  well  as  from  them,  that  the 
ministers  had  been  acquainted  with  my  being 
consulted  in  this  business,  I  saw  no  occasion 
for  further  mystery ;  and  since,  in  conveying 
and  receiving  through  second  hands  their 
sentiments  and  mine,  occasioned  delay,  and 
might  be  attended  with  misapprehension, 
something  being  lost  or  changed  by  mistake 
in  the  conveyance,  I  did  not  see  why  we 
should  not  meet,  and  discuss  the  points  toge 
ther  at  once ;  that  if  this  was  thought  proper, 
I  should  be  willing  and  ready  to  attend  them 
to  the  ministerial  persons  they  conferred  with. 
They  seemed  to  approve  the  proposal,  and  said 
they  would  mention  it. 

The  next  morning  I  met  lord  Howe,  ac 
cording  to  appointment.  He  seemed  very 
cheerful,  having,  as  I  imagine,  heard  from 
lord  Hyde  what  that  lord  might  have  heard 
from  Mr.  Barclay  the  evening  of  the  16th, 
viz.  that  I  had  consented  to  petition  and 
engage  payment  for  the  tea ;  whence  it  was 
hoped,  the  ministerial  terms  of  accommoda 
tion  might  take  place.  He  let  me  know  that 
he  was  thought  of  to  be  sent  commissioner  for 
settling  the  differences  in  America ;  adding, 
with  an  excess  of  politeness,  that  sensible  of 
his  own  unacquaintedness  with  the  business, 
and  of  my  knowledge  and  abilities,  he  could 
not  think  of  undertaking  it  without  me ;  but 
with  me,  he  should  do  it  most  readily ;  for  he 
should  found  his  expectation  of  success  on  my 


assistance ;  he  therefore  had  desired  this  meet 
ing  to  know  my  mind  upon  a  proposition  of  my 
going  with  him  in  some  shape  or  other,  as  a 
friend,  an  assistant,  a  secretary :  that  he  was 
very  sensible,  if  he  should  be  so  happy  as  to 
effect  any  thing  valuable,  it  must  be  wholly 
owing  to  the  advice  and  assistance  I  should 
afford  him ;  that  he  should,  therefore,  make  no 
scruple  of  giving  me  upon  all  occasions  the 
full  honour  of  it;  that  he  had  declared  to  the 
ministers  his  opinion  of  my  good  dispositions 
towards  peace,  and  what  he  now  wished  was 
to  be  authorised  by  me  to  say,  that  I  consent 
ed  to  accompany  him,  and  would  co-operate 
with  him  in  the  great  work  of  reconciliation ; 
that  the  influence  I  had  over  the  minds  of 
people  in  America,  was  known  to  be  very  ex 
tensive  ;  and  that  I  could,  if  any  man  could, 
prevail  with  them  to  comply  with  reasonable 
propositions.     I  replied,  that  I  was  obliged  to 
his  lordship  for  the  favourable  opinion  he  had 
of  me,  and  for  the  honour  he  did  me  in  pro 
posing  to  make  use  of  my  assistance ;  that  I 
wished  to  know  what  propositions  were  in 
tended  for  America;  that  if  they  were  reason 
able  ones  in  themselves,  possibly  I  might  be 
able  to  make  them  appear  such  to  my  coun 
trymen  ;  but  if  they  were  otherwise,  I  doubted 
whether  that  could  be  done  by  any  man,  and 
certainly  I  should  not  undertake  it.    His  lord 
ship  then  said,  that  he  should  not  expect  my 
assistance  without  a  proper  consideration. 
That  the  business  was  of  great  importance, 
and  if  he  undertook  it,  he  should  insist  on  be 
ing  enabled  to  make  generous  and  ample  ap 
pointments  for  those  he  took  with  him,  particu 
larly  for  me ;  as  well  as  a  firm  promise  of 
subsequent  rewards;  and,  said  he,  that  the 
ministry  may  have  an  opportunity  of  showing 
their  good  disposition  towards  yourself,  will 
you  give  me  leave,  Mr.  Franklin,  to  procure 
for  you  previously  some  mark  of  it ;  suppose 
the  payment  here  of  the  arrears  of  your  salary 
as  agent  for  New  England,  which  I  under 
stand  they  have  stopped  for  some  time  past  ? 
My  lord,  said  I,  I  shall  deem  it  a  great  honour 
to  be  in  any  shape  joined  with  your  lordship 
n  so  good  'a  work ;  but  if  you  hope  service 
from  any  influence  I  may  be  supposed  to  have, 
drop  all  thoughts  of  procuring  me  any  pre 
vious  favours  from  ministers;  my  accepting 
hem  would  destroy  the  very  influence  you 
aropose  to  make  use  of;  they  would  be  consi 
dered  as  so  many  bribes  to  betray  the  interest 
of  my  country :  but  only  let  me  see  the  propo 
sitions,  and  if  I  approve  of  them,  I  shall  not 
icsitate  a  moment,  but  will  hold  myself  ready 
to  accompany  your  lordship  at  an  hour's  warn- 
ng.     He  then  said,  he  wished  I  would  dis 
course  with  lord  Hyde  upon  the  business,  and 
asked  if  I  had  any  objection  to  meet  his  lord 
ship?    I  answered  none,  not  the  least;  that  I 
lad  a  great  respect  for  lord  Hyde,  and  would 
wait  upon  him  whenever  he  should  please  to 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


129 


permit  it     He  said  he  would  speak  to  lore 
Hyde,  and  send  me  word. 

On  the  Monday  following,  I  received  a  let 
ter  from  lord  Howe.  To  understand  it  better, 
it  is  necessary  to  reflect,  that  in  the  meantime 
there  was  opportunity  for  Mr.  Barclay  to  com 
municate  to  that  nobleman,  the  REMARKS  I 
had  made  on  the  plan,  the  sight  of  which  had 
probably  changed  the  purpose  of  making  any 
use  of  me  on  the  occasion.  The  letter  fol 
lows  : — 

"Graf ton  street,  Feb.  20,  1775. 

"  Not  having  had  a  convenient  opportunity 
to  talk  with  lord  Hyde  until  this  morning,  on 
the  subject  I  mentioned,  when  I  had,  my  wor 
thy  friend,  the  pleasure  to  see  you  last,  I  now 
give  you  the  earliest  information  of  his  lord 
ship's  sentiments  upon  my  proposition. 

"  He  declares  he  has  no  personal  objection, 
and  that  he  is  always  desirous  of  the  conver 
sation  of  men  of  knowledge,  consequently,  in 
that  respect,  would  have  a  pleasure  in  yours. 
But  he  apprehends,  that  on  the  present  Ame 
rican  contest,  your  principles  and  his,  or  rather 
those  of  parliament,  are  as  yet  so  wide  from 
each  other,  that  a  meeting  merely  to  discuss 
them,  might  give  you  unnecessary  trouble. 
Should  you  think  otherwise,  or  should  any  pro 
pitious  circumstances  approximate  such  dis 
tant  sentiments,  he  would  be  happy  to  be  used 
as  a  channel  to  convey  what  might  tend  to 
harmony,  from  a  person  of  credit  to  those  in 
power :  and  I  will  venture  to  advance,  from 
my  knowledge  of  his  lordship's  opinion  of  men 
and  things,  that  nothing 'of  that  nature  would 
suffer  in  the  passage. 

"  I  am,  with  a  sincere  regard,  your  most 
obedient  servant,  HOWE. 

"To  Dr.  Franklin." 

As  I  had  no  desire  of  obtruding  myself  upon 
lord  Hyde,  though  a  little  piqued  at  his  de 
clining  to  see  me,  I  thought  it  best  to  show  a 
decent  indifference,  which  I  endeavoured  in 
the  following  answer : — 

"  Craven  street,  Feb.  20,  1775. 

"  Having  nothing  to  offer  on  the  American 
business,  in  addition  to  what  lord  Hyde  is  al 
ready  acquainted  with  from  the  papers  that 
have  passed,  it  seems  most  respectful  riot  to 
give  his  lordship  the  trouble  of  a  visit ;  since 
a  mere  discussion  of  the  sentiments  contained 
in  those  papers,  is  not,  in  his  opinion,  likely 
to  produce  any  good  effect.  I  am  thankful, 
however,  to  his  lordship,  for  the  permission 
of  waiting  on  him,  which  I  shall  use  if  any 
thing  occurs  that  may  give  a  chance  of  utility 
in  such  an  interview. 

"  With  sincere  esteem  and  respect,  I  have 
the  honour  to  be,  my  lord,  your  lordship's  most 
obedient  humble  servant,  *  B.  FRANKLIN. 

': Lord  Howe" 
VOL.  I. . . .  R 


On  the  morning  of  the  same  day,  February 
20,  it  was  currently  and  industriously  report 
ed  all  over  the  town,  that  lord  North  would 
that  day  make  a  pacific  motion  in  the  house 
of  commons,  for  healing  all  differences  be 
tween  Britain  and  America.  The.  house  was 
accordingly  very  full,  and  the  members  full 
of  expectation.  The  Bedford  party,  inimical 
to  America,  and  who  had  urged  severe  mea 
sures,  were  alarmed,  and  began  to  exclaim 
against  the  minister  for  his  timidity,  and  the 
fluctuation  of  his  politics  ;  they  even  began 
to  count  voices,  to  see  if  they  could  not,  by 
negativing  his  motion,  at  once  unhorse  him, 
and  throw  him  out  of  administration.  His 
friends  were  therefore  alarmed  for  him,  and 
there  was  much  caballing  and  whispering. 
At  length  a  motion,  as  one  had  been  pro 
mised,  was  made,  but  whether  that  originally 
intended,  is  with  me  very  doubtful :  I  suspect, 
from  its  imperfect  composition,  from  its  in- 
adequateness  to  answer  the  purpose  previous 
ly  professed,  and  from  some  other  circum 
stances,  that  when  first  drawn  it  contained 
more  of  Mr.  Barclay's  plan,  but  was  curtailed 
by  advice,  just  before  it  was  delivered.  My 
old  proposition  of  giving  up  the  regulating 
duties  to  the  colonies,  was  in  part  to  be  found 
in  it,  and  many  who  knew  nothing  of  that 
transaction,  said  it  was  the  best  part  of  the 
motion  :  it  was  as  follows : — 

Lord  North's  Motion,  Feb.  20,  1775. 

"  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  committee, 
that  when  the  governor,  council,  and  assem 
bly,  or  general  court  of  his  majesty's  pro 
vinces  or  colonies,  shall  propose  to  make 
provision  according  to  their  respective  condi 
tions,  circumstances,  and  situations,  for  con 
tributing  their  proportion  to  the  common 
defence  ;  such  proportion  to  be  raised  under 
the  authority  of  the  general  court,  or  general 
assembly  of  such  province  or  colony,  and 
disposable  by  parliament;  and  shall  engage 
to  make  provision  also  for  the  support  of  the 
civil  government,  and  the  administration  of 
ustice  in  such  province  or  colony,  it  will  be 
aroper,  if  such  proposal  shall  be  approved  by 
lis  majesty  in  parliament,  and  for  so  long  as 
such  provision  shall  be  made  accordingly,  to 
forbear  in  respect  of  such  province  or  colony, 
;o  levy  any  duties,  tax,  or  assessment,  or  to 
mpose  any  further  duty,  tax,  or  assessment, 
except  only  such  duties  as  it  may  be  expe 
dient  to  impose  for  the  regulation  of  com 
merce  ;  the  nett  produce  of  the  duties  last 
mentioned,  to  be  carried  to  the  account  of 
such  province,  colony,  or  plantation  exclu 
sively." 

After  a  good  deal  of  wild  debate,  in  which 
this  motion  was  supported  upon  various  and 
nconsistent  principles  by  the  ministerial  peo 
ple,  and  even  met  with  an  opposition  from 


130 


MEMOIRS  OF 


some  of  them,  which  showed  a  want  of  con 
cert,  probably  from  the  suddenness  of  the 
alterations  above  supposed,  they  all  agreed  a 
length,  as  usual,  in  voting  it  by  a  large  ma 
jority.  Hearing  nothing  all  the  following 
week  from  Messrs.  Barclay  and  Fothergill 
(except  that  lord  Hyde,  when  acquainted  with 
my  willingness  to  engage  for  payment  of  the 
tea,  had  said  it  gave  him  new  life,}  nor  any 
thing  from  lord  Howe,  I  mentioned  his  silence 
occasionally  to  his  sister,  adding,  that  I  sup 
posed  it  owing  to  his  finding  what  he  hac 
proposed  to  me  was  not  likely  to  take  place 
and  I  wished  her  to  desire  him,  if  that  was 
the  case,  to  let  me  know  it  by  a  line,  that  1 
might  be  at  liberty  to  take  other  measures. 
She  did  so  as  soon  as  he  returned  from  the 
country,  where  he  had  been  for  a  day  or  two ; 
and  I  received  from  her  the  following  note, 
viz. 

"  Mrs.  Howe's  compliments  to  Dr.  Frank 
lin  :  lord  Howe  not  quite  understanding  the 
message  received  from  her,  will  be  glad  to 
have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  him,  either  be 
tween  twelve  and  one  this  morning,  (the  only 
hour  he  is  at  liberty  this  day,)  at  her  house, 
or  at  any  hour  to-morrow  most  convenient  to 
him. 

"  Grafton  street,  Tuesday" 

I  met  his  lordship  at  the  hour  appointed. 
He  said  that  he  had  not  seen  me  lately,  as  he 
expected  daily  to  have  something  more  ma 
terial  to  say  to  me  than  had  yet  occurred ; 
and  hoped  that  I  would  have  called  on  lord 
Hyde,  as  I  had  intimated  I  should  do  when  I 
apprehended  it  might  be  useful,  which  he 
was  sorry  to  find  I  had  not  done.  That  there 
was  something  in  my  verbal  message  by  Mrs. 
Howe,  which  perhaps  she  had  apprehended 
imperfectly ;  it  was  the  hint  of  my  purpose  to 
take  other  measures.  I  answered,  that  hav 
ing  since  I  had  last  seen  his  lordship  heard 
of  the  death  of  my  wife  at  Philadelphia,  in 
whose  hands  I  had  left  the  care  of  my  affairs 
there,  it  was  become  necessary  for  me  to  re 
turn  thither  as  soon  as  conveniently  might 
be ;  that  what  his  lordship  had  proposed,  of 
my  accompanying  him  to  America,  might,  if 
likely  to  take  place,  postpone  my  voyage  to 
suit  his  conveniency;  otherwise,  I  should 
proceed  by  the  first  ship.  That  I  did  sup 
pose,  by  not  hearing  from  him,  and  by  lord 
North's  motion,  all  thoughts  of  that  kind  were 
laid  aside,  which  was  what  I  only  desired  to 
know  from  him.  He  said  my  last  paper  of 
REMARKS  by  Mr.  Barclay,  wherein  I  had 
made  the  indemnification  of  Boston  for  the 
injury  of  stopping  its  port,  a  condition  of  my 
engaging  to  pay  for  the  tea,  (a  condition  im 
possible  to  be  complied  with,)  had  discouraged 
further  proceeding  on  that  idea:  Having  a 
copy  of  that  paper  in  my  pocket,  I  showed 


his  lordship  that  I  had  proposed  no  such  con 
dition  of  my  engagement,  nor  any  other  than 
the  repeal  of  all  the  Massachusetts  acts :  that 
what  followed  relating  to  the  indemnification 
was  only  expressing  my  private  opinion  that 
it  would  be  just,  but  by  no  means  insisting 
upon  it.  He  said  the  arrangements  were  not 
yet  determined  on ;  that  as  I  now  explained 
myself,  it  appeared  I  had  been  much  misap 
prehended;  and  he  wished  of  all  things  I 
would  see  lord  Hyde,  and  asked  if  I  would 
choose  to  meet  him  there,  at  Mrs.  Howe's,  or 
that  he  should  call  upon  me :  I  said  that  I 
would  by  no  means  give  lord  Hyde  that  trou 
ble.  That  since  he  (lord  Howe)  seemed  to 
think  it  might  be  of  use,  and  wished  it  done 
soon,  I  would  wait  upon  lord  Hyde :  I  knew 
him  to  be  an  early  riser,  and  would  be  with 
him  at  8  o'clock  the  next  morning;  which 
lord  Howe  undertook  to  acquaint  him  with : 
but  I  added,  that  from  what  circumstances  I 
could  collect  of  the  disposition  of  ministry,  I 
apprehended  my  visit  would  answer  no  ma 
terial  purpose.  He  was  of  a  different  opinion , 
to  which  I  submitted. 

The  next  morning,  March  1st,  I  according 
ly  was  early  with  lord  Hyde,  who  received 
me  with  his  usual  politeness.  We  talked 
over  a  great  part  of  the  dispute  between  the 
countries.  I  found  him  ready  with  all  the 
newspaper  and  pamphlet  topics,  of  the  ex 
pense  of  settling  our  colonies,  the  protection 
afforded  them,  the  heavy  debt  under  which 
Britain  laboured,  the  equity  of  our  contribut 
ing  to  its  alleviation;  that  many  people  in 
England  were  no  m6re  represented  than  we 
were,  yet  all  were  taxed  and  governed  by 
parliament,  &c.  &c.  I  answered  all,  but  with 
little  effect ;  for  though  his  lordship  seemed 
civilly  to  hear  what  I  said,  I  had  reason  to 
believe  he  attended  very  little  to  the  purport 
of  it,  his  mind  being  employed  the  while  in 
thinking  on  what  he  himself  purposed  to  say 
next.  He  had  hoped,  he  said,  that  lord 
North's  motion  would  have  been  satisfactory ; 
and  asked  what  could  be  objected  to  it.  I 
replied,  the  terms  of  it  were,  that  we  should 
grant  money  till  parliament  had  agreed  we 
had  given  enough,  without  having  the  least 
share  in  judging  of  the  propriety  of  the  mea 
sure  for  which  it  was  to  be  granted,  or  of  our 
own  abilities  to  grant;  that  these  grants  were 
also  to  be  made  under  a  threat  of  exercising 
a  claimed  right  of  taxing  us  at  pleasure,  and 
compelling  such  taxes  by  an  armed  force,  if 
we  did  not  give  till  it  should  be  thought  we 
lad  given  enough ;  that  the  proposition  was 
similar  to  no  mode  of  obtaining  aids  that  ever 
existed,  except  that  of  a  highwayman,  who 
presents  his  pistol  and  hat  at  a  coach  window, 
demanding  no  specific  sum,  but  if  you  will 
give  all  your  money,  or  what  he  is  pleased  to 
;hink  sufficient,  he  will  civilly  omit  putting 
lis  own  hand  into  your  pockets  :  if  not,  there 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


131 


is  his  pistol :  that  the  mode  of  raising  con 
tributions  in  an  enemy's  country  was  faire 
than  this,  since  there  an  explicit  sum  wai 
demanded,  and  the  people  who  were  raising 
it  knew  what  they  were  about,  and  wher 
they  should  have  done : — and  that,  in  short, 
no  free  people  could  ever  think  of  beginning 
to  grant  upon  such  terms:  that,  besides,  a 
new  dispute  had   now  been   raised,  by  the 
parliament's  pretending  to  a  power  of  alter 
ing  our  charters  and  established  laws,  which 
was  of  still  more  importance  to  us  than  their 
claim  of  taxation,  as  it  set  us  all  adrift,  ant 
left  us  without  a  privilege  we  could  depend 
upon,  but  at  their  pleasure ;  this  was  a  situa 
tion  we  could  not  possibly  be  in,  and  as  lord 
North's  proposition  had   no   relation  to  this 
matter,  if  the  other  had  been  such  as  we  could 
have  agreed  to,  we  should  still  be  far  from  a 
reconciliation.     His  lordship  thought  I  mis 
understood  the  proposition  ;  on  which  I  took 
it  out  and  read  it :  he  then  waived  that  point, 
and  said  he  should  be  glad  to  know  from  me 
what  would  produce  a  reconciliation.     I  said 
that  his  lordship,  I  imagined,  had  seen  several 
proposals  of  mine  for  that  purpose.     He  said 
he  had  ;  but  some  of  my  articles  were  such  as 
would  never  be  agreed  to  :  that  it  was  appre 
hended  I  had  several  instructions  and  powers 
to  offer  more  acceptable  terms,  but  was  ex 
tremely  reserved,  and  perhaps  from  a  desire 
he  did  not  blame,  of  doing  better  for  my  con 
stituents  ;  but  my  expectations  might  deceive 
me,  arid  he  did  think,  I  might  be  assured,  I 
should  never  obtain  better  terms  than  what 
were  now  offered  by  lord  North;   that  ad 
ministration  had  a  sincere  desire  of  restoring 
iiarmony  with  America,  and  it  was  thought 
if  I  would  co-operate  with  them  the  business 
would  be  easy :  that  he  hoped  I  was  above 
retaining  resentment  against  them,  for  what 
nobody  now  approved,  and  for  which  satisfac 
tion  might  be  made  me:  that  I  was,  as  he 
understood,  in  high  esteem  among  the  Ame 
ricans  ;  that  if  I  would  bring  about  a  recon 
ciliation  on  terms  suitable  to  the  dignity  of 
government,  I  might  be  as  highly  and  gene 
rally  esteemed  here,  and  be  honoured  and  re 
warded  perhaps  beyond  my  expectation. 

I  replied,  that  I  thought  I  had  given  a  con 
vincing  proof  of  my  sincere  desire  of  promo 
ting  peace,  when,  on  being  informed  that  all 
wanted  for  the  honour  of  government,  was  to 
obtain  payment  for  the  tea,  I  offered,  without 
any  instruction  to  warrant  my  so  doing,  or  as 
surance  that  I  should  be  reimbursed,  or  my 
conduct  approved,  to  engage  for  that  payment, 
if  the  Massachusetts  acts  were  to  be  repealed ; 
an  engagement  in  which  I  must  have  risked 
my  whole  fortune  ;  which  I  thought  few  be 
sides  me  would  have  done :  that  in  truth,  pri 
vate  resentments  had  no  weight  with  me  in 
public  business ;  that  I  was  not  the  reserved 
man  imagined;  having  really  no  secret  in 


structions  to  act  upon.  That  I  was  certainly 
willing  to  do  every  thing  that  could  reasona 
bly  be  expected  of  me.  But  if  any  supposed  I 
could  prevail  with  my  countrymen  to  take 
black  for  white,  and  wrong  for  right,  it  was 
not  knowing  either  them  or  me :  they  were 
not  capable  of  being  so  imposed  on,  nor  was  I 
capable  of  attempting  it  He  then  asked  my 
opinion  of  sending  over  a  commissioner,  for 
the  purpose  mentioned  in  a  preceding  part  of 
this  account ;  and  my  answer  was  to  the  same 
effect.  By  the  way,  I  apprehend,  that  to  give 
me  an  opportunity  of  discoursing  with  lord 
Hyde  on  that  point,  was  a  principal  motive 
with  lord  Howe,  for  urging  me  to  make  this 
visit  His  lordship  did  not  express  his  own 
sentiments  upon  it.  And  thus  ended  this  con 
versation. 

Three  or  four  days  after,  I  received  the 
following  note  from  Mrs.  Howe. 

'  Mrs.  Howe's  compliments  to  Dr.  Frank- 
iin :  lord  Howe  begs  to  have  the  pleasure  of 
meeting  him  once  more  before  he  goes,  at  her 
house  ;  he  is  at  present  out  of  town,  but  re 
turns  on  Monday,  and  any  day  or  hour  after 
that,  that  the  doctor  will  name,  he  will  be 
very  glad  to  attend  him. 
"  Grafton  street,  Saturday,  March  4  <f-  5." 

I  answered  that  I  would  do  myself  the 
lono'ir  of  waiting  on  lord  Howe  at  her  house 
;he  Tuesday  following,  at  eleven  o'clock.  We 
met  accordingly.    He  began  by  saying,  that  I 
lad  been  a  better  prophet  than  himself,  in 
foreseeing  that  my  interview  with  lord  Hyde 
would  be  of  no  great  use  :  and  then  said  that 
he  hoped  I  woutd  excuse  the  trouble  he  had 
riven  me,  as  his  intentions  had  been  good 
x)th  towards  me  and  the  public :  he  was  sorry 
hat  at  present  there  was  no  appearance  of 
things  going  into  the  train  he  had  wished,  but 
that  possibly  they  might  yet  take  a  more  fa- 
•ourable  turn ;  and  as  he  understood  I  was 
going  soon  to  America,  if  he  should  chance  to 
>e  sent  thither  on  that  important  business,  he 
oped  he  might  still  expect  my  assistance.  I 
assured  him  of  my  readiness  at  all  times  of  co- 
>perating  with  him  in  so  good  a  work  :  and 
so  taking  my  leave,  and  receiving  his  good 
wishes,  ended  the  negotiation  with  lord  Howe. 
And  I  heard  no  more  of  that  with  Messrs. 
•\3thergill  and  Barclay :  I  could  only  gather 
>om  some  hints  in  their  conversation,  that 
leither  of  them  were  well  pleased  with  the 
Conduct  of  the  ministers    respecting  these 
ransactions :   and  a  few  days  before  I  left 
Condon,  I  met  them  by  their  desire,  at  the 
octor's  house,  when  they  desired  me  to  as- 
ure  their  friends  from  them,  that  it  was  now 
heir  fixed  opinion,  that  nothing  could  secure 
he  privileges  of  America,  but  a  firm,  sober 
dherence  to  the  terms  of  the  association  made 
t  the  congress,  and  that  the  salvation  of 


132 


MEMOIRS  OF 


English  liberty  depended  now  on  the  perse 
verance  and  virtue  of  America. 

During  the  whole,  my  time  was  otherwise 
much  taken  up,  by  friends  calling  continually 
to  inquire  news  from  America :  members  of 
both  houses  of  parliament,  to  inform  me  what 
passed  in  the  houses,  and  discourse  with  me 
on  the  debates,  arid  on  motions  made  or  to  be 
made ;  merchants  of  London  and  of  the  manu 
facturing  and  port  towns  on  their  petitions,  the 
Quakers  upon  theirs,  &.c.  &c.,  so  that  I  had 
no  time  to  take  notes  of  almost  any  thing. 
This  account  is  therefore  chiefly  from  recol 
lection,  in  which  doubtless  much  must  have 
been  omitted,  from  deficiency  of  memory ;  but 
what  there  is  I  believe  to  be  pretty  exact ;  ex 
cept  that  discoursing  with  so  many  different 
persons  about  the  same  time,  on  the  same  sub 
ject,  I  may  possibly  have  put  down  some 
things  as  said  by  or  to  one  person,  which 
passed  in  conversation  with  another.  A  little 
before  I  left  London,  being  at  the  house  of 
lords,  when  a  debate  in  which  lord  Camden 
was  to  speak,  and  who  indeed  spoke  admira 
bly  on  American  affairs,  I  was  much  disgusted, 
from  the  ministerial  side,  by  many  base  re 
flections  on  American  courage,  religion,  un 
derstanding,  &c.  in  which  we  were  treated 
with  the  utmost  contempt,  as  the  lowest  of 
mankind,  and  almost  of  a  different  species 
from  the  English  of  Britain ;  but  particularly 
the  American  honesty  was  abused  by  some 
of  the  lords,  who  asserted  that  we  were  all 
knaves,  and  wanted  only  by  this  dispute  to 
avoid  paying  our  debts ;  that  if  we  had  any 
sense  of  equity  or  justice,  we  should  offer  pay 
ment  of  the  tea,  &c.  I  went  home  somewhat 
irritated  and  heated ;  and  partly  to  retort  upon 
this  nation,  on  the  article  of  equity,  drew  up 
a  memorial  to  present  to  lord  Dartmouth,  be 
fore  my  departure ;  but  consulting  my  friend, 
Mr.  Thomas  Wai  pole  upon  it,  who  is  a  mem 
ber  of  the  house  of  commons,  he  looked  at  it 
and  at  me  several  times  alternately,  as  if 
he  apprehended  me  a  little  out  of  my  senses. 
As  I  was  in  the  hurry  of  packing  up,  I  re 
quested  him  to  take  the  trouble  of  showing  it 
to  his  neighbour  lord  Camden,  and  ask  "his 
advice  upon  it,  which  he  kindly  undertook  to 
do ;  and  returned  it  me  with  a  note,  which 
here  follows  the  proposed  memorial. 

"  To  the  Right  Honourable  the  Earl  of 
Dartmouth,  one  of  his  Majesty's  principal 
Secretaries  of  State. 

"  A  Memorial  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  Agent  of  the 
Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay. 

"  Whereas  an  injury  done,  can  only  give 
the  party  injured  a  right  to  full  reparation ; 
or,  in  case  that  be  refused,  a  right  to  return 
an  equal  injury ;  and  whereas  the  blockade 
of  Boston,  now  continued  nine  months,  hath 
every  week  of  its  continuance  done  damage 


to  that  town,  equal  to  what  was  suffered  there 
by  the  India  company ;  it  follows  that  such 
exceeding  damage  is  an  injury  done  by  this 
government,  for  which  reparation  ought  to  be 
made.  And  whereas  reparation  of  injuries 
ought  always  (agreeably  to  the  custom  of  all 
nations  savage  as  well  as  civilized)  to  be  first 
required  before  satisfaction  is  taken  by  a  re 
turn  of  damage  to  the  aggressors ;  which  was 
not  done  by  Great  Britain  in  the  instance 
abovementioned ;  I  the  underwritten,  do  there 
fore,  as  their  agent,  in  the  behalf  of  my  coun 
try  and  the  town  of  Boston,  protest  against 
the  continuance  of  the  said  blockade :  and  I 
do  hereby  solemnly  demand  satisfaction  for 
the  accumulated  injury  done  them,  beyond 
the  value  of  the  India  company's  tea  destroy 
ed.  And  whereas  the  conquest  of  the  Gulph 
of  St  Lawrence,  the  coast  of  Labrador  and 
Nova  Scotia,  and  the  fisheries  possessed  by 
the  French  there  and  on  the  banks  of  New 
foundland,  so  far  as  they  were  more  extended 
than  at  present,  was  made  by  the  joint  forces 
of  Britain  and  the  colonies,  the  latter  having 
nearly  an  equal  number  of  men  in  that  service 
with  the  former ;  it  follows  that  the  colonies 
have  an  equitable  and  just  right  to  participate 
in  the  advantage  of  those  fisheries :  I  do  there 
fore,  in  the  behalf  of  the  colony  of  the  Massa 
chusetts  Bay,  protest  against  the  act  now  un 
der  consideration  in  parliament,  for  depriving 
that  province,  with  others,  of  that  fishery  (on 
pretence  of  their  refusing  to  purchase  Britisli 
commodities)  as  an  act  highly  unjust  and 
injurious:  and  I  give  notice,  that  satisfac 
tion  will  probably  one  day  be  demanded  for 
all  the  injury  that  may  be  done  and  suffered 
in  the  execution  of  such  act :  and  that  the  in 
justice  of  the  proceeding  is  likely  to  give  such 
umbrage  to  all  the  colonies,  that  in  no  future 
war,  wherein  other  conquests  may  be  medi 
tated,  either  a  man  or  a  shilling  will  be  ob 
tained  from  any  of  them  to  aid  such  con 
quests,  till  full  satisfaction  be  made  as  afore 
said.  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  Given  in  London,  this  16th  day  of 
March,  1775." 

"  To  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  return  you  the  memorial, 
which  it  is  thought  might  be  attended  with 
dangerous  consequences  to  your  person,  and 
contribute  to  exasperate  the  nation. 

"  I  heartily  wish  you  a  prosperous  voyage, 
a  long  health,  and  am,  with  the  sincerest  re 
gard,  your  most  faithful  and  obedient  ser 
vant,  THOMAS  WALPOLE. 

"  Lincoln's  Inn  Fields, 
16th  March,  1775." 

Mr.  Walpole  called  at  my  house  the  next 
day,  and  hearing  I  was  gone  to  the  house  of 
lords,  came  there  to  me,  and  repeated  more 
fully  what  was  in  his  note ;  adding,  that  it 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


133 


was  thought  my  having  no  instructions  direct 
ing  me  to  deliver  such  a  protest,  would  mak( 
it  appear  still  more  unjustifiable,  and  be  deem 
ed  a  national  affront :  I  had  no  desire  to  make 
matters  worse,  and,  being  grown  cooler,  took 
the  advice  so  kindly  given  me. 

The  evening  before  I  left  London,  I  receiv 
ed  a  note  from  Dr.  Fothcrgill,  with  some  let 
ters  to  his  friends  in  Philadelphia.  In  thai 
note  he  desires  me  to  get  those  friends,  "and 
two  or  three  more  together,  and  inform  them, 
that  whatever  specious  pretences  are  offered, 
they  are  all  hollow ;  and  that  to  get  a  larger 
field  on  which  to  fatten  a  herd  of  worthless 
parasites,  is  all  that  is  regarded.  Perhaps  it 
may  be  proper  to  acquaint  them  with  David 
Barclay's  and  our  united  endeavours,  and  the 
effects.  They  will  stun  at  least,  if  not  con 
vince,  the  most  worthy,  that  nothing  very  fa 
vourable  is  intended,  if  more  unfavourable  ar 
ticles  cannot  be  obtained."  The  doctor  in  the 
course  of  his  daily  visits  among  the  great,  in 
the  practice  of  his  profession,  had  full  oppor 
tunity  of  being  acquainted  with  their  senti 
ments,  the  conversation  every  where  turning 
upon  the  subject  of  America. 


Here  Dr.  Franklin's  own  narrative  closes, 
and  the  editor  resumes  the  continuation  of 
the  subject. 

During  the  passage  to  America,  Dr.  Frank 
lin  not  only  occupied  himself  in  writing  the 
preceding  narrative  of  his  noble  efforts  to  pre 
vent  a  war,  which  the  rapacity  and  infatua 
tion  of  the  British  ministry  utterly  defeated, 
but  he  likewise  employed  himself  in  making 
experiments  and  observations  on  the  waters 
of  the  ocean,  by  means  of  the  thermometer,  in 
order  to  ascertain  the  exact  course  of  the 
gulph  stream ;  by  the  knowledge  of  which, 
mariners  might  hereafter  avoid  or  avail  them 
selves  of  its  current,  according  to  their  various 
destinations.*  These  experiments  and  ob 
servations  will  be  found  in  their  appropriate 

*  It  is  ascertained  by  Dr.  Franklin's  experiments, 
that  a  navigator  may  always  know  when  he  is  in  the 
gulph  stream,  by  the  warmth  of  the  water,  which  is 
much  greater  than  that  of  the  water  on  either  side  of 
it.  If,  then,  he  is  bound  to  the  westward,  he  should 
cross  the  stream  to  get  out  of  it  as  soon  as  possible ; 
and  if  to  the  eastward,  endeavour  to  remain  in  it. 

12 


place — his  philosophical  works;  but  the  fol 
lowing  general  reflections  connected  there 
with,  by  this  friend  of  the  human  race,  may, 
with  propriety,  be  here  introduced. 

"  Navigation,  when  employed  in  supplying 
necessary  provisions  to  a  country  in  want, 
and  thereby  preventing  famines,  which  were 
more  frequent  and  destructive  before  the  in 
vention  of  that  art,  is  undoubtedly  a  blessing 
to  mankind.      When   employed  merely   in 
transporting    superfluities,   it    is  a  question 
whether  the  advantage  of  the  employment  it 
affords,  is  equal  to  the  mischief  of  hazarding 
so  many  lives  on  the  ocean.     But  when  em 
ployed  in  pillaging  merchants  and  transport 
ing  slaves,  it  is  clearly  the  means  of  aug 
menting  the  mass  of  human  misery.     It  is 
amazing  to  think  of  the  ships  and  lives  risked 
in  fetching  tea  from  China,  coffee  from  Ara 
bia,  sugar  and  tobacco  from  America,  all  which 
our  ancestors  did  well  without.     Sugar  em 
ploys  near  one  thousand  ships,  tobacco  almost 
as  many.     For  the  utility  of  tobacco  there  is 
little  to  be  said ;  and  for  th?t  of  sugar,  how 
much  more  commendable  would  it  be,  if  we 
could  give  up  the  few  minutes  gratification 
afforded  once  or  twice  a  day,  by  the  taste  of 
sugar  in  our  tea,  rather  than  encourage  the 
cruelties  exercised  in  producing  it.     An  emi 
nent  French  moralist  says,  that  when  he  con 
siders  the  wars  we  excite  in  Africa  to  obtain 
slaves,  the  numbers  necessarily  slain  in  those 
wars,  the  many  prisoners  who  perish  at  sea 
ty  sickness,  bad  provisions,  foul  air,  &c.  in 
the  transportation,  and  how  many  afterwards 
die  from  the  hardships  of  slavery,  he  cannot 
'ook  on  P.  piece  of  sugar  without  conceiving 
t  stained  with  spots  of  human  blood !   had 
le  added  the  consideration  of  the  wars  we 
nake  to  take  and  retake  the  sugar  islands 
Tom  one  another,  and  the  fleets  and  armies 
;hat  perish   in  those  expeditions,  he  might 
lave  seen  his  sugar  not  merely  spotted,  but 
thoroughly  dyed  scarlet  in  grain !     It  is  these 
wars  that  made  the  maritime  powers  of  Eu 
rope,  the  inhabitants  of  London  and  Paris,  pay 
dearer  for  sugar  th*n  those  of  Vienna,  a  thou 
sand  miles  from  the  sea ;  because  their  sugar 
;osts  not  only  the  price  they  pay  for  it  by  the 
>oiind,  but  all  they  pay  in  taxes  to  maintain 
he  fleets  and  armies  that  fiffht  for  it" 


MEMOIRS 


OF 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

PART  IV. 


AFTER  a  very  pleasant  passage  of  about  six 
weeks,  Dr.  Franklin  arrived  within  the  Capes 
of  Delaware,  was  landed  at  Chester,  and 
proceeded  by  land  to  Philadelphia,  where 
every  mark  of  respect,  attachment,  and  vener 
ation  was  shown  him  by  his  fellow-citizens ; 
the  very  day  after  his  arrival  he  was  elected 
by  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  a  delegate 
to  congress. 

Shortly  after,  he  thus  notices  the  then  state 
of  the  colonies,  in  a  letter  of  May  16,  1775 : 

"  To  Dr.  Joseph  Priestley. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  May  16,  1775. 

"  DEAR  FRIEND, — You  will  have  heard  be 
fore  this  reaches  you,  of  a  march  stolen  by  the 
regulars  into  the  country  by  night,  and  of 
their  expedition  back  again.  They  retreated 
twenty  miles  in  six  hours. 

"  The  governor  had  called  the  assembly  to 
propose  lord  North's  pacific  plan,  but  before 
the  time  of  their  meeting,  began  cutting  of 
throats.  You  know  it  was  said  he  carried  the 
sword  in  one  hand,  and  the  olive  branch  in 
the  other ;  and  it  seems  he  chose  to  give 
them  a  taste  of  the  sword  first. 

"  He  is  doubling  his  fortifications  at  Boston, 
and  hopes  to  secure  hia  troops  till  succour  ar 
rives.  The  place  indeed  is  naturally  so  de 
fensible,  that  I  think  them  in  no  danger. 

"  All  America  is  exasperated  by  his'conduct, 
and  more  firmly  united  than  ever.  The  breach 
between  the  two  countries  is  grown  wider, 
and  in  danger  of  becoming  irreparable. 

"  I  had  a  passage  of  six  weeks,  the  weather 
constantly  so  moderate  that  a  London  wherry 
might  have  accompanied  us  all  the  way.  I  got 
home  in  the  evening,  and  the  next  morning 
was  unanimously  chosen  by  the  assembly,  a 
delegate  to  the  congress  now  sitting. 

"  In  coming  over  I  made  a  valuable  philoso 
phical  discovery,  which  I  shall  communicate 
to  you  when  I  can  get  a  little  time.  At  present 
am  extremely  hurried.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

And  to  the  same  friend  he  wrote  some 
weeks  after — 


"The  congress  met  at  a  time  when  all 
minds  were  so  exasperated  by  the  perfidy  of 
general  Gage,  and  his  attack  on  the  country 
people,  that  propositions  for  attempting  an 
accommodation  were  not  much  relished;  and 
it  has  been  with  difficulty  that  we  have  car 
ried  in  that  assembly,  another  humble  petition 
to  the  crown,  to  give  Britain  one  more  chance, 
one  opportunity  more  of  recovering  the  friend 
ship  of  the  colonies ;  which  however  I  think 
she  has  not  sense  enough  to  embrace,  so  I 
conclude  she  has  lost  them  for  ever."* 

*  Never  was  a  prediction  more  completely  verified. 
The  following  is  a  copy  of  the  petition  referred  to  by 
Dr.  Franklin,  and  to  which  an  answer  was  refused  to 
be  given. 

TO  THE  KING'S  MOST  EXCELLENT  MAJESTY 
Most  Gracious  Sovereign, 

We  your  majesty's  faithful  subjects  of  the  colonies 
of  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts  Bay,  Rhode  Island 
and  Providence  Plantations,  Connecticut,  New  York, 
New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  the  counties  of  Newcastle, 
Kent,  and  Sussex  on  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia, 
North  Carolina,  and  South  Carolina,  in  behalf  of  our 
selves  and  the  inhabitants  of  these  colonies  who  have 
deputed  us  to  represent  them  in  general  congress,  en 
treat  your  majesty's  gracious  attention  to  this  our 
humble  petition. 

The  union  between  our  mother  country  and  these 
colonies,  and  the  energy  of  mild  and  just  government 
produced  benefits  so  remarkably  important,  'and  afford 
ed  such  an  assurance  of  their  permanency  and  increase, 
that  the  wonder  arid  envy  of  other  nations  were  ex 
cited,  while  they  beheld  Great  Britain  rising  to  a  power 
the  most  extraordinary  the  world  had  ever  known. 

Her  rivals,  observing  that  there  was  no  probability 
of  this  happy  connexion  being  broken  by  civil  dissen 
sions,  and  apprehending  its  future  effects,  if  left  any 
longer  undisturbed,  resolved  to  prevent  her  receiving 
such  continual  and  formidable  accessions  of  wealth  and 
strength,  by  checking  the  growth  of  those  settlements 
from  which  they  were  to  be  derived. 

In  the  prosecution  of  this  attempt,  events  so  un 
favourable  to  the  design  took  place,  that  every  friend 
to  the  interest  of  Great  Britain  and  these  colonies, 
entertained  pleasing  and  reasonable  expectations  of 
seeing  an  additional  force  and  exertion  immediately 
given  to  the  operations  of  the  union  hitherto  expe 
rienced,  by  an  enlargement  of  the  dominions  of  the 
crown,  and  the  removal  of  ancient  and  warlike  ene 
mies  to  a  greater  distance. 

At  the  conclusion,  therefore,  of  the  late  war,  the 
most  glorious  and  advantageous  that  ever  had  been 
carried  on  by  British  arms,  your  loyal  colonists,  having 
contributed  to  its  success,  by  such  repeated  and  strenu 
ous  exertions,  as  frequently  procured  them  the  distin 
guished  approbation  of  your  majesty,  of  the  late  king, 

134 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


135 


In  the  same  letter  he  adds,  "  My  time  was 
never  more  fully  employed.  In  the  morning 
at  six,  I  am  at  the  committee  of  safety,  ap 
pointed  by  the  assembly  to  put  the  province 

and  of  parliament,  doubted  not  but  that  they  should  be 
permitted,  with  the  rest  of  the  empire,  to  share  in  the 
blessings  of  peace,  and  the  emoluments  of  victory  and 
conquest. 

While  these  recent  and  honourable  acknowledg 
ments  of  their  merits  remained  on  record,  in  the  jour 
nals  and  acts  of  that  august  legislature,  the  parlia 
ment,  undefaced  by  the  imputation  or  even  the  sus 
picion  of  any  offence,  they  were  alarmed  by  a  new 
system  of  statutes  and  regulations,  adopted  for  the  ad 
ministration  of  the  colonies,  that  filled  their  minds 
with  the  most  painful  fears  and  jealousies;  and,  to 
their  inexpressible  astonishment,  perceived  the  danger 
of  a  foreign  quarrel  quickly  succeeded  by  domestic 
danger,  in  their  judgment,  of  a  more  dreadful  kind. 

Nor  were  these  anxieties  alleviated  by  any  tendency 
in  this  system  to  promote  the  welfare  of  their  mother 
country;  for  though  its  effects  were  more  immediately 
felt  by  them,  yet  its  influence  appeared  to  be  injurious 
to  the  commerce  and  prosperity  of  Great  Britain. 

We  shall  decline  the  ungrateful  task  of  describing 
the  irksome  variety  of  artifices,  practised  by  many  of 
your  majesty's  ministers,  the  delusive  pretences,  fruit 
less  terrors,  and  unavailing  severities,  that  have  from 
time  to  time  been  dealt  out  by  them,  in  their  attempts 
to  execute  this  impolitic  plan,  or  of  tracing  through  a 
series  of  years  past,  the  progress  of  the  unhappy  differ 
ences  between  Great  Britain  and  these  colonies,  that 
have  flowed  from  this  fatal  source. 

Your  majesty's  ministers,  persevering  in  their  mea 
sures,  and  proceeding  to  open  hostilities  for  enforcing 
them,  have  compelled  us  to  arm  in  our  own  defence, 
and  have  engaged  us  in  a  controversy  so  peculiarly 
abhorrent  to  the  affections  of  your  still  faithful  colo 
nists,  that  when  we  consider  whom  we  must  oppose  in 
this  contest,  and,  if  it  continues,  what  may  be  the 
consequences,  our  own  parti<vi!;ir  misfortunes  are  ac 
counted  by  us  only  as  parts  of  our  distress. 

Knowing  to  what  violent  resentments,  and  incura 
ble  animosities,  civil  discords  are  apt  to  exasperate 
and  inflame  the  contending  parties,  we  think  ourselves 
required  by  indispensable  obligations  to  Almighty  God, 
to  your  majesty,  to  our  fellow-subjects,  and  to  our 
selves,  immediately  to  use  all  the  means  in  our  power, 
not  incompatible  with  our  safety,  for  stopping  the 
further  effusion  of  blood,  and  for  averting  the  impend 
ing  calamities  that  threaten  the  British  empire. 

Thus  called  upon  to  address  your  majesty,  on  affairs 
of  such  moment  to  America,  and  probably  to  all  your 
dominions,  we  are  earnestly  desirous  of  performing 
this  office,  with  the  utmost  deference  for  your  majesty : 
and  we  therefore  pray,  that  your  majesty's  royal  mag 
nanimity  and  benevolence  may  make  the  most  favour 
able  construction  of  our  expressions  on  so  uncommon 
an  occasion.  Could  we  represent  in  their  fall  force,  the 
sentiments  that  agitate  the  minds  of  us  your  dutiful 
subjects,  we  are  persuaded  your  majesty  would  ascribe 
any  seeming  deviation  from  reverence  in  our  lan 
guage,  and  even  in  our  conduct,  not  to  any  reprehen 
sible  intention,  but  to  the  impossibility  of  reconciling 
the  usual  appearances  of  respect  with  a  just  attention 
to  our  own  preservation,  against  those  artful  and  cruel 
enemies,  who  abuse  your  royal  confidence  and  au 
thority,  for  the  purpose  of  effecting  our  destruction. 

Attached  to  your  majesty's  person,  family,  and  go 
vernment,  with  all  the  devotion  that  principle  and 
affection  can  inspire,  connected  with  Groat  Britain  by 
the  strongest  ties  that  can  unite  societies,  and  de 
ploring  every  event  that  tends  in  any  degree  to  weaken 
them,  we  solemnly  assure  your  majesty  that  we 
not  only  most  ardently  desire  the  former  harmony  be 
tween  her  and  these  colonies  may  be  restored,  but  that 
a  concord  may  be  established  between  them,  upon  so 
firm  a  basis  as  to  perpetuate  its  blessings,  uninter 
rupted  by  any  future  dissensions,  to  succeeding  genera 
tions  in  both  countries,  and  to  transmit  your  majesty's 
name  to  posterity,  adorned  with  that  signal  and  last 
ing  glory,  that  has  attended  the  memory  of  those  illus 
trious  personages,  whose  virtues  and  abilities  have 
extricated  states  from  dangerous  convulsions,  and,  by 
securing  happiness  to  others,  have  erected  the  most 
noble  and  durable  monuments  to  their  own  fame. 

We  beg  leave  further  to  assure  your  majesty,  that 


in  a  state  of  defence ;  which  committee  holds 
till  near  nine,  when  I  am  at  the  congress,  and 
that  sits  till  after  four  in  the  afternoon.  Both 
these  bodies  proceed  with  the  greatest  una- 

notwithstanding  the  nufTcrinpa  of  your  loyal  colonists, 
during  the  course  of  thia  present  controversy,  our 
breasts  retain  too  tender  a  regard  for  the  kingdom  from 
which  we  derive  our  origin,  to  request  such  a  recon 
ciliation  as  might  in  any  manner  be  inconsistent  with 
her  dignity  or  her  welfare.  These,  related  as  we  are 
to  her,  honour  and  duty,  as  well  as  inclination,  induce 
us  to  support  and  advance ;  and  the  apprehensions  that 
now  oppress  our  hearts  with  unspeakable  grief,  being 
once  removed,  your  majesty  will  find  your  faithful  sub 
jects  on  this  continent  ready  and  willing  at  all  times, 
as  they  have  ever  been,  with  their  Jives  and  fortunes, 
to  assert  and  maintain  the  rights  and  interests,  of  your 
majesty,  and  of  our  mother  country. 

We  therefore  beseech  your  majesty,  that  your  royal 
authority  and  influence  may  be  graciously  interposed 
to  procure  us  relief  from  our  afflicting  fears  and  jea 
lousies,  occasioned  by  the  system  beforementioned, 
and  to  settle  peace  through  every  part  of  your  do 
minions;  with  all  humility  submitting  to  your  ma 
jesty's  wise  consideration,  whether  it  may  not  be  ex 
pedient  for  facilitating  those  important  purposes,  that 
your  majesty  be  pleased  to  direct  some  mode,  by  which 
the  united  applications  of  your  faithful  colonists  to  the 
throne,  in  pursuance  of  their  common  councils,  may 
be  improved  into  a  happy  and  permanent  reconcilia 
tion  ;  and  that  in  the  mean  time,  measures  may  be 
taken  for  preventing  the  further  destruction  of  the 
lives  of  your  majesty's  subjects;  and  that  such  statutes 
as  more  immediately  distress  any  of  your  majesty's 
colonies  may  be  repealed. 

For  by  such  arrangements  as  your  majesty's  wisdom 
can  form  for  collecting  the  united  sense  of  your  Ame 
rican  people,  we  are  convinced  your  majesty  would  re 
ceive  such  satisfactory  proofs  of  the  disposition  of  the 
colonists  towards  their  sovereign  and  parent  state, 
that  the  wu-hed-for  opportunity  would  soon  be  restored 
to  them,  of  evincing  the  sincerity  of  their  professions, 
by  every  testimony  of  devotion  becoming  the  most 
dutiful  subjects  and  the  most  affectionate  colonists. 

That  your  majesty  may  enjoy  a  long  and  prosperous 
reign,  and  that  your  descendants  may  govern  your  do 
minions  with  honour  to  themselves  and  happiness  to 
their  subjects,  is  our  sincere  prayer. 

JOHN  HANCOCK. 


JVezo  Hampshire, 
John  Langdon, 
Thomas  Gushing. 

Massachusetts  Bay. 
Samuel  Adams, 
John  Adams, 
Rob.  Treat  Paine. 

Rhode  Island. 
Step.  Hopkins, 
Sam.  Ward, 
Eleph.  Dyer, 

Connecticut. 
Roger  Sherman, 
Silas  Dean. 

Jfeio  York. 
Phil.  Livingston, 
Jas.  Duane, 
John  Alsop, 
Francis  Lewis, 
John  Jay, 

R.  Livingston,  jun., 
Lewis  Morris, 
Wm.  Floyd, 
Henry  Wisner. 

JVew  Jersey. 
Wil.  Livingston, 
John  De  Hart, 
Rich.  Smith. 

Pennsylvania, 
Benj.  Franklin, 
Philadelphia,  July  8,  1775. 


John  Dickinson, 
George  Ross, 
James  Wilson, 
Chas.  Humphreys. 
E.  Biddle. 

Delaware  County 
Caesar  Rodney, 
Tho.  M'Kean, 
Geo.  Read. 

Maryland. 
Mat.  Tilghman, 
Tho.  Johnson,  jun., 
Wm  Paca, 
Samuel  Chase, 
Tho.  Stone. 

Virginia. 
P.  Henry,  jun., 
Richard  Henry  Lee, 
Edmund  Pendleton, 
Benj.  Harrison, 
Thos.  Jefferson. 

Jforth  Carolina. 
Will.  Hooper, 
Joseph  Hewes. 

South  Carolina. 
Henry  Middleton, 
Tho.  Lynch, 
Christ.  Gadsden, 
J.  Rutledge, 
Edward  Rutledge. 


133 


MEMOIRS  OF 


nimity,  and  their  meetings  are  well  attended. 
It  will  scarce  be  credited  in  Britain,  that  men 
can  be  as  diligent  with  us,  from  zeal  for  the 
public  good,  as  with  you  for  thousands  per 
annum.  Such  is  the  difference  between  un- 
corrupted  new  states,  and  corrupted  old  ones." 

It  was  about  this  time  that  Dr.  Franklin 
addressed  that  memorable  and  laconic  epistle 
to  his  old  friend  and  companion  Mr.  Strahan, 
(then  king's  printer,  and  member  of  the 
British  parliament  for  Malmsbury,)  of  which 
a  fac-simile  is  given. 

The  following  proposed  Introduction  to  a 
resolution  of  congress,  (not  passed)  drawn 
up  by  Dr.  Franklin,  is  also  fully  expressive 
of  his  warm  feelings  and  sentiments  at  that 
period. 

Whereas  the  British  nation,  through  great  corruption 
of  manners  and  extreme  dissipation  and  profusion, 
both  private  and  public,  have  found  all  honest  resour 
ces  insufficient  to  supply  their  excessive  luxury  and 
prodigality,  and  thereby  have  been  driven  to  the  prac 
tice  of  every  injustice,  which  avarice  could  dictate  or 
rapacity  execute:  and  whereas,  not  satisfied  with  the 
immense  plunder  of  the  East,  obtained  by  sacrificing 
millions  of  the  human  species,  they  have  lately  turned 
their  eyes  to  the  West,  and  grudging  us  the  peaceable 
enjoyment  of  the  fruits  of  our  hard  labour,  and  virtu 
ous  industry,  have  for  years  past  been  endeavouring  to 
extort  the  same  from  us,  under  colour  of  laws  regulat 
ing  trade;  and  have  thereby  actually  succeeded  in 
draining  us  of  large  sums,  to  our  great  loss  and  detri 
ment  :  and  whereas,  impatient  to  seize  the  whole,  they 
have  at  length  proceeded  to  open  robbery,  declaring  by 
a  solemn  act  of  parliament,  that  all  our  estates  are 
theirs,  and  all  our  property  found  upon  the  sea  divisible 
among  such  of  their  armed  plunderers  as  shall  take  the 
same  ;  and  have  even  dared  in  the  same  act  to  declare, 
that  all  the  spoilings,  thefts,  burnings  of  houses  and 
towns,  and  murders  of  innocent  people,  perpetrated  by 
their  wicked  and  inhuman  corsairs  on  our  coasts, 
previous  to  any  war  declared  against  us,  were  just 
actions,  and  shall  be  so  deemed,  contrary  to  several  of 
the  commandments  of  God,  (which  by  this  act,  they 
presume  to  repeal)  and  to  all  the  principles  of  right, 
and  all  the  ideas  of  justice,  entertained  heretofore  by 
every  other  nation,  savage  as  well  as  civilized  ;  thereby 
manifesting  themselves  to  be  kostes  humani  generis. 
And  whereas  it  is  not  possible  for  the  people  of  Ame 
rica  to  subsist  Under  such  continual  ravages  without 
making  some  reprisals, 

Therefore  resolved, — 


Affairs  having  now  assumed  a  most  serious 
aspect,  it  was  necessary  for  the  Americans  to 
adopt  proper  and  efficacious  means  of  resist 
ance.  They  possessed  little  or  no  coin,  and 
even  arms  and  ammunition  were  wanting. 
In  this  situation,  the  adoption  of  paper  money 
became  indispensably  necessary,  and  Dr. 
Franklin  was  one  of  the  first  to  point  out 
the  necessity  and  propriety  of  that  measure. 
Without  this  succedaneum,  it  would  have 
been  impossible  to  have  made  any  other  than 
a  feeble  and  a  short  resistance  against  Great 
Britain. 

The  first  emission,  to  the  amount  of  three 
millions  of  dollars,  accordingly  took  place  on 
the  25th  of  July,  1775,  under  a  promise  of 
exchanging  the  notes  against  gold  or  silver 
in  the  space  of  three  years  ;  and  towards  the 
end  of  1776,  more  than  twenty-one  millions 
additional  were  put  in  circulation.  The  con 


gress  at  length  began  to  be  uneasy,  not  know 
ing  how  it  would  be  possible  to  redeem  so 
large  a  sum ;  and  some  of  its  members  hav 
ing  waited  upon  Dr.  Franklin  in  order  to  con 
sult  him  upon  this  occasion,  he  spoke  to  them 
as  follows :  "  Do  not  make  yourselves  un 
happy  ;  continue  to  issue  your  paper  money 
as  long  as  it  will  pay  for  the  paper,  ink,  and 
printing,  and  we  shall  be  enabled  by  its  means 
to  liquidate  all  the  expenses  of  the  war." 

In  October,  1775,  Dr.  Franklin  was  ap 
pointed  by  congress,  jointly  with  his  col 
leagues  colonel  Harrison  and  Mr.  Lynch,  a 
committee  to  visit  the  American  camp  at 
Cambridge,  and  in  conjunction  with  the  com 
mander  in  chief,  (general  Washington,)  to 
endeavour  to  convince  the  troops,  whose  term 
of  enlistment  was  about  to  expire,  of  the 
necessity  of  their  continuing  in  the  field,  and 
persevering  in  the  cause  of  their  country. 

He  was  afterwards  sent  on  a  mission  to 
Canada,  to  endeavour  to  unite  that  country  to 
the  common  cause  of  liberty.  But  the  Cana 
dians  could  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  oppose 
the  measures  of  the  British  government* 
The  ill  success  of  this  negotiation  was  sup 
posed  to  be  occasioned  in  a  great  degree  by 
religious  animosities,  which  subsisted  between 
the  Canadians  and  their  neighbours ;  some  of 
whom  had  at  different  times  burnt  their  places 
of  worship. 

On  his  return  from  Canada,  Dr.  Franklin, 
under  the  direction  of  congress,  wrote  to  M 
Dumas,  the  American  agent  in  Holland,  urg 
ing  him  to  sound  the  several  governments  of 
Europe,  by  means  of  their  ambassadors  at  the 
Hague,  as  to  any  assistance  they  might  be 
disposed  to  afford  America,  in  case  of  her 
eventually  breaking  off  all  connexion  with 
Britain,  and  declaring  herself  an  independent 
nation. 

This  decisive  measure  was  now  generally 
agitated  throughout  the  colonies;  though  it 
is  certain  that  at  the  beginning  of  the  dif 
ferences,  the  bulk  of  the  people  acted  from  no 
fixed  and  determined  principle  whatever,  and 
had  not  even  an  idea  of  independence ;  for  all 
the  addresses  from  the  different  colonies  were 
filled  with  professions  of  loyalty  to  wards  their 
sovereign,  and  breathed  the  most  ardent 
wishes  for  an  immediate  reconciliation. 

The  congress  deeming  it  advisable  to  know 
the  general  opinion  on  so  important  a  point, 
took  an  opportunity  of  feeling  the  pulse  of  the 
people,  and  of  preparing  them  for  the  declara 
tion  of  independence,  by  a  circular  manifesto 

*It  was  directed  that  a  printing  apparatus  and 
hands  competent  to  print  in  French  and  English  should 
accompany  this  mission.  Two  papers  were  written 
and  circulated  very  extensively  through  Canada  ;  but 
it  was  not  until  after  the  experiment  had  been  tried, 
that  it  was  found  not  more  than  one  person  in  five 
hundred  could  not  read.  Dr.  Franklin  was  accustomed 
to  make  the  best  of  every  occurrence,  suggested  that  if 
it  were  intended  to  send  another  mission,  it  should  be 
a  mission  composed  of  schoolmasters. 


iv v  /  /;/,/.  /•//; 
h'AC     SlMH.n    oft},,.    NAM;    WR.'Ti:  FRANK! 


a%z^y 

7 x 


n.      0  ^ 

^/&*^    C^^t^    \^F 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


137 


to  the  several  colonies,  stating  the  causes 
which  rendered  it  necessary  that  all  authority 
under  the  crown  should  be  totally  suppressed, 
and  all  the  powers  of  government  taken  res 
pectively  into  their  own  hands.  In  support 
of  this  position,  they  instanced  the  prohibitory 
act,  by  which  they  were  excluded  from  the 
protection  of  the  crown ;  the  rejection  of  their 
petitions  for  redress  of  grievances,  and  a  re 
conciliation  ;  and  the  intended  exertion  of  all 
the  force  of  Great  Britain,  aided  by  foreign 
mercenaries,  for  their  destruction. 

At  length  this  important  question  was  dis 
cussed  in  congress,  and  at  a  time  when  the 
fleets  and  armies  which  were  sent  to  enforce 
obedience,  were  truly  formidable.  The  de 
bate  continued  for  several  days,  and  the 
scheme  encountered  great  opposition  from 
several  distinguished  orators.  Eventually, 
however,  notwithstanding  all  the  disadvan 
tages  the  country  then  laboured  under,  from 
an  army  ignorant  of  discipline,  and  entirely 
unskilled  in  the  art  of  war ; — without  a  fleet — 
without  allies — and  with  nothing  but  the  love 
of  liberty  to  support  them ;  the  colonies,  by 
then:  representatives  in  congress,  determined 
to  separate  from  a  country  which  had  added 
injury  to  insult,  and  disregarded  all  the  pacific 
overtures  they  had  made  to  it.  On  this  ques 
tion  Dr.  Franklin  was  decidedly  in  favour  of 
the  measure  proposed,  and  used  all  his  great 
influence  in  bringing  others  over  to  his 
opinion. 

The  public  mind,  which  had  already  been 
drawn  that  way  by  the  manifesto  of  congress, 
was  now  confirmed  in  its  decision,  by  the 
appearance  of  Paine's  celebrated  pamphlet, 
"  Common  Sense ;"  and  there  is  good  reason 
to  believe,  that  Dr.  Franklin  had  no  incon 
siderable  share,  at  least  in  furnishing  materials 
for  that  work.* 

It  was  on  the  4th  day  of  July,  1776,  that 
the  thirteen  English  colonies  in  America  de 
clared  themselves  free  and  independent  states, 
and  by  an  act  of  congress  abjured  all  alle 
giance  to  the  British  crown,  and  renounced 
all  political  connection  with  Great  Britain. 

This  public  record,  the  first  declaration  of 
the  rights  of  a  people  to  establish,  and  if  ne 
cessary  to  their  happiness,  to  abrogate  their 
own  form  of  government,  and  to  hold  the  so 
vereignty  inalienably  in  the  people,  was  pro 
duced  in  a  committee  of  three  members  of 
congress;  it  was  definitively  drafted  (and 
adopted,  with  a  few  slight  alterations)  by  that 
eminent  patriot,  philosopher,  and  friend  of  man- 

*  Thomas  Paine  did  not  affect  any  reserve  on  this 
point ;  without  any  inquiry  on  the  subject,  he  stated  to 
the  writer  of  this  note,  that  the  suggestion  of  the  pa 
pers,  Common  Sense,  was  made  to  him  by  Dr.  Frank 
lin  ;  and  that  the  fulness  of  his  ideas  were  such,  that 
after  a  conversation  with  him,  his  own  mind  was  so 
much  excited,  that  he  could  not  but  communicate  the 
spirit  of  the  conversation  in  his  essays  :  he  also  said 
that  one  or  two  papers  were  revised  by  the  doctor,  but 
with  very  few  alterations. 

VOL.T....S        i2* 


kind,  Thomas  Jefferson,  then  one  of  the  re 
presentatives  in  congress  for  Virginia :  as  a 
document  of  considerable  interest  and  curi 
osity,  and  as  a  monument  of  one  of  the  most 
important  political  events  hi  which  Dr.  Frank 
lin  was  concerned,  it  is  here  noticed. 

In  the  beginning  of  this  year,  1776,  an  act 
of  the  British  parliament  passed,  to  prohibit 
and  restrain,  on  the  one  hand,  the  trade  and 
intercourse  of  the  refractory  colonies,  respec 
tively,  during  their  revolt;  and  on  the  other 
hand,  to  enable  persons  appointed  by  the  Bri 
tish  king  to  grant  pardons,  and  declare  any 
particular  district  in  the  king's  peace,  &c. 
Lord  Howe  (who  had  been  previously  ap 
pointed  commander  of  the  British  fleet  in 
North  America)  was,  on  May  3,  declared 
joint  commissioner  with  his  brother  general 
Howe,  for  the  latter  purposes  of  the  act  He 
sailed  May  12,  and  while  oft0  the  coast  of  Mas 
sachusetts,  prepared  a  declaration,  announcing 
this  commission,  and  accompanied  it  with  cir 
cular  letters. 

Lord  Howe  took  occasion  to  publish  every 
where,  that  he  had  proposals  to  make  on  the 
part  of  Great  Britain,  tending  to  peace  and 
reconciliation,  and  that  he  was  ready  to  com 
municate  them.  He,  at  the  same  time,  per 
mitted  the  American  general,  Sullivan,  to  go 
on  his  parole,  and  give  this  intelligence  to 
congress :  he  hoped,  by  this  means,  to  create 
divisions  in  that  body,  and  throughout  the 
country.  The  congress  were  of  opinion,  the 
admiral  could  have  no  terms  to  offer,  but  such 
as  the  act  of  parliament  empowered  him  to 
offer,  which  were,  PARDON  upon  submission ; 
yet  as  the  people  might  imagine  more,  and 
be  uneasy  if  he  was  not  heard,  they  appointed 
three  of  their  body,  Messrs.  Franklin,  John 
Adams,  and  Edward  Rutledge,  to  meet  him. 
His  lordship  chose  Staten  Island,  which  was 
in  possession  of  the  English  troops,  for  the 
place  of  conference.  The  committee  being 
arrived  at  Amboy,  a  small  town  in  New  Jer 
sey,  opposite  to  the  island,  and  in  possession 
of  the  Americans,  the  admiral  sent  over  his 
barge  to  receive  and  bring  them  to  him,  and 
to  leave  one  of  his  principal  officers  as  a  host 
age  for  their  safe  return.  The  committee  of 
congress  had  not  desired  a  hostage,  and  they 
therefore  took  the  officer  back  with  them. 
The  admiral  met  them  at  their  landing,  and 
conducted  them  through  his  guards  to  a  con 
venient  room  for  conference :  he  was  surprised 
at  their  confidence,  in  bringing  back  his  host 
age;  and  more,  at  the  little  estimation  in 
which  they  appeared  to  hold  his  offers  of  par 
don,  and  of  inquiring  into  grievances.  He 
seemed  to  have  flattered  himself,  that  the 
congress,  humbled  by  their  late  losses,  would 
have  been  submissive  and  compliant :  he  found 
himself  mistaken.  The  committee  told  him 
firmly,  that  if  he  had  nothing  else  to  propose, 
he  was  come  too  late :  the  humble  petitions 


138 


MEMOIRS  OF 


of  congress  had  been  rejected  with  contempt ; 
independence  was  now  declared,  and  the  new 
government  formed.  And  when,  in  endea 
vouring1  to  cajole  them,  he  expressed  his  "  af 
fection  for  America,  his  concern  in  viewing1 
her  dangerous  situation,  and  said  that  to  see 
her  fall  would  give  him  the  same  pain  as  to 
see  a  brother  fall ;"  they  answered,  that  it  was 
kind,  but  America  would  endeavour  to  spare 
him  that  pain. 

They  returned  and  reported  the  conference 
to  congress,  who  published  it,  and  the  people 
were  satisfied  that  they  had  no  safety  but  in 
arms. 

Part  of  the  correspondence  between  lord 
Howe  and  Dr.  Franklin  on  this  occasion,  and 
the  joint  report  of  the  American  commission 
ers  on  the  result  of  their  mission,  was  pub 
lished  ;  the  first  letter  of  lord  Howe  and  the 
answer  of  the  doctor,  have  been  already  pub 
lished  ;  but  the  reply  of  lord  Howe,  and  the 
following  prefatory  note,  by  doctor  Franklin, 
have  not  appeared  before  the  present  time. 

These  letters  were  published  in  London,  to 
show  the  insolence  of  the  insurgents,  in  re 
fusing  the  offer  of  pardon  upon  submission 
made  to  them  by  the  British  plenipotentiaries. 
They  undoubtedly  deserve  the  attention  of 
the  public  for  another  reason,  the  proof  they 
afford  that  the  commerce  of  America  is  deem 
ed  by  the  ministry  themselves  of  such  vast 
importance,  as  to  justify  the  horrid  and  ex 
pensive  war  they  are  now  waging,  to  main 
tain  the  monopoly  of  it ;  that  being  the  prin 
cipal  cause  stated  by  lord  Howe ;  though  their 
pensioned  writers  and  speakers  hi  parliament 
have  affected  to  treat  that  commerce  as  a 
trifle.  And  they  demonstrate  further,  of  how 
much  importance  it  is  to  the  rest  of  Europe, 
that  the  continuance  of  that  monopoly  should 
be  obstructed,  and  the  general  freedom  of 
trade,  now  offered  by  the  Americans,  pre 
served;  since,  by  no  other  means,  the  enor 
mous  growing  power  of  Britain,  both  by  sea 
and  land,  so  formidable  to  her  neighbours,  and 
which  must  follow  her  success,  can  possibly 
be  prevented. 


"  To  Dr.  Franklin. 

EAGLE,  offStaten  Island,  August  16, 1776. 

"  I  am  sorry,  my  worthy  friend,  that  it  is 
only  on  the  assurances  you  give  me,  of  my 
having  still  preserved  a  place  in  your  esteem, 
that  I  can  now  found  a  pretension  to  trouble 
you  with  a  reply  to  your  favour  of  the  21st, 
past. 

"  I  can  have  no  difficulty  to  acknowledge, 
that  the  powers  I  am  invested  with,  were  ne 
ver  calculated  to  negotiate  a  re-union  with 
America,  under  any  other  description  than  as 
subject  to  the  crown  of  Great  Britain :  but  I 
do  esteem  those  powers  competent,  not  only 
to  confer  and  negotiate  with  any  gentlemen 


of  influence  in  the  colonies  upon  the  terms, 
but  also  to  effect  a  lasting  peace  and  re-union 
between  the  two  countries ;  were  the  temper 
of  the  colonies  such  as  professed  in  the  last 
petition  of  the  congress  to  the  king.  Ame 
rica  would  have  judged  in  the  discussion  how 
far  the  means  were  adequate  to  the  end ;  both 
for  engaging  her  confidence  and  proving 
our  integrity.  Nor  did  I  think  it  necessary 
to  say  more  in  my  public  declaration;  not 
conceiving  it  could  be  understood  to  refer  to 
peace,  on  any  other  conditions  but  those  of 
mutual  interest  to  both  countries,  which  could 
alone  render  it  permanent. 

"  But  as  I  perceive,  from  the  tenor  of  your 
letter,  how  little  I  am  to  reckon  upon  the  ad 
vantage  of  your  assistance  for  restoring  that 
permanent  union  which  has  long  been  the 
object  of  my  endeavours,  and  which  I  flattered 
myself  when  1  left  England,  would  be  in  the 
compass  of  my  power;  I  will  only  add,  that 
as  the  dishonour  to  which  you  deem  me  ex 
posed  by  my  military  situation  in  this  country, 
has  effected  no  change  in  your  sentiments  of 
personal  regard  towards  me,  so  shall  no  dif 
ference  in  political  points  alter  my  desire  of 
proving  how  much  I  am  your  sincere  and  obe 
dient  humble  servant,  HOWE." 

To  the  same. 

"  EAGLE,  June  20,  1?7<5. 

"  1  CANNOT,  my  worthy  friend,  permit  the 
letters  and  parcels,  which  I  have  sent  (in  the 
state  I  received  them)  to  be  landed,  without 
adding  a  word  upon  the  subject  of  the  inju 
rious  extremities  in  which  our  unhappy  dis 
putes  have  engaged  us. 

"  You  will  learn  the  nature  of  my  mission, 
from  the  official  despatches,  which  I  have  re 
commended  to  be  forwarded  by  the  same  con 
veyance.  Retaining  all  the  earnestness  I 
ever  expressed,  to  see  our  differences  accom 
modated  ;  I  shall  conceive,  if  I  meet  with 
the  disposition  in  the  colonies  which  I  was 
once  taught  to  expect,  the  most  flattering 
hopes  of  proving  serviceable  in  the  objects  of 
the  king's  paternal  solicitude,  by  promoting 
the  establishment  of  lasting  peace  and  union 
with  the  colonies.  But  if  the  deep-rooted 
prejudices  of  America,  and  the  necessity  of 
preventing  her  trade  from  passing  into  foreign 
channels,  must  keep  us  still  a  divided  peo 
ple;  I  shall,  from  every  private  as  well  as 
public  motive,  most  heartily  lament,  that  this 
is  not  the  moment  wherein  those  great  ob 
jects  of  my  ambition  are  to  be  attained ;  and 
that  I  am  to  be  longer  deprived  of  an  oppor 
tunity,  to  assure  you  personally  of  the  regard 
with  which  I  am  your  sincere  and  faithful 
humble  servant,  HOWE. 

"  P.  S.  I  was  disappointed  of  the  opportu 
nity  I  expected  for  sending  this  letter,  at  the 
time  it  was  dated ;  and  have  ever  since  been 
prevented  by  calms  and  contrary  winds  from 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


139 


getting1  here,  to  inform  general  Howe  of  the 
commission  with  which  I  have  the  satisfaction 
to  be  charged,  and  of  his  being  joined  in  it 
"  Off  of  Sandy  Hook,  12th  of  July. 

(Superscribed,  Howe.) 
"  To  Benjamin  Franklin,  Esq. 
Philadelphia." 

"  Dr.  Franklin  to  Lord  Howe. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  July  30,  1776. 

"  MY  LORD, — I  received,  safe,  the  letters 
your  lordship  so  kindly  forwarded  to  me,  and 
beg  you  to  accept  my  thanks. 

"  The  official  dispatches  to  which  you  re 
fer  me,  contain  nothing  more  than  what  we 
had  seen  in  the  act  of  parliament,  viz.  'Offers 
of  pardon  upon  submission;'  which  I  was 
sorry  to  find ;  as  it  must  give  your  lordship 
pain  to  be  sent  so  far  on  so  hopeless  a  bu 
siness. 

"  Directing  pardons  to  be  offered  to  the  co 
lonies,  who  are  the  very  parties  injured,  ex 
presses  indeed  that  opinion  of  our  ignorance, 
baseness,  and  insensibility,  which  your  unin 
formed  and  proud  nation  has  long  been  pleased 
to  entertain  of  us ;  but  it  can  have  no  other 
effect  than  that  of  increasing  our  resent 
ments. — It  is  impossible  we  should  think  of 
submission  to  a  government,  that  has,  with 
the  most  wanton  barbarity  and  cruelty,  burn 
ed  our  defenceless  towns  in  the  midst  of  win 
ter;  excited  the  savages  to  massacre  our 
(pen  'ful)  farmers;  instigated  our  slaves  to 
murder  their  masters;  and  is  even  now* 
bringing  foreign  mercenaries  to  deluge  our 
settlements  with  blood.  These  atrocious  in 
juries  have  extinguished  every  spark  of  affec 
tion  for  that  parent  country  we  once  held  so 
dear :  but  were  it  possible  for  us  to  forget  and 
forgive  them,  it  is  not  possible  for  you  (I  mean 
the  British  nation)  to  forgive  the  people  you 
have  so  heavily  injured ;  you  can  never  con 
fide  again  in  those  as  fellow-subjects,  and 
permit  them  to  enjoy  equal  freedom,  to  whom 
you  know  you  have  given  such  just  causes 
of  lasting  enmity;  and  this  must  impel  you, 
were  we  again  under  your  government,  to 
endeavour  the  breaking  our  spirit  by  the  se 
verest  tyranny,  and  obstructing  by  every 
means  in  your  power  our  growing  strength 
and  prosperity. 

"But  your  lordship  mentions  'the  king's 
paternal  solicitude  for  promoting  the  esta 
blishment  of  lasting  peace  and  union  with  the 
colonies.'  If  by  peace  is  here  meant,  a  peace 
to  be  entered  into  by  distinct  states,  now  at 
war ;  and  his  majesty  has  given  your  lordship 
powers  to  treat  with  us  of  such  a  peace,  I 
may  venture  to  say,  though  without  authority, 
that  I  think  a  treaty  for  that  purpose  not  quite 
impracticable,  before  we  enter  into  foreign 

*  About  this  time  the  Hessians,  &c.  had  arrived  from 
Europe,  and  were  landed  at  Staten  Island  and  New- 
York. 


alliances.  But  I  am  persuaded  you  have  no 
such  powers.  Your  nation,  though,  by  punish 
ing  those  American  governors  who  have  fo 
mented  the  discord,  rebuilding  our  burnt 
towns,  and  repairing  as  far  as  possible  the 
mischiefs  done  us,  she  might  recover  a  great 
share  of  our  regard,  and  the  greatest  share 
of  our  growing  commerce,  with  all  the  ad 
vantages  of  that  additional  strength,  to  be  de 
rived  from  a  friendship  with  us;  yet  I  know 
too  well  her  abounding  pride  and  deficient 
wisdom,  to  believe  she  will  ever  take  such 
salutary  measures.  Her  fondness  for  con 
quest  as  a  warlike  nation ;  her  lust  of  domi 
nion  as  an  ambitious  one ;  and  her  thirst  for  a 
gainful  monopoly  as  a  commercial  one  (none 
of  them  legitimate  causes  of  war)  will  join  to 
hide  from  her  eyes  every  view  of  her  true 
interest,  and  continually  goad  her  on  in  these 
ruinous  distant  expeditions,  so  destructive  both 
of  lives  and  of  treasure,  that  they  must  prove 
as  pernicious  to  her  in  the  end,  as  the  Croi- 
sades  formerly  were  to  most  of  the  nations  of 
Europe. 

"  I  have  not  the  vanity,  my  lord,  to  think 
of  intimidating,  by  thus  predicting  the  effects 
of  this  war ;  for  I  know  it  will  in  England 
have  the  fate  of  all  my  former  predictions ; 
not  to  be  believed  till  the  event  shall  ve 
rify  it. 

'  Long  did  I  endeavour,  with  unfeigned 
and  unwearied  zeal,  to  preserve  from  break 
ing  that  fine  and  noble  porcelain  vase — the 
British  empire ;  for  I  knew  that  being  once 
aroken,  the  separate  parts  could  not  retain 
ven  their  share  of  the  strength  and  value 
that  existed  in  the  whole ;  and  that  a  perfect 
re-union  of  those  parts  could  scarce  ever  be 
loped  for.  Your  lordship  may  possibly  re 
member  the  tears  of  joy  that  wetted  my 
cheek,  when,  at  your  good  sister's  in  London, 
you  once  gave  me  expectations,  that  a  recon 
ciliation  might  soon  take  place.  I  had  the 
misfortune  to  find  these  expectations  disap 
pointed,  and  to  be  treated  as  the  cause  of  the 
mischief  I  was  labouring  to  prevent.  My 
consolation  under  that  groundless  and  malevo- 
ent  treatment,  was,  that  I  retained  the  friendr 
ship  of  many  wise  and  good  men  in  that  coun 
try  ;  and  among  the  rest,  some  share  in  the 
regard  of  lord  Howe. 

"  The  well-founded  esteem,  and  permit  me 
to  say  affection,  which  I  shall  always  have 
?or  your  lordship,  make  it  painful  to  me  to  see 
you  engaged  in  conducting  a  war,  the  great 
Around  of  which  (as  described  in  your  letter) 
s  '  the  necessity  of  preventing  the  American 
'rade  from  passing  into  foreign  channels.'  To 
me  it  seems,  that  neither  the  obtaining  or  re- 
aining  any  trade,  how  valuable  soever,  is  an 
object  for  which  men  may  justly  spill  each 
other's  blood ;  that  the  true  and  *sure  means 
of  extending  and  securing  commerce,  are  the 
goodness  and  cheapness  of  commodities ;  and 


140 


MEMOIRS  OF 


that  the  profits  of  no  trade  can  ever  be  equal 
to  the  expense  of  compelling  it,  and  holding 
it  by  fleets  and  armies.  I  consider  this  war 
against  us,  therefore,  as  both  unjust  and  un 
wise  ;  and  I  am  persuaded,  that  cool  and  dis 
passionate  posterity  will  condemn  to  infamy 
those  who  advised  it ;  and  that  even  success 
will  not  save  from  some  degree  of  dishonour, 
those  who  have  voluntarily  engaged  to  con 
duct  it. 

"I  know  your  great  motive  in  coming 
hither,  was  the  hope  of  being  instrumental  in 
a  reconciliation ;  and  I  believe  when  you  find 
that  to  be  impossible,  on  any  terms  given  you 
to  propose,  you  will  then  relinquish  so  odious 
a  command,  and  return  to  a  more  honourable 
private  station. 

"  With  the  greatest  and  most  sincere  re 
spect,  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  my  lord,  your 
lordship's  most  obedient  humble  servant, 
«B.  FRANKLIN." 


IN  CONGRESS,  Sept.  2d,  1776. 

Congress  being  informed  that  general  Sullivan,  who 
was  taken  prisoner  on  Long  Island,  was  come  to  Phila 
delphia  with  a  message  from  lord  Howe, 

Ordered,  that  he  be  admitted,  and  heard  before  con 
gress. 

General  Sullivan  being  admitted,  delivered  the  verbal 
message  he  had  in  charge  from  lord  Howe,  which  he 
was  desired  to  reduce  to  writing,  and  withdrew. 

September  3d. — General  Sullivan,  having  reduced  to 
writing  the  verbal  message  from  lord  Howe,  the  same 
was  laid  before  congress  and  read  as  follows. 

The  following  is  the  purport  of  the  message  sent 
from  lord  Howe  to  congress  by  general  Sullivan. 

That  though  he  could  not  at  present  treat  with  con 
gress  as  such,  yet  he  was  very  desirous  of  having  a 
conference  with  some  of  the  members,  whom  he  would 
consider  for  the  present  only  as  private  gentlemen,  and 
meet  them  himself  as  such,  at  such  place  as  they  should 
appoint. 

That  he,  in  conjunction  with  general  Howe,  had  full 
powers  to  compromise  the  dispute  between  Great  Bri 
tain  and  America  on  terms  advantageous  to  both;  the 
obtaining  of  which,  delayed  him  near  two  months  in 
England,  and  prevented  his  arrival  at  this  place  before 
the  declaration  of  independence  took  place. 

That  he  wished  a  compact  might  be  settled  at  this 
time,  when  no  decisive  blow  was  struck,  and  neither 
party  could  say  they  were  compelled  to  enter  into  such 
agreement. 

That  in  case  congress  were  disposed  to  treat,  many 
things  which  they  had  not  as  yet  asked,  might  and 
ought  to  be  granted  to  them ;  and  that  if,  upon  the  con 
ference,  they  found  any  probable  ground  of  an  accom 
modation,  the  authority  of  congress  must  be  afterwards 
acknowledged,  otherwise  the  compact  could  not  be 
complete. 

September  5th.— Resolved,  That  general  Sullivan  be 
requested  to  inform  lord  Howe,  that  this  congress  be 
ing  the  representatives  of  the  free  and  independent 
states  of  America,  cannot,  with  propriety,  send  any 
of  its  members  to  confer  with  his  lordship  in  their  pri 
vate  characters;  but  that,  ever  desirous  of  establishing 
peace  on  reasonable  terms,  they  will  send  a  committee 
of  their  body  to  know  whether  he  has  any  authority  to 
treat  with  persons  authorised  by  congress  for  that  pur 
pose  on  behalf  of  America,  and  what  that  authority  is, 
and  to  hear  such  propositions  as  he  shall  think  fit  to 
make  respecting  the  same. 

Oidered,  that  a  copy  of  the  foregoing  resolution  be 
delivered  to  general  Sullivan,  and  that  he  be  directed 
immediately  to  repair  to  lord  Howe. 

September  Qtfi. — Resolved,  That  the  committee  "  to  be 
sent  to  know  whether  lord  Howe  has  any  authority  to 
treat  with  persons  authorised  by  congress  for  that  pur 
pose,  in  behalf  of  America ;  and  what  that  authority  is, 
and  to  hear  such  propositions  as  he  shall  think  fit  to 
make  respecting  the  same,"  consist  of  three. 


The  members  chosen,  Dr.  Benjamin  Franklin,  Mr. 
John  Adams,  and  Mr.  Edward  Rutledge. 

"  EAGLE,  off  Bedlow'a  Island,  Sept.  10, 1776. 

"  Lord  Howe  presents  his  compliments  to 
Dr.  Franklin,  and  according  to  the  tenor  of 
his  favour  of  the  8th,  will  attend  to  have  the 
pleasure  of  meeting  him  and  Messrs.  Adams 
and  Rutledge  to-morrow  morning,  at  the  house 
on  Staten  Island,  opposite  to  Amboy,  as  early 
as  the  few  conveniences  for  travelling  by  land 
on  Staten  Island  will  admit.  Lord  Howe,  upon 
his  arrival  at  the  place  appointed,  will  send  a 
boat  (if  he  can  procure  it  in  time)  with  a  flag 
of  truce  over  to  Amboy;  and  requests  the 
doctor  and  the  other  gentlemen  will  postpone 
their  intended  favour  of  passing  over  to  meet 
him,  until  they  are  informed,  as  above,  of  his 
arrival  to  attend  them  there. 

"In  case  the  weather  should  prove  unfa 
vourable  for  lord  Howe  to  pass  in  his  boat  to 
Staten  Island  to-morrow,  as  from  the  present 
appearance  there  is  some  reason  to  suspect, 
he  will  take  the  next  earliest  opportunity  that 
offers  for  that  purpose.  In  this  intention  he 
may  be  further  retarded,  having  been  an  inva 
lid  lately;  but  will  certainly  give  the  most 
timely  notice  of  that  inability.  He,  however, 
flatters  himself  he  shall  not  have  occasion  to 
make  further  excuses  on  that  account." 


September  13tA. — The  committee  appointed  to  confer 
with  lord  Howe,  having  returned,  made  a  verbal  report- 
Ordered,  that  they  make  a  report  in  writing,  as  soon 
as  they  conveniently  can. 

September  17th. — The  committee  appointed  to  confer 
with  lord  Howe,  agreeable  to  order  brought  in  a  report 
in  writing,  which  was  read  as  follows. 

In  obedience  to  the  orders  of  congress,  we  have  had 
a  meeting  with  lord  Howe,  it  was  on  Wednesday  last 
upon  Staten  Island,  opposite  to  Amboy,  where  his 
lordship  received  and  entertained  us  with  the  utmost 
politeness. 

His  lordship  opened  the  conversation  by  acquainting 
us,  that  though  he  could  not  treat  with  us  as  a  com 
mittee  of  congress,  yet  as  his  powers  enabled  him  to 
confer  and  consult  with  any  private  gentlemen  of  in 
fluence  in  the  colonies,  on  the  means  of  restoring  peace 
between  the  two  countries,  he  was  glad  of  this  oppor 
tunity  of  conferring  with  us  on  that  subject,  if  we 
thought  ourselves  at  liberty  to  enter  into  a  conference 
with  him  in  that  character. 

We  observed  to  his  lordship,  that  as  our  business 
was  to  hear,  he  might  consider  us  in  what  light  he 
pleased,  and  communicate  to  us  any  proposition  he 
might  be  authorised  to  make  for  the  purpose  mention 
ed;  bufthat  we  could  consider  ourselves  in  no  other 
character  than  that  in  which  we  were  placed  by  order 
ofcongress. 

His  lordship  then  entered  into  a  discourse  of  con 
siderable  length,  which  contained  no  explicit  proposi 
tion  of  peace  except  one,  viz.  that  the  colonies  should 
return  to  their  allegiance  and  obedience  to  the  govern 
ment  of  Great  Britain.  The  rest  consisted  principally 
of  assurances,  that  there  was  an  exceeding  good  dis 
position  in  the  king  and  his  ministers  to  make  that 
government  easy  to  us,  with  intimations,  that  in  case 
of  our  submission  they  would  cause  the  offensive  acts 
of  parliament  to  be  revised,  and  the  instructions  to 
governors  to  be  reconsidered ;  that  so,  if  any  just  causes 
of  complaint  were  found  in  the  acts,  or  errors  in  go 
vernment  were  perceived  to  have  crept  into  the  instruc 
tions,  they  might  be  amended  or  withdrawn. 

We  gave  it  as  our  opinion  to  his  lordship,  that  a  re 
turn  to  the  domination  of  Great  Britain  was  not  now 
to  be  expected.  We  mentioned  the  repeated  humble 
petitions  of  the  colonies  to  the  king  and  parliament, 
which  had  been  treated  with  contempt,  and  answered 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


141 


only  by  additional  injuries ;  the  unexampled  patience 
we  had  shown  under  their  tyrannical  government ;  and 
that  it  was  not  till  the  last  act  of  parliament  which  de 
nounced  war  against  us,  and  put  us  out  of  the  king's 
protection,  that  we  declared  our  independence.  That 
this  declaration  had  been  called  for  by  the  people  of  the 
colonies  in  general ;  that  every  colony  had  approved 
of  it,  when  made  ;  and  all  now  considered  themselves 
as  independent  states,  and  were  settling  or  had  settled 
their  governments  accordingly;  so  that  it  was  not  in 
the  power  of  congress  to  agree  for  them,  that  they 
should  return  to  their  former  dependent  state.  That 
there  was  no  doubt  of  their  inclination  to  peace,  and 
their  willingness  to  enter  into  a  treaty  with  Britain 
that  might  be  advantageous  to  both  countries.  That 
though  his  lordship  had  at  present  no  power  to  treat 
with  them  as  independent  states,  he  might,  if  there 
was  the  same  good  disposition  in  Britain,  much  sooner 
obtain  fresh  powers  from  thence,  than  powers  could  be 
obtained  by  congress  from  the  several  colonies  to  con 
sent  to  a  submission. 

His  lordship  then  saying,  that  he  was  sorry  to  find 
that  no  accommodation  was  likely  to  take  place,  put 
an  end  to  the  conference. 

Upon  the  whole,  it  did  not  appear  to  your  committee, 
that  his  lordship's  commission  contained  any  authority 
of  importance,  other  than  what  is  expressed  in  the  act 
of  parliament,  viz.  that  of  granting  pardons,  with  such 
exceptions  as  the  commissioners  shall  think  proper  to 
make;  and  of  declaring  America  or  any  part  of  it  to 
be  in  the  king's  peace  upon  submission :  for  as  to  the 
power  of  inquiring  into  the  state  of  America,  which 
his  lordship  mentioned  to  us,  and  of  conferring  and 
consulting  with  any  persons  the  commissioners  might 
think  proper,  and  representing  the  result  of  such  con 
versation  to  the  ministry,  who,  provided  the  colonies 
would  subject  themselves,  might,  after  all,  or  might  not 
at  their  pleasure,  make  any  alterations  in  the  former 
instructions  to  governors,  or  propose  in  parliament  any 
amendment  of  the  acts  complained  of,  we  apprehended 
any  expectation  from  the  effect  of  such  a  power  would 
have  been  too  uncertain  and  precarious  to  be  relied  on 
by  America,  had  she  still  continued  in  her  state  of  de 
pendence. 

Ordered  that  the  above  be  published. 

JOHN  HANCOCK,  President. 

Attest,    CHAS.  THOMPSON,  Secretary. 

Congress,  in  their  manifesto,  had  recom 
mended  to  each  colony,  whose  government 
was  not  already  sufficient,  to  proceed  to  the 
institution  of  such  a  form,  as  was  necessary  to 
the  preservation  of  internal  peace,  and  suited 
to  the  then  exigency  of  their  affairs,  for  the 
defence  of  their  lives,  liberties,  and  properties, 
against  the  hostile  invasions  and  cruel  depre 
dations  of  their  enemies.  In  conformity  with 
this  recommendation,  a  convention  was  as 
sembled  at  Philadelphia,  in  July,  1776,  for  the 
purpose  of  settling  a  new  form  of  government 
for  the  then  State  of  Pennsylvania.  Dr. 
Franklin  was  chosen  president  of  this  conven 
tion.  The  constitution  formed  and  established 
at  that  period  for  Pennsylvania,  was  the  re 
sult  of  the  deliberations  of  that  assembly,  and 
may  be  considered  as  a  digest  of  Dr.  Frank 
lin's  principles  of  government.  The  single 
legislature  and  the  plural  executive,  appear  to 
have  been  his  favourite  tenets ;  being,  as  he 
believed,  less  liable  to  abuse  than  any  form 
of  responsible  government.  • 

The  virtuous  and  unfortunate  duke  de  la 
Rochefoucault,  in  his  eulogium  of  Dr.  Frank 
lin,  in  1790,  thus  remarks  on  this  system  of 
government : — 

"  Franklin  alone,  disengaging  the  political 
machine  from  those  multiplied  movements  and 
admired  counterpoises  that  rendered  it  so  com 


plicated,  proposed  the  reducing  it  to  the  sim 
plicity  of  a  single  legislative  body.  This 
grand  idea  startled  the  trading  politicians  of 
Pennsylvania;  but  the  philosopher  removed 
the  fears  of  a  considerable  number,  and  at 
length  determined  the  whole  to  adopt  the 
principle." 

The  same  distinguished  person  adds  in  a 
note  on  this  passage,  of  his  printed  oration, 

"  The  usual  progress  of  the  human  mind 
leads  man  from  the  complex  to  the  simple. 
Observe  the  works  of  the  first  mechanics 
overloaded  with  numerous  pieces,  some  of 
which  embarrass,  and  others  diminish  their 
effect.  It  has  been  the  same  with  legislators, 
both  speculative  and  practical;  struck  with 
an  abuse,  they  have  endeavoured  to  correct  it 
by  institutions  that  have  been  productive  of 
still  greater  abuses.  In  political  economy  the 
unity  of  the  legislative  body  is  the  maximum 
of  simplicity.  Franklin  was  the  first  who 
dared  to  put  this  idea  in  practice :  The  res 
pect  the  Pennsylvanians  entertained  for  him 
induced  them  to  adopt  it;  but  other  states 
affected  to  be  terrified  at  it,  and  even  the 
constitution  of  Pennsylvania  has  since  been 
altered." 

During  Dr.  Franklin's  presidency  of  the 
convention,  he  drew  up  the  following  protest 
against  the  equality  of  voting  in  congress; 
but  (as  he  acknowledged  at  the  time)  he 
was  dissuaded  from  endeavouring  to  carry  it 
through,  from  prudential  considerations,  res 
pecting  the  necessary  union  at  that  critical 
period,  of  all  the  states  in  confederation. 

PROTEST. 

"  We,  the  representatives  of  the  state  of 
Pennsylvania,  in  full  convention  met,  having- 
duly  considered  the  plan  of  confederation 
formed  in  congress,  and  submitted  to  the 
several  states,  for  their  assent  or  dissent,  do 
hereby  declare  the  dissent  of  this  state  to  the 
same,  for  the  following  reasons,  viz. 

"  1st.  Because  the  foundation  of  every  con 
federation,  intended  to  be  lasting,  ought  to  be 
laid  in  justice  and  equity,  no  unfair  advantage 
being  given  to,  or  taken  by,  any  of  the  con 
tracting  parties. 

"2d.  Because  it  is,  in  the  nature  of  things, 
just  and  equal,  that  the  respective  states  of 
the  confederacy  should  be  represented  in  con 
gress,  and  have  votes  there  in  proportion  to 
their  importance,  arising  from  their  numbers  of 
people,  and  the  share  and  degree  of  strength 
they  afford  to  the  united  body.  And  therefore 
the  XVIIth  article,*  which  gives  one  vote  to 
the  smallest  state  and  no  more  to  the  largest, 
when  the  difference  between  them  may  be  as 
ten  to  one,  or  greater ;  is  unjust,  and  injurious 
to  the  larger  states,  since  all  of  them  are,  by 

*  This  afterwards  formed  part  of  the  5th.  article  of  the 
confederation  as  agreed  to  by  all  the  states,  except 
Maryland,  on  the  9th  July,  1778  :  and  finally  ratified  by 
the  whole  union,  on  the  1st  March,  1781,  (the  state  of 
Maryland  acceding  thereto.) 


142 


MEMOIRS  OF 


other  articles,  obliged  to  contribute  in  propor 
tion  to  their  respective  abilities. 

"  3d.  Because  the  practice  hitherto  in  con 
gress,  of  allowing  only  one  vote  to  each  colo 
ny,  was  originally  taken  up  under  a  convic 
tion  of  its  impropriety  and  injustice,  was  in 
tended  to  be  in  some  future  time  corrected, 
and  was  then  and  since  submitted  to  only  as 
a  temporary  expedient,  to  be  used  in  ordinary 
business,  until  the  means  of  rectifying  the 
same  could  be  obtained :  this  clearly  appears 
by  the  resolve  of  congress,  dated  September 
6,  1774,  being  the  day  of  its  meeting,  which 
resolve  is  in  these  words,  '  That  in  determin 
ing  questions  in  this  congress,  each  colony  or 
province  shall  have  one  vote,  the  congress 
not  being  possessed  of,  or  at  present  able  to 
procure  proper  materials  for  ascertaining  the 
importance  of  each  colony.'  That  importance 
has  since  been  supposed  to  be  best  found  in 
the  numbers  of  the  people  ;  for  the  congress, 
not  only  by  their  resolution  when  the  issuing 
of  bills  was  agreed  to,  but  by  this  present  con 
federation,  have  judged,  that  the  contribution 
towards  sinking  those  bills  and  to  the  common 
expense,  should  be  in  proportion  to  such  num 
bers,  when  they  could  be  taken,  which  has 
not  yet  been  done ;  and  though  the  larger 
colonies  submitted  to  his  temporary  inequality 
of  representation,  expecting  it  would  much 
sooner  have  been  rectified ;  it  never  was  un 
derstood  that  by  the  resolution  above  cited,  a 
power  was  given  to  the  smaller  states  to  fix 
that  inequality  upon  them  for  ever,  as  those 
small  states  have  now  attempted  to  do,  by 
combining  to  vote  for  this  17th  article,  and 
thereby  to  deprive  the  larger  states  of  their 
just  right,  acknowledged  in  the  same  resolu 
tion.  Smaller  states  having  given  us  in  ad 
vance,  this  striking  instance  of  the  injustice 
they  are  capable  of,  and  of  the  possible  effects 
of  their  combination,  is  of  itself  a  sufficient 
reason  for  our  determining  not  to  put  our 
selves  in  their  power,  by  agreeing  to  this  ar 
ticle  as  it  stands  connected  with  those  con 
cerning  the  quotas  of  each  state,  since  being 
a  majority  of  states  in  congress,  they  may  by 
the  same  means,  at  any  time,  deprive  the 
larger  states  of  any  share  in  the  disposition 
of  our  strength  and  wealth,  and  the  manage 
ment  of  our  common  interests. 

"  But  as  the  smaller  colonies  may  object, 
that  if  the  larger  are  allowed  a  number  of 
votes  in  proportion  to  their  importance,  the 
smaller  will  then  be  equally  in  danger  of  be 
ing  overpowered  arid  governed  by  them  :  we, 
not  having  the  least  desire  of  any  influence  or 
power  that  is  unjust,  or  unequal,  or  dispro- 
portioned  to  the  burdens  we  are  to  bear,  do 
hereby  offer  our  consent  to  the  said  17th  arti 
cle  as  it  now  stands,  provided  the  quotas  to  be 
contributed  by  the  larger  provinces  shall  be 
reduced  to  an  equality  with  the  smallest,  in 
which  case  all,  by  contributing  equally,  will 


have  a  right  to  equal  votes.  Not  that  we 
mean  thereby  to  avoid  granting  additional  aids, 
when  the  exigence  of  our  common  interests 
shall  appear  to  us  to  make  them  proper  and 
necessary ;  but,  leaving  to  the  congress,  with 
regard  to  such  additional  aids,  the  right  of 
making  requisitions  as  enjoyed  by  our  late 
kings,  we  would  reserve  to  ourselves  the 
right  of  judging  of  the  propriety  of  these  re 
quisitions,  or  of  refusing  or  complying  with 
them  in  part,  or  in  the  whole,  as  to  us  shall 
seem  best,  and  of  modifying  our  grants  with 
such  conditions  as  we  shall  judge  necessary, 
in  like  manner  as  our  assemblies  might  for 
merly  do  with  regard  to  requisitions  from  the 
crown :  for  it  appears  to  us  just  and  reason 
able,  that  we  should  retain  the  disposition  of 
what  strength  we  have,  above  the  equal  pro 
portion  contributed,  as  aforesaid,  by  our  state 
to  the  common  service,  with  every  power  ne 
cessary  to  apply  the  same,  as  occasions  may 
arise,  for  our  particular  security;  this  we 
mean  to  do  from  this  time  forward,  unless  we 
are  allowed  votes  in  congress,  proportioned  to 
the  importance  of  our  state,  as  was  originally 
intended. 

"  Signed  by  order  of  the  convention." 

Though  this  protest  was  not  acted  upon, 
for  the  reasons  previously  assigned  by  Dr. 
Franklin,  it  serves  however,  to  show  his  opi 
nion  and  arguments  in  support  of  a  very  im 
portant  question  of  American  legislation,  and 
is  an  additional  feature  in  his  political  mind. 


American  paper-money  beginning  to  fall 
into  disrepute,  in  1776,  and  immediate  sup 
plies  of  arms  and  ammunition  for  the  use  of 
the  army  being  absolutely  necessary,  congress 
turned  their  attention  towards  Europe,  and  to 
France  in  particular,  for  the  purpose  of  ob 
taining  aids  in  money  and  military  stores,  as 
the  only  means  of  resisting  the  power  of  Great 
Britain,  and  preserving  their  newly-acquired 
independence. 

In  the  latter  end  of  177C,  a  commission  was 
appointed  for  this  object ;  and  Dr.  Franklin, 
though  then  in  his  71st  year,  was  considered, 
from  his  talents  as  a  statesman,  and  reputation 
as  a  philosopher,  the  most  suitable  person  to 
effect  the  desired  end,  and  was  consequently 
nominated  commissioner  plenipotentiary  to 
the  court  of  France,  in  conjunction  with  Silas 
Deane  and  Arthur  Lee,  esquires :  the  former 
had  already  been  sent  to  Europe,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  secretly  obtaining  and  forwarding  war 
like  stores,  &c.,  and  the  other  had  been  em 
ployed  by  congress  as  a  private  and  confiden 
tial  agent  in  England. 

Previous  to  Dr.  Franklin's  departure,  he 
conceived  it  would  be  advisable,  on  many  ac 
counts,  to  be  the  bearer  of  propositions  for 
peace  with  Great  Britain ;  and  with  this  view 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


143 


he  drew  up,  and  submitted  to  the  secret  com 
mittee  of  congress,  the  following  paper : — 

Sketch  of  Propositions  for  a  Peace,  1776. 

There  shall  be  a  perpetual  peace  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  of  Ame 
rica,  on  the  following  conditions. 

Great  Britain  shall  renounce  and  disdain 
all  pretence  of  right  or  authority  to  govern  in 
any  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

To  prevent  those  occasions  of  misunder 
standing  which  are  apt  to  arise,  where  the 
territories  of  different  powers  border  on  each 
other,  through  the  bad  conduct  of  frontier  in 
habitants  on  both  sides,  Britain  shall  cede  to 
the  United  States  the  provinces  or  colonies 
of  Quebec,  St.  John's,  Nova  Scotia,  Bermu 
da,  East  and  West  Florida,  and  the  Bahama 
Islands,  with  all  their  adjoining  and  interme 
diate  territories  now  claimed  by  her. 

In  return  for  this  cession,  the  United  States 

shall  pay  to  Great  Britain  the  sum  of 

sterling,  in  annual  payments,  that  is  to  say 

per  annum,  for  and  during  the  term 

of years. 

And  shall  moreover  grant  a  free  trade  to 
all  British  subjects  throughout  the  United 
States  and  the  ceded  colonies,  and  shall  gua 
rantee  to  Great  Britain  the  possession  of  her 
islands  in  the  West  Indies. 


Motives  for  proposing  a  Peace  at  this  time. 

1.  The  having  such  propositions  in  charge, 
will,  by  the  law  of  nations,  be  some  protec 
tion  to  the  commissioners  or  ambassadors,  if 
they  should  be  taken. 

2.  As  the  news  of  our  declared  independ 
ence  will  tend  to  unite  in  Britain  all  parties 
against  us ;  so  our  offering  peace  with  com 
merce  and  payments  of  money,  will  tend  to 
divide  them  again :  for  peace  is  as  necessary 
to  them  as  to  us :  our  commerce  is  wanted  by 
their  merchants  and  manufacturers,  who  will 
therefore  incline  to  the  accommodation,  even 
though  the  monopoly  is  not  continued,  since 
it  can  be  easily  made  appear,  their  share  of 
our  growing  trade  will  soon  be  greater  than 
the  whole  has  been  heretofore.    Then  for  the 
landed  interest,  who  wish  an  alleviation  of 
taxes,  it  is  demonstrable  by  figures,  that  if  we 
should  agree  to  pay,  suppose  ten  millions  in 
one  hundred  years,  viz.  one  hundred  thousand 
pounds  per  annum  for  that  term,  it  would,  be 
ing  faithfully  employed  as  a  sinking  fund,  more 
than  pay  off  all  their  present  national  debt 
It  is,  besides,  a  prevailing  opinion  in  England, 
that  they  must  in  the  nature  of  tilings,  sooner 
or  later  lose  the  colonies,  and  many  think 
they  had  better  be  without  the  government 
of  them ;  so  that  the  proposition  will,  on  that 
account,  have  more  supporters  and  fewer  op- 
posers. 

3.  As  the  having  such  propositions  to  make, 


or  any  powers  to  treat  of  peace,  will  furnish 
a  pretence  for  Benjamin  Franklin's  going  to 
England,  where  he  has  many  friends  and  ac 
quaintance,  particularly  among  the  best  writ- 
ers  and  ablest  speakers  in  both  houses  of  par 
liament,  he  thinks  he  shall  be  able  when  there, 
if  the  terms  are  not  accepted,  to  work  up  such 
a  division  of  sentiments  in  the  nation,  as 
greatly  to  weaken  its  exertions  against  the 
United  States,  and  lessen  its  credit  in  foreign 
countries. 

4.  The  knowledge  of  there  being  powers 
given  to  the  commissioners  to  treat  with  Eng 
land,  may  have  some  effect  in  facilitating  and 
expediting  the  proposed  treaty  with  France. 

5.  It  is  worth  our  while  to  offer  such  a  sum 
for  the  countries  to  be  ceded,  since  the  vacant 
lands  will  in  time  sell  for  a  great  part  of  what 
we  shall  give,  if  not  more ;  and  if  we  are  to 
obtain  them  by  conquest,  after  perhaps  a  long 
war,  they  will  probably  cost  us  more  than 
that  sum.    It  is  absolutely  necessary  for  us  to 
have  them  for  our  own  security ;  and  though 
the  sum  may  seem  large  to  the  present  gene 
ration,  in  less  than  half  the  term,  it  will  be  to 
the  whole  United  States,  a  mere  trifle. 


It  is  uncertain  to  what  extent  this  plan  was 
adopted  by  congress.  The  propositions  were 
certainly  not  such  as  the  British  ministry 
would  have  listened  to  a  moment,  at  that  pe 
riod  of  "the  revolutionary  war,  whatever  they 
might  have  been  disposed  to  have  done  in  a 
more  advanced  state  of  it. 

It  is  possible,  however,  that  this  or  some 
other  proposal  for  peace  with  Great  Britain 
may  have  been  furnished  to  Dr.  Franklin  by 
he  secret  committee  of  congress,  to  serve  him 
in  some  measure  as  a  protection  in  case  of 
lis  capture  at  sea ;  of  which  there  was  at  that 
time  the  most  imminent  danger.  — — ^s=-^ 

Dr.  Franklin  set  off  on  this  important  mis- 
ion  from   Philadelphia,  Get  26,   1776,  ac-    \ 
3ompanied  by  two  of  his  grandchildren,  Wil- 
iam  Temple  Franklin,  and  Benjamin  Frank- 
in  Bache  :  they  slept  at  Chester  that  night, 
and  the  next  morning  went  by  land  to  Mar- 
us  Hook,  and  embarked  there  that  day,  in 
he   United   States'   sloop  of  war  Reprisal, 
mounting  sixteen  guns,  and  commanded  by 
aptain  Wickes.     During  the  passage  Dr. 
•Vanklin  made  daily  experiments,  by  means 
f  the  thermometer,  of  the  temperature  of  the 
sea-water,  as  he  had  done  on  similar  occa 
sions,  and  with  the  same  view  of  ascertaining 
he  ship's  being  in  or  out  of  the  gulph  stream, 
and  more  or  less  within  soundings. 

The  sloop  was  frequently  chased  during 
the  voyage  by  British  cruisers,  and  several 
tunes  prepared  for  action ;  but  being  a  good 
sailer,  and  the  captain  having  received  or 
ders,  not  unnecessarily  to  risk  an  engage 
ment,  she  as  often  escaped  her  pursuers.  The 


144 


MEMOIRS  OF 


crew  did  not  always  seem  to  like  avoiding 
coming  up  with  the  vessels  that  were  occa 
sionally  seen,  as  they  were  naturally  desirous 
of  getting  some  prize-money,  on  this  account 
probably  the  captain  indulged  them  on  some 
occasions,  when  there  was  little  likelihood  of 
danger.  An  opportunity  of  this  kind  present 
ed  itself  on  the  27th  of  November,  being  then 
near  the  coast  of  France,  though  out  of  sound 
ings.  Several  sail  were  seen  about  noon, 
and  the  sloop  brought  to,  and  took  a  brig  from 
Bourdeaux,  bound  to  Cork,  (being  Irish  pro 
perty)  loaded  with  lumber  and  some  wine. 
She  had  left  Bourdeaux  the  day  before.  The 
captain  found  by  the  brig's  reckoning,  that 
he  was  then  only  sixteen  leagues  from  land. 
In  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  he  came  up 
with,  and  took  another  brig,  from  Rochefort, 
belonging  to  Hull,  bound  to  Hamburgh,  with 
brandy  and  flax-seed :  early  the  next  morn 
ing  land  was  in  sight  from  the  mast-head  ;  it 
proved  to  be  Belleisle ;  a  pilot  came  on  board, 
and  the  sloop  was  brought  to  an  anchor  in  the 
evening.  On  the  29th  she  ran  into  Quiberon 
Bay,  where  she  continued  till  December  3d, 
when  finding  the  contrary  winds  likely  to 
continue,  which  prevented  her  entering  the 
Loire,  the  captain  procured  a  fishing-boat  to 
put  Dr.  Franklin  and  his  grandsons  on  shore 
at  Auray,  about  six  leagues  distant,  where 
they  were  landed  in  the  evening.  Auray 
proved  to  be  a  wretched  place.  No  post- 
chaises  to  be  hired,  and  obliged  to  send  to 
Vannes  for  one,  which  did  not  arrive  till  next 
day  ;  when  the  party  reached  that  town,  late 
in  the  evening.  Dr.  Franklin,  in  the  little 
journal  he  kept,  and  from  which  the  above 
details  are  taken,  adds  :  "  The  carriage  was 
a  miserable  one,  with  tired  horses,  the  even 
ing  dark,  scarce  a  traveller  but  ourselves  on 
the  road ;  and  to  make  it  more  comfortable, 
the  driver  stopped  near  a  wood  we  were  to 
pass  through,  to  tell  us  that  a  gang  of  eighteen 
robbers  infested  that  wood,  who  but  two  weeks 
ago  had  robbed  and  murdered  some  travellers 
on  that  very  spot." 

The  same  journal  contains  the  following 
remark,  "  December  6.  On  the  road  yester 
day,"  (travelling  to  Nantes,)  "  we  met  six  or 
seven  country-women,  in  company,  on  horse 
back  and  astride :  they  were  all  of  fair  white 
and  red  complexions,  but  one  among  them 
was  the  fairest  woman  I  ever  beheld.  Most 
of  the  men  have  good  complexions,  not 
swarthy  like  those  of  the  North  of  France,  in 
which  I  remember  that,  except  about  Abbe 
ville,  I  saw  few  fair  people." 

Arriving  at  Nantes  on  the  7th  December, 
a  grand  dinner  was  prepared  on  the  occasion 
by  some  friends  of  America,  at  which  Dr. 
Franklin  was  present,  and  in  the  afternoon 
went  to  meet  a  large  party  at  the  country  seat 
of  monsieur  Gruel,  a  short  distance  from  town, 
where  crowds  of  visiters  came  to  compliment 


!  him  on  his  safe  arrival,  expressing  great  satis- 
'  faction,  as  they  were  warm  friends  to  Ame 
rica,  and  hoped  his  being  in  France  would  be 
of  advantage  to  the  American  cause,  &c.  &c. 
A  magnificent  supper  closed  the  evening. 

Being  much  fatigued  and  weakened  by  the 
voyage  and  journey,  Dr.  Franklin  was  per 
suaded  to  remain  some  time  at  M.  Gruel's 
country  house,  where  he  was  elegantly  and 
commodiously  lodged  :  his  strength,  indeed, 
was  not  equal  to  an  immediate  journey  to 
Paris.  During  his  stay  at  M.  Gruel's  he  was 
in  hopes  of  living  retired,  but  the  house  was 
almost  always  full  of  visiters ;  from  whom, 
however,  much  useful  information  was  obtain 
ed  respecting  the  state  of  affairs  at  court,  and 
the  character  of  persons  in  power,  &c.  Dr. 
Franklin  also  learnt  with  great  satisfaction, 
that  a  supply  had  been  obtained  from  the 
French  government,  of  two  hundred  brass 
field-pieces,  thirty  thousand  firelocks,  and 
some  other  military  stores ;  which  were  then 
shipping  for  America,  and  would  be  convoy 
ed  by  a  ship  of  war. 

Dr.  Franklin  at  that  tune  did  not  assume 
any  public  character,  thinking  it  prudent  first 
to  know  whether  the  court  was  ready  and 
willing  to  receive  publicly  commissioners 
from  the  congress ;  and  that  he  might  neither 
embarrass  the  ministry  on  the  one  hand,  nor 
subject  himself  and  his  colleagues  to  the 
hazard  of  a  disgraceful  refusal  on  the  other, 
tie  dispatched  an  express  to  Mr.  Deane,  then 
in  Paris,  with  the  letters  he  had  for  him  from 
the  committee  of  congress,  and  a  copy  of  their 
joint  commission,  that  he  might  make  the 
proper  inquiries,  and  give  him  the  necessary 
information :  meantime  it  was  generally  sup 
posed  at  Nantes  that  Dr.  Franklin  was  sent 
to  negotiate,  and  that  opinion  appeared  to 
give  great  pleasure. 

On  the  15th  December,  Dr.  Franklin  left 
Nantes,  and  shortly  after  arrived  safely  at 
Paris,  where  he  continued  to  reside  till  the 
7th  January  following,  when  he  removed  with 
his  family  to  Passy,  (a  village  beautifully 
situated  about  a  league  from  the  capital.)  and 
took  up  his  abode  in  a  large  and  handsome 
louse,  with  extensive  gardens,  belonging  to 
Mons.  Le  Ray  de  Chaumont,  a  great  and  use- 
friend  to  the  American  cause  :  here  Dr. 
franklin  continued  during  the  whole  of  his 
residence  in  France — being  about  eight  years 
and  a  half. 

The  following  extracts  from  letters  written 
by  him  to  one  of  his  intimate  friends,  shortly 
after  his  arrival  in  Paris,  fully  show  his  senti 
ments  relative  to  the  state  of  American 
K)litics  at  that  period,  and  furnish  some  in 
sight  as  to  the  nature  of  his  mission  to  France. 

"  To  Dr.  Ingenhauz. 

"  I  long  laboured  in  England  with 

great  zeal  and  sincerity  to  prevent  the  breach 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


145 


that  has  happened,  and  which  is  now  so  wide 
that  no  endeavours  of  mine  can  possibly  hea 
it.     You  know  the  treatment  I  met  with  from 
that  imprudent  court :  but  I  keep  a  separate 
account  of  private  injuries,  which  I  may  for 
give ;  and  I  do  not  think  it  right  to  mix  them 
with  public  affairs.     Indeed  there  is  no  occa 
sion  for  their  aid  to  whet  my  resentment 
against  a  nation,  that  has  burnt  our  defence 
less  towns  in  the  midst  of  winter,  has  excited 
the  savages  to  assassinate  our  innocent  farm 
ers  with  their  wives  and  children,  and  our 
slaves  to  murder  their  masters !     It  would 
therefore  be  deceiving  you,  if  I  suffered  you 
to  remain  in  the  supposition  you  have  taken 
up,  that  I  am  come  to  Europe  to  make  peace : 
I  am  in  fact  ordered  hither  by  the  congress 
for  a  very  different  purpose ;  viz.  to  procure 
such  aids  from  European  powers,  for  enabling 
us  to  defend  our  freedom  and  independence, 
which  it  is  certainly  their  interest  to  grant ; 
as  by  that  means  the  great  and  rapidly  grow 
ing  trade  of  America  will  be  open  to  them 
all,  and  not  a  monopoly  to  Great  Britain  as 
heretofore  :  a  monopoly,  that  if  she  is  suffered 
again  to  possess,  will  be  such  an  increase  of 
her  strength  by  sea,  and  if  she  can  reduce  us 
again  to  submission,  she  will  have  thereby  so 
great  an  addition  to  her  strength  by  land,  as 
will,  together,  make  her  the  most  formidable 
power  the  world  has  yet  seen ;  and  from  her 
natural  pride  and  insolence  in  prosperity,  of 
all  others  the  most  intolerable." 

To  the  same. 

"  You  desire  to  know  my  opinion  of 

whit  will  probably  be  the  end  of  this  war ; 
and  whether  our  new  establishments  will  not 
be  thereby  reduced  again  to  deserts.  I  do 
not,  for  my  part,  apprehend  much  danger  of 
so  great  an  evil  to  us.  I  think  we  shall  be 
able,  with  a  little  help,  to  defend  ourselves, 
our  possessions,  and  our  liberties  so  long,  that 
England  will  be  ruined  by  persisting  in  the 
wicked  attempt  to  destroy  them.  I  must  ne 
vertheless  regret  that  ruin,  and  wish  that  her 
injustice  and  tyranny  had  not  deserved  it :  and 
I  sometimes  flatter  myself  that,  old  as  I  am, 
I  may  possibly  live  to  see  my  country  settled 
in  peace  and  prosperity,  when  Britain  shall 
make  no  more  a  formidable  figure  among  the 
•powers  of  Europe. 

^Yon  put  me  in  mind  of  an  apology  for  my 
conduct,  which  has  been  expected  from  me, 
in  answer  to  the  abuses  thrown  upon  me  be 
fore  the  privy  council.  It  was  partly  written, 
but  the  affairs  of  public  importance  I  have 
been  ever  since  engaged  in,  prevented  my 
finishing  it.  The  injuries  too  that  my  coun 
try  has  suffered,  have  absorbed  private  resent 
ments,  and  made  it  appear  trifling  for  an  in 
dividual  to  trouble  the  world  with  his  particu 
lar  justification,  when  all  his  compatriots  were 
stigmatized  by  the  king  and  parliament  as 

VOL.  I....T  13 


being  in  every  respect  the  worst  of  mankind! 
I  am  obliged  to  you,  however,  for  the  friendly 
part  you  have  always  taken  in  the  defence 
of  my  character ;  and  it  is  indeed  no  small 
argument  in  my  favour,  that  those  who  have 
known  me  most  and  longest,  still  love  me  and 
trust  me  with  their  most  important  interests, 
of  which  my  election  into  the  congress  by  the 
unanimous  voice  of  the  assembly,  or  parlia 
ment  of  Pennsylvania,  the  day  after  my  ar 
rival  from  England,  and  my  present  mission 
hither  by  the  congress  itself,  are  instances  in 
contestable." 

Dr.  Franklin  was  privately  received  with 
every  demonstration  of  regard  and  respect  by  ; 
the  minister  for  foreign  affairs,  monsieur  le 
compte  de  Vergennes ;  who  assured  him  and 
the  other  American  commissioners,  that  they 
should  personally  enjoy  in  France  "  all  the 
security  and  all  the  good  offices  which  stran 
gers  could  receive."* 

A  conviction  of  the  advantages  to  be  de 
rived  from  a  commercial  intercourse  with 
America,  and  a  desire  of  weakening  the  Bri- 
ish  empire,  by  dismembering  it,  induced  the 
French  court  secretly  to  give  assistance  in 
lilitary  stores  to  the  Americans,  and  to  listen 
to  proposals  of  an  alliance.  But  they  at  first 
showed  rather  a  reluctance  to  the  latter  mea 
sure,  which,  however,  by  Dr.  Franklin's  ad- 
Iress,  aided  by  a  subsequent  important  success 
attending  the  American  arms,  was  eventually 
overcome. 

The  American  commissioners  began  pri 
vately  to  grant  letters  of  marque  to  a  number 
of  French  American  privateers,  which  ha 
rassed  the  English  coasting  trade,  intercepted 
a  great  number  of  British  merchant  vessels, 
and  took  many  prisoners.  Lord  Stormont,  his 
Britannic  majesty's  ambassador  at  Versailles, 
when  applied  to  by  the  American  commis 
sioners  relative  to  an  exchange  of  those  pri 
soners,  haughtily  and  unfeelingly  gave  them 
for  answer,  "  that  he  received  no  letters  from 
rebels,  unless  they  were  to  petition  his  majes 
ty's  pardon ! !"  or  words  to  that  effect.  His 
lordship  presented  several  memorials  to  the 
French  minister,  complaining  of  the  equip 
ment  of  American  vessels  in  the  ports  of 
France,  bringing  in  of  their  prizes,  &c.,  and 
of  the  assistance  France  was  underhandedly 
affording  the  insurgents;  demanding  at  the 
same  time  a  catagorical  answer  respecting 
such  conduct. 

On  this  occasion,  count  de  Vergennes  af 
fected  to  remonstrate  with  the  American  com 
missioners,  and  on  the  16th  July,  1777,  wrote 
to  them  that  they  had  exceeded  the  bounds 
limited  at  their  first  interview  with  him, 
which  were  expressly,  "  That  the  navigation 
and  commerce  with  the  Americans,  should 

*  "  Toute  la  surete  et  tous  les  agrements  que  nous  y 
faisons  ^prouver  aux  etrangers.'1 


146 


MEMOIRS  OF 


obtain  all  the  facilities  in  France  which  were 
compatible  with  the  due  observance  of  her 
treaties  with  England ;  that  to  these  princi 
ples  the  king  would  religiously  adhere."* 

This  remonstrance  might  also  in  some  mea 
sure  have  been  influenced  by  the  veryjinfa- 
.vpurable  accounts  latterly  received  from  Ame 
rica,  and  which  bore  a  most  unpromising 
aspect  for  the  success  of  the  American  cause. 
In  England  it  was  generally  thought,  even  by 
the  friends  of  America,  that  her  struggle  for 
independence  was  at  an  end,  and  that  nothing 
was  left  for  her  but  unconditional  submission. 
Dr.  Fothergill,  a  particular  friend  of  Dr. 
Franklin,  and  a  well-wisher  to  America,  in  a 
letter  to  his  nephew,  Mr.  John  Chorley,  dated 
June,  1777,  written  with  a  view  to  its  being- 
communicated  to  Dr.  Franklin,  (which  it 
shortly  after  was,)  thus  expresses  himself: — 
i  "  Should  thy  friend  think  proper  to  go  to 
Passy,  he  may  say  to  Dr.  Franklin,  that  if  he 
has  enemies  in  this  country,  he  has  also 
friends ;  and  must  not  forget  these,  because 
tho  former  are  ignorant  and  malicious,  yet 
all-powerful.  He  will  doubtless  inform  the 
doctor,  that  there  remains  not  a  doubt  on  this 
side  the  water,  that  American  resistance  is 
all  at  an  end — that  the  shadow  of  congres 
sional  authority  scarce  exists — that  a  general 
defection  from  that  body  is  apparent — that 
their  troops  desert  by  shoals — that  the  officers 
are  discontented — that  no  new  levies  can  be 
made — that  nothing  can  withstand  the  British 
forces,  and  prevent  them  from  being  masters 
of  the  whole  continent ;  in  short,  that  the  war 
is  at  an  end,  and  that  nothing  remains  to  be 
done,  but  to  divide  the  country  among  the 
conquerors.  This  is  the  general  language ; 
and  that  neither  France  nor  Spam  will  afford 
them  any  other  than  a  kind  of  paralytic  aid ; 
enough  to  enable  them  to  protract  a  few 
months  longer  a  miserable  existence !" 

In  the  midst  of  this  supposed  gloomy  state 
of  affairs  in  America,  the  news  of  the  surren 
der  of  the  British  army,  commanded  by  gene 
ral  Burgoyne,  to  that  of  the  Americans  under 
general  Gates,  at  Saratoga,  on  the  17th  Octo 
ber,  1777,  arrived  in  France ;  and  at  the  very 
moment  when  the  French  cabinet  was  as  yet 
undecided  in  regard  to  the  steps  to  be  adopted 
relative  to  the  United  States.  This  memora 
ble  event  immediately  turned  the  scale,  and 
fixed  the  French  nation  in  their  attachment 
to  the  infant  republic. 

The  news  of  the  defeat  and  capture  of  this 
British  general  and  his  whole  army,  was  re 
ceived  in  France  with  as  great  demonstra 
tions  of  joy,  as  if  it  had  been  a  victory  gained 
by  their  own  armsf  Dr.  Franklin  took  ad 
vantage  of  this  circumstance,  and  suggested 

*  "  due  le  navigation  et  commerce  Americans  oprou- 
veroient  toutes  les  facilities  en  France,  qui  seroient 
compatibles  avec  1'exacte  observance  de  ses  trails 
avec  1'Angleterre ;  qu'il  etoit  dans  les  principes  du  roi 
de  remplir  religieusement." 


to  the  French  ministry,  "that  there  was  not 
a  moment  to  be  lost,  if  they  wished  to  securdf 
the  friendship  of  America,  and  detach  her  en 
tirely  from  the  mother-country."  Urged  by 
these  considerations,  and  fearful  lest  an  ac 
commodation  might  take  place  between  Great 
Britain  and  her  colonies,  the  court  of  France 
instantly  determined  to  declare  its  intentions, 
and  accordingly  on  the  6th  December,  1777, 
monsieur  Gerard,  secretary  to  the  council  of 
state,  repaired  to  the  hotel  of  the  American 
commissioners,  and  informed  them,  by  order 
of  the  king,  "  that  after  a  long  and  mature 
deliberation  upon  their  propositions,  his  ma 
jesty  had  determined  to  recognize  the  inde 
pendence^  of^lincLto  enter  into  a  treaty  of 
commerce  and  alliance  with,  the  United  States 
of  America ;  and  that  he  would  not  only  ac 
knowledge  their  independence,  but  actually^ 
support  it  with  all  the  means  in  his  power : 
that  perhaps  he  was  about  to  engage  himself 
in  an  expensive  war  upon  their  account,  but 
that  he  did  not  expect  to  be  reimbursed  by 
them:  in  fine,  the  Americans  were  not  to 
think  that-  he  had  entered  into  this  resolution 
solely  with  a  view  of  serving  them,  since  in 
dependently  of  his  real  attachment  to  them 
and  their  cause,  it  was  evidently  the  interest 
of  France  to  diminish  the  power  of  England, 
by  severing  her  colonies  from  her." 

In  consequence  of  this  amicable  and  frank 
declaration,  treaties  were  soon  after  entered 
upon  with  monsieur  Gerard,  who,  on  the  30th 
of  January,  1778,  had  received  two  distinct 
commissions  from  the  king  for  that  purpose : 
and  on  the  6th  day  of  February  following,  a 
treaty  of  amity  and  commerce,  and  another  of 
alliance  eventual  and  defensive,  between  his 
most  Christian  majesty  and  the  thirteen  Unit 
ed  States  of  North  America,  were  concluded 
and  signed  at  Paris  by  the  respective  pleni 
potentiaries. 

J'his  forms  a  memorable  epoch  in  the  po 
litical  life  of  Dr.  Franklin,  as  well  as  in  the 
annals  of  the  United  States,  because  it  was  in 
a  great  measure  owing  to  the  aid  derived  from 
this  powerful  alliance,  that  the  American 
colonies  were  enabled  to  resist  the  mother 
country,  and  eventually  to  establish  their  in 
dependence.  \ 

It  was  mutually  agreed  that  these  treaties 
should  be  kept  secret  till  the  ratifications 
were  exchanged;  but  some  time  after,  ac 
counts  having  been  received  of  the  intention 
of  the  English  ministry  to  send  lord  Carlisle, 
Mr.  W.  Eden,  and  governor  Johnstone  as  ad 
ditional  commissioners  to  America,  to  be  join 
ed  to  the  commanders-in-chief  of  the  British 
land  and  sea  forces  there,  with  full  powers  to 
treat,  settle,  and  agree  on  terms,  even  with 
congress,  but  subject  to  the  confirmation  of 
parliament ;  the  French  government,  with  the 
view  to  counteract  any  favourable  result  to 
Great  Britain  from  this  project,  immediately 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


147 


instructed  their  ambassador  at  St.  James's 
(the  marquis  de  Noailles)  to  communicate 
officially  to  the  English  government,  that  the 
abovementioned  treaties  had  been  concluded 
and  signed.  On  this  the  British  cabinet  in 
stantly  dispatched  instructions  to  lord  Stor- 
mont,  to  withdraw  from  the  court  of  France, 
without  taking  leave ;  and  this  having  been 
intimated  to  the  marquis  de  Noailles,  he  left 
England  about  the  same  time. 

These  circumstances,  however,  did  not 
prevent  the  new  British  commissioners  from 
proceeding  to  America;  but  their  presence 
there  was  of  no  avail,  notwithstanding  every 
art  and  deception  was  made  use  of  by  them  to 
effect  their  purpose.  Governor  Johnstone,  in 
particular  had  publicly  asserted,  that  Dr. 
Franklin  had  approved  of  the  proposition* 
the  commissioners  had  carried  over  with 
them.  This  was  an  absolute  falsehood,  of 
which  Dr.  Franklin,  as  scon  as  apprized  of  it, 
expressed  his  indignation  to  the  president  of 
the  state  of  Pennsylvania,  in  his  letter  dated 
Passy,  March  19,  1780. 

Hostilities  now  commenced  between  Great 
Britain  and  France ;  and  monsieur  Gerard  was 
sent  by  his  most  Christian  majesty  as  envoy 
to  the  new  States  of  America.  The  American 
commissioners  plenipotentiary  were  imme 
diately  presented  at  court  in  their  public 
character,  with  the  accustomed  forms,  and 
•were  very  graciously  received  by  the  king 
land  all  the  royal  family. 
£.  A  French  historian,  M.  Milliard  D'Auber- 
:$euil,  thus  notices  Dr.  Franklin's  first  appear 
ance  at  the  court  of  Versailles. 

"  Dr.  Franklin,  at  length,  had  an  interview 
with  his  most  Christian  majesty  ;  he  was  pre 
sented  to  him,  in  the  gallery  of  Versailles,  by 
the  comte  de  Vergennes,  minister  for  foreign 
affairs.  On  this  occasion,  he  was  accompanied 
and  followed  by  a  great  number  of  Ameri 
cans,  and  individuals  of  foreign  states,  who 
Were  collected  together  by  curiosity.  His 
age,  his  venerable  appearance,  the  simplicity 
of  his  dress  on  such  an  occasion,  every  tiling 
that  was  either  singular  or  respectable  in  the 
life  of  this  American,  contributed  to  augment 
the  public  attention.  Clapping  of  hands,  and 
a  variety  of  other  demonstrations  of  joy,  an 
nounced  that  warmth  of  affection,  of  which 
the  French  are  more  susceptible  than  any 
other  people,  and  of  which  their  politeness 
and  civility  augments  the  charm  to  him  who 
is  the  object  of  it. 

"  His  majesty  addressed  him  as  follows : 

"  '  You  may  assure  the  United  States  of 
America  of  my  friendship;  I  beg  leave  also  to 
observe,  that  I  am  exceedingly  satisfied  in 
particular  with  your  own  conduct,  during  your 
residence  in  my  kingdom.'  When  the  new 
ambassador,  after  this  audience,  crossed  the 
court,  in  order  to  repair  to  the  office  of  the 
minister  of  foreign  affairs,  the  multitude  wait 


ed  for  him  in  the  passage,  and  hailed  him  with 
their  acclamations." 

Dr.  Franklin  was  undoubtedly  the  fii 
person  that  could  have  been  found  for  rende 
ing  essential  services  to  the  United  States 
the  court  of  France.  He  was  well  known 
a  philosopher  throughout  all  Europe,  and  hi) 
character  was  held  in  the  highest  estirn;i' 
In  France  he  was  received  with  the  gr< 
marks  of  respect  by  all  the  literary  characters , 
and  this  was  extended  amongst  all  classes  of 
men,  and  particularly  at  the  court.  His  per 
sonal  influence  was  hence  very  considerable. 
To  the  effects  of  this  were  added  those  of  va 
rious  writings  which  he  published,  tending  to 
establish  the  credit  and  character  of  the  Unit 
ed  States ;  and  to  his  exertions  in  this  way, 
may  in  no  small  degree  be  ascribed,  not  only 
the  free  gifts  obtained  from  the  French  go\  - 
rnment,  but  also  the  loans  negotiated  in 
Holland,  which  greatly  contributed  to  bring 
the  war  to  a  favourable  conclusion,  and  the 
establishment  of  American  independence. 

During  the  progress  of  these  transactions 
at  the  court  of  France,  Dr.  Franklin  had  re 
ceived  from  congress  their  commission  to  ne 
gotiate  a  treaty  of  friendship  and  commerce 
with  the  court  of  Spain.  On  this  occasion  he 
waited  on  the  count  d'Aranda,  the  Spanish 
ambassador  at  Paris,  and  left  with  him  a  copy 
of  his  commission  ;  and  some  time  after  ad 
dressed  to  him  the  following  letter. 

"  To  his  Excellency  the  Count  d'Aranda, 
tyc.  fyc. 

"  PASSY,  April  7,  1777. 

"  SIR, — I  left  in  your  excellency's  hands,  to 
be  communicated,  if  you  please,  to  your  court, 
a  duplicate  of  the  commission  from  the  con 
gress,  appointing  me  to  go  to  Spain  as  then- 
minister  plenipotentiary.  But  as  I  understand, 
that  the  receiving  such  a  minister  is  not  at 
present  thought  convenient,  and  I  am  sure  the 
congress  would  have  nothing  done  that  might 
incommode  in  the  least  a  court  they  so  much 
respect,  I  shall  therefore  postpone  that  journey 
till  circumstances  may  make  it  more  suitable. 
In  the  mean  time,  I  beg  leave  to  lay  before 
his  Catholic  majesty,  through  the  hands  of 
your  excellency,  the  propositions  contained  in 
a  resolution  of  congress,  dated  Dec.  30,  1776, 
viz. : 

"  *  That  if  his  Catholic  majesty  will  join 
with  the  United  States  in  a  war  against  Great 
Britain,  they  will  assist  in  reducing  to  the 
possession  of  Spain  the  town  and  harbour  of 
Pensacola;  provided  the  inhabitants  of  the 
United  States  shall  have  the  free  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi,  and  the  use  of  the  harbour 
of  Pensacola ;  and  will,  (provided  it  shall  bo 
true  that  his  Portuguese  majesty  has  insulting 
ly  expelled  the  vessels  of  these  states  from  his 
ports,  or  has  confiscated  any  such  vessels), 
declare  war  against  the  said  king,  if  that 


148 


MEMOIRS  OF 


measure  shall  be  agreeable  to,  and  supporte 
by,  the  courts  of  France  and  Spain.' 

"  It  is  understood  that  the  strictest  unio 
subsists  between  those  two  courts ;  and  in  cas 
Spain  and  France  should  think  fit  to  attemp 
the  conquest  of  the  English  sugar  islands,  th 
congress  have  further  proposed  to  furnish  prc 
visions  to  the  amount  of  two  millions  of  do 
lars,  and  to  join  the  fleet  employed  on  th 
occasion,  with  six  frigates  of  not  less  tha 
twenty-four  guns  each,  manned  and  fitted  fo 
service;  and  to  render  any  other  assistanc 
which  may  be  in  their  power,  as  become 
good  allies ;  without  desiring  for  themselve 
the  possession  of  any  of  the  said  islands. 

"  These  propositions  are  subject  to  discus 
sion,  and  to  receive  such  modifications  as  ma} 
be  found  proper. 

"  With  great  respect  I  have  the  honour  t( 
be,  your  excellency's  most  obedient  and  mos 
humble  servant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 

This  negotiation  was  not  carried  further  a 
the  time,  and  subsequently  Mr.  Jay  was  sen' 
by  congress  as  their  special  minister  to  the 
court  of  Spain ;  were  his  patience  and  ability 
were  equally  displayed  to  his  own  credit,  anc 
the  interest  of  his  country,  which  he  ever  had 
at  heart. 

We  must  now  revert  to  some  less  import 
ant  circumstances  that  occurred  about  this 
time,  and  which  have  been  omitted  in  the 
precise  order  of  their  dates,  in  order  not  to 
interrupt  the  account  of  transactions  of  greater 
moment. 

An  incident,  though  trifling  of  itself,  yet  as 
relating  to  a  great  personage,  and  as  con 
nected  with  Dr.  Franklin's  memoirs,  ought 
not  to  be  omitted. 

At  the  time  of  the  visit  to  Paris  of  the 
emperor  Joseph  II.,  brother  to  the  queen  of 
France,  (then  travelling  under  the  title  of 
count  de  Falkenstein,')  Dr.  Franklin  received 
the  following  note  from  the  envoy  of  the 
grand  duke  of  Tuscany,  resident  at  Paris. 

"  A  Monsieur  le  Docteur  Franklin* 

"L'Abbe  Niccoli  prie  monsieur  Franklin 
de  lui  faire  1'honneur  de  venir  dejeuner  chez 
lui  Mercredi  matin,  28  de  ce  mois,  a  9  heures. 
II  lui  donnera  une  bonne  tasse  de  chocolat. 
II  1'assure  de  son  respect. 

"  Du  petit  Luxembourg,  Lundi,  26  Mai.  1777." 

To  this  note,  found  among  Dr.  Franklin's 
papers,  is  added  the  following  memorandum 
in  his  hand-writing. 

"  The  above   is    from  the  abbe   Niccoli, 

(*  TRANSLATION.) 

To  Dr.  Franklin. 

The  abbe  Niccoli  begs  Dr.  Franklin  will  do  him  the 
honour  to  come  and  take  breakfast  with  him  on 
Wednesday  morning,  28th  of  this  month,  at  9  o'clock. 
He  will  give  him  a  fine  cup  of  chocolate.  He  assures 
him  of  his  respect. 

Little  Luxembourg,  Monday,  26fA  May,  1777. 


minister  of  the  grand  duke  of  Tuscany.  The 
intention  of  it  was,  to  give  the  emperor  an 
opportunity  of  an  interview  with  me,  that 
should  appear  accidental.  Monsieur  Turgot 
and  the  abbe  were  there  to  be  present,  and 
by  their  knowledge  of  what  passed,  to  pre 
vent  or  contradict  false  reports.  The  empe 
ror  did  not  appear,  and  the  abbe  Niccoli  since 
tells  me,  that  the  number  of  other  persons 
who  occasionally  visited  him  that  morning, 
of  which  the  emperor  was  informed,  prevent 
ed  his  coming  ;  that  at  twelve,  understanding 
they  were  gone,  he  came  ;  but  I  was  gone 
also." 

The  cause  of  America  becoming  so  popular 
in  France,  and  the  number  of  officers  out  of 
employ  being  so  considerable,  Dr.  Franklin 
was  extremely  harassed  by  the  numerous 
applications  for  service  in  the  armies  of  the 
United  States.  The  following  letter  to  a 
friend  is  so  fully  and  strongly  descriptive  of 
his  sentiments  and  feelings  on  this  subject, 
and  in  other  respects  so  entertaining,  that  we 
here  insert  it. 


:'  PASSY,  -  . 

"  You  know,  my  dear  friend,  that  I  am  not 
capable  of  refusing  you  any  thing  in  my 
power,  which  would  be  a  real  kindness  to 
you  or  any  friend  of  yours  ;  but  when  I  am 
certain  that  what  you  request  would  be  di 
rectly  the  contrary,  I  ought  to  refuse  it.  I 
mow  that  officers  going  to  America  for  em 
ployment  will  probably  be  disappointed  ;  that 
our  armies  are  full,  that  there  are  a  number 
of  expectants  unemployed  and  starving  for 
want  of  subsistence,  that  my  recommendation 
will  not  make  vacancies,  nor  can  it  fill  them, 
»  the  prejudice  of  those  who  have  a  better 
claim  ;  that  some  of  those  officers  I  have  been 
prevailed  on  to  recommend,  have  by  their 
conduct  given  no  favourable  impression  of  my 
udgment  in  military  merit;  and  then  the 
voyage  is  long,  the  passage  very  expensive, 
and  the  hazard  of  being  taken  and  imprisoned 
yy  the  English,  very  considerable.  If,  after 
ill,  no  place  can  be  found  affording  a  liveli- 
lood  for  the  gentleman,  he  will  perhaps  be 

istressed  in  a  strange  country,  and  ready  to 
>laspheme  his  friends  who  by  their  solicita- 
ions  procured  for  him  so  unhappy  a  situation. 
•'ermit  me  to  mention  to  you,  that  in  my 
pinion  the  natural  complaisance  of  this  coun- 
ry  often  carries  people  too  far  in  the  article 
f  recommendations.  You  give  them  with 
oo  much  facility  to  persons  of  whose  real 
haracters  you  know  nothing,  and  sometimes 
t  the  request  of  others  of  whom  you  know 
s  little.  Frequently,  if  a  man  has  no  useful 

lents,  is  good  for  nothing,  and  burdensome 

his  relations,  or  is  indiscreet,  profligate, 

nd  extravagant,  they  are  glad  to  get  rid  of 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


149 


him  by  sending  him  to  the  other  end  of  the 
world;  and  for  that  purpose  scruple  not  to 
recommend  him  to  those  they  wish  should 
recommend  him  to  others,  as  '  un  bon  sujet — 
plein  de  merited  &c.  &c.  In  consequence 
of  my  crediting  such  recommendations,  my 
own  are  out  of  credit,  and  I  cannot  advise 
any  body  to  have  the  least  dependence  on 
them.  If,  after  knowing  this,  you  persist  in 
desiring  my  recommendation  for  this  person, 
who  is  known  neither  to  me  nor  to  you,  I  will 
give  it,*  though,  as  I  said  before,  I  ought  to 
refuse  it. 

"  These  applications  are  my  perpetual  tor 
ment.  People  will  believe  (notwithstanding 
my  repeated  declarations  to  the  contrary,) 
that  I  am  sent  hither  to  engage  officers. — Jn 
truth  I  never  had  any  such  orders.  It  was 
never  so  much  as  intimated  to  me  that  it 
would  be  agreeable  to  my  constituents.  I 
have  even  received  for  what  I  have  done  of 
the  kind,  not  indeed  an  absolute  rebuke,  but 
some  pretty  strong  hints  of  disapprobation. 
Not  a  day  passes  in  which  I  have  not  a  num 
ber  of  soliciting  visits,  besides  letters.  If  I 
could  gratify  all  or  any  of  them  it  would  be  a 
pleasure.  I  might  indeed  give  them  the  re 
commendation,  and  the  promises  they  desire, 
and  thereby  please  them  for  the  present ;  but 
when  the  certain  disappointment  of  the  ex 
pectations  with  which  they  will  so  obstinately 
flatter  themselves  shall  arrive,  they  must 
curse  me  for  complying  with  their  mad  re 
quests,  and  not  undeceiving  them ;  and  will 
become  so  many  enemies  to  our  cause  and 
country.  You  can  have  no  conception  how  I 
am  harassed.  All  my  friends  are  sought  out 
and  teazed  to  teaze  me.  Great  officers  of  all 
ranks  in  all  departments,  ladies  great  and 
small,  besides  professed  solicitors,  worry  me 
from  morning  to  night  The  noise  of  every 
coach  now  that  enters  my  court,  terrifies  me. 
I  am  afraid  to  accept  an  invitation  to  dine 
abroad,  being  almost  sure  of  meeting  with 

*  For  cases  of  this  kind,  and  where  it  was  absolutely 
impossible  to  refuse,  Dr.  Franklin  drew  up  the  follow 
ing  as  a  model  for  such  letters  of  recommendation,  and 
actually  employed  it  in  some  instances,  to  shame  the 
persons  making  such  indiscreet  applications;  and  to 
endeavour  in  some  measure  to  put  a  stop  to  them. 

Model  of  a  Letter  of  Recommendation  of  a  person  you 
are  unacquainted  with. 

PARIS,  April  2,  1777. 

SIR, — The  bearer  of  this,  who  is  going  to  America, 
presses  me  to  give  him  a  letter  of  recommendation, 
though  I  know  nothing  of  him,  not  even  his  name. 
This  may  seem  extraordinary,  but  I  assure  you  it  is 
not  uncommon  here.  Sometimes,  indeed,  one  un 
known  person  brings  another  equally  unknown  to  re 
commend  him  ;  and  sometimes  they  recommend  one 
another!  As  to  this  gentleman,  I  must  refer  you  to 
himself  for  his  character  and  merits,  with  which  he  is 
certainly  better  acquainted  than  I  can  possibly  be ;  I 
recommend  him  however  to  those  civilities  which 
every  stranger,  of  whom  one  knows  no  harm,  has  a 
right  to,  and  I  request  you  will  do  him  all  the  good 
offices  and  show  him  all  the  favour  that,  on  further 
acquaintance,  you  shall  find  him  to  deserve. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be.  &c. 

13* 


some  officer  or  officer's  friend,  who  as  scon  as 
I  am  put  in  good  humour  by  a  glass  or  two  of 
champaigne,  begins  his  attack  upon  me 
Luckily  I  do  not  often  in  my  sleep  dream  of 
these  vexatious  situations,  or  I  should  bt> 
afraid  of  what  are  now  my  only  hours  of 
comfort.  If  therefore  you  have  the  least  re 
maining  kindness  for  me,  if  you  would  not 
help  to  drive  me  out  of  France,  for  God's  sake, 
my  dear  friend,  let  this  your  twenty-third  ap 
plication  be  your  last  Yours,  &c. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 

The  following  letter,  on  the  same  subject, 
was  addressed  by  Dr.  Franklin  to  an  imperti 
nent  and  unknown  applicant;  and  contains 
some  wholesome  advice  in  a  tart  and  pithy 
style. 

"  PASSY,  near  Paris,  April  G,  1777 

"  SIR, — I  have  just  been  honoured  with  a. 
letter  from  you,  dated  the  26th  past,  in  which 
you  express  yourself  as  astonished,  and  ap 
pear  to  be  angry  that  you  have  no  answer  to 
a  letter  you  wrote  me  of  the  llth  of  Decem 
ber,  which  you  are  sure  was  delivered  to  me. 

"  In  exculpation  of  myself,  I  assure  you  thar. 
I  never  received  any  letter  from  you  of  this 
date.  And  indeed,  being  then  but  four  days 
landed  at  Nantes,  I  think  you  could  scarce 
have  heard  so  soon  of  my  being  in  Europe. 

"  But  I  received  one  from  you  of  the  8th 
of  January,  which  I  own  I  did  not  answer. 
It  may  displease  you  if  I  give  you  the  reason  , 
but  as  it  may  be  of  use  to  you  in  your  future 
correspondences,  I  will  hazard  that  for  a  gen 
tleman  to  whom  I  feel  myself  obliged,  as  an 
American,  on  account  of  his  good  will  to  our 
cause. 

"  Whoever  writes  to  a  stranger  should  ob 
serve  three  points :  1.  That  what  he  proposes 
be  practicable.  2.  His  propositions  should  be 
made  in  explicit  terms,  so  as  to  be  easily  un 
derstood.  3.  What  he  desires,  should  be  in 
itself  reasonable.  Hereby  he  will  give  a  fa 
vourable  impression  of  his  understanding,  and 
create  a  desire  of  further  acquaintance.  Now 
it  happened  that  you  were  negligent  in  all 
these  points:  for  first,  you  desired  to  have 
means  procured  for  you  of  taking  a  voyage  to 
America  '  avec  surete ;'  which  is  not  possible, 
as  the  dangers  of  the  sea  subsist  always,  and 
at  present  there  is  the  additional  danger  of 
being  taken  by  the  English.  Then  you  de 
sire  that  this  may  be  '  sans  trop  grandes  de- 
penses,'  which  is  not  intelligible  enough  to 
be  answered,  because,  not  knowing  your  abi 
lity  of  bearing  expenses,  one  cannot  judge 
what  may  be  trop  grandes.  Lastly,  you  de 
sire  letters  of  address  to  the  congress  and  to 
general  Washington ;  which  it  is  not  reason 
able  to  ask  of  one  who  knows  no  more  of  you 
than  that  your  name  is  LITH,  and  that  you 
live  at  BAYREUTH. 

"In  your  last,  you  also  express  yourself  in 


150 


MEMOIRS  OF 


vague  terms,  when  you  desire  to  be  informed 
whether  you  may  expect '  d'etre  recu  d'une 
manure  convenable'  in  our  troops?  As  it  is 
impossible  to  know  what  your  ideas  are  of  the 
manure  convenable,  how  can  one  answer 
this  1  And  then  you  demand,  whether  I  will 
support  you  by  my  authority  in  giving  you 
letters  of  recommendation'?  I  doubt  not  your 
being  a  man  of  merit ;  and  knowing  it  your 
self,  you  may  forget  that  it  is  not  known  to 
every  body ;  but  reflect  a  moment,  sir,  and 
you 'will  be  convinced,  that  if  I  were  to  prac 
tise  giving  letters  of  recommendation  to  per 
sons  of  whose  character  I  knew  no  more  than 
I  do  of  yours,  my  recommendations  would 
soon  be  of  no  authority  at  all. 

"  I  thank  you,  however,  for  your  kind  desire 
of  being  serviceable  to  my  countrymen ;  and 
I  wish,  in  return,  that  I  could  be  of  service  to 
you  in  the  scheme  you  have  formed  of  going 
to  America.  But  numbers  of  experienced 
officers  here  have  offered  to  go  over  and  join 
our  army,  and  I  could  give  them  no  encour 
agement,  because  I  have  no  orders  for  that 
purpose,  and  I  know  it  is  extremely  difficult 
to  place  them  when  they  come  there.  I  can 
not  but  think,  therefore,  that  it  is  best  for  you 
not  to  make  so  long,  so  expensive,  and  so 
hazardous  a  voyage,  but  to  take  the  advice 
of  your  friends,  and  stay  in  Franconia. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  &c. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 

Before  we  return  to  political  occurrences,  as 
connected  with  the  memoirs  of  Dr.  Franklin, 
we  have  to  notice  an  attempt  that  was  made 
in  1777,  by  a  soi-disant  English  philosopher, 
to  detract,  if  not  to  annul,  the  great  discovery 
of  the  American  philosopher,  for  the  protec 
tion  of  buildings  and  ships  from  the  effects  of 
lightning.  Mr.  B.  Wilson,  F.  R.  S.  who  had 
formerly,  at  a  meeting  of  the  Royal  Society, 
protested  unsuccessfully  against  the  pointed 
conductors  of  Franklin,  now  endeavoured  by 
certain  experiments  publicly  exhibited  at  the 
Pantheon,  to  prove  the  superior  advantage  of 
knobs  to  points,  or  the  greater  safety  to  be 
derived  from  blunt  to  sharp  lightning  con 
ductors.  These  experiments,  it  is  said,  were 
much  countenanced  by  the  king,  who  attend 
ed  them,  with  some  of  the  royal  family ;  but 
their  deception  was  soon  detected,  as  appears 
by  the  following  article  on  the  subject,  in  the 
London  Evening  Post  of  the  16th  Septem 
ber,  1777:— 

"  Monday,  Mr.  B.  Wilson  repeated  his  ex 
periments  at  the  Pantheon,  before  several 
fellows  of  the  Royal  Society,  and  other  per 
sons.  Lord  Viscount  Mahon,*  F.  R.  S.,  being 
present,  had  a  great  dispute  with  Mr.  Wilson 
concerning  his  experiments,  and  showed  him 
that  he  was  wrong  in  both  his  assertions :  1st, 
that  knobs  are  better  than  points ;  and  2dly, 

*  Afterwards  earl  Stanhope,  since  deceased. 


that  low  conductors  are  better  than  high  ones. 
His  lordship  proved  both  those  assertions  to 
be  false,  and  showed  also  that  Mr.  Wilson 
had  entirely  misunderstood,  and  had  conse 
quently  misrepresented  the  philosophical  opi 
nions  of  Dr.  Franklin.  Lord  Mahon  repeated 
several  experiments  of  his  own  to  prove  his 
assertions,  and  by  invariably  succeeding  in 
them,  at  the  same  time  that  those  of  Mr. 
Wilson  failed  repeatedly,  his  lordship  proved 
this  to  demonstration,  and  by  so  doing,  gave 
great  satisfaction  to  the  best  informed  persons 
present.  Mr.  Wilson  went  to  the  other  end 
of  the  room,  as  if  to  avoid  seeing  lord  Mahon's 
experiments.  He  afterwards  said  that  he 
had  not  changed  his  opinions,  and  would 
publish  his  own  hypothesis ;  upon  which  lord 
Mahon  told  Mr.  Wilson,  in  a  most  candid  and 
gentleman-like  manner,  that  he  was  very 
sorry  to  be  obliged  to  differ  in  opinion  from 
him,  but  that  as  the  question  about  conductors 
for  lightning,  was  of  so  great  importance  to 
this  country,  and  to  society  in  general,  that 
if  Mr.  Wilson  should  publish  an  erroneous 
opinion  upon  this  subject,  that  he  would  also 
pledge  himself  to  the  public  to  refute  him  in 
print" 

A  few  days  after,  Mr.  Wilson's  pretended 
improvement,  founded  on  deceptive  experi 
ments,  was  completely  destroyed  by  the  dis 
covery  and  exposure  of  the  tricks  he  had  em 
ployed  to  obtain  a  partial  success.  This  took 
place  on  the  2d  October,  when  several  mem 
bers  of  the  Royal  Society,  and  other  gentle 
men  conversant  in  electricity,  went  to  see 
him  repeat  his  experiments;  among  these, 
were  Mr.  Henly  and  Mr.  Nairne,  both  fellows 
of  the  Royal  Society,  who  fully  detected  and 
exposed  the  frauds  and  deceptions  employed  by 
Wilson,  for  establishing  his  own  philosophi 
cal  reputation,  on  the  ruins  of  that  of  Dr. 
Franklin. 

Another  member  of  the  Royal  Society  (and 
of  most  of  the  learned  societies  of  Europe) 
the  ingenious  Dr.  Ingenhausz,  who  had  as 
sisted  at  these  experiments,  and  in  the  detec 
tion  of  the  fraud,  afterwards  wrote  a  very  ve 
hement  letter  on  the  subject,  addressed  to  a 
friend  on  the  continent ;  giving  a  full  account 
of  what  he  calls  "  la  charlatanerie  dufourbe 
Wilson  decette."  The  letter  is  too  long  and 
violent  for  insertion  here ;  it  concludes  thus : 

"  Voila  done  toute  la  tracasserie  de 

Wilson  expose  e  a  la  connoissance  du  public ; 
montrez  ceci  a  notre  ami,  (Dr.  Franklin,)  et 
tachez  de  le  rendre  public  pour  le  bien  gene 
ral.  Mais  ce  qu'il  y  a  de  plus  drole,  c'est 
qu'on  m'a  assure  que  les  conducteurs  du 
palais  de  la  reine  a  Buckingham  house,  ont 
etc  abattus,  depuis  que  le  roi  a  vu  les  expe 
riences  de  Wilson  f  !*  A  present  que  la  char- 

*  This  was  a  fact :  and  they  have  never  since  been 
re-established,  notwithstanding  the  condemnation  of 
the  pretended  improvement  by  the  Royal  Society,  ia 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


151 


latanerie  et  la  mauvaise  foi  de  ce  coquin  se 
trouve  de"celee,  et  reconnue,  on  voudra  pallier 
cette  abaurdit£;  et  quoique  Wilson  devroit 
etre  puni  pour  avoir  trompe  et  impose  au  roi, 
peut  etre  tachera-t-on  de  le  soutenir,  comme 
un  vrai  don  Quixote,  qui  a  attaqu£  le  philo- 
sophe  Amerieain,  de  me  me  que  lea  heros 
militaires  qui  attaquent  son  pays;  (et  qui 
probablement  n'auront  pas  plus  de  succes)  et 
qu'il  sera  egalement  recompense"  par  une  na 
tion  dupee."* 

This  letter  being  communicated  to  Dr. 
Franklin,  and  his  opinion  asked  with  respect 
to  the  propriety  of  publishing  it  in  Paris,  he 
thus  replied : — 

"  PA.SSY,  Oct.  4, 1777. 

"  SIR, — I  am  much  obliged  by  your  commu 
nication  of  the  letter  from  England.  I  am  of 
your  opinion,  that  it  is  not  proper  for  publica 
tion  here.  Our  friend's  expressions  concern 
ing  Mr.  Wilson,  will  be  thought  too  angry  to 
be  made  use  of  by  one  philosopher  when  speak 
ing  of  another,  and  on  a  philosophical  question. 
He  seems  as  much  heated  about  this  one  point, 
as  the  Jansenists  and  Molinists  were  about 
the  five.  As  to  my  writing  any  thing  on  the 
subject,  which  you  seem  to  desire,  I  think  it 
not  necessary,  especially  as  I  have  nothing  to 
add  to  what  I  have  already  said  upon  it  in  a 
paper  read  to  the  committee,!  who  ordered 
the  conductors  at  Purfleet;  which  paper  is 
printed  in  the  last  French  edition  of  my 
writings.  I  have  never  entered  into  any  con 
troversy  in  defence  of  my  philosophical  opin 
ions;  I  leave  them  to  take  their  chance  in  the 
world.  If  they  are  right,  truth  and  experience 
will  support  them ;  if  wrong,  they  ought  to 
be  refuted  and  rejected.  Disputes  are  apt  to 
sour  one's  temper,  and  disturb  one's  quiet.  I 
have  no  private  interest  hi  the  reception  of 
my  inventions  by  the  world,  having  never 
made  nor  proposed  to  make,  the  least  profit 
by  any  of  them.  The  king's  changing  his 
pointed  conductors  for  blunt  ones,  is  therefore 
a  matter  of  small  importance  to  me.  If  I  had 
a  wish  about  it,  it  would  be  that  he  had  re- 

their  reports  in  favour  of  pointed  conductors,  and  their 
being  consequently  generally  employed  for  the  protec 
tion  of  the  powder  magazines  throughout  the  country. 

* Behold  at  last  the  dirty  tricks  of  Wilson  are 

made  manifest  to  the  world:  show  this  to  our  friend, 
(Dr.  Franklin,)  and  prevail  upon  him  to  make  it  more 
generally  known  for  the  public  benefit.  But  what  is 
more  amusing  than  all  is,  as  I  am  assured,  that  one 
of  the  conductors  at  the  queen's  palace  at  Buckingham 
house,  has  been  stricken  down  by  lightning,  since  the 
king  has  seen  the  experiments  of  Wilson  !  Now  that 
the  quackery  and  deception  of  this  rascal  are  exploded 
and  notorious,  they  are  seeking  to  escape  the  derision 
which  they  have  merited,  by  saying  that  Wilson  ought 
to  be  punished  for  having  imposed  upon  and  deceived 
the  king,  notwithstanding  he  was  sustained  like  a 
genuine  don  duixotte,  in  his  attacks  on  the  philoso 
phical  American;  as  they  uphold  their  military  heroes 
who  attack  his  country,  (and  who  will  probably  meet 
a  similar  fate,)  and  who  are  likely  to  meet  a  similar 
recompense  from  a  duped  nation. 

t  Report  on  Lightning  Conductors  for  the  powder 
magazines  at  Purfleet,  drawn  up  by  Dr.  Franklin, 
August  21,  1772. 


jected  them  altogether  as  ineffectual.  For  it 
is  only  since  he  thought  himself  and  family 
safe  from  the  thunder  of  heaven,  that  he  dared 
to  use  his  own  thunder  in  destroying  his  in 
nocent  subjects."* 

During  the  months  of  March,  April,  and 
July,  1778,  various  schemes  were  fallen  upon 
by  the  English  ministry,  privately  to  sound 
Dr.  Franklin  on  the  subject  of  peace  with 
America.  The  correspondents  or  agents  em 
ployed  by  them  on  this  occasion,  were  princi 
pally,  Mr.  Hutton,  William  Pulteney,  and 
David  Hartley,  esquires ;  the  two  latter  mem 
bers  of  parliament.  A  full  account  of  these 
attempts,  and  others  that  took  place  at  sub 
sequent  periods  of  the  war,  with  the  view  to 
induce  America  to  abandon  her  alliance  with 
France,  or  to  treat  for  peace  on  terms  short 
of  her  independence,  or  of  the  formal  acknow 
ledgment  of  it  by  Great  Britain ;  together 
with  all  the  letters,  memorials,  and  diplomatic 
documents  exhibited  on  the  occasion,  will  be 
found  in  the  PRIVATE  CORRESPONDENCE. 

The  alliance  with  France  was  considered 
in  America,  as  a  pledge  of  the  safety  and 
liberty  of  the  country.  The  immediate  fruit 
of  it  was  the  powerful  aid  sent  thither  by 
France,  in  the  squadron  of  the  count  d'Es- 
taing,  consisting  of  eleven  ships  of  the  line, 
six  "frigates,  and  considerable  land  forces. 
Previous  to  its  departure,  Dr.  Franklin  had 
furnished  the  French  government  with  a 
plan  for  surprising  the  British  fleet  and 
army  then  in  the  Delaware ;  and  count  d'Es- 
taing  was  directed  to  execute  this  important 
enterprise.  A  better  choice  of  a  commander 
could  not  have  been  made ;  he  united  uncom 
mon  ardour  and  intrepidity,  great  military 
knowledge,  vigilance,  and  circumspection,  a 
quick  decision,  and  a  perfect  command  of 
himself  in  the  most  trying  moments. 

The  enterprise  would  in  all  probability  have 
proved  successful,  had  it  not  been  for  an  un 
exampled  series  of  bad  weather  and  contrary 
winds. 

The  count  took  his  departure  from  Toulon 
the  13th  April,  1778.  In  the  Mediterranean 
he  had  to  encounter  with  such  contrary  winds, 
that  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  pass  the  straits 
of  Gibraltar  till  the  17th  May.  The  calms  and 
light  winds  that  afterwards  attended  him  on 
the  ocean,  prevented  the  arrival  of  his  fleet 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Delaware  before  the 
7th  July.  In  consequence  of  these  unforeseen 
obstacles,  the  French  admiral  arrived  too  late, 
for  the  English  army  had  evacuated  Phila- 

*  The  foregoing  circumstances,  united  with  the  then 
state  of  the  British  nation,  gave  rise  to  the  following 
epigram,  which  possesses  more  than  a  common  share 
of  point. 

"  While  you,  great  GEORGE !  for  safety  hunt. 
And  sharp  conductors  change  for  blunt, 

The  empire's  out  of  joint. 
FRANKLIN  a  wiser  course  pursues ; 
And  all  your  thunder  fearless  views, 
By  sticking  to— the  point." 


152 


MEMOIRS  OF 


delphia  after  their  defeat  at  Monmouth,  and 
the  fleet  was  then  riding  in  perfect  safety  at 
Sandy  Hook. 

But  fleets  and  armies  were  not  the  only 
support  to  the  American  cause,  derived  from 
the  alliance  with  France,  through  the  in 
fluence  of  Dr.  Franklin ;  for  military  stores 
and  large  sums  of  money  were  placed  at  his 
disposal  by  the  French  government,  in  conse 
quence  of  his  representations  and  pressing 
solicitations.  These  timely  succours  were  of 
infinite  use,  and  greatly  assisted  America  in 
sustaining  her  independence.  By  means  of 
the  pecuniary  advances,  which  were  chiefly 
gifts,  Dr.  Franklin  was  enabled  for  several 
years  to  honour  bills  drawn  from  America  to 
a  large  amount,  and  to  pay  the  interest  of  a 
loan  the  congress  had  effected,  on  the  express 
stipulation  of  the  interest  being  paid  in  cash, 
in  Europe.  He  also  paid  the  salaries  of  all 
the  American  ministers  or  agents  employed 
in  Europe,  and  gave  considerable  assistance 
to  the  American  prisoners  in  England,  and  to 
those  who  escaped  or  were  exchanged,  to  aid 
their  return  to  the  United  States. 

In  June,  1778,  Dr.  Franklin's  old  friend, 
Mr.  Hutton,  secretary  to  the  Moravian  society, 
applied  to  him  for  a  protection  against  Ame 
rican  cruisers,  for  a  vessel  the  society  annu 
ally  dispatched  to  their  missionaries  on  the 
coast  of  Labrador :  this  Dr.  Franklin,  with 
his  usual  humanity,  readily  acquiesced  in; 
and  immediately  forwarded  to  Mr.  Hutton  a 
pass,  which  he  afterwards  annually  renewed 
during  the  war  :  the  present  was  accompani 
ed  by  the  following  note : — 

To  all  captains  and  commanders  of  vessels 
of  war,  privateers  and  letters  of  marque, 
belonging  to  the  United  States  of  Ame 
rica. 

GENTLEMEN, — The  religious  society  com 
monly  called  the  Moravian  Brethren,  having 
established  a  mission  on  the  coast  of  I^abra- 
dor,  for  the  conversion  of  the  savages  there  to 
the  Christian  religion,  which  has  already  had 
very  good  effects  in  turning  them  from  their 
ancient  practices  of  surprising,  plundering, 
and  murdering  such  white  people,  Americans 
and  Europeans,  as,  for  the  purposes  of  trade 
or  fishery,  happened  to  come  on  that  coast ; 
and  persuading  them  to  lead  a  life  of  honest 
industry,  and  to  treat  strangers  with  humanity 
and  kindness :  and  it  being  necessary  for  the 
support  of  this  useful  mission,  that  a  small 
vessel  should  go  thither  every  year  to  furnish 
supplies  and  necessaries  for  the  missionaries 
and  their  converts ;  which  vessel  for  the  pre 
sent  year  is  a  of  about  seventy-five 
tons,  called  the  ,  whereof  is  master 
captain 

This  is  to  request  you,  that  if  the  said  ves 
sel  should  happen  to  fall  into  your  hands,  you 
would  not  suffer  her  to  be  plundered,  or  hin 


dered  in  her  voyage,  but  on  the  contrary  af 
ford  her  any  assistance  she  may  stand  in  need 
of  Wherein  I  am  confident  your  conduct 
will  be  approved  by  the  congress  and  your 
owners. 

Given  at  Passy,  near  Paris,  this  day 

of  B.  FRANKLIN. 

Minister  Plenipotentiary  from  the 
(Seal.)     United  States  of  America,  at  the 
court  of  France. 

P.  S.  The  same  request  is  respectfully  made 
to  the  commanders  of  armed  vessels  belong 
ing  to  France  and  Spain,  friends  of  the  said 
United  States.  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  To  Mr.  Hutton,  London. 

"  My  dear  old  friend  has  here  the  paper  he 
desired. — We  have  had  a  marble  monument, 
made  at  Paris  for  the  brave  general  Mont 
gomery,  which  is  gone  to  America.  If  it 
should  fall  into  the  hands  of  any  of  your  crui 
sers,  I  expect  you  will  exert  yourself  to  get 
it  restored  to  us,  because  I  know  the  gene 
rosity  of  your  temper,  which  likes  to  do  hand 
some  things,  as  well  as  to  make  returns.  You 
see  we  are  unwilling  to  rob  the  hospital,  we 
hope  your  people  will  be  found  as  averse  to 
pillaging  the  dead.  Adieu.  Yours, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  Passy,  June  23, 1778." 

With  the  same  wonted  philanthropy,  and 
with  a  view  to  the  advancement  of  science, 
natural  history,  and  navigation,  Dr.  Franklin, 
shortly  after,  as  minister  plenipotentiary  from 
the  United  States  of  America,  issued  a  pro 
tection  for  captain  Cooke,  his  vessel  and  peo 
ple,  against  all  American  cruisers. 

LETTER  RESPECTING  CAPTAIN  COOK. 

To  all  captains  and  commanders  of  armed 
ships,  acting  by  commission  from  the  con 
gress  of  the  United  States  of  America, 
now  in  war  with  Great  Britain. 
GENTLEMEN, — A  ship  having  been  fitted 
out  from  England,  before  the  commencement 
of  this  war,  to  make  discoveries  of  new  coun 
tries  in  unknown  seas,  under  the  conduct  of 
that  most  celebrated  navigator,  captain  Cook, 
— an  undertaking  truly  laudable  in  itself,  as 
the  increase  of  geographical  knowledge  fa 
cilitates  the  communication  between  distant 
nations,  in  the  exchange  of  useful  products 
and  manufactures,  and  the  extension  of  arts, 
whereby  the  common  enjoyments  of  human 
life  are  multiplied  and  augmented,  and  science 
of  other  kinds  increased,  to  the  benefit  of 
mankind  in  general. — This  is  therefore  most 
earnestly  to  recommend  to  every  one  of  you, 
that  in  case  the  said  ship,  which  is  now  ex 
pected  to  be  soon  in  the  European  seas  on  her 
return,  should  happen  to  fall  into  your  hands, 
you  would  not  consider  her  as  an  enemy,  nor 
suffer  any  plunder  to  be  made  of  the  effects 
contained  in  her,  nor  obstruct  her  immediate 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


153 


return  to  England,  by  detaining  her  or  send 
ing  her  into  any  other  part  of  Europe  or 
America,  but  that  you  would  treat  the  said 
captain  Cook  and  his  people  with  all  civility 
and  kindness,  affording  them,  as  common 
friends  to  mankind,  all  the  assistance  in  your 
power,  which  they  may  happen  to  stand  in 
need  of.  In  so  doing,  you  will  not  only 
gratify  the  generosity  of  your  own  disposi 
tions,  but  there  is  no  doubt  of  your  obtaining 
the  approbation  of  the  congress,  and  of  your 
own  American  owners. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

B.  FRANKLIN, 

Minister  plenipotentiary  from   the 
congress  of  the   United  States  to 
the  court  of  France. 
At  Passy,  near  Paris, 
this  10th  day  of  March,  1779. 

Dr.  Kippis,  a  distinguished  literary  charac 
ter,  who  published  a  Biographical  Dictionary, 
had  asserted,  in  his  Life  of  captain  Cooke, 
upon  what  he  deemed  authority,  that  Dr. 
Franklin's  orders,  as  above,  were  instantly 
reversed,  and  that  it  was  directed  by  confess, 
to  seize  captain  Cooke,  if  an  opportunity  of 
doing  it  occurred :  but  Dr.  Kippis  finding  that 
the  information  he  had  published  was  false, 
addressed  a  letter  to  the  editor  of  the  Gentle 
man's  Magazine,  in  September,  1795,  and 
therein  publicly  acknowledged  his  mistake. 
Indeed  the  magnanimous  proceeding  of  Dr. 
Franklin  in  writing  the  passport  was  so  well 
known  in  England,  and  the  sentiments  it 
manifested  so  much  approved  by  the  British 
government  itself,  that,  when  Cooke' s  Voy 
age  was  printed,  the  admiralty  board  sent  a 
copy  of  the  work,  in  three  volumes  quarto,  to 
Dr.  Franklin,  accompanied  with  the  elegant 
collection  of  plates,  and  a  very  polite  letter 
from  lord  Howe,  signifying,  that  the  present 
was  made  with  the  king's  express  approba 
tion  :  and  the  Royal  Society  having,  in  honour 
of  that  illustrious  navigator,  one  of  their  mem 
bers,  struck  some  gold  medals,  to  be  distribut 
ed  among  his  friends  and  the  friends  of  his 
voyage ;  one  of  these  medals  was  also  sent  to 
Dr.  Franklin,  by  order  of  the  society,  together 
with  a  letter  from  their  president,  sir  Joseph 
Banks,  expressing  likewise,  that  it  was  sent 
with  the  approbation  of  the  king. 

Another  opportunity  occurred  some  time 
after,  for  Dr.  Franklin  to  give  an  additional 
proof  of  his  benevolence ;  in  granting  a  simi 
lar  protection  to  a  vessel  sent  with  provisions 
and  clothing,  as  a  charitable  donation  from 
the  citizens  of  Dublin,  to  certain  sufferers  in 
the  West  Indies. 

In  short,  Dr.  Franklin,  through  life,  let  no 
opportunity  escape  him,  either  in  a  public  or 
private  situation,  in  which,  by  any  act  of  his, 
he  could  be  useful  to  his  fellow  creatures, 
whether  friends  or  enemies. 

VOL.  I. . . .  U 


No  one  who  did  not  witness  it,  can  con 
ceive  how  much  his  reputation  as  a  philoso 
pher,  and  his  situation  as  American  minister, 
subjected  him  to  the  applications  of  projec 
tors,  speculators,  and  adventurers  of  all  de 
scriptions.  The  following  memorandums  of 
only  one  day's  annoyance  of  this  nature,  taken 
from  a  little  journal  he  kept,  may  tend  to  give 
some  idea  of  it. 

"  Passy,  Sunday,  Dec.  13,  1778,  A.  M. 

"  A  man  came  to  tell  me  he  had  invented  a  machine, 
which  would  go  of  itself,  without  the  help  of  a  spring, 
weight,  air,  water,  or  any  of  the  elements,  or  the  labour 
of  man  or  beast ;  and  with  force  sufficient  to  work  four 
machines  for  cutting  tobacco ;  that  he  had  experienced 
it ;  would  show  it  me  iff  would  come  to  his  house,  and 
would  sell  the  secret  of  it  for  two  hundred  louis.  I 
doubted  it,  but  promised  to  go  to  him  in  order  to  see  it. 

"A  Mons.  Coder  came  with  a  proposition  in  writ 
ing,  to  levy  600  men,  to  be  employed  in  landing  on  the 
coast  of  England  and  Scotland,  to  burn  and  ransack 
towns  and  villages,  in  order  to  put  a  stop  to  the  Eng 
lish  proceedings  in  that  way  in  America.  I  thanked 
him,  and  told  him  I  could  not  approve  it,  nor  had  I  any 
money  at  command  for  such  purposes ;  moreover  that 
it  would  not  be  permitted  by  the  government  here. 

"  A  man  came  with  a  request  that  I  would  patronize 
and  recommend  to  government,  an  invention  he  had, 
whereby  a  hussar  might  so  conceal  his  arms  and  habili 
ments,  with  provision  for  twenty-four  hours,  as  to  ap 
pear  a  common  traveller  ;  by  which  means  a  consider 
able  body  might  be  admitted  into  a  town,  one  at  a 
time,  unsuspected,  and  afterwards  assembling,  surprise 
it.  I  told  him  I  was  not  a  military  man,  of  course  no 
judge  of  such  matters,  and  advised  him  to  apply  to  the 
Bureau  de  la  guerre.  He  said  he  had  no  friends,  and 
so  could  procure  no  attention.— The  number  of  wild 
schemes  proposed  to  me  is  so  great,  and  they  have 
heretofore  taken  so  much  of  my  time,  that  I  begin  to 
reject  all,  though  possibly  some  of  them  may  be  worth 
notice. 

"  Received  a  parcel  from  an  unknown  philosopher,* 
who  submits  to  my  consideration  a  memoir  on  the 
subject  of  elementary  fire,  containing  experiments  in  a 
dark  chamber.  It  seems  to  be  well  written,  and  is  in 
English,  with  a  little  tincture  of  French  idiom.  I  wish 
to  see  the  experiments,  without  which  I  cannot  well 
judge  of  it." 

About  the  commencement  of  the  year  1781, 
Dr.  Franklin,  from  his  age,  infirmities,  and 
the  confinement  of  business,  began  to  be 
weary  of  his  situation  as  minister  at  the  court 
of  France,  and  requested  leave  to  retire ;  as 
will  appear  by  the  following  extract  from  one 
of  his  public  dispatches  to  the  president  of 
congress. 

"  To  the  President  of  Congress. 

"  PASSY,  March  12,  1781. 

"  SIR, — I  had  the  honour  of  receiving,  on 
the  13th  of  last  month,  your  excellency's  let 
ter  of  the  first  of  January,  together  with  the 
instructions  of  November  28th  and  December 
27th,  a  copy  of  those  to  colonel  Laurens,  and 
the  letter  to  the  king.  I  immediately  drew 
up  a  memorial,  enforcing  as  strongly  as  I 
could,  the  request  contained  in  that  letter,  and 
directed  by  the  instructions,  and  delivered 
the  same  with  the  letter,  which  were  both 
well  received;  but  the  ministry  being  ex 
tremely  occupied  with  other  weighty  affairs, 
and  I  obtaining  for  some  time  only  general 

*  Afterwards  discovered  to  be  Marat,  of  future  notori 
ous  memory. 


154 


MEMOIRS  OF 


answers,  that  something  would  be  done  for 
us,  &,c.  and  Mr.  Laurens  not  arriving,  I  wrote 
again,  and  pressed  strongly  for  a  decision  on 
the  subject,  that  I  might  be  able  to  write  ex 
plicitly  by  this  opportunity,  what  aids  the 
congress  were  or  were  not  to  expect,  the 
regulation  of  their  operations  for  the  campaign 
depending  on  the  information  I  should  be 
enabled  to  give.  Upon  this  I  received  a  note 
appointing  Saturday  last  for  a  meeting  with 
the  minister,  which  I  attended  punctually. 
He  assured  me  of  the  king's  good  will  to  the 
United  States ;  remarking,  however,  that  be 
ing  on  the  spot,  I  must  be  sensible  of  the  great 
expense  France  was  actually  engaged  in,  and 
the  difficulty  of  providing  for  it,  which  ren 
dered  the  lending  us  twenty-five  millions  at 
present  impracticable,  but  he  informed  me 
that  the  letter  from  the  congress,  and  my 
memorial,  had  been  under  his  majesty's  con 
sideration,  and  observed,  as  to  loans  in  gen 
eral,  that  the  sum  we  wanted  to  borrow  in 
Europe  was  large,  and  that  the  depreciation 
of  our  paper,  hurt  our  paper  on  this  side  of 
the  water,  adding  that  the  king  could  not 
possibly  favour  a  loan  for  us  in  his  dominions, 
because  it  would  interfere  with,  and  be  a  pre 
judice  to  those  he  was  under  the  necessity  of 
obtaining  himself  to  support  the  war ;  but  in 
order  to  justice,  states  a  signal  proof  of  his 
friendship,  his  majesty  had  resolved  to  grant 
them  the  sum  of  six  millions,  not  as  a  loan, 
but  as  a  free  gift ;  this  sum,  the  minister  in 
formed  me,  was  exclusive  of  the  three  mil 
lions  which  he  had  before  obtained  for  me,  to 
pay  the  congress  drafts,  for  interest,  &c.  ex 
pected  in  the  current  year.  He  added,  that 
as  it  was  understood  the  clothing,  &c.  with 
which  our  army  had  been  heretofore  supplied 
from  France,  was  often  of  bad  quality,  and 
dear,  the  ministers  themselves  would  take 
care  of  the  purchase  of  such  articles  as  should 
be  immediately  wanted,  and  send  them  over, 
and  it  was  desired  of  me  to  look  over  the 
great  invoice  that  had  been  sent  hither  last 
year,  and  mark  out  those  articles ;  that  as  to 
the  money  remaining  after  such  purchases,  it 
was  to  be  drawn  for  by  general  Washington, 
upon  M.  d'Harvelay,  garde  du  tresor  royal, 
and  the  bills  would  be  duly  honoured,  but  it 
was  desired  that  they  might  be  drawn  gradu 
ally,  as  the  money  should  be  wanted,  and  as 
much  time  given  for  the  payment,  after  sight, 
as  could  be  conveniently,  that  the  payment 
might  be  the  more  easy.  I  assured  the  min 
ister,  that  the  congress  would  be  very  sensi 
ble  of  this  token  of  his  majesty's  continued 
goodness  towards  the  United  States,  but  re 
marked,  that  it  was  not  the  usage  with  us  for 
the  general  to  draw,  and  proposed  that  it 
might  be  our  treasurer  who  should  draw  the 
bills  for  the  remainder,  but  was  told  that  it 
was  his  majesty's  order.  And  I  afterwards 
understood  from  the  secretary  of  the  council, 


that  as  the  sum  was  intended  for  the  supply 
of  the  army,  and  could  not  be  so  large  as  we 
had  demanded  for  general  occasions,  it  was 
thought  best  to  put  it  in  the  general's  hands, 
that  it  might  not  get  into  those  of  the  differ 
ent  boards  or  committees,  who  might  think 
themselves  under  the  necessity  of  diverting  it 
to  other  purposes.  There  was  no  room  to 
dispute  on  this  point,  every  donor  having  the 
right  of  qualifying  his  gifts  with  such  terms 
as  he  thinks  proper.  I  took  with  me  the  in 
voice,  and  having  examined  it,  I  returned  it 
immediately  with  a  letter,  of  which  a  copy  is 
enclosed,  and  I  suppose  its  contents  will  be 
followed,  unless  colonel  Laurens,  on  his  ar 
rival,  should  make  any  changes.  I  hope  he 
and  colonel  Palfrey  are  safe,  though  as  yet 
not  heard  of. 

"  After  the  discourse  relating  to  the  aid 
was  ended,  the  minister  proceeded  to  inform 
me,  that  the  courts  of  Petersburg  and  Vienna 
had  offered  their  mediation,  that  the  king  had 
answered  it  would  to  him  personally  be  agree 
able,  but  that  he  could  not  yet  accept  it,  be 
cause  he  had  allies  whose  concurrence  was 
necessary.  And  that  his  majesty  desired  that 
I  would  acquaint  the  congress  with  this  offer 
and  answer,  and  urge  their  sending  such  in 
structions  as  they  may  think  proper  to  their 
plenipotentiary,  it  being  not  doubted  that  they 
would  readily  accept  the  proposed  mediation, 
from  their  own  sense  of  its  being  both  useful 
and  necessary.  I  mentioned  that  I  did  sup 
pose  Mr.  Adams  was  already  furnished  with 
instructions  relating  to  any  treaty  of  peace 
that  might  be  proposed. 

"  I  must  now  beg  leave  to  say  something 
relating  to  myself,  a  subject  with  which  1 
have  not  often  troubled  the  congress.  I  have 
passed  my  seventy-fifth  year,  and  I  find  that 
the  long  and  severe  fit  of  the  gout  which  I 
had  the  last  winter,  has  shaken  me  exceed 
ingly,  and  I  am  yet  far  from  having  recover 
ed  the  bodily  strength  I  before  enjoyed.  I 
do  not  know  that  my  mental  faculties  are  im 
paired,  perhaps  I  shall  be  the  last  to  discover 
that;  but  I  am  sensible  of  great  diminution  in 
rny  activity,  a  quality  I  think  particularly 
necessary  in  your  minister  for  this  court.  I 
am  afraid,  therefore,  that  your  affairs,  may 
some  time  or  other  suffer  by  my  deficiency. 
I  find  also,  that  the  business  is  too  heavy  for 
me  and  too  confining.  The  constant  attend 
ance  at  home  which  is  necessary  for  receiv 
ing  and  accepting  your  bills  of  exchange,  (a 
matter  foreign  to  my  ministerial  functions)  to 
answer  letters  and  perform  other  parts  of  my 
employment,  prevents  my  taking  the  air  and 
exercise,  which  my  annual  journies  formerly 
used  to  afford  me,  and  which  contributed 
much  to  the  preservation  of  my  health :  there 
are  many  other  little  personal  attentions  which 
the  infirmities  of  age  render  necessary  to  an 
old  man's  comfort,  even  in  some  degree  to  the 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


156 


continuance  of  his  existence,  and  with  which 
business  often  interferes.  I  have  been  en 
gaged  in  public  affairs,  and  enjoyed  public 
confidence  in  some  shape  or  other,  during  the 
long  term  of  fifty  years,  an  honour  sufficient 
to  satisfy  any  reasonable  ambition,  and  I  have 
no  other  left  but  that  of  repose,  which  I  hope 
the  congress  will  grant  me,  by  sending  some 
person  to  supply  my  place. 

"  At  the  same  time  I  beg  they  may  be  as 
sured,  that  it  is  not  any  the  least  doubt  of 
their  success  in  the  glorious  cause,  nor  any 
disgust  received  in  their  service,  that  induces 
me  to  decline  it,  but  purely  and  simply  the 
reasons  abovementioned.  And  as  I  cannot  at 
present  undergo  the  fatigues  of  a  sea  voyage 
(the  last  having  been  almost  too  much  for  me) 
and  would  not  again  expose  myself  to  the 
hazard  of  capture  and  imprisonment  in  this 
time  of  war,  I  purpose  to  remain  here  at 
least  till  the  peace,  perhaps  it  may  be  for  the 
remainder  of  my  life  ;  and  if  any  knowledge 
or  experience  I  have  acquired  here,  may  be 
thought  of  use  to  my  successor,  I  shall  freely 
communicate  it,  and  assist  him  with  any  in 
fluence  I  may  be  supposed  to  have,  or  coun 
sel  that  may  be  desired  of  me. 

I  have  one  request  more  to  make,  which 
if  I  have  served  the  congress  to  their  satisfac 
tion,  I  hope  they  will  not  refuse  me.  ,  It  is 
that  they  will  take  under  their  protection  my 
grandson,  William  Temple  Franklin  :  I  have 
educated  him  from  his  infancy,  and  I  brought 
him  over  with  an  intention  of  placing  him 
where  he  might  be  qualified  for  the  profession 
of  the  law :  but  the  constant  occasion  I  had 
for  his  service  as  a  private  secretary  during 
the  time  of  the  commissioners,  and  more  ex 
tensively  since  their  departure,  has  induced 
me  to  keep  him  always  with  me,  and  indeed 
being  continually  disappointed  of  the  secre 
tary,  congress  had  at  different  times  intended 
me,  it  would  have  been  impossible  for  me, 
without  this  young  gentleman's  assistance,  to 
have  gone  through  the  business  incumbent  on 
rne.  He  has  thereby  lost  so  much  of  the  time 
necessary  for  law  studies,  that  I  think  it 
rather  advisable  for  him  to  continue,  if  it  may 
be,  in  the  line  of  public  foreign  affairs,  for 
which  he  seems  qualified  by  a  sagacity  and 
judgment  above  his  years.  Great  diligence 
and  activity,  exact  probity,  a  genteel  address, 
a  facility  in  speaking  well  the  French  tongue, 
and  all  the  knowledge  of  business  to  be  ob 
tained  by  a  four  years'  constant  employment, 
in  the  secretary's  office,  where  he  may  be 
said  to  have  served  a  kind  of  apprenticeship. 
After  all  the  allowance  I  am  capable  of 
making  for  the  partiality  of  a  parent  to  his 
offspring,  I  cannot  but  think  he  may  in  time 
make  a  very  able  foreign  minister  for  the  con 
gress,  in  whose  service  his  fidelity  may  be 
relied  on.  But  I  do  not  at  present  propose 
him  as  such ;  for  though  he  is  now  of  age,  a 


few  years  more  of  experience  will  not  be 
amiss.  In  the  mean  time,  if  they  should  think 
fit  to  employ  him  as  a  secretary,  to  their 
minister  at  any  European  court,  I  am  per 
suaded  they  will  have  reason  to  be  satisfied 
with  his  conduct,  and  I  shall  be  thankful  for 
his  appointment  as  a  favour  to  me. 

"  My  accounts  have  been  long  ready  for  the 
examination  of  some  persons  to  be  appointed 
for  that  purpose,  Mr.  Johnson  having  declined 
it,  and  Mr.  Dana  residing  at  present  at  Paris, 
I  requested  him  to  undertake  it,  and  to  exa 
mine  at  the  same  time,  those  of  Mr.  Deane ; 
but  he  also  declines  it,  as  being  unacquainted 
with  accounts. 

"  If  no  fresh  appointment  has  been  made 
by  congress,  I  think  of  desiring  Mr.  Palfrey 
to  perform  that  service,  when  he  arrives, 
which  I  hope  will  be  approved,  for  I  am 
uneasy  at  the  delay.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  August  34,  1781.  • 

"  The  congress  have  done  me  the 

honour  to  refuse  accepting  my  resignation, 
and  insist  on  my  continuing  in  their  service 
till  the  peace.  I  must  therefore  buckle  again 
to  the  business,  and  thank  God  that  my  health 
and  spirits  are  of  late  improved.  I  fancy  it 
may  have  been  a  double  mortification  to  those 
enemies  you  have  mentioned  to  me,  that  I 
should  ask  as  a  favour  what  they  hoped  to  vex 
me  by  taking  from  me;  and  that  I  should 
nevertheless  be  continued.  But  these  sort  of 
considerations  should  never  influence  our  con 
duct.  We  ought  always  to  do  what  appears 
best  to  be  done,  without  much  regarding  what 
others  may  think  of  it.  I  call  this  continu 
ance  an  honour,  and  I  really  esteem  it  to  be 
greater  than  my  first  appointment,  when  I 
consider  that  all  the  interest  of  my  enemies, 
united  with  my  own  request,  were  not  suffi 
cient  to  prevent  it." 

In  consequence  of  this  decision  of  the  con 
gress,  Dr.  Franklin  thought  it  his  duty  to  con 
tinue  in  his  situation,  and  did  so  for  many 
years  after,  to  the  great  advantage  of  his 
country. 

A  friend  of  Dr.  Franklin's  having  written 
to  him  to  urge  his  continuance  as  minister, 
and  making  him  some  flattering  compliments 
on  the  occasion,  the  doctor  thus  replied  : 

"  Your  comparison  of  the  key-stone 

of  an  arch  is  very  pretty,  tending  to  make 
me  content  with  my  situation.  But  I  sup 
pose  you  have  heard  our  story  of  the  harrow  : 
if  not,  here  it  is.  A  farmer  in  our  country 
sent  two  of  his  servants  to  borrow  one  of  a 
neighbour,  ordering  them  to  bring  it  between 
them  on  their  shoulders.  When  they  came 
to  look  at  it,  one  of  them  who  had  much  wit, 
said,  What  could  our  master  mean  by  send 
ing  only  two  men  to  bring  this  harrow  7  no 
two  men  upon  earth  are  strong  enough  to 
carry  it.  Poh  !  said  the  other,  who  was  vain 


156 


MEMOIRS  OF 


of  his  strength,  what  do  you  talk  of  two  men, 
one  man  may  carry  it ;  help  it  upon  my  should 
ers  and  you  shall  see.  As  he  proceeded  with 
it,  the  wag  kept  exclaiming,  Zounds !  how 
strong  you  are !  I  could  not  have  thought  it ! 
Why,  you  are  a  Samson  !  There  is  not  such 
another  man  in  America.  What  amazing 
strength  God  has  given  you !  But  you  will 
kill  yourself!  Pray  put  it  down  and  rest  a 
little,  or  let  me  bear  a  part  of  the  weight. 
No,  no,  said  he,  being  more  encouraged  by 
the  compliments,  than  oppressed  by  the  bur 
den  ;  you  shall  see  I  can  carry  it  quite  home. 
And  so  he  did.  In  this  particular,  I  am  afraid 
my  part  of  the  imitation  will  fall  short  of  the 
original." 

This  letter  to  congress  had  however  other 
incentives,  which  do  not  appear,  but  which 
were  very  well  known  in  congress,  and  par 
ticularly  to  its  sagacious  and  prudent  secreta 
ry  ;  it  is  not  necessary  to  go  into  details,  but 
some  brief  notice  is  due  to  this  great  man's 
memory.  There  existed  some  jealousy  among 
those  who  were  occasionally  associated  with 
him;  even  the  notice  bestowed  on  him  in 
his  72d  year,  by  the  accomplished  ladies  of 
France  provoked  envy ;  one  of  his  colleagues 
wrote  that  they  appeared  only  like  satellites 
revolving  round  the  planet  Franklin.  Arthur 
Lee,  one  of  his  early  associates  in  the  commis 
sion  to  France,  had"  been  destined  for  the  mis 
sion  to  Madrid,  and  had  made  a  private  jour 
ney  to  Spain,  where  he  had  intercourse  with 
the  prime  minister,  after  which  he  returned 
to  Paris.  The  cautious  policy  of  the  court  of 
Versailles  had  sought  to  limit  its  transactions 
to  one  only  of  the  commissioners ;  and  when 
they  determined  to  send  M.  Gerard  to  Amer 
ica,  enjoined  secrecy  in  Dr.  Franklin;  and  it 
was  not  until  Gerard  had  failed,  that  Arthur 
Lee  became  acquainted  with  it.  This  pro 
duced  anger  in  Mr.  Lee,  and  it  was  out  of 
Franklin's  power  to  explain  at  the  time ;  but 
it  produced  an  ill  will,  which  rendered  their 
separation  necessary.  John  Adams  had  by 
undertaking  to  pursue  a  course  of  policy,  car 
rying  a  high  tone  to  the  count  de  Vergennes, 
led  the  latter  to  decline  all  correspondence 
with  Mr.  Adams,  and  this  brought  Dr.  Frank 
lin  into  a  state  of  discontent  with  that  gentle 
man,  the  consequences  of  which  had  nearly 
affected  the  interest  of  America,  but  which, 
though  eventually  counteracted,  produced  a 
hostility  to  the  doctor  that  endured  during 
his  life.  In  the  distribution  of  the  precari 
ous  and  scanty  funds  he  was  as  economical 
as  his  own  Poor  Richard ;  and  even  in  those 
days,  and  among  American  diplomatists,  the 
unmanly  prejudices  of  northern  and  southern 
were  uttered  hi  argument  against  the  vener 
able  Franklin,  at  the  very  moment  that  the 
most  eventful  diplomacy  was  principally  de 
pendant  on  his  wisdom  and  discretion.  The 


following  letter  of  the  doctor,  will  afford  a 
sufficient  light,  and  the  spirit  of  it  an  admir 
able  model  of  the  man's  fine  faculties. 

Dr.  Franklin  to  R.  hard. 

"  PASSY,  Jan.  29,  1778. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  yours  last  evening. 
Present  circumstances,  which  I  will  explain 
to  you  when  I  have  the  honour  of  seeing  you, 
prevent  my  giving  it  a  full  answer  now.  The 
reasons  you  offer  had  before  been  all  under 
consideration.  But  I  must  submit  to  remain 
some  days  under  the  opinion  you  appear  to 
have  formed,  not  only  of  my  poor  understand 
ing  in  the  general  interests  of  America,  but 
of  my  defects  in  sincerity,  politeness,  and  at 
tention  to  your  instructions.  These  offences, 
I  flatter  myself,  admit  of  fair  excuses,  or 
rather  will  be  found  not  to  have  existed.  You 
mention  that  you  feel  yourself  hurt.  Permit 
me  to  offer  a  maxim  which  has  through  life 
been  of  use  to  me,  and  may  be  so  to  you,  in 
preventing  such  imaginary  hurts ;  it  is — '  al 
ways  to  suppose  one's  friends  may  be  right, 
till  one  finds  them  wrong,  rather  than  to  sup 
pose  them  wrong  till  one  finds  them  right.' 
You  have  heard  and  imagined  all  that  can  be 
said  or  supposed  on  one  side  of  the  question,  not 
on  the  other.  I  am,  nevertheless,  with  sincere 
esteem,  dear  sir,  your  most  obedient,  humble 
servant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 

These  and  similar  transactions  were  mixed 
up  in  the  perplexities  of  his  station,  and  con 
gress,  through  private  complaints  to  individual 
members,  was  frequently  vexed  by  disputes 
founded  only  in  the  vanity  or  envy,  sometimes 
in  the  ambition,  and  not  a  little  in  the  avarice 
of  individuals,  who  frequently  obtruded  their 
jaundiced  suggestions  on  the  congress,  which 
however  would  not  yield  to  intrigues  by  re 
calling  Franklin. 

The  doctor  had,  however,  perceived  the 
necessity  of  terminating  this  ungracious 
discord ;  the  prime  minister  of  Louis  XVI. 
was  sometimes  surprized  by  letters  from  in 
dividuals  of  the  American  delegation,  of  which 
others  were  found  to  be  wholly  unacquainted, 
and  who,  upon  comparison  of  facts,  appeared 
not  to  agree  with  others.  M.  de  Vergennes 
was  at  length  under  the  necessity  of  declining 
further  correspondence  with  some  ;  and  con 
gress  coming  to  a  knowledge  of  the  injury 
to  which  the  public  service  was  exposed, 
conferred  the  duties  of  minister  extraordinary 
on  Dr.  Franklin,  sent  Mr.  Adams  to  the 
Hague;  and  recalled  Mr.  Arthur  Lee,  and 
Mr.  R.  Izard. 

A  considerable  sensation  was  occasioned  in 
America  and  Europe,  by  the  treachery  of  the 
American  general,  ARNOLD.  As  accounts 
then  and  since  have  greatly  differed  with  res 
pect  to  some  of  the.  causes  and  circumstances 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


157 


relative  to  it,  the  following  extracts  from  let 
ters,  written  (shortly  after  the  occurrence,)  to 
Dr.  Franklin,  from  two  of  his  correspondents 
in  America,  may,  perhaps,  elucidate  that  ex 
traordinary  event 

"  Newport,  Rhode  Island,  dated  Oct.  10, 1780. 

"By  this  ship  you  will  receive  an  account  of  the 
treason  and  apostacy  of  one  of  our  greatest  generals, 
(who  went  over  from  us  to  the  enemy  25th  September 
last,)  and  the  happy  detection  of  it  before  the  treason 
was  carried  into  execution.  General  Arnold  has  buried 
all  his  military  glory,  and  sent  his  name  down  in  his 
tory  execrated  with  contempt  aud  infamy.  He  will  be 
despised  not  only  by  us  in  the  United  States,  but  by 
all  the  nations  of  Europe,  and  in  all  future  ages.— 
There  is  reason  to  believe,  that  he  meditated  with  the 
reduction  of  West  Point  on  the  27th  September,  the 
betraying,  at  the  same  time,  of  general  Washington 
and  the  minister  of  France,  into  the  hands  of  the  ene 
my  ;  for  his  excellency,  the  chevalier  de  la  Ltizerne, 
told  me,  that  passing  through  West  Point  on  his  way 
hither  on  the  24th,  the  day  before  the  detection,  gene 
ral  Arnold  importuned  him  even  to  indecency  to  tarry 
and  rest  there  four  or  five  days.  And  Arnold  also  knew 
that  general  Washington  would  meet  there  about  the 
same  time,  on  his  return  from  an  interview  with  the 
French  officers  at  Hartford  General  Arnold  is  a  loss. 
But.  America  is  so  fertile  in  patriots,  that  we  can  afford 
to  lose  a  distinguished  patriot  or  two  every  year  with 
out  any  essential  injury  to  the  glorious  cause  of  liberty 
and  independence.  The  greatest  injury  he  can  do  us 
will  be  in  information.  However,  the  present  state 
of  the  American  army  is  now  so  good,  as  that  the  most 
thorough  knowledge  of  it  will  rather  do  us  benefit  than 
an  injury.  The  seasonable  execution  of  major  Andre 
(the  seducer)  adjutant-general  of  the  British  army,  on 
the  2d  instant,  will  probably  deter  such  adventurers  for 
the  future. 

"Congress,  and  the  assemblies  through  the  states, 
continue  firm  and  unshaken  ;  and  they  have  a  cordial 
support  in  the  union  of  the  main  body  of  the  people  at 
large,  notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  tones  and  govern 
mental  connexions  intermixed  in  all  parts,  whose 
Sysiphean  labours  only  pull  ruin  upon  themselves. 

"The  storm  still  blows  heavy.  But  our  ship  will 
ride  it  through.  With  joy  we  look  forward,  and  with 
undoubting  assurance  anticipate  the  sweets  and  the 
tinal  triumph  of  American  liberty." 

"  Philadelphia,  dated  12tA  Oct.  1780, 
"The  late  providential  discovery  of  Arnold's  plot, 
which  appears  to  have  been  for  a  considerable  time  in 
agitation,  has  induced  a  belief  that  Rodney  had  some 
thing  further  in  view  than  merely  counteracting  the 
design  of  the  comte  de  Guichen. 

"In  a  controversy  and  revolution  such  as  this,  where 
former  friendships  and  intimacies  subsisted  between 
the  contending  parties,  and  where  men  of  upright  in 
tentions  took  different  sides,  and  men  of  all  characters 
were  engaged  in  the  contest,  it  would  not  have  been 
strange  or  uncommon  if  conspiracies  had  been  formed ; 
but  to  the  honour  of  the  American  army,  ARNOLD  is 
the  first,  and  it  is  believed  the  only  American  officer, 
who  has,  during  this  war,  entered  into  a  conspiracy  to 
betray  his  country.  You  know  the  character  of  the 
man  ;  he  was  brave  but  avaricious,  fond  of  parade,  and 
not  very  scrupulous  about  the  means  of  acquiring  mo 
ney  to  defray  the  expenses  of  it.  He  had  married  a 
young  woman  who  had  been  distinguished  by  general 
Howe's  Meschiami  knights,  and  her  father  was  not  re 
markable  for  his  attachment  to  the  American  cause. 
The  expensive  manner  in  which  Arnold  lived  in  Phila 
delphia,  reduced  his  finances,  and  the  accounts  he  ex 
hibited  against  the  public,  underwent  a  scrutiny  at  the 
board  of  treasury,  not  much  to  the  advantage  of  his 
fionour  and  honesty ;  which  joined  to  his  disappoint 
ment  in  the  case  of  the  Active,  and  the  result  of  the 
court  martial  instituted  on  the  complaint  of  the  coun 
cil  of  Pennsylvania,  soured  his  temper,  and  rendered 
him  a  fit  object  for  Clinton's  views.  By  letters  found 
among  his  private  papers,  it  appears  that  captain  An 
dre,  one  of  sir  H.  Clinton's  aids,  had  commenced  a  cor 
respondence  with  Mrs.  Arnold  in  1779,  under  pretence 
of  supplying  her  with  millinery  ;  whether  it  was  con- 

14 


tinned  till  it  was  ripened  into  the  plot  of  betraying 
West  Point  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  I  will  not 
undertake  to  say;  but  that  the  scheme  had  been  some 
time  in  agitation,  appears  evidently  from  this,  that 
while  the  enemy  were  making  preparations  for  exe 
cuting  their  purpose,  and  giving  out  that  their  design 
was  against  Virginia,  the  same  reports  were  circulated 
in  lord  Cornwallis's  camp  in  South  Carolina,  and  mea 
sures  were  taken  to  make  us  believe  he  meant  to  se 
cond  the  expedition,  by  marching  through  North  Caro 
lina,  and  forming  a  junction  with  sir  Henry  on  his 
arrival  in  Virginia.  At  this  time  Rodney  arrived  at 
New  York,  and  it  is  conjectured  the  design  was,  as 
soon  as  they  had  gained  possession  of  West  Point,  and 
cut  off  the  communication  between  the  western  aud 
southern  states,  to  turn  their  whole  force  against  the 
French  fleet  at  Rhode  Island.  This,  it  is  true,  is  but 
conjecture  ;  but  it  must  be  confessed  the  object  was 
great,  and  had  Rodney  succeeded,  he  would  have 
finished  the  year  with  as  much  eclat  as  he  began  it. 
The  providential  discovery  of  the  plot  blasted  the 
schemes  of  our  enemies." 

Letter  from  Dr.  Franklin  to  the  marquis  de 
la  Fayette,  then  serving  in  America,  mention 
ing  Arnold's  treason,  and  hinting  at  the  price 
or  reward  he  received  from  the  British  govern 
ment  for  his  treachery. 

"  To  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette. 

"  PASSY,  May,  14,  1781. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — You  are  a  very  good  corres 
pondent,  which  I  do  not  deserve,  as  I  am  a 
bad  one.  The  truth  is,  I  have  too  much  busi 
ness  upon  my  hands,  a  great  deal  of  it  foreign 
to  my  function  as  a  minister,  which  interferes 
with  my  writing  regularly  to  my  friends. 
But  I  am  nevertheless  extremely  sensible  of 
your  kindness  in  sending  me  such  frequent 
and  full  intelligence  of  the  state  of  affairs  on 
your  side  the  water,  and  in  letting  me  see 
by  your  letters,  that  your  health  continues, 
as  well  as  your  zeal  for  our  cause  and  country. 

"  I  hope  that  by  this  time  the  ship  which 
has  the  honour  of  bearing  your  name,  is  safely 
arrived.  She  carries  clothing  for  near  twenty 
thousand  men,  with  arms,  ammunition,  &c. 
which  will  supply  some  of  your  wants,  and 
colonel  Laurens  will  bring  a  considerable 
addition,  if  Providence  favours  his  passage. 
You  will  receive  from  him  the  particulars, 
which  makes  my  writing  more  fully  by  him 
unnecessary. 

"  Your  friends  have  heard  of  your  being 
gone  against  the  traitor  Arnold,  and  are 
anxious  to  hear  of  your  success,  and  that  you 
have  brought  him  to  punishment.  Inclosed  is 
a  copy  of  a  letter  from  his  agent  in  England,* 

Copy  of  a  letter  from  Mr.  Meyrick,  army  agent  in  Lon 
don,  to  General  Arnold. 
"  PARLIAMENT  STREET,  30th  Jan.  1781 

"SiR, — I  am  honoured  with  your  several  letters,  in 
closing  bills  on  Harley  and  Drummond  to  the  amount 
of  five  thousand  pounds,  the  receipt  of  which  I  have 
regularly  by  packet  acknowledged.  On  the  day  they 
were  paid  I  invested  the  amount  in  the  fund  you  men 
tioned,  and  it  was  a  very  favourable  time.  I  flatter 
myself  it  will  meet  your  approbation,  also  the  mode  in 
which  it  was  done. 

"  As  it  is  possible  some  directions  might  come  from 
you  for  disposing  of  the  money  in  some  other  mode,  I 
thought  it  might  not  be  so  advantageous  to  lock  it  up 


158 


MEMOIRS  OF 


captured  by  one  of  our  cruisers,  and  by  which 
the  price  or  reward  he  received  for  his  treach 
ery  may  be  guessed  at.  Judas  sold  only  one 
man,  Arnold  three  millions.  Judas  got  for  his 
one  man,  thirty  pieces  of  silver,  Arnold  not  a 
halfpenny  a  head.  A  miserable  bargain !  espe 
cially  when  one  considers  the  quantity  of  in 
famy  he  has  acquired  to  himself,  and  entailed 
on  his  family. 

"  The  English  are  in  a  fair  way  of  gaining 
still  more  enemies:  they  play  a  desperate 
game.  Fortune  may  favour  them,  as  it  some 
times  does  a  drunken  dicer ;  but  by  their  ty 
ranny  in  the  east,  they  have  at  length  roused 
the  powers  there  against  them ;  and  I  do  not 
know  that  they  have  in  the  west  a  single 
friend.  If  they  lose  their  India  commerce, 
(which  is  one  of  their  present  great  supports,) 
and  one  battle  at  sea,  their  credit  is  gone,  and 
their  power  follows.  Thus  empires  by  pride, 
folly,  and  extravagance,  ruin  themselves  like 
individuals.  M.  La  Mothe  Piquet  has  snatch- 


totally,  as  it  might  be  a  long  while  before  I  could  re 
ceive  a  power  of  attorney  from  you  to  transfer,  had  I 
put  it  in  your  name ;  and  meantime  the  dividend  could 
not  be  received  for  your  use.  The  mode  I  have  adopted 
has  been  used  in  like  cases,  and  can  be  instantly  al 
tered  to  any  you  direct,  on  your  favouring  me  with  a 
letter. 

"  The  account  is  as  follows,  viz. 

"Bought  by  Samuel  and  William  Scholey,  stock 
brokers,  for  major-general  Arnold,  7000/.  stock,  in  new 
4  per  cents,  a.  71  1-4,  as  follows : 

In  name  of  major-general  Benedict  Arnold,       Paid. 
10W.  stock  a.  71  1-4  new  4  per  cent") 

consols.  [   o.  ftQ_  1ft   „  , 

6,90W.  stock  a.  71  1-4  in  name  of  J.  f  -£4'987  10s  Od 
Meyrick,  esq.  J 

7,000^ 

Commission  paid  to  brokers   8  15   0 

Letter  of  attorney  to  receive  dividends        1    6 


£4,996     6    6 

"There  then  remains  of  the  5000Z.,  three  pounds, 
thirteen  shillings  and  sixpence. 

"Thus,  by  this  method,  if  I  receive  any  instructions 
from  you  for  employing  your  money  in  a  different  man 
ner,  I  can  sell  out  the  6900/.  and  dispose  of  your  money 
agreeable  to  your  directions  before  this  letter  reaches 
you  ;  and  if  it  is  your  wish  that  it  should  remain  in  the 
funds,  it  can  be  placed  under  your  name,  by  my  trans 
ferring  the  6900J.  and  joining  it  to  your  100Z.  the  rea 
son  of  my  purchasing  the  latter  sum  in  your  name  was, 
that  you  might  have  an  account  open.  Also,  the  power 
of  attorney  now  inclosed  will  enable  me  to  receive  the 
dividends  on  the  whole  7000Z.  stock,  after  I  have  made 
the  transfer,  should  you  choose  I  should  do  so.  I  hope 
I  have  made  myself  properly  understood,  and  can  as 
sure  you  I  have,  to  the  best  of  my  abilities,  acted  for 
you  as  myself.  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  your  obe 
dient,  and  most  humble  servant, 

"  Major-general  Arnold.        JAMES  MEYRICK." 

N.  B.  fn  addition  to  this  supposed  purchase  money 
of  the  general  himself,  the  following  pensions  were 
afterwards  granted  to  his  family.  By  warrant  dated 
July  20,  1783. 

To  Edward  Shippen  1 

James  Robertson   (  A 

George  and  f ARNOLD,  400/. 

Sophia  Matilda    J 
By  warrant  dated  12th  June,  1805. 
To  Sophia  Matilda  Arnold 100*. 


ed  from  between  their  teeth,  a  good  deal  of 
their  West  India  prey,  having  taken  twenty- 
two  sail  of  their  homeward-bound  prizes.  One 
of  our  American  privateers  has  taken  two 
more,  and  brought  them  into  Brest,  and  two 
were  burnt;  there  were  thirty-four  in  com 
pany,  with  two  men  of  \var  of  the  line  and 
two  frigates,  who  saved  themselves  by  flight, 
but  we  do  not  hear  of  their  being  yet  got  in. 

"I  think  it  was  a  wise  measure  to  send 
colonel  Laurens  here,  who  could  speak  know 
ingly  of  the  state  of  the  army.  It  has  been  at 
tended  with  all  the  success  that  perhaps  could 
reasonably  be  expected ;  though  not  with  all 
that  was  wished.  He  has  fully  justified  your 
character  of  him,  and  returns  thoroughly  pos 
sessed  of  my  esteem;  but  that  cannot  and 
ought  not  to  please  him  so  much  as  a  little 
more  money  would  have  done  for  his  beloved 
army.  This  court  continues  firm  and  steady 
in  its  friendship,  and  does  every  thing  it  can 
for  us.  Can  we  not  do  a  little  more  for  cur- 
selves'?  My  successor  (for  I  have  desired  the 
congress  to  send  me  one)  will  find  it  in  the 
best  disposition  towards  us,  and  I  hope  he  will 
take  care  to  cultivate  that  disposition.  You, 
who  know  the  leading  people  of  both  coun 
tries,  can  perhaps  judge  better  than  any 
member  of  congress  of  a  person  suitable  for 
this  station.  I  wish  you  may  be  in  the  way  to 
give  your  advice,  when  the  matter  is  agitated 
in  that  assembly.  I  have  been  long  tired  of 
the  trade  of  minister,  and  wished  for  a  little 
repose  before  I  went  to  sleep  for  good  and  all. 
I  thought  I  might  have  held  out  till  the  peace ; 
but  as  that  seems  at  a  greater  distance  than 
the  end  of  my  days,  I  grow  impatient.  I  would 
not,  however,  quit  the  service  of  the  public, 
if  I  did  not  sincerely  think  that  it  would  be 
easy  for  the  congress,  with  your  counsel,  to 
find  a  fitter  man.  God  bless  you,  and  crown 
all  your  labours  with  success. 

"  With  the  highest  regard  and  most  sincere 
affection,  I  am,  dear  sir,  &c.  &c. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


Notwithstanding  Dr.  Franklin's  various  and 
important  occupations,  he  occasionally  amused 
himself  in  composing  and  printing,  by  means 
of  a  small  set  of  types,  and  a  press  he  had  in 
his  house,  several  of  his  light  essays,  baga 
telles,  orjeux  d' esprit,  written  chiefly  for  the 
amusement  of  his  intimate  friends;  among 
these  were  the  annexed ;  printed  on  a  half 
sheet  of  coarse  paper,  so  as  to  imitate,  as 
much  as  possible,  a  portion  of  a  Boston  news 
paper. 

The  repeated  accounts  received  from  Amer 
ica  of  the  horrible  and  cruel  manner  in  which 
the  Indian  allies  of  great  Britain  prosecuted 
the  war  against  the  peaceable  inhabitants  of 
the  United  States;  murdering  defenceless 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


159 


farmers,  with  their  wives  and  children,  and 
carrying  off  their  scalps,  for  the  reward 
promised  in  proportion  to  the  number,  (said 
already  to  have  amounted  to  two  thousand), 
was  the  foundation  of  a  project  which  he 
formed  for  awakening  the  feelings  of  humani 
ty  to  a  due  sense  of  the  barbarity  which  one 
of  the  cabinet  ministers  had  avowed  in  the 
house  of  lords,  as  employing  the  means  which 
Providence  placed  in  their  hands  ;  the  fol 
lowing  letter  shows  the  nature  of  the  facts 
upon  which  he  projected  a  series  of  newspa 
pers,  or  of  papers  so  printed  as  to  imitate  a 
paper  at  that  time  printed  in  Boston  called  the 
Boston  Independent  Chronicle. 

"  To  Mr.  Hutton. 

"  PASSY,  7lh  July,  1782. 

"  MY  DEAR  OLD  FRIEND, — A  letter  written 
by  you  to  M.  Bertin,  ministre  d'etat,  contain 
ing  an  account  of  the  abominable  murders 
committed  by  some  of  the  frontier  people  on  the 
poor  Moravian  Indians,  has  given  me  infinite 
pain  and  vexation.  The  dispensations  of  Pro 
vidence  in  this  world  puzzle  my  weak  reason ; 
I  cannot  comprehend  why  cruel  men  should 
have  been  permitted  thus  to  destroy  their  fel 
low  creatures.  Some  of  the  Indians  may  be 
supposed  to  have  committed  sins,  but  one 
cannot  think  the  little  children  had  committed 
any  worthy  of  death.  Why  has  a  single  man 
in  England,  who  happens  to  love  blood  and  to 
hate  Americans,  been  permitted  to  gratify 
that  bad  temper,  by  hiring  German  murderers, 
and  joining  them  with  his  own,  to  destroy  in 
a  continued  course  of  bloody  years,  near  one 
hundred  thousand  human  creatures,  many  of 
them  possessed  of  useful  talents,  virtues,  and 
abilities,  to  which  he  has  no  pretension !  It 
is  he  who  has  furnished  the  savages  with 
hatchets  and  scalping  knives,  and  engages 
them  to  fall  upon  defenceles  farmers,  and 
murder  them  with  their  wives  and  children, 
paying  for  their  scalps,  of  which  an  account 
kept  in  America,  already  amounts  as  I  have 
heard  to  near  two  thousand.  Perhaps  the 
people  of  the  frontiers,  exasperated  by  the 
cruelties  of  the  Indians,  have  been  induced  to 
kill  all  Indians  that  fall  into  their  hands  with 
out  distinction ;  so  that  even  these  horrid  mur 
ders  of  our  poor  Moravians  may  be  laid  to  his 
charge.  And  yet  this  man  lives,  enjoys  all 
the  good  things  this  world  can  afford,  and  is 
surrounded  by  flatterers  who  keep  even  his 
conscience  quiet  by  telling  him  he  is  the  best 
of  princes !  I  wonder  at  this,  but  I  cannot 
therefore  part  with  the  comfortable  belief  of 
a  divine  Providence :  and  the  more  I  see  the 
impossibility  from  the  extent  and  number  of 
his  crimes,  of  giving  equivalent  punishment 
to  a  wicked  man  in  this  life,  the  more  I  am 
convinced  of  a  future  state,  in  which  all  that 
here  appears  to  be  wrong  shall  be  set  right, 
all  that  is  crooked  made  straight.  In  this 


faith  let  you  and  I,  my  friend,  comfort  our 
selves  ;  it  is  the  only  comfort,  in  the  present 
dark  scene  of  things  that  is  allowed  us. 

"  I  shall  not  fail  to  write  to  the  government 
of  America,  urging  that  effectual  care  may  be 
taken  to  protect  and  save  the  remainder  of 
those  unhappy  people.  Since  writing  the 
above  I  have  received  a  Philadelphia  paper, 
containing  some  account  of  the  same  horrid 
transaction,  a  little  different,  and  some  cir 
cumstances  alleged  as  excuses  or  palliations, 
but  extremely  weak  and  insufficient.  I  send 
it  to  you  enveloped.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

The  other  article  is  a  jeu  d'esprit  of  a 
gayer  turn,  originating  from  a  memorial  of 
the  British  ambassador,  sir  Joseph  Yorke,  re 
claiming  the  king's  ships,  the  Serapis  and 
Countess  of  Scarborough,  prizes  carried  into 
Holland  by  the  American  squadron  under 
commodore  Jones;  whom  sir  Joseph  desig 
nated,  "  the  pirate  Paul  Jones  of  Scotland  ;  a 
rebel  subject,  and  a  criminal  of  the  state." 

The  deception  intended  by  this  supposed 
"  Supplement,1"  (which  was  very  accurately 
imitated  with  respect  to  printing,  paper,  the 
insertion  of  advertisements,  &c.)  was,  that  by 
transmitting  it  to  England,  it  might  actually 
be  taken  for  what  it  purported  to  be,  and  the 
two  prominent  articles  contained  in  it  conse 
quently,  copied  into  the  English  papers,  as 
genuine  intelligence  from  America. 

The  end  proposed  thereby,  was  to  shame 
the  British  government.  It  is  uncertain 
whether  this  artifice  succeeded  as  well  as  a 
similar  one  of  Dr.  Franklin's,  the  "  Prussian 
Edict,"  did,  as  related  in  his  PRIVATE  COR 
RESPONDENCE. 

Dr.  Franklin  had  a  great  opinion  of  the  ef 
fects  to  be  produced  by  suitable  writings  in 
the  public  prints,  as  will  appear  from  the  fol 
lowing  letter  to  Dr.  Price. 

,  June  13,1782 


-  "  I  congratulate  you  on  the  late  revo 
lution  in  your  public  affairs.  Much  good  may- 
arise  from  it,  though  possibly  not  all  that  good 
men,  and  even  the  new  ministers  themselves, 
nay  have  wished  or  expected.  The  change, 
however,  in  the  sentiments  of  the  nation,  in 
which  I  see  evident  effects  of  your  writings, 
with  those  of  our  deceased  friend  Mr.  Burgh, 
and  others  of  our  valuable  club,  should  en 
courage  you  to  proceed.  The  ancient  Roman 
and  Greek  orators  could  only  speak  to  the 
number  of  citizens  capable  of  being  assembled 
within  the  reach  of  their  voice  ;  their  writ- 
ngs  had  little  effect,  because  the  bulk  of  the 
people  could  not  read.  Now  by  the  press  we 
can  speak  to  nations;  and  good  books,  and 
well-written  pamphlets,  have  great  and  gen 
eral  influence.  The  facility  with  which  the 
same  truths  may  be  repeatedly  enforced  by 


160 


MEMOIRS  OF 


placing1  them  in  different  lights,  in  newspa 
pers  which  are  every  where  read,  gives  a 
great  chance  of  establishing  them.  And  we 
now  find,  that  it  is  not  only  right  to  strike 
while  the  iron  is  hot,  but  that  it  is  very  prac 
ticable  to  heat  it  by  continual  striking." 

In  the  month  of  June,  1782,  Mr.  Jones  af 
terwards  sir  William  Jones,  so  eminently  dis 
tinguished  for  his  virtues,  genius,  and  learn 
ing,  came  to  Paris,  accompanied  by  the  late 
Mr.  Paradise,  with  the  intention  of  proceeding 
thence  to  America.  These  gentlemen  had 
been  long  connected  by  a  most  intimate 
friendship,  and  the  object  of  this  journey  is 
stated  by  lord  Teignmouth  (in  his  life  of  the 
former)  to  have  been  "professional,  to  pro 
cure  the  restitution  of  a  very  large  estate  of 
a  client  and  friend,  which  had  been  attached 
by  an  order  of  the  States,  who  had  threatened 
the  confiscation  of  the  property,  unless  the 
owner  appeared  in  person  to  claim  it."  His 
lordship  adds,  "  This  object  is  mentioned  by 
Mr.  Jones  in  his  correspondence,  and  his  own 
evidence  will  be  conclusive  against  some  sur 
mises  and  insinuations,  which,  were  propa 
gated  respecting  the  motives  of  his  intended 
journey.  The  irresolution  of  his  friend,  in 
creased  by  indisposition,  prevented  the  execu 
tion  of  the  plan,  and  Mr.  Jones,  after  having 
procured  a  passport  from  Franklin,  the  Amer 
ican  minister  at  the  court  of  France,  returned 
to  England  through  Normandy  and  Holland." 
Of  sir  William  Jones's  account  of  his  mo 
tives  for  going  to  America,  as  given  by 
him  to  his  friends  in  England,  the  editor  has 
no  knowledge ;  but  at  Passy,  where  he  and 
Mr.  Paradise  frequently  partook  of  the  hospi 
talities  and  conversation  of  Dr.  Franklin,  Mr. 
Jones  assigned  no  other  motive  for  his  intend 
ed  voyage,  than  that  of  accompanying  his 
friend,  and  gratifying  his  curiosity  by  seeing 
a  country  for  whose  rights  he  had  been  a  de 
cided  advocate.  Mr.  Paradise  had  never 
been  the  client  of  Mr.  Jones,  notwithstanding 
their  friendship,  he  having  never  been  en 
gaged  in  any  law-suit  in  England,  nor  had  he 
the  smallest  need  of  a  lawyer  in  America, 
where  nothing  more  was  required  than  his 
presence,  to  avoid  the  penalty  to  which  ab 
sent  proprietors  residing  in  a  country  at  that 
time  hostile,  were  made  liable,  unless  they 
came  to  the  United  States  within  a  limited 
time ;  a  penalty  which  Mr.  Paradise  did  in 
fact  avoid,  without  any  lawyer,  and  even 
without  going  to  America,  until  nearly  five 
years  after  the  war  had  terminated.  It  could 
not,  therefore,  have  been  a  professional  object 
which  actuated  sir  William  Jones  in  this  un 
dertaking  ;  and  in  fact,  by  some  expressions 
which  escaped  from  him  in  a  conversation 
with  Mr.  Jay  (one  of  the  American  plenipo 
tentiaries),  the  latter  strongly  suspected,  that 
the  real  purpose  of  this  intended  visit  to  the 
14 


United  States,  was  to  endeavour  to  produce  a 
disposition  in  persons  of  influence  there,  to 
accept  a  reconciliation  with  Great  Britain,  on 
terms  more  favourable,  or  less  humiliating,  than 
those  of  absolute  independency;  and  this 
suspicion  soon  after  received  a  strong  confirm 
ation  in  the  mind  of  Mr.  Jay,  upon  his  acci 
dentally  noticing  in  a  printed  account  of  the 
then  recent  proceedings  of  the  "  society  for 
constitutional  information"  which  had  been 
incautiously  put  into  his  hands  by  Mr.  Jones, 
a  communication  made  by  the  latter  to  this 
society,  of  his  intention  to  leave  England 
speedily  on  a  mission  greatly  connected  with 
the  interests  and  welfare  of  his  country.  As 
the  editor  has  not  been  able  to  procure  this 
publication,  he  cannot  pretend  to  give  any 
thing  more  than  the  import  of  the  words  of 
this  communication,  which  however  made  so 
strong  an  impression  upon  Mr.  Jay,  that  he 
took  the  first  opportunity  of  writing  to  his 
friends  in  congress,  &c.  to  put  them  on  their 
guard  against  any  attempts  from  Mr.  Jones 
for  the  purpose  beforementioned.  Probably 
this  communication  gave  rise  to  the  "sur 
mises  and  insinuations"  mentioned  by  lord 
Teignmouth.  In  fact,  Mr.  Paradise  was  not 
in  any  want  of  a  lawyer,  and  especially  an 
English  lawyer ;  nor  was  his  estate  in  Vir 
ginia  of  the  magnitude  supposed  by  lord 
Teignmouth,  nor  his  finances  in  such  a  state 
as  to  enable  him  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the 
voyage  intended  by  Mr.  Jones,  and  much  less 
to  afford  him  a  compensation  for  leaving  his 
then  increasing  professional  business  in  Eng 
land.  But  whatever  may  have  been  Mr. 
Jones's  object  in  going  to  America,  the  failure 
of  it,  by  Mr  Paradise's  timidity  and  unwil 
lingness  to  proceed  further,  after  they  had 
reached  Nantes,  was  so  displeasing  to  Mr. 
Jones,  that  it  there  produced  a  separation, 
and  final  termination  of  all  intercourse  be 
tween  these  gentlemen  during  the  remainder 
of  their  lives. 

While  at  Paris,  Mr.  Jones  put  into  the 
hands  of  Dr.  Franklin  the  following  composi 
tion,  entitled,  A  FRAGMENT  OF  POLYBIUS, 
which  certainly  was  well  calculated  to  pro 
mote  that  sort  of  reconciliation  which  is  sup 
posed  to  have  been  the  real  object  of  his  in 
tended  voyao-e  to  the  United  States,  and 
which,  from  its  intrinsic  merits,  as  well  as  the 
celebrity  of  the  author,  will,  it  is  presumed, 
be  acceptable  to  the  readers  of  these  memoirs. 
If  to  be  considered  as  a  diplomatic  document, 
it  is  certainly  of  a  very  superior  cast. — The 
allusions  are  evident 

A  FRAGMENT  OF  POLYBIUS. 

From  his  Treatise  on  the  Athenian  Government. 

****** 

"  Athens  had  long  been  an  object  of  uni 
versal  admiration,  and  consequently  of  envy ; 
her  navy  was  invincible,  her  commerce  ex- 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


161 


tensive ;  Europe  and  Asia  supplied  her  with 
wealth;  of  her  citizens,  all  were  intrepid, 
many  virtuous ;  but  some  too  much  infected 
with  principles  unfavourable  to  freedom. — 
Hence  an  oligarchy  was,  in  a  great  measure, 
established;  crooked  councils  were  thought 
supreme  wisdom ;  and  the  Athenians,  having 
lost  their  true  relish  for  their  own  freedom, 
began  to  attack  that  of  their  colonies,  and  of 
the  states  which  they  had  before  protected ! 
Their  arrogant  claims  of  unlimited  dominion, 
had  compelled  the  Chians,  Coans,  Rhodians, 
Lesbians,  to  join  with  nine  other  small  com 
munities  in  the  social  war,  which  they  began 
with  inconceivable  ardour,  and  continued  with 
industry  surpassing  all  example,  and  almost 
surpassing  belief.  They  were  openly  assisted 
by  Mausolus,  king  of  Caria,  to  whose  metro 
polis  the  united  islands  had  sent  a  philosopher, 
named  Eleutherion,  eminent  for  the  deepest 
knowledge  of  nature,  the  most  solid  judgment, 
most  approved  virtue,  and  most  ardent  zeal 
for  the  cause  of  general  liberty.  The  war 
had  been  supported  for  three  years  with  in 
finite  exertions  of  valour  on  both  sides,  with 
deliberate  firmness  on  the  part  of  the  allies, 
and  with  unabated  violence  on  the  part  of  the 
Athenians ;  who  had,  nevertheless,  despatch 
ed  commissioners  to  Rhodes,  with  intent  to 
propose  terms  of  accommodation;  but  the 
states  (perhaps  too  pertinaciously)  refused  to 
hear  any  proposal  whatever,  without  a  pre 
vious  recognition  of  their  total  independence 
by  the  magistrates  and  people  of  Athens.  It 
was  not  long  after  this,  that  an  Athenian, 
who  had  been  a  pupil  of  Isaeus,  together  with 
Demosthenes,  and  began  to  be  known  in  his 
country  as  a  pleader  of  causes,  was  led  by 
some  affair  of  his  clients  to  the  capital  of  Ca- 
ria.  He  was  a  man,  unauthorised,  unemploy 
ed,  unconnected ;  independent  in  his  circum 
stances  as  much  as  in  his  principles :  admit 
ting  no  governor,  under  Providence,  but  the 
laws;  and  no  laws  but  those  which  justice 
and  virtue  had  dictated,  which  wisdom  ap 
proved,  which  his  country  had  freely  enacted. 
He  had  been  known  at  Athens  to  the  sage 
Eleutherion;  and,  their  acquaintance  being 
renewed,  he  sometimes  took  occasion  in  their 
conversations  to  lament  the  increasing  cala 
mities  of  war,  and  to  express  his  eager  desire 
of  making  a  general  peace  on  such  terms  as 
would  produce  the  greatest  good  from  the 
greatest  evil ;  for  « this,'  said  he,  '  would  be  a 
work  not  unworthy  of  the  divine  attributes, 
and  if  mortals  could  effect  it,  they  would  act 
like  those  beneficent  beings,  whom  Socrates 
believed  to  be  the  constant  friends  and  at 
tendants  of  our  species.' 

"  He  added,  *  As  to  the  united  nations,  I 
applaud,  admire,  and  almost  envy  them ;  I  am 
even  tempted  to  wish  that  I  had  been  born  a 
Chian  or  a  Rhodian ;  but  let  them  be  satisfied 
with  the  prize  of  virtue  which  they  have  al- 

VOL.  I....X  14* 


ready  obtained.  I  will  yield  to  none  of  your 
countrymen,  my  friend,  in  my  love  of  liberty , 
but  she  seems  more  lovely  to  my  eyes,  when 
she  comes  hand  in  hand  with  peace.  From 
that  union  we  can  expect  nothing  but  the 
highest  happiness  of  which  our  nature  is  ca 
pable  ;  and  it  is  an  union,  which  nothing  now 
obstructs  but — a  mere  word. 

"  '  Let  the  confederates  be  contented  with 
the  substance  of  that  independence  which 
they  have  asserted,  and  the  word  will  neces 
sarily  follow. 

"  '  Let  them  not  hurt  the  natural,  and,  per 
haps,  not  reprehensible,  pride  of  Athens,  nor 
demand  any  concession,  that  may  sink  in  the 
eyes  of  Greece,  a  nation  to  whom  they  are 
and  must  be  united  in  language,  in  blood,  in 
manners,  in  interest,  in  principles.  Glory  is 
to  a  nation,  what  reputation  is  to  an  indivi 
dual  ;  it  is  not  an  empty  sound :  but  important 
and  essential.  It  will  be  glorious  in  Athens 
to  acknowledge  her  error  in  attempting  to  re 
duce  the  islands,  but  an  acknowledgment  of 
her  inability  to  reduce  them  (if  she  be  unable) 
will  be  too  public  a  confession  of  weakness, 
and  her  rank  among  the  states  of  Greece  will 
instantly  be  lowered. 

"  'But,  whatever  I  might  advise,  if  my  ad 
vice  had  any  chance  of  being  taken,  this  / 
know,  and  positively  pronounce,  that  while 
Athens  is  Athens,  her  proud  but  brave  citi 
zens  will  never  expressly  recognize  the  inde 
pendence  of  the  islands :  their  resources  are 
no  doubt  exhaustible,  but  will  not  be  exhaust 
ed  in  the  lives  of  us  and  of  our  children.  In 
this  resolution  all  parties  agree :  I,  who  am 
of  no  party,  dissent  from  them ;  but  what  is  a 
single  voice  in  so  vast  a  multitude  T  Yet  the 
independence  of  the  United  States  was  tacitly 
acknowledged  by  the  very  offer  of  terms,  and 
it  would  result  in  silence  from  the  natural 
operation  of  the  treaty.  An  express  acknow 
ledgment  of  it  is  merely  formal  with  respect 
to  the  allies;  but  the  prejudices  of  mankind 
have  made  it  substantial  with  respect  to' 
Athens. 

"  '  Let  this  obstacle  be  removed :  it  is  slight, 
but  fatal ;  and,  whilst  it  lasts,  thousands  and 
ten  thousands  will  perish.  In  war  much  will 
always  depend  upon  blind  chance,  and  a  storm 
or  sudden  fall  of  snow  may  frustrate  all  your 
efforts  for  liberty ;  but  let  commissioners  from 
both  sides  meet,  and  the  islanders,  by  not 
insisting  on  a  preliminary  recognition  of  in 
dependence,  will  ultimately  establish  it  for 
ever. 

"  '  But  independence  is  not  disunion. — 
Chios,  Cos,  Lesbos,  Rhodes,  are  united,  but 
independent  on  each  other:  they  are  con 
nected  by  a  common  tie,  but  have  different 
forms  and  different  constitutions.  They  are 
gems  of  various  colours  and  various  properties, 
strung  in  one  bracelet.  Such  an  union  can 
only  be  made  between  states,  which,  how 


162 


MEMOIRS  OF 


widely  soever  they  differ  in  form,  agree  i 
one  common  property,  freedom.  Republic 
may  form  alliances,  but  not  a  federal  union 
with  arbitrary  monarchies.  Were  Athen 
governed  by  the  will  of  a  monarch,  she  couL 
never  be  co-ordinate  with  the  free  islands 
for  such  an  union  would  not  be  dissimilarity 
but  dissonance :  but  she  is  and  shall  be  rulec 
by  laws  alone,  that  is,  by  the  will  of  the  peo 
ple,  which  is  the  only  law.  Her  Archon 
even  when  he  was  perpetual,  had  no  essen 
tial  properties  of  monarchy.  The  constitution 
of  Athens,  if  we  must  define  it,  was  then 
republic  with  a  perpetual  administrator  of 
its  laws.  Between  Athens,  therefore,  anc 
the  freest  states  in  the  world,  an  union  may 
naturally  be  formed. 

" '  There  is  a  natural  union  between  her 
and  the  islands,  which  the  gods  have  made 
and  which  the  powers  of  hell  cannot  dissolve. 
Men,  speaking  the  same  idiom,  educated  in 
the  same  manner,  perhaps,  in  the  same  place ; 
professing  the  same  principles ;  sprung  from 
the  same  ancestors,  in  no  very  remote  degree ; 
and  related  to  each  other  in  a  thousand  modes 
of  consanguinity,  affinity,  and  friendship,  such 
men  (whatever  they  may  say  through  a  tem 
porary  resentment)  can  never  in  their  hearts 
consider  one  another  as  aliens. 

" '  Let  them  meet  then  with  fraternal  and 
pacific  dispositions,  and  let  this  be  the  general 
ground- work  and  plan  of  the  treaty. 

"  1.  '  The  Carians  shall  be  included  in  the 
pacification,  and  have  such  advantages  as  will 
induce  them  to  consent  to  the  treaty  rather 
than  continue  a  hazardous  war. 

"  2.  '  The  archon,  senate,  and  magistrates 
of  Athens  shall  make  a  complete  recognition 
of  rights  of  all  the  Athenian  citizens  of  all 
orders  whatever,  and  all  former  laws  for  that 
purpose  shall  be  combined  in  one.  There 
shall  not  be  one  slave  in  Attica. 

"  NOTE.  ['  By  making  this  a  preliminary, 
the  islanders  will  show  their  affection  for  the 
people  of  Athens ;  their  friendship  will  be 
cemented  and  fixed  on  a  solid  basis ;  and  the 
greatest  good  will  be  extracted,  as  I  at  first 
proposed,  from  the  greatest  evil] 

"  3.  '  There  shall  be  a  perfect  co-ordination 
between  Athens  and  the  thirteen  united 
islands,  they  considering  her  not  as  a  parent, 
whom  they  must  obey,  but  as  an  elder  sister, 


whom  they  cannot  help  loving,  and  to  whom 
they  shall  give  pre-eminence  of  honour  and 
co-equality  of  power. 

"  4.  '  The  new  constitutions  of  the  con 
federate  islands  shall  remain. 

"  5.  '  On  every  occasion  requiring  acts  for 
the  general  good,  there  shall  be  an  assembly 
of  deputies  from  the  senate  of  Athens  and 
the  congress  of  the  islands,  who  shall  fairly 
adjust  the  whole  business,  and  settle  the  ratio 
of  the  contributions  on  both  sides.  This  com 
mittee  shall  consist  of  fifty  islanders  and  fifty 


Athenians,  or  of  a  smaller  number  chosen  by 
them. 

"  6.  *  If  it  be  thought  necessary  and  found 
convenient,  a  proportionable  number  of  Athe 
nian  citizens  shall  have  seats,  and  power  of 
debating  and  voting  on  questions  of  common 
concern,  in  the  great  assembly  of  the  islands, 
and  a  proportionable  number  of  islanders  shall 
sit  with  the  like  power  in  the  assembly  at 
Athens. 

"NOTE.  ['This  reciprocal  representation 
will  cement  the  union.] 

"  7.  '  There  shall  be  no  obligation  to  make 
war  but  for  the  common  interest. 

"  8.  '  Commerce  shall  flow  in  a  free  course, 
for  the  general  advantage  of  the  united 
powers. 

"  9.  '  An  universal  unlimited  amnesty  shall 
be  proclaimed  in  every  part  of  Greece  and 
Asia. 

"  'This,'  said  the  Athenian,  'is  the  rough 
sketch  of  a  treaty  founded  on  virtue  and  liber 
ty.  The  idea  of  it  still  fills  and  expands  my 
soul ;  and  if  it  cannot  be  realized,  I  shall  not 
think  it  less  glorious,  but  shall  only  grieve 
more  and  more  at  the  perverseness  of  mar>- 
dnd.  May  the  eternal  Being,  whom  the 
wise  and  the  virtuous  adore,  and  whose  attri- 
)ute  it  is  to  convert  into  good,  that  evil  which 
lis  unsearchable  wisdom  permits,  inspire  all 
ranks  of  men  to  promote  either  this  or  a  simi- 
ar  plan  !  If  this  be  impracticable,  O  miser- 
ible  human  nature!  But  I  am  fully  confi 
dent  that,  if*  *  *  more  at  large  *  *  happiness 
fall.' 

****** 

"  No  more  is  extant  of  this  interesting  piece, 
upon  which  the  commentary  of  the  sage 
~\>lybius  would  have  been  particularly  valu- 
ble  in  these  times." 

This  classical  and  ingenious  communica- 
ion  did  not  divert  Dr.  Franklin's  fixed  senti- 
aents  respecting  the  perfect  independence  of 
js  country,  as  fully  appears  by  several  of  his 
etters  written  immediately  after  to  America, 
nd  particularly  in  one  to  Mr.  secretary 
ivingston,  of  the  28th  June,  1782,  wherein 
e  remarks,  that  the  intentions  of  the  British 

ministry  had,  for  some  weeks  past,  appeared 
omewhat  equivocal  and  uncertain,  and  adds : 
It  looks  as  if,  since  their  late  success  in  the 

West  Indies,  they  a  little  repented  of  the  ad 


vances  they  had  made  in  their  declarations 
respecting  the  acknowledgment  of  our  in 
dependence  ;  and  we  have  good  information, 
that  some  of  the  ministry  still  flatter  the  king 
with  the  hope  of  recovering  his  sovereignty 
over  us,  on  the  same  terms  as  are  now  making 
with  Ireland. — However  willing  we  might 
have  been  at  the  commencement  of  this  con 
test,  to  have  accepted  such  conditions,  be  as 
sured  that  we  can  have  no  safety  in  them  at 
present.  The  king  hates  us  most  cordially. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


If  he  is  once  admitted  to  any  degree  of  power 
or  government  amongst  us,  however  limited, 
it  will  soon  be  extended  by  corruption,  artifice, 
and  force,  till  we  are  reduced  to  absolute  sub 
jection  ;  and  that  the  more  easily,  as  by  re 
ceiving  him  again  for  our  king,  we  shall  draw 
upon  ourselves  the  contempt  of  all  Europe, 
who  now  admire  and  respect  us;  and  shall 
never  again  find  a  friend  to  assist  us.  There 
are,  as  reported,  great  divisions  in  the  minis 
try  on  other  points  as  well  as  this ;  and  those 
who  aim  at  engrossing  the  power,  flatter  the 
king  with  this  project  of  re-union ;  and  it  is 
said,  have  much  reliance  on  the  operation  of 
private  agents  sent  into  America  to  dispose 
minds  in  favour  of  it,  and  to  bring  about 
a  separate  treaty  there  with  general  Carle- 
ton." 

Strong  suspicions  were  undoubtedly  enter 
tained  by  some  of  the  American  commission 
ers,  that  Mr.  Jones,  under  the  particular  in 
fluence  of  his  friend  and  patron  lord  Shel- 
burne,  (then  minister,)  had  really  agreed  to 
lend  the  assistance  of  his  talents  and  exertions 
in  aid  of  this  object.  How  far  such  "sur 
mises"  are  borne  out  bv  what  has  preceded, 
is  left  to  the  reader's  decision.  On  his  return  to 
England,  however,  Mr.  Jones  thus  expresses 
his  sentiments  on  the  subject  of  America,  in 
a  letter  to  lord  Althorp,  dated  Oct.  5,  1782, 
as  given  by  lord  Teignmouth.  "  As  to  Ame 
rica,  I  kriow  not  what  *****  thinks  :  but 
this  I  know,  that  the  sturdy  transatlantic 
yeomanry  will  neither  be  dragooned  nor 
bamboozled  out  of  their  liberty." 

The  negotiations  for  peace  vvith  America 
had  been  going  on  at  Passy,  either  directly 
or  indirectly,  ever  since  the  late  change  of 
ministry  in  England.  The  particulars  of  the 
whole  of  these  important  transactions,  and 
the  letters  and  documents  connected  there 
with,  will  be  found  in  Dr.  Franklin's  PRIVATE 
CORRESPONDENCE  ;  concerning  the  negotia 
tions  for  peace  and  commerce  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  of  America, 
for  the  reasons  already  given. 

At  the  end  of  half  a  century  of  indepen 
dence,  the  rise  and  progress  of  the  revolution 
may  be  viewed  with  the  same  temper  as  we 
read  Vertot  or  Volney ;  and  so  the  services  and 
hazards  of  the  great  founders  of  the  Republic 
should  be  preserved  in  history.  In  the  cor 
respondence  of  the  doctor,  while  at  Paris, 
will  be  found  some  examples  of  persuasion 
and  artifice  to  undermine  his  principles  and 
to  awake  his  fears ;  an  answer  of  his  to  David 
Hartley,  displays  at  once  the  dignity  of  his 
mind  and  the  characteristic  playfulness  of 
his  imagination. 

Mr.  Hartley,  in  a  postscript  to  a  letter 
of  23  April,  1778,  hints, — "  If  tempestuous 
times  should  come,  take  care  of  your  own 
safety :  events  are  uncertain,  and  men  may 


be  capricious."  To  which  the  doctor  replied 
— "  I  thank  you  for  your  kind  caution,  but 
having  nearly  finished  a  long  life,  I  set  but 
little  value  on  what  remains  of  it.  Like  a 
draper  when  one  cheapens  with  him  for  a 
remnant,  I  am  ready  to  say, — "  As  it  it  only 
the  fag  end,  I  will  not  differ  with  you  about 
it ;  take  it  for  what  you  please."  Perhaps 
the  best  use  such  an  old  fellow  could  be  put 
to,  is  to  make  a  martyr  of  him. 

About  the  same  time,  20th  May,  1778,  he 
received  an  anonymous  note  inviting  to  an 
interview  to  the  Garden  of  the  Fountains,  of 
which  he  took  no  notice. 

He  received  an  argumentative  letter  from 
Brussels,  1st  July,  of  the  same  year,  the  an 
swer  to  which  will  be  found  under  this  date 
in  the  Foreign  Correspondence ;  and  another 
of  3d  Feb.  1779,  which  he  closes  with  the 
humourous  story  of  the  Wreckers. 

The  doctor  one  day  received  a  letter,  in 
viting  him  to  an  interview  in  the  church  of 
Notre  Dame,  where  he  would  find  a  man 
having  a  rose  in  his  hand,  who  would  let  the 
rose  fall,  on  the  doctor's  approach,  as  an 
identification  of  the  writer.  The  doctor's  first 
step  was  to  communicate  this  letter  to  the 
minister  of  police,  M.  Lenoir,  who  advised 
him  to  go  to  Notre  Dame  at  the  hour  indicat 
ed.  About  half  an  hour  after  the  doctor  had 
been  in  the  church,  a  person  passed  and  re- 
passed  him  several  times,  but  appearing  to 
discover  some  agents  of  the  police  at  no  great 
distance,  he  precipitately  retired  out  of  the 
church,  when  after  several  rapid  turns,  he 
reached  a  hotel  in  the  Rue  Colombier,  where 
he  called  for  post  horses,  and  drove  off  and 
was  traced  to  Calais,  where  he  embarked 
for  Dover  before  the  agents  of  the  police  could 
overtake  him. 

A  case  more  remarkable  was  that  of  an 
English  physician,  who  resided  at  Paris  in 
apparent  indifference  to  political  affairs ;  his 
admiration  of  Dr.  Franklin  was  professedly 
that  of  a  philosopher,  and  in  that  character  had 
found  the  usual  urbanity  of  the  doctor  a  pass 
port  to  his  familiar  acquaintance.  In  the 
progress  of  this  intimacy,  having  tasted  of  the 
doctor's  wines,  he  tendered  as  a  small  ac 
knowledgment  of  courtesy  some  wine  of  a 
rare  quality,  which  of  course  was  accepted  ; 
but  as  the  doctor  had  before  been  presented 
with  medicated  wine,  he  uniformly  adopted  the 
precaution  to  examine  it,  and  on  examination 
this  wine  of  rare  quality  was  found  to  contain 
an  ample  quantity  of  deadly  poison.  To  have 
the  premeditated  assassin  arrested  was  a 
matter  of  no  difficulty,  but  the  magnanimous 
Franklin  preferred  a  course  more  generous  and 
worthy  of  himself,  he  caused  the  villain  to  be 
informed  that  his  purpose  was  not  accomplish 
ed,  but  that  his  design  was  detected  ;  and  advis- 
d  him  to  quit  Paris  before  the  next  morning, 


164 


MEMOIRS  OF 


and  Prance  without  delay;  that  if  found 
after  the  period  proscribed  he  would  be  placed 
in  charge  of  the  police  ;  admonishing  him  to 
repent  and  reform  and  lead  a  correct  life 
thereafter. 

The  revolt  of  the  colonies  produced  an 
extreme  animosity  towards  the  Americans  in 
England.  There  was  always  a  large  mass 
who,  while  they  regretted  the  separation,  held 
the  principle  of  resistance  to  be  just  and  right. 
No  example  can  better  illustrate  the  temper 
of  the  ministry  and  their  adherents  than  the 
conversion  of  the  celebrated  Dr.  Johnson 
to  the  views  of  the  ministers,  which  he 
manifested  in  a  well  known  pamphlet  of 
which  the  title  was  Taxation  no  tyranny. 
But  this  pamphlet,  however  energetic  and 
vehement,  affords  no  more  than  the  display 
of  a  partisan  for  a  pension.  In  June  1781, 
being  in  company  with  Dr.  Campbell  an 
Episcopalian  clergyman,  and  Baretti,  a  lite 
rary  Italian  of  that  day,  the  two  latter  had 
been  in  conversation  concerning  the  Irish 
volunteers,  who  excited  much  notice  in  Europe 
at  that  period ;  Dr.  Johnson  who  had  sat  listen 
ing  to  the  conversation,  abruptly  broke  in 
upon  them,  exclaiming,  "  What,  sir,  don't  you 
call  it  disturbance  to  oppose  legal  government 
with  arms  in  your  hands,  and  compel  it  to 
make  laws  in  your  favour  1  Sir,  I  call  it  re 
bellion,  as  much  as  the  rebellion  in  Scot 
land." 

"  I  am  exceedingly  sorry,"  said  Dr.  Camp 
bell,  "  to  hear  this  from  you,  whom  I  always 
understood  to  be  a  friend  of  Ireland.  The 
Irish  have  a  separate  legislature,  and  they 
have  never  indicated  any  inclination  to  re 
sist." 

"  Sir,"  replied  Dr.  Johnson,  "  the  Irish  do  re 
sist,  they  owe  allegiance  to  the  English  parlia 
ment  ;  they  are  a  conquered  nation ;  and  had  I 
been  minister,  would  soon  have  made  them 
submit  to  it — I  would  have  done  as  Cromwell 
did ;  I  would  have  burnt  their  cities,  and  roast 
ed  them  in  flames." 

"  Very  horrid  avowals,"  said  Dr.  Campbell, 
"  but  your  advice  to  treat  the  Americans  in 
that  manner,  appears  not  to  have  been  alto 
gether  successful, — the  times  are  altered  !" 

"  Sir,"  said  Dr.  Jolinson,  "  you  say  truly ; 
the  times  are  altered ;  for  power  is  no  where ; 
our  government  is  a  government  of  influence, 
not  of  power;  yet  had  we  treated  the  Ame 
ricans  as  we  ought,  and  as  they  deserved,  we 
should  at  once  have  razed  their  towns,  and 
let  them  enjoy  the  forests.  But  when  we 
should  have  roasted  them  as  rebels,  we  only 
whipt  them  as  children,  and  we  did  not  suc 
ceed  because  my  advice  was  not  taken." 

The  following  are  extracts  from  two  letters 
of  Dr.  Franklin's,  written  shortly  after  the  pre 
liminaries  were  signed.  They  give  a  gen 
eral  account  of  the  manner  in  which  the 
peace  was  brought  about,  and  are  expressive 


of  his  feelings  and  sentiments  on  that  aus 
picious  event. 

"  To  Robert  R.  Livingston. 

"  PASSY,  Dec.  5,  1782. 

"You  desire  to  be  very  particularly 

acquainted  with  '  every  step  which  tends  to  a 
negotiation.'  I  am,  therefore,  encouraged 
to  send  you  the  first  part  of  the  JOURNAL, 
which  accidents,  and  a  long  severe  illness, 
interrupted ;  but  which,  from  notes  I  have  by 
me,  may  be  continued  if  thought  proper.  In 
its  present  state,  it  is  hardly  fit  for  the  in 
spection  of  congress,  certainly  not  for  public 
view.  I  confide  it  therefore  to  your  pru 
dence. 

"The  arrival  of  Mr.  Jay,  Mr.  Adams,  and 
Mr.  Laurens,  relieved  me  from  much  anxiety, 
which  must  have  continued  if  I  had  been  left 
to  finish  the  treaty  alone ;  and  it  has  given 
me  the  more  satisfaction,  as  I  am  sure  the 
business  has  profited  by  their  assistance. 

"  Much  of  the  summer  was  taken  up  in 
objecting  to  the  powers  given  by  Great  Britain, 
and  in  removing  those  objections.  The  using 
any  expressions  that  might  imply  an  acknow 
ledgment  of  our  independence,  seemed,  at 
first,  industriously  to  be  avoided.  But  our 
refusing  otherwise  to  treat,  at  length  induced 
them  to  get  over  that  difficulty :  and  then  we 
came  to  the  point  of  making  propositions. 
Those  made  by  Jay  and  me,  before  the  arri 
val  of  the  other  gentlemen,  you  will  find  in 
the  paper  No.  1,  which  was  sent  by  the  British 
plenipotentiary  to  London  for  the  king's  con 
sideration.  After  some  weeks,  an  under 
secretary  of  state,  Mr.  Strachey,  arrived, 
with  whom  we  had  much  contestation  about 
the  boundaries  and  other  articles  which  he 
proposed  ;  we  settled  some,  which  he  carried 
to  London,  and  returned  with  the  propositions, 
some  adopted,  others  omitted  or  altered,  and 
new  ones  added  ;  which  you  will  see  in  paper 
No.  2.  We  spent  many  days  in  discussing 
and  disputing,  and  at  length  agreed  on  and 
signed  the  PRELIMINARIES,  which  you  will 
receive  by  this  conveyance.  The  British 
ministers  struggled  hard  for  two  points,  that 
the  favours  granted  to  the  royalists  should  be 
extended,  and  our  fishery  contracted.  We 
silenced  them  on  the  first,  by  threatening  to 
produce  an  account  of  the  mischiefs  done  by 
those  people ;  and  as  to  the  second,  when  they 
told  us  they  could  not  possibly  agree  to  it  as 
we  required  it,  and  must  refer  it  to  the  minis 
try  in  London,  we  produced  a  new  article  to 
be  referred  at  the  same  time,  with  a  note  of 
facts  in  support  of  it,  which  you  have,  No.  3. 
Apparently  it  seemed  that,  to  avoid  the  dis 
cussion  of  this,  they  suddenly  changed  their 
minds,  dropped  the  design  of  recurring  to 
London,  and  agreed  to  allow  the  fishery  as 
demanded. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


165 


"  You  will  find  in  the  preliminaries  some 
inaccurate  and  ambiguous  expressions  that 
want  explanation,  and  which  may  be  explain 
ed  in  the  definitive  treaty.  And  as  the  British 
ministry  excluded  our  proposition  relating  to 
commerce,  and  the  American  prohibition  of 
that  with  England  may  not  be  understood  to 
cease  merely  by  our  concluding  a  treaty  of 
peace,  perhaps  we  may  then,  if  the  congress 
shall  think  fit  to  direct  it,  obtain  some  com 
pensation  for  the  injuries  done  us,  as  a  con 
dition  of  our  opening  again  the  trade.  Every 
one  of  the  present  British  ministry  has,  while 
in  the  minority,  declared  the  war  against  us 
unjust,  and  nothing  is  clearer  in  reason,  than 
that  those  who  injure  others  by  an  unjust  war, 
should  make  full  reparation.  They  have 
stipulated,  too,  in  these  preliminaries,  that  in 
evacuating  our  towns,  they  shall  carry  off  no 
plunder,  which  is  a  kind  of  acknowledgment, 
that  they  ought  not  to  have  done  it  before. 

"The  reason  given  us  for  dropping  the 
article  relating  to  commerce,  was,  that  some 
statutes  were  in  the  way,  which  must  be  re 
pealed  before  a  treaty  of  that  kind  could  well 
be  formed ;  and  that  this  was  a  matter  to  be 
considered  in  parliament. 

"  They  wanted  to  bring  their  boundary  down 
to  the  Ohio,  and  to  settle  their  loyalists  in 
the  Illinois  country.  We  did  not  choose 
such  neighbours. 

"  We  communicated  all  the  articles,  as 
as  soon  as  they  were  signed,  to  Mons.  le 
comte  de  Vergennes,  (except  the  separate 
one)  who  thinks  we  have  managed  well,  and 
told  me, — that  we  had  settled  what  was  most 
apprehended  as  a  difficulty  in  the  work  of  a 
general  peace,  by  obtaining  the  declaration 
of  our  independence. 

****** 

"I  am  now  near  entering  my  seventy- 
eighth  year.  Public  business  has  engrossed 
fifty  of  them.  I  wish,  for  the  little  time  I 
have  left,  to  be  my  own  master.  If  I  live  to 
see  this  peace  concluded,  I  shall  beg  leave  to 
remind  the  congress  of  their  promise  then  to 
dismiss  me.  I  shall  be  happy  to  sing  with 
old  Simeon,  '  Now  lettest  thou  thy  servant 
depart  in  peace,  for  mine  eyes  have  seen  thy 
salvation.'' 

"With  great  esteem,  &c. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  To  Dr.  Cooper. 

"  PASSY,  Dec.  26,  1782. 
****** 

"  We  have  taken  some  good  steps  here  to 
wards  a  peace.  Our  independence  is  ac 
knowledged  ;  our  boundaries  as  good  and  ex 
tensive  as  we  demanded ;  and  our  fishery 
more  so  than  the  congress  expected.  I  hope 
the  whole  preliminaries  will  be  approved,  and 
with  the  definitive  treaty,  when  made,  give 
entire  satisfaction  to  our  country.  But  there 


are  so  many  interests  to  be  considered  be 
tween  five  nations,  and  so  many  claims  to  ad 
just,  that  I  can  hardly  flatter  myself  to  see 
the  peace  soon  concluded,  though  I  wish  and 
pray  for  it,  and  use  my  best  endeavours  to 
promote  it 

"  I  am  extremely  sorry  to  hear  language 
from  Americans  on  this  side  the  water,  and 
to  hear  of  such  language  from  your  side,  as 
tends  to  hurt  the  good  understanding  that  has 
hitherto  so  happily  subsisted  between  this 
court  and  ours.  There  seems  to  be  a  party 
with  you  that  wish  to  destroy  it  If  they 
could  succeed,  they  would  do  us  irreparable 
injury.  It  is  our  firm  connection  with  France 
that  gives  us  weight  with  England,  and  re 
spect  throughout  Europe.  If  we  were  to 
break  our  faith  with  this  nation,  on  whatever 
pretence,  England  would  again  trample  on 
us,  and  every  other  nation  despise  us.  We 
cannot,  therefore,  be  too  much  on  our  guard, 
how  we  permit  the  private  resentments  of 
particular  persons  to  enter  into  our  public 
counsels.  You  will  hear  much  of  an  inter 
cepted  letter  communicated  to  us  by  the 
British  ministry.  The  channel  ought  to  be 
suspected.  It  may  have  received  additions 
and  alterations ;  but,  supposing  it  all  genuine, 
the  forward,  mistaken  zeal  of  a  secretary  of 
legation  should  not  be  imputed  to  the  king, 
who  has  in  so  many  ways  proved  himself  our 
faithful  and  firm  friend  and  ally.* 

*  Copy  of  a  letter  from  Bar  be  de  Marbois  te  M  le  ComU 
de  Vergennes,  deciphered  and  translated. 

PHILADELPHIA,  March  13,  1782. 

SIR, — South  Carolina  again  enjoys  the  benefit  of  a 
legislative  body,  after  having  been  deprived  of  it  for 
two  years;  it  was  summoned  together  towards  the 
latter  end  of  last  January,  at  Jacksonburg,  only  ten 
leagues  distant  from  Charleston  ;  where  deliberations 
are  carried  on  with  as  much  tranquillity  as  if  the  state 
was  in  profound  peace.  Mr.  Rutledge,  who  was  the 
governor,  opened  the  meeting  with  a  speech  greatly 
applauded,  wherein  he  represents,  in  their  full  extent, 
the  important  services  rendered  by  the  king  to  the 
United  States,  expressing  their  just  acknowledgment* 
for  the  same.  This  sentiment  prevails  much,  sir  ;  the 
different  states  are  eager  to  declare  it,  in  their  public 
acts,  and  the  principal  members  of  government,  and 
the  writers  employed  by  them,  would  forfeit  their  popu 
larity  were  they  to  admit  any  equivocal  remarks  re 
speciingthe  alliance.  General  Greene  affirms  that  in 
no  one  state  is  attachment  to  independence  carried  to 
a  higher  pitch ;  but  that  this  affection  is  yet  exceeded 
by  the  hatred  borne  to  England.  The  assembly  of 
Carolina  is  going  to  make  levies  of  men,  and  has  im 
posed  pretty  large  sums ;  as  there  is  but  little  money  in 
the  country,  the  taxes  will  be  gathered  in  indigo  ;  and 
what  deficiency  may  there  be  found,  will  be  supplied 
by  the  sale  of  lands  of  such  Carolinians  as  joined  the 
enemy  while  they  were  in  possession  of  the  country. 
South  Carolina  was  the  only  state  that  had  not  con 
fiscated  the  property  of  the  disaffected.  The  step  just 
taken  puts  her  on  a  footing  with  the  other  states  of  the 
union.  The  assembly  of  this  state  has  passed  a  resolu 
tion  in  consequence  of  which  a  purchase  of  land  is  to 
be  made  of  the  value  of  two  hundred  and  forty  thou 
sand  livres  tournois,  which  Carolina  makes  a  present 
to  general  Greene  as  the  saviour  of  that  province. 

Mr.  Matthews,  a  delegate  from  congress,  lately  ar 
rived  in  Carolina,  has.  it  is  said,  been  chosen  governor 
in  the  room  of  Mr.  Rutledge:  he  has  communicated 
to  persons  of  the  most  influence  in  his  state,  the 

ultimatum  of  the  month  of last,  who  ap 

proved  of  the  clauses  in  general,  and  particularly  that 


166 


MEMOIRS  OF 


"  In  my  opinion,  the  true  political  interest 
of  America  consists  in  observing  and  fulfilling, 
with  the  greatest  exactitude,  the  engagements 
of  our  alliance  with  France ;  and  behaving  at 

one  which  leaves  the  king  master  of  the  terms  of  the 
treaty  of  peace  or  truce,  excepting  independence,  and 
treaties  of  alliance.  A  delegate  from  South  Carolina 
told  me,  that  this  ultimatum  was  equally  well  known 
by  persons  of  note  in  this  state,  and  this  had  given  en 
tire  satisfaction  there;  it  is  the  same  with  regard  to 
several  other  states;  and  I  believe  I  may  assure  you, 
upon  the  testimony  of  several  delegates,  that  this  mea 
sure  is  approved  by  a  great  majority  ;  but  Mr.  Samuel 
Adams  is  using  all  his  endeavours  to  raise  in  the  state 
of  Massachusetts  a  strong  opposition  to  peace,  if  the 
eastern  states  are  not  thereby  admitted  to  the  fisheries, 
and  particularly  to  that  of  Newfoundland.  Samuel 
Adams  delights  in  trouble  and  difficulty,  and  prides 
himself  on  forming  an  opposition  against  the  govern 
ment  whereof  he  is  himself  the  president.  His  aim 
and  intentions  are  to  render  the  minority  of  conse 
quence,  and  at  this  very  moment  he  is  attacking  the 
constitution  of  Massachusetts,  although  it  is  in  a  great 
measure  his  own  work;  but  he  had  disliked  it  since 
the  people  had  shown  their  uniform  attachment  to  it. 

It  may  be  expected  that  with  this  disposition,  no 
measure  can  meet  the  approval  of  Mr.  Samuel  Adams, 
and  if  the  United  States  should  agree  relative  to  the 
fisheries,  and  be  certain  of  partaking  therein,  all  his 
manoeuvres  and  intrigues  would  be  directed  towards 
the  conquest  of  Canada  and  Nova  Scotia  ;  but  he  could 
not  have  used  a  fitter  engine  than  the  fisheries  for 
stirring  up  the  passions  of  the  Eastern  people.  By  re 
newing  this  question,  which  had  lain  dormant  during 
his  two  years  absence  from  Boston,  he  has  raised  the 
expectation  of  the  people  of  Massachusetts  to  an  ex 
traordinary  pitch.  The  public  prints  hold  forth  the  im 
portance  of  the  fisheries ;  the  reigning  toast  in  the 
East  is.  May  the  United  States  ever  maintain  their  rights 
to  the  fisheries.  It  has  been  often  repeated  in  the  de 
liberation  of  the  general  court;  No  peace  without  fisher 
ies.  However  clear  this  principle  may  be  in  this  mat 
ter,  it  would  be  needless  and  even  dangerous  to  at 
tempt  informing  the  people  through  the  public  papers, 
but  it  appears  to  me  possible  to  use  means  for  preventing 
the  consequences  of  success  to  Mr.  S.  Adams  and  his 
party ;  and  I  take  the  liberty  of  submitting  these  to  your 
discernment  and  indulgence ;  one  of  those  means  would 
be  for  the  king  to  cause  it  to  be  intimated  to  congress  or 
to  the  ministers,  "  his  surprise  that  the  Newfoundland 
fisheries  have  been  intended  in  the  additional  instruc 
tions;  that  the  United  States  set  forth  therein  preten 
sions  without  paying  regard  to  the  king's  rights,  and 
without  considering  the  impossibility  they  are  under 
of  making  conquests,  and  keeping  what  belongs  to 
Great  Britain." 

His  majesty  might  at  the  same  time  cause  a  promise 
to  be  given  to  congress  "  of  his  assistance  for  procuring 
admission  to  the  other  fisheries,  declaring  however  that 
he  would  not  be  answerable  for  the  success,  and  that 
he  is  bound  to  nothing,  as  the  treaty  makes  no  mention 
of  that  article."  This  declaration  being  made  before 
the  peace,  the  hopes  of  the  people  could  not  be  support 
ed,  nor  could  it  one  day  be  said  that  we  left  them  in 
the  dark  on  this  point.  It  were  even  to  be  wished  that 
this  declaration  should  be  made  whilst  New  York, 
Charleston,  and  Penobscot  are  in  the  enemy's  hands  ; 
our  allies  will  be  less  tractable  than  ever  upon  these 
points  whenever  they  recover  these  important  ports. 
There  are  some  judicious  persons  to  whom  one  may 

speak  of  giving  up  the  fisheries  and  the* of  the 

West  for  the  sake  of  peace.  But  these  are  enthusiasts 
who  fly  out  at  this  idea,  and  their  numbers  cannot  fail 
increasing  when,  after  the  English  are  expelled  this 
continent,  the  burden  of  the  war  will  scarce  be  felt. 
It  is  already  observable  that  the  advocates  for  peace 
are  those  who  lived  in  the  country.  The  inhabitants 
of  towns  whom  commerce  enrkhes,  mechanics  who  re 
ceive  there  a  higher  pay  than  before  war,  and  5  or  6 
times  more  than  in  Europe,  do  not  wish  for  it;  but  it  is  a 
happy  circumstance  that  this  division  be  nearly  equal 
in  the  congress  and  among  the  states,  since  our  influ 
ence  can  incline  the  beam  either  for  peace  or  war  which 
ever  way  we  choose.  Another  means  of  preserving  to 
France  so  important  a  branch  of  her  commerce  and  ne- 

*  Supposed  Settlements,  or  Lands. 


the  same  time  towards  England,  so  as  not  en 
tirely  to  extinguish  her  hopes  of  a  reconcilia 
tion. 

"  I  long  to  see  you  and  my  country  once 
more  before  I  die,  being  ever,  my  dear  friend, 
yours  most  affectionately. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 

In  another  part  of  the  preceding  letter  to 
the  honourable  Robert  R.  Livingston,  Dr. 
Franklin  thus  notices  the  commencement  of 
the  negotiation  ordered  by  congress  to  be 
opened  with  the  court  of  Sweden. 

"  As  soon  as  I  received  the  commission  and 
instructions  for  treating  with  Sweden,  I  wait 
ed  on  its  ambassador  here  ;  who  told  me,  he 
daily  expected  a  courier  on  that  subject.  Yes 
terday  he  wrote  a  note  to  acquaint  me,  that 
he  would  call  on  me  to-day,  having  something 
to  communicate.  Being  obliged  to  go  to  Pa 
ris,  I  waited  on  him,  when  he  showed  me  the 
full  powers  he  had  just  received,  and  I  showed 


gotiation,  is  that  proposed  to  you,  sir,  by  M 

viz.  the  conquest  of  Cape  Breton  ;  it  seems  to  me,  as  it 
does  to  that  minister,  the  only  sure  means  of  contain 
ing:  within  bounds,  when  peace  is  made,  those  swarms 
of  smugglers  who,  without  regard  to  treaties,  will  turn 
all  their  activity,  daring  spirit,  and  means  towards  the 
fisheries,  whose  undertakings  congress  will  not  perhaps 
have  the  power  or  the  will  to  repress.  If  it  be  appre 
hended,  that  the  peace  which  is  to  put  an  end  to  the 
present  war  will  prove  disagreeable  to  any  of  the 
United  States,  there  appears  to  me  a  certain  method 
of  guarding  against  the  effects  of  this  discontent,  of 
preventing  the  declarations  of  some  states  and  other 
resources  which  turbulent  minds  might  employ  for 
availing  themselves  of  the  present  juncture.  This 
would  be  for  his  majesty  to  cause  a  memorial  to  be  de 
livered  to  congress,  wherein  should  be  stated  the  use 
made  by  his  ministers  of  the  powers  entrusted  to  them 
by  that  assembly ;  and  the  impediments  which  may 
have  stood  in  the  way  of  a  fuller  satisfaction  on  every 
point.  This  step  would  certainly  be  pleasing  to  con 
gress  ;  and  should  it  become  necessary  to  inform  the 
people  of  this  memorial,  it  could  easily  be  done;  they 
would  be  flattered  by  it,  and  it  might  probably  beget 
the  voice  and  concurrence  of  the  public.  I  submit  these 
thoughts  to  you  early,  and  although  peace  appears  yet 
to  be  distant,  sir,  by  reason  of  delays  and  difficulties 
attending  the  communications,  that  period  will  be  a 
crisis  when  the  partizans  of  France  and  England  will 
openly  appear,  and  when  that  power  will  employ  every 
means  to  diminish  our  influence;  and  re-establish  her 
own;  it  is  true,  the  independent  party  will  always 
stand  in  great  want  of  our  support,  that  the  fears  and 
jealousies  which  a  remembrance  of  the  former  govern 
ment  will  always  produce,  must  operate  as  the  safe 
guard  to  our  alliance,  and  as  a  security  for  the  attach 
ment  of  the  Americans  to  us.  But  it  is  best  to  be  pre 
pared  for  any  discontent,  although  it  should  be  but 
temporary.  It  is  remarked  by  some,  that  as  England 
has  other  fisheries  besides  Newfoundland,  she  may  per 
haps  endeavour  that  the  Americans  should  partake  in 
that  of  the  Great  Bank,  in  order  to  conciliate  their  af 
fection,  or  procure  them  some  compensation,  or  create 
a  subject  of  jealousy  between  them  and  us;  but  it  does 
not  seem  likely  that  she  will  act  so  contrary  to  their 
true  interest,  and  were  she  to  do  so,  it  will  be  for  the 
better  to  have  declared  at  an  early  period  to  the  Amen 
cans,  that  their  pretension  is  not  founded,  and  that  his 
majesty  does  not  mean  to  support  it. 

I  here  inclose,  sir,  translations  of  the  speech  made 
by  the  governor  of  South  Carolina  to  the  assembly,  and 
of  their  answer.  These  interesting  productions  con 
vey  in  a  forcible  manner  the  sentiments  of  the  in 
habitants  of  that  state,  and  appeared  to  me  worth  com 
municating  to  you. 

I  am,  &c. 

(Signed)  BARBE  DE  MARBOIS. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


167 


him  mine.  We  agreed  to  meet  on  Wednes 
day  next,  exchange  copies,  and  proceed  to  bu 
siness.  His  commission  has  some  polite  ex 
pressions  in  it ;  viz.  '  That  his  majesty  though 
it  for  the  good  of  his  subjects  to  enter  into  a 
treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  with  the 
United  States  of  America,  who  had  establish 
ed  their  independence,  so  justly  merited  by 
their  courage  and  constancy,'  or  to  that  effect 
I  imagine  this  treaty  will  soon  be  completed. 

This  actually  took  place  about  four  months 
afterwards,  (April  3d,  1783,)  when  a  treaty  ol 
amity  and  commerce  between  the  Unitet 
States  of  America  and  Sweden,  was  conclud 
ed  and  signed  by  the  respective  plenipoten 
tiaries,  Dr.  Franklin  and  the  count  de  Krutz 

Not  long  after  this  transaction,  Dr.  Frank 
lin  received  the  following  letter  from  the 
Swedish  charge  d'affaires,  afterwards  ambas 
sador  at  the  court  of  France,  (baron  de  Stacl) 
announcing  the  reception  from  his  court  of  the 
ratification  of  the  treaty,  and  renewing  the 
request  made  by  the  late  ambassador,  count 
de  Krutz,  (intended  no  doubt  as  a  complimenl 
to  Dr.  Franklin,)  relative  to  Mr.  Franklin 
being  appointed  by  congress,  resident  minis 
ter  at  the  court  of  Sweden  ;  where  the  count 
then  held  the  situation  of  prime  minister. 

*  "  A  son  Excellence  M.  Franklin. 

"  PARIS,  le  13  Juin,  1783. 

"  MONSIEUR, — Je  viens  de  recevoir  la  rati 
fication  de  sa  majeste,  du  traite  de  commerce 
conclu  avec  les  Etats  Unis ;  laquelle  j'aurai 
1'honneur  de  vous  remettre  aussitot  qu'elle 
pourra  etre  echangee  centre  celle  du  congres. 

"  Permettez,  monsieur,  que  je  vous  repete 
a  cette  occasion,  la  demande  que  Mons.  1'am- 
bassadeur  (le  comte  de  Krutz)  vous  a  faite,  au 
sujet  de  monsieur  Franklin,  votre  petit-Jils. 
II  a  eu  1'honneur  de  vous  dire,  que  le  Roi 
verroit  avec  plaisir  resider  aupres  de  lui,  en 
qualite  de  ministre  du  congres,  une  personne 
qui  porte  votre  nom ;  et  y  joint  des  qualities 
aussi  estimables  que  le  jeune  M.  Franklin. 
Avant  de  partir,f  il  m'a  charge  de  vous  repe- 

TRANSLATION. 
*  To  his  Excellency  Mr.  Franklin. 

SIR,— I  have  received  the  ratification  from  his  ma 
jesty,  of  the  treaty  of  commerce  concluded  with  the 
United  States,  which  I  shall  have  the  power  of  trans 
mitting  to  you  as  soon  as  it  can  be  exchanged  for  that 
of  the  Congress. 

Permit  me,  sir,  to  repeat  to  you  on  this  occasion,  the 
request  that  the  ambassador  (count  de  Krutz)  made  to 
you,  on  the  subject  of  Mr.  Franklin,  your  grandson,  he 
has  had  the  honour  to  say  to  you,  that  the  king  will 
see  with  pleasure  reside  near  him,  in  quality  of  minis 
ter  of  the  congress,  a  person  who  bears  your  name,  and 
joins  thereto,  qualities  so  estimable  as  the  young  Mr. 
Franklin.  Before  parting,  he  has  charged  me  to  repeat 
to  you  the  same  assurance ;  and  permit  me  to  add  my 
own  wishes,  for  the  success  of  this  affair. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the  most  perfect  esteem, 
and  inviolable  attachment,  sir,  &c. 

BARON  DE  STAEL. 

(fde  Paris.) 


ter  la  meme  assurance  ;  et  vous  me  permet- 
trez  d'y  ajouter  les  voeux  que  je  fais  en  mon 
particulier,  pour  la  reussite  de  cette  affaire. 
"  J'ai  1'honnenr  d'etre  avec  1'estime  et  1'at- 
tachement  les  plus  parfaits  et  inviolables,  mon 
sieur,  «fec.  LE  BARON  DE  STAEL." 

Dr.  Franklin  shortly  after  communicated 
this  request  to  the  American  secretary  for  fo 
reign  affairs  (R.  R.  Livingston,  esquire)  in 
his  official  despatch  of  the  22d  July,  1783,  as 
follows : — 

****** 

"  You  mention  that  an  entire  new  ar 
rangement  with  respect  to  foreign  affairs,  is 
under  consideration.  I  wish  to  know,  whe 
ther  any  notice  is  likely  to  be  taken  in  it  of 
my  grandson.  He  has  now  gone  through  an 
apprenticeship  of  near  seven  years  in  the 
ministerial  business,  and  is  very  capable  of 
serving  the  States  in  that  line,  as  possessing 
all  the  requisites  of  knowledge,  zeal,  activity, 
language,  and  address.  He  is  well  liked  here, 
and  count  de  Vergennes  has  expressed  to  me 
in  warm  terms  his  very  good  opinion  of  him. 
The  late  Swedish  ambassador,  count  de 
Krutz,  who  is  gone  home  to  be  prime  minis 
ter,  desired  I  would  endeavour  to  procure  his 
being  sent  to  Sweden  with  a  public  character, 
assuring  me  that  he  should  be  glad  to  receive 
him  there  as  our  minister,  and  that  he  knew 
it  would  be  pleasing  to  the  king.  The  pre 
sent  Swedish  ambassador  has  also  proposed  the 
same  thing  to  me,  as  you  will  see  by  a  letter 
of  his,  which  I  inclose.  One  of  the  Danish 
ministers,  Mr.  Waltersdorff,  who  will  proba 
bly  be  sent  in  a  public  character  to  congress, 
has  also  expressed  his  wish  that  my  grandson 
may  be  sent  to  Denmark.  But  it  is  not  my 
custom  to  solicit  employments  for  myself  or 
any  of  my  family,  and  I  shall  not  do  it  in  this 
case.  I  only  hope,  that  if  he  is  not  employed 
in  your  new  arrangement,  I  may  be  informed 
of  it  as  soon  as  possible ;  that  while  I  have 
strength  left  for  it,  I  may  accompany  him  in 
a  tour  to  Italy,  returning  through  Germany, 
which  I  think  he  may  make  to  more  advan 
tage  with  me  than  alone,  and  which  I  have 
long  promised  to  afford  him,  as  a  reward  for 
lis  faithful  service,  and  his  tender  filial  at- 
achment  to  me." 

These  intimations  from  foreign  courts,  and 
his  honourable  and  satisfactory  testimony 
from  one  who  had  rendered  the  most  eminent 
services  to  his  country,  were  unnoticed  by 
he  American  government;  they  are,  how 
ever,  no  mean  consolation  to  the  object  of 
them. 

Shortly  after  signing  the  preliminary  arti 
cles  of  peace  with  Great  Britain,  Mr.  Oswald's 
functions  ceased ;  and  a  change  in  administrat 
ion  taking  place,  David  Hartley,  esq.  was 
ippointed  minister  plenipotentiary,  and  re- 


168 


MEMOIRS  OF 


paired  to  Paris,  invested,  as  expressed  in  his 
commission,  with  full  powers  there  to  meel 
and  confer  with  the  ministers  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  duly  authorised,  for  the 
purpose  of  perfecting  and  establishing-  the 
peace,  friendship,  and  good  understanding1  so 
happily  commenced;  and  for  opening,  pro 
moting,  and  rendering  perpetual,  the  mutual 
intercourse  of  trade  and  commerce  between 
the  British  dominions  and  the  United  States 
of  America. 

Several  private  communications  had  taken 
place  relative  to  these  objects,  between  Dr. 
Franklin  and  Mr.  Hartley,  previous  to  the 
latter  receiving  his  appointment ;  these,  toge 
ther  with  the  subsequent  propositions  and  va 
rious  transactions  that  occurred,  after  the 
respective  plenipotentiaries  had  exchanged 
their  full  powers,  will  be  seen  in  the  PRIVATE 
CORRESPONDENCE.  Those  with  Mr.  Hartley 
proceeded  very  slowly,  owing  principally  to 
his  conceiving  it  necessary  to  send  every  pro 
position,  either  of  his  own  or  the  American 
ministers,  to  his  court  for  their  approbation, 
and  their  delay  in  answering.  Eventually,  the 
English  ministry  would  not  agree  to  any  of 
the  propositions  that  had  been  made  on  either 
side ;  and  sent  over  a  project  for  the  defini 
tive  treaty,  consisting  merely  of  the  prelimi 
naries  formerly  signed,  with  a  short  intro 
ductory  paragraph,  and  an  article  at  the  con 
clusion,  confirming  and  ratifying  the  said 
articles. 

Finding  nothing  could  be  detennined  upon 
at  that  time  with  respect  to  commercial  regu 
lations,  the  American  ministers,  in  order  to 
terminate  the  affair,  agreed  to  sign  the  plan 
offered  them  by  Mr.  Hartley,  as  the  defini 
tive  treaty ;  which  accordingly  took  place  at 
Paris,  on  the  3d  of  Sept  1783. 

This  business  being  accomplished,  and  Dr. 
Franklin  not  receiving  any  answer  whatever 
from  congress  to  his  repeated  official  applica 
tions  to  be  recalled ;  and  his  anxiety  to  return 
home  increasing  with  his  age  and  infirmities, 
he  addressed  a  private  request  to  the  same 
effect  to  his  friend  general  Mifflin,  then  pre 
sident  of  congress,  in  order,  through  his  in 
terposition  and  influence,  to  obtain  the  wish- 
ed-fbr  object.  The  following  is  a  copy  of  that 
letter:— 

"  To  his  Excellency  Thomas  Mifflin,  presi 
dent  of  Congress. 

(Private.) 

"  PASSY,  Dec.  26, 1783. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  congratulate  you  very  sin 
cerely  on  your  appointment  to  that  very  ho 
nourable  station,  the  presidency  of  congress. 
Every  testimony  you  receive  of  the  public 
sense  of  your  services  and  talents,  gives  me 
pleasure. 

"  I  have  written  to  you  a  long  letter  on  bu 
siness,  in  my  quality  of  minister.  This  is  a 


private  letter,  respecting  my  personal  con 
cerns,  which  I  presume  to  trouble  you  with 
on  the  score  of  our  ancient  friendship. 

"  In  a  letter  of  the  12th  of  March,  1781, 1 
stated  my  age  and  infirmities  to  the  congress, 
and  requested  they  would  be  pleased  to  recall 
me,  that  I  might  enjoy  the  little  left  me  of 
the  evening  of  life  in  repose,  and  in  the  sweet 
society  of  my  friends  and  family.  I  was  an 
swered  by  the  then  president,  that  when 
peace  should  be  made,  if  I  persisted  in  the 
same  request,  it  should  be  granted.  I  acqui 
esced  ;  the  preliminaries  were  signed  in  No 
vember,  1782,  and  I  then  repeated  my  peti 
tion.  A  year  is  past,  and  I  have  no  answer. 
Undoubtedly,  if  the  congress  should  think  my 
continuing  here  necessary  for  the  public  ser 
vice,  I  ought  as  a  good  citizen  to  submit  to 
their  judgment  and  pleasure;  but  as  they 
may  easily  supply  my  place  to  advantage, 
that  cannot  be  the  case ;  I  suppose,  therefore, 
that  it  is  merely  the  multiplicity  of  more  im 
portant  affairs,  that  has  put  my  request  out 
of  their  mind.  What  I  would  then  desire  of 
you  is,  to  put  this  matter  in  train  to  be  moved 
and  answered  as  soon  as  possible,  that  I  may 
arrange  my  affairs  accordingly. 

"  In  the  first  letter  above  mentioned,  to  which 
I  beg  leave  to  refer  you,  I  gave  a  character 
of  my  grandson,  William  Temple  Franklin, 
and  solicited  for  him  the  favour  and  protec 
tion  of  congress.  I  have  nothing  to  abate  of 
that  character ;  on  the  contrary,  I  think  him 
so  much  improved  as  to  be  capable  of  execut 
ing  with  credit  to  himself  and  advantage  to 
the  public,  any  employment  in  Europe  the 
congress  may  think  fit  to  honour  him  with. 
He  has  been  seven  years  in  the  service,  and 
is  much  esteemed  by  all  that  know  him,  par 
ticularly  by  the  minister  here,  who,  since  my 
new  disorder,  (the  stone,)  makes  my  going  to 
Versailles  inconvenient  to  me,  transacts  our 
business  with  him  in  the  most  obliging  and 
friendly  manner.  It  is  natural  for  me,  who 
love  him,  to  wish  to  see  him  settled  before  I 
die,  in  some  employ  that  may  probably  be 
permanent ;  and  I  hope  you  will  be  so  good  to 
me,  as  to  get  that  affair  likewise  moved  and 
carried  through  in  his  favour.  He  has,  I 
think,  this  additional  merit  to  plead,  that  he 
has  served  in  my  office  as  secretary  several 
years,  for  the  small  salary  of  300  louis  a  year, 
while  the  congress  gave  1000  a  year  to  the 
secretaries  of  other  ministers,  who  had  not 
half  the  employ  for  a  secretary  that  I  had. 
For  it  was  long  before  a  consul  was  sent  here, 
and  we  had  all  that  business  on  our  hands, 
with  a  great  deal  of  admiralty  business  in  ex 
amining  and  condemning  captures  taken  by 
our  cruisers,  and  by  the  French  cruisers  un 
der  American  commissions;  besides  the  con 
stant  attendance  in  examining  and  recording 
the  acceptances  of  the  congress  bills  of  ex 
change,  which  has  been,  from  the  immense 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


number,  very  fatiguing;  with  many  other  ex 
tra  affairs,  not  usually  occurring  to  other  min 
isters,  such  as  the  care  of  the  prisoners  in 
England,  and  the  constant  correspondence 
relating  to  them,  in  all  which  he  served  me 
as  secretary,  with  the  assistance  only  of  a 
clerk  at  low  wages,  (fifty  louis  a  year,)  so 
that  the  saving  has  been  very  considerable  to 
the  public." 

****** 

Some  months  after  this,  Dr.  Franklin  again 
repeated  the  same  earnest  requests,  to  his 
friends  and  former  colleagues,  Mr.  Jay  and 
Mr.  Laurens,  then  on  the  point  of  returning 
to  the  United  States  with  their  families. 

To  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Jay  he  thus  writes  : 

"  PASSY,  May  13,  1784. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIENDS,  —  I  find  I  shall  not  be 
able  to  see  you  again  as  I  intended.  My  best 
wishes,  however,  go  with  you,  that  you  may 
have  a  prosperous  voyage  and  a  happy  sight 
of  your  friends  and  families. 

"  Mr.  Jay  was  so  kind  as  to  offer  his  friend 
ly  services  to  me  in  America.  He  will  oblige 
me  much  by  endeavouring  to  forward  my  dis 
charge  from  this  employment.  Repose  is 
now  my  only  ambition.  —  If  too  he  should  think 
with  me,  that  my  grandson  is  qualified  to 
serve  the  States  as  secretary  to  a  future  minis 
ter  at  this  court,  or  as  charge  des  affaires,  and 
will  be  kind  enough  to  recommend  such  an 
appointment,  it  will  exceedingly  oblige  me. 
I  have  twice  mentioned  this  in  my  letter  to 
congress,  but  have  not  been  favoured  with 
any  answer  ;  which  is  hard,  because  the  sus 
pense  prevents  my  endeavouring  to  promote 
him  in  some  other  way.  I  would  not  how 
ever  be  importunate  ;  and  therefore  if  Mr. 
Jay  should  use  his  interest  without  effect,  I 
will  trouble  them  no  more  on  the  subject. 
My  grandson's  acquaintance  with  the  lan 
guage,  with  the  court,  and  customs  here,  and 
the  particular  regard  monsieur  de  Vergennes 
has  for  him,  are  circumstances  in  his  favour. 

"God  bless  and  protect  you  both.  Em 
brace  my  little  friend  for  me,  and  believe  me 
ever  yours,  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

To  Mr.  Laurens  he  writes  thus  : 

"  PASSY,  May  13,  1784. 


-  "  I  am  sorry  for  the  numerous  disap 
pointments  you  have  lately  met  with.  The 
world,  it  is  true,  is  full  of  disappointments, 
but  they  are  not  equally  divided,  and  you  have 
had  more  than  your  share. 

"  The  ratifications  of  the  definitive  treaty 
are  now  exchanged  ;  but  Mr.  Hartley  waits 
for  instructions  respecting  a  treaty  of  com 
merce,  which,  from  what  you  observe,  may 
probably  never  arrive.  I  shall  however  be 
glad  to  receive  what  you  are  so  good  as  to 

VOL.I....Y  15 


promise  me,  your  thoughts  on  the  subject  of 
such  a  treaty. 

"You  have  been  so  kind  as  to  offer  me 
your  friendly  services  in  America.  You  will 
oblige  me  greatly  in  forwarding  my  dismis 
sion  from  this  employment,  for  I  long  much 
to  be  at  home :  and  if  you  should  think  my 
grandson  qualified  to  serve  the  States  as 
secretary  to  my  successor,  or  charg£  des  af 
faires  till  a  successor  arrives,  I  shall  thank  you 
for  recommending  him.  His  knowledge  of 
this  court,  and  acquaintance  with  the  lan 
guage  ;  and  the  esteem  the  minister  has  for 
him,  are  circumstances  in  his  favour :  his  long 
experience  in  the  business  here  is  another,  he 
having  served  an  apprenticeship  to  it  for  more 
than  seven  years.  His  intelligence,  discre 
tion,  and  address,  you  can  judge  better  tlian 
myself,  who  may  be  partial.  His  fidelity  and 
exactitude  in  performing  his  duty,  1  can  an 
swer  for. 

"My  best  wishes  attend  you,  your  very 
valuable  son,  and  amiable  daughter.  God 
bless  you  all,  and  give  you  a  good  voyage,  and 
a  happy  meeting  with  your  friends,  with  long 
life,  health,  and  prosperity,  is  the  sincere 
prayer  of  your  affectionate,  humble  servant, 
«B.  FRANKLIN." 

Dr.  Franklin,  as  will  have  been  previously 
seen,  occasionally  kept  a  private  journal.  The 
following  extracts  from  one  kept  about  this 
time,  may  not  be  found  void  of  interest. 

Private  Journal. 

PASSY,  June  26,  1784. 

Mr.  Waltersdorff  called  on  me,  and  ac 
quainted  me  with  a  duel  that  had  been  fought 
yesterday  morning,  between  a  French  officer,* 
and  a  Swedish  gentleman  of  that  king's  suite, 
in  which  the  latter  was  killed  on  the  spot,  and 
the  other  dangerously  wounded : — that  the 
king  does  not  resent  it,  as  he  think?  his  sub 
ject  was  in  the  wrong. 

He  asked  me  if  I  had  seen  the  king  of 
Sweden? — I  had  not  yet  had  that  honour. 
He  said  his  behaviour  here  was  not  liked  : 
that  he  took  little  notice  of  his  own  ambassa 
dor,  who  being  acquainted  with  the  usages  of 
this  court,  was  capable  of  advising  him,  but 
was  not  consulted.  That  he  was  always 
talking  of  himself,  and  vainly  boasting  of  his 
revolution,  though  it  was  known  to  have  been 
the  work  of  M.  de  Vergennes.  That  they 
began  to  be  tired  of  him  here,  and  wished 
him  gone,  but  he  proposed  staying  till  the 
12th  July.  That  he  had  now  laid  aside  his 
project  of  invading  Norway,  as  he  found  Den 
mark  had  made  preparations  to  receive  him. 
That  he  pretended  the  Danes  had  designed 
to  invade  Sweden,  though  it  was  a  known 
fact,  that  the  Danes  had  made  no  military 
preparations,  even  for  defence,  till  six  months 
after  his  began.  I  asked  if  it  was  clear  that 

*  The  Count  de  la  Marck. 


170 


MEMOIRS  OF 


he  had  had  an  intention  to  invade  Norway 
He  said  that  the  marching  and  disposition  ol 
his  troops,  and  the  fortifications  he  had  erect 
ed,  indicated  it  very  plainly.  He  added,  tha 
Sweden  was  at  present  greatly  distressed  for 
provisions;  that  many  people  had  actually 
died  of  hunger !  That  it  was  reported  the 
king  came  here  to  borrow  money,  and  to  offer 
to  sell  Gottenburg  to  France;  a  thing  no 
very  probable. 

M.  Dessau  Ix  called,  and  said,  it  is  reported 
there  is  an  alliance  treating  between  the 
emperor  of  Austria,  Russia,  and  England  ;  the 
purpose  not  known ;  and  that  a  counter  alli 
ance  is  proposed  between  France,  Prussia, 
and  Holland,  in  which  it  is  supposed  Spain 
will  join.  He  added  that  changes  in  the 
ministry  are  talked  of;  that  there  are  cabals 
against  M.  de  Vergennes ;  that  M.  de  Calonne 
is  to  be  Garde  dos  8ceaux,  with  some  other 
rumours  fabricated  perhaps  at  the  Palais 
Royal. 

June  29.  Mr.  Hammond,  secretary  to  Mr. 
Hartley,  called  to  tell  me  that  Mr.  Hartley 
had  not  received  any  orders  by  the  last  courier, 
either  to  stay  or  return,  which  he  had  expect 
ed  ;  and  that  he  thought  it  occasioned  by  their 
uncertainty  what  terms  of  commerce  to  pro 
pose,  till  the  report  of  the  committee  of  coun 
cil  was  laid  before  parliament,  and  its  opinion 
known  ;  and  that  he  looked  on  the  delay  of 
writing  to  him  as  a  sign  of  their  intending  to 
do  something. 

He  told  me  it  was  reported  that  the  king 
of  Sweden  had  granted  the  free  use  of  Gotten 
burg  as  a  port  for  France,  which  alarmed  the 
neighbouring  powers.  That  in  time  of  war, 
the  northern  coast  of  England  might  be  much 
endangered  by  it. 

June  30th.  M.  Dupont,  inspector  of  com 
merce,  came  to  talk  with  me  about  the  free 
port  of  L'Orient,  and  some  difficulties  re 
specting  it ;  I  referred  him  to  Mr.  Barclay,  an 
American  merchant  and  commissioner  for  ac 
counts  ;  and  as  he  said  he  did  not  well  under 
stand  English  when  spoken,  and  Mr.  Barclay 
did  not  speak  French,  I  offered  my  grandson 
to  accompany  him  as  interpreter,  which  he 
accepted. 

I  asked  him  whether  the  Spaniards  from 
the  continent  of  America  did  not  trade  to  the 
French  Sugar  islands!  He  said  not.  The 
only  commerce  with  the  Spaniards  was  for 
cattle  between  them  and  the  French  at  St. 
Domingo.  I  had  been  told  the  Spaniards 
brought  flour  to  the  French  islands  from  the 
continent.  He  had  not  heard  of  it.  If  we 
can  find  that  such  a  trade  is  allowed  (perhaps 
from  the  Mississippi,)  have  not  the  United 
States  a  claim  by  treaty  to  the  same  privi 
lege  ? 

July  1st.  The  pope's  Nuncio  called  and  ac 
quainted  me  that  the  pope  had,  on  my  recom 
mendation,  appointed  Mr.  John  Carrol,  su 


perior  of  the  Catholic  clergy  in  America,  with 
many  of  the  powers  of  a  bishop ;  and  that 
probably  he  would  be  made  a  bishop  in  parti' 
bus  before  the  end  of  the  year.  He  asked 
me  which  would  be  most  convenient  for  him, 
to  come  to  France,  or  go  to  St.  Domingo  for 
ordination  by  another  bishop,  which  was  ne 
cessary.  I  mentioned  Quebec  as  more  con 
venient  than  either.  He  asked  whether,  as 
that  was  an  English  province,  our  govern 
ment  might  not  take  offence  at  his  going 
thither  ?  I  thought  not,  unless  the  ordination 
by  that  bishop  should  give  him  some  authority 
over  our  bishop :  he  said,  not  in  the  least : 
that  when  our  bishop  was  once  ordained  he 
would  be  independent  of  the  others,  and  even 
of  the  pope ;  which  I  did  not  clearly  under 
stand.  He  said  the  congregation  de  propa 
ganda  Jidei  had  agreed  to  receive  and  main 
tain  and  instruct  two  young  Americans  in  the 
languages  and  sciences  at  Rome :  (he  had 
formerly  told  me  that  more  would  be  educated 
gratis  in  France.)  He  added,  they  had 
written  from  America  that  there  are  twenty 
priests,  but  that  they  are  not  sufficient ;  as 
ihe  new  settlements  near  the  Mississippi  have 
need  of  some. 

The  Nuncio  said  we  should  find  that  the 
Catholics  wero  not  so  intolerant  as  they  had 
Deen  represented ;  that  the  inquisition  in 
Elome  had  not  now  so  much  power  as  that  in 
Spain ;  and  that  in  Spain  it  was  used  chiefly 
as  a  prison  of  state.  That  the  congregation 
would  have  undertaken  the  education  of  more 
American  youths,  and  may  hereafter,  but  that 
t  present  they  are  overburdened,  having  some 
from  all  parts  of  the  world.  He  spoke  lightly 
f  their  new  Bostonian  convert,  Thayer's  con- 
•ersion  :  that  he  had  advised  him  not  to  go  to 
America,  but  settle  in  France.  That  he 
wanted  to  go  to  convert  his  countrymen ;  but 
le  knew  nothino-  yet  of  his  new  religion  him 
self,  &c. 

Received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Bridgen  of  Lon 
don,  dated  the  22d  past,  acquainting  me  that 
he  council  of  the  Royal  Society  had  voted 
me  a  gold  medal,  on  account  of  my  letter  in 
avour  of  captain  Cooke.     Lord  Howe  had 
sent  me  his  Journal,  3  vols.  4to.,  with  a  large 
olume  of  engravings,  on  the  same  account, 
nd,  as  he  writes,  "  with  the  king's  appro 
bation" 

July  3.  Mr.  Smeathman  comes,  and  brings 
wo  English  or  Scotch  gentlemen :  one  a  che 
valier  of  some  order,  the  other  a  physician 
who  had  lived  long  in  Russia.  Much  con 
versation.  Putrid  fevers  common  in  Russia, 
and  in  winter  much  more  than  in  summer: 
therefore  supposed  to  be  owing  to  their  hot 
rooms.  In  a  gentleman's  house  there  are 
sometimes  one  hundred  domestics ;  these  have 
not  beds,  but  sleep  twenty  or  thirty  in  a  close 
room  warmed  by  a  stove,  lying  on  the  floor 
and  on  benches.  The  stoves  are  heated  by 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


171 


wood.  As  soon  as  it  is  burnt  to  coals,  the 
chimney  is  stopped,  to  prevent  the  escape  of 
hot,  and  entry  of  cold  air.  So  they  breathe 
the  same  air  over  and  over  again  all  night. 
These  fevers  he  cured  by  wrapping  the  pa 
tient  in  linen  wet  with  vinegar,  and  making 
them  breathe  the  vapour  of  vinegar  thrown 
on  hot  bricks.  The  Russians  have  the  art  of 
distilling  spirits  from  milk.  To  prepare  it  for 
distillation  it  must,  when  beginning  to  sour, 
be  kept  in  continual  motion  or  agitation  for 
twelve  hours;  it  then  becomes  an  uniform 
vinous  liquor,  the  cream,  curd,  and  aqueous 
part  or  whey,  all  intimately  mixed.  Excel 
lent  in  this  state  for  restoring  emaciated  bo 
dies.  This  operation  on  milk  was  discovered 
long  since  by  the  Tartars,  who,  in  their  ram 
bling  life  often  carry  milk  in  leather  bags  on 
their  horses,  and  the  motion  produced  the  ef 
fect.  It  may  be  tried  with  us  by  attaching  a 
large  bag  of  milk  to  some  part  of  one  of  our 


o 

mills. 


July  6.  Directed  Temple  Franklin,  who 
goes  to  court  to-day,  to  mention  three  things 
to  the  minister.  The  main  levee  of  the  ar 
rested  goods,  the  port  of  L'Orient,  and  the 
consular  convention;  which  he  did  with  ef 
fect. — The  port  is  fixed — and  the  convention 
preparing.  Hear  that  Gottenburg  is  to  be  a 
free  port  for  France,  where  they  may  assem 
ble  northern  stores,  &c. 

Mr.  Hammond  came  and  dined  with  me. 
He  acquaints  me,  from  Mr.  Hartley,  that  no 
instructions  are  yet  come  from  England. 

July  7.  A  very  hot  day.  Received  a  visit 
from  the  secretary  of  the  king  of  Sweden,  M. 
Franke,  accompanied  by  the  secretary  of  the 
embassy. 

July  8.  M.  Franke  dines  with  me,  in  com 
pany  with  Mde.  Helvetius,  abbe  de  la  Roche, 
M.  Cabanis,  and  an  American  captain.  The 
king  of  Sweden  does  not  go  to  England. 

July  10.  Mr.  Grand  came  to  propose  my 
dining  with  the  Swedish  court  at  his  house, 
which  is  next  door,  and  I  consented.  While 
he  was  with  me  the  consul  came.  We  talk 
ed  about  the  Barbary  powers;  they  are  four, 
Morocco,  Algiers,  Tunis,  and  Tripoli.  He 
informed  me  that  Salee,  the  principal  port 
belonging  to  the  emperor  of  Morofcco,  had  for 
merly  been  famous  for  corsairs.  That  this 
prince  had  discouraged  them,  and  in  1768, 
published  an  edict  declaring  himself  in  peace 
with  all  the  world,  and  forbid  their  cruising 
any  more,  appointing  him  consul  for  those 
Christian  states  who  had  none  in  his  country. 
That  Denmark  pays  him  25,000  piastres  for 
tes  yearly,  in  money ;  Sweden  is  engaged  to 
send  an  ambassador  every  two  years  with 
presents;  and  the  other  powers  buy  their 
peace  in  the  same  manner;  except  Spain  and 
the  Italian  States,  with  whom  they  have  con 
stant  war.  That  he  is  consul  for  Sardinia 
and  Prussia,  for  whom  he  procured  treaties 


of  peace.  That  he  proposed  a  peace  for  Rus 
sia;  but  that  the  emperor  having  heard  that 
Russia  was  going  to  war  with  his  brother,  the 
grand  seignior,  he  refused  it.  Mr.  Audibert 
Caille  (the  consul)  thinks  it  shameful  for 
Christendom  to  pay  tribute  to  such  canaille, 
and  proposes  two  ways  of  reducing  the  bar 
barians  to  peace  with  all  Europe,  and  obliging 
them  to  quit  their  piratical  practices.  They 
have  need  of  many  articles  from  Europe,  and 
of  a  vent  for  their  superfluous  commodities. 
If,  therefore,  all  Europe  would  agree  to  refuse 
any  commerce  with  them,  but  on  condition 
of  their  quitting  piracy,  and  such  an  agree 
ment  could  be  faithfully  observed  on  our  part, 
it  would  have  its  effect  upon  them.  But  if 
any  one  power  would  continue  the  trade  with 
them,  it  would  defeat  the  whole.  There  was 
another  method  he  had  projected,  and  com 
municated  in  a  memorial  to  the  court  here, 
by  Mr.  de  Rayneval;  which  was,  that  France 
should  undertake  to  suppress  their  piracies 
and  give  peace  to  all  Europe,  by  means  of  its 
influence  with  the  Porte :  for  all  the  people 
of  these  states  being  obliged  by  their  religion 
to  go  at  times  in  caravans  to  Mecca,  and  to 
pass  through  the  grand  seignior's  dominions, 
who  gives  them  escorts  of  troops  through  the 
desart,  to  prevent  their  being  plundered  and 
perhaps  massacred  by  the  Arabs,  he  could  re 
fuse  them  passage  and  protection,  but  on  con 
dition  of  their  living  peaceably  with  the  Eu 
ropeans,  &c.  He  spoke  of  Montgomery's 
transaction,  and  of  Crocco,  whom  he  under 
stands  was  authorised  by  the  court  The 
barbarians,  he  observed,  having  no  commer 
cial  ships  at  sea,  had  vastly  the  advantage  of 
the  Europeans ;  for  one  could  not  make  re 
prisals  on  their  trade.  And  it  has  long  been 
my  opinion,  that  if  the  European  nations,  who 
are  powerful  at  sea,  were  to  make  war  upon 
us  Americans,  it  would  be  better  for  us  to  re 
nounce  commerce  in  our  own  bottoms,  and 
convert  them  all  into  cruisers.  Other  na 
tions  would  furnish  us  with  what  we  wanted, 
and  take  off  our  produce.  He  promised  me  a 
note  of  the  commerce  of  Barbary,  and  we  are 
to  see  each  other  again,  as  he  is  to  stay  here 
a  month. 

Dined  at  Mr.  Grand's,  with  the  Swedish 
gentlemen.  They  were  Mons.  Losenstein, 
secretary  of  the  "embassy,  and  *****,  with 
whom  I  had  a  good  deal  of  conversation  re 
lating  to  the  commerce  possible  between  our 
two  countries.  I  found  they  had  seen  at 
Rome,  Charles  Stuart,  the  pretender:  they 
spoke  of  his  situation  as  very  hard :  that 
France,  who  had  formerly  allowed  him  a  pen 
sion,  had  withdrawn  it,  and  that  he  sometimes 
almost  wanted  bread ! 

July  11.  M.  Waltersdorff  called.  He  heard 
that  the  agreement  with  Sweden  respecting 
the  port  of  Gottenburg  is  not  likely  to  be  con 
cluded.  That  Sweden  wanted  an  island  in 


172 


MEMOIRS  OF 


the  West  Indies,  to  exchange.  I  think  she 
is  better  without  it 

July  13.  Messrs.  Mirabeau  and  Champfort 
came  and  read  their  translation  of  the  Ameri 
can  pamphlet  written  by  Mr.  ^Edanus  Burke 
of  South  Carolina,  against  the  Cincinnati, 
which  they  have  much  enlarged,  intending 
it  as  a  covered  satire  against  noblesse  in 
general.  It  is  well  done.  There  are  also 
remarks  on  the  last  letter  of  general  Wash 
ington  on  that  subject.  They  say  general 
I  Washington  missed  a  beau  moment,  when  he 
accepted  to  be  of  that  society,  which  some 
affect  to  call  an  order.  The  same  of  the 
marquis  de  la  Fayette. 

July  14.  Mr.  Hammond  calls  to  acquaint 
me  that  Mr.  Hartley  is  still  without  any  in 
structions  relating  to  the  treaty  of  commerce ; 
and  supposes  it  occasioned  by  their  attention 
to  the  India  bill.  I  said  to  him, — your  court 
and  this  seem  to  be  waiting  for  one  another, 
with  respect  to  the  American  trade  with  your 
respective  islands.  You  are  both  afraid  of 
doing  too  much  for  us,  and  yet  each  wishes 
to  do  a  little  more  than  the  other.  You  had 
better  have  accepted  our  generous  proposal 
at  first,  to  put  us  both  on  the  same  footing  of 
free  intercourse  that  existed  before  the  war. 
You  will  make  some  narrow  regulations,  and 
then  France  will  go  beyond  yon  in  generosity. 
You  never  see  your  follies  till  too  late  to  mend 
them. — He  said,  lord  Sheffield  was  continually 
exasperating  the  parliament  against  America. 
He  had  lately  been  publishing  an  account  of 
loyalists  murdered  there,  &c.  Probably  in 
vented. 

Thursday,  July  15.  The  duke  de  Chartres's 
balloon  went  off  this  morning  from  St.  Cloud, 
himself  and  three  others  in  the  gallery.  It 
was  foggy,  and  they  were  soon  out  of  sight. 
But  the  machine  being  disordered,  so  that  the 
trap  or  valve  could  not  be  opened  to  let  out 
the  expanding  air,  and  fearing  that  the  bal 
loon  would  burst,  they  cut  a  hole  in  it,  which 
ripped  larger,  and  they  fell  rapidly,  but  re 
ceived  no  harm.  They  had  been  a  vast 
height,  met  with  a  cloud  of  snow,  and  a  tor 
nado  which  frightened  them. 

Friday,  16.  Received  a  letter  from  two 
young  gentlemen  in  Ixmdon,  who  are  come 
from  America  for  ecclesiastical  orders,  and 
complain  that  they  have  been  delayed  there  a 
year,  and  that  the  archbishop  will  not  permit 
them  to  be  ordained,  unless  they  will  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance ;  and  desiring  to  know  if 
they  may  be  ordained  here.  Inquired  and 
learned,  that  if  ordained  here,  they  must  vow 
obedience  to  the  archbishop  of  Paris.  Di 
rected  my  grandson  to  ask  the  Nuncio,  if  their 
bishop  in  America  might  not  be  instructed  to 
do  it  literally  1 

Saturday,  17.  The  Nuncio  says  the  thing 
is  impossible,  unless  the  gentlemen  become 
Roman  Catholics.  Wrote  them  an  answer. 


Sunday,  18.  A  good  abbe  brings  me  a  large 
manuscript,  containing  a  scheme  of  reforma 
tion  of  all  churches  and  states,  religion,  com 
merce,  laws,  &c.,  which  he  has  planned  in 
his  closet,  without  much  knowledge  of  the 
world.  I  have  promised  to  look  it  over,  and 
he  is  to  call  next  Thursday.  It  is  amazing 
the  number  of  legislators  that  kindly  bring 
me  new  plans  for  governing  the  United 
States. 

Monday,  July  19.  Had  the  Americans  at 
dinner,  with  Mr.  White  and  Mr.  Arbuthnot 
from  England.  The  latter  was  an  officer  at 
Gibraltar  during  the  late  siege.  He  says  the 
Spaniards  might  have  taken  it ;  and  that  it  is 
now  a  place  of  no  value  to  England.  That 
its  supposed  use  as  a  port  for  a  fleet  to  pre 
vent  the  junction  of  the  Brest  and  Toulon 
squadrons,  is  chimerical.  That  while  the 
Spaniards  are  in  possession  of  Algeziras,  they 
can  with  their  gun-boats,  in  the  use  of  which 
they  are  grown  very  expert,  make  it  impossi 
ble  for  any  fleet  to  lie  there. 

Tuesday,  20.  My  grandson  went  to  court.. 
No  news  there,  except  that  the  Spanish  fleet 
against  Algiers  is  sailed.  Received  only  one 
American  letter  by  the  packet,  which  is  from 
the  college  of  Rhode  Island,  desiring  me  to 
solicit  benefactions  of  the  king,  which  I  can 
not  do,  for  reasons  which  I  shall  give  them. 
It  is  inconceivable  why  I  have  no  letters  frora 
congress.  The  treaties  with  Denmark,  Por 
tugal,  &c.  ail  neglected !  Mr.  Hartley  makes 
the  same  complaint.  He  is  still  without  or 
ders.  Mr.  Hammond  called  and  dined  with 
me;  says  Mr.  Pitt  begins  to  lose  his  popu 
larity  ;  his  new  taxes,  and  project  about  the 
navy  bills,  give  great  discontent.  He  has 
been  burnt  in  effigy  at  York.  His  East  India 
bill  is  not  likely  to  go  down ;  and  it  is  thought 
he  cannot  stand  long.  Mr.  Hammond  is  a. 
friend  of  Mr.  Fox ; — whose  friends,  that  have 
lost  their  places,  are  called  Fox's  Martyrs. 

Wednesday,  July  21.  Count  de  Haga  (the 
king  of  Sweden)  sends  his  card  to  take  leave. 
M.  Grand  tells  me  he  has  bought  here  my 
bust,  with  that  of  M.  D'Alembert  or  Diderot, 
to  take  with  him  to  Sweden.  He  set  out  last 
night. 

Thursday,  22.  Lord  Fitzmaurice,  son  of 
lord  Shelburne,  arrives;  brought  me  sundry 
letters  and  papers. 

He  thinks  Mr.  Pitt  in  danger  of  losing  his 
majority  in  the  house  of  commons,  though 
great  at  present ;  for  he  will  not  have  where 
withal  to  pay  them.  I  said,  that  governing 
by  a  parliament  which  must  be  bribed,  was 
employing  a  very  expensive  machine,  and 
that  the  people  of  England  would  in  time  find 
out,  though  they  had  not  yet,  that  since  the 
parliament  must  always  do  the  will  of  the 
minister,  and  be  paid  for  doing  it  and  the 
people  must  find  the  money  to  pay  them,  if. 
would  be  the  same  tiling  in  effect,  but  much 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


173 


cheaper,  to  be  governed  by  the  minister  at '  were  thus  interrupted  in  their  career  to  wealth 
first  hand,  without  a  parliament.     Those  pre-   and  spurious  fame ;  and  a  most  insolent  at 
tempt  to  impose  upon  the  human  understand 
ing1,  baffled. 

Sometime  after,  Dr.  Franklin,  in  a  letter  to 
his  friend,  Dr.  Ingenhausz,  thus  notices  the 


sent  seemed  to  think  the  reasoning  clear, 
Lord  Fitzmaurice  appears  a  sensible,  amiable 


young  man. 
Tuesday,  27. 


Lord  Fitzmaurice  called  to 


see  me.  His  father  having  requested  that  1 
would  give  him  such  instructive  hints  as 
might  be  useful  to  him,  I  occasionally  men 
tioned  the  old  story  of  Demosthenes'  answer 
to  one  who  demanded  what  was  the  first  point 
of  oratory  1  Action.  The  second  ]  Action. 
The  third]  Action:  which,  I  said,  had  been 
generally  understood  to  mean  the  action  of  an 
orator  with  his  hands,  &c.  in  speaking;  but 
that  I  thought  another  kind  of  action  of  more 
importance  to  an  orator,  who  would  persuade 
people  to  follow  his  advice,  viz.  such  a  course 
of  action  in  the  conduct  of  life,  as  would  im 
press  them  with  an  opinion  of  his  integrity, 
as  well  as  of  his  understanding.  That  this 
opinion  once  established,  all  the  difficulties, 
delays,  and  oppositions,  usually  occasioned  by 
doubts  and  suspicions,  were  prevented;  and 
such  a  man,  though  a  very  imperfect  speaker, 
would  almost  always  carry  his  points  against 
the  most  flourishing  orator,  who  had  not  the 
character  of  sincerity.  To  express  my  sense 
of  the  importance  of  a  good  private  character 
in  public  affairs  more  strongly,  I  said  the  ad 
vantage  of  having  it,  and  the  disadvantage  of 
not  having  it,  were  so  great,  that  I  even  be 
lieved  if  George  III.  had  had  a  bad  private 
character,  and  John  Wilkes  a  good  one,  the 
latter  might  have  turned  the  former  out  of  his 
kingdom.— Lord  Shelburne,  the  father  of  lord 
Fitzmaurice,  has  unfortunately  the  character 
of  being  insincere ;  and  it  has  hurt  much  of 
his  usefulness;  though  in  all  my  concerns 
with  him,  I  never  saw  any  instance  of  that 
kind. 

[This  Journal  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
continued  further  at  this  period ;  it  is  to  be 
regretted  that  it  is  not  more  extensive.] 

In  the  year  1764,  when  animal  magnetism 
made  considerable  noise  in  the  world,  particu 
larly  at  Paris,  it  was  thought  a  matter  of  such 
importance,  that  the  king  appointed  commis 
sioners  to  examine  into  the  foundation  of  this 
pretended  science.  Dr.  Franklin,  at  the  par 
ticular  request  of  his  majesty,  signified  to  him 


subject : — 

"  Mesmer  continues  here,  and  has  still  some 
adherents,  and  some  practice.  It  is  surprising 
how  much  credulity  still  subsists  in  the  world. 
I  suppose  all  the  physicians  in  France  put 
together,  have  not  made  so  much  money, 
during  the  time  he  has  been  here,  as  he  alone 
has  done !  And  we  have  now  a  fresh  folly. 
A  magnetiser  pretends,  that  he  can,  by  estab 
lishing  what  is  called  a  rapport  between  any 
person  and  a  somnambule,  put  it  in  the  power 
of  that  person  to  direct  the  actions  of  the 
somnambule  by  a  simple  strong  volition  only, 
without  speaking  or  making  any  signs;  and 
many  people  daily  flock  to  see  this  strange 
operation." 

The  important  ends  of  Dr.  Franklin's  mis 
sion  to  Europe  being  attained  by  the  establish 
ment  and  acknowledgment  of  American  inde 
pendence  ;  and  the  infirmities  of  age  and  dis 
ease  increasing  upon  him,  he  became  more 
and  more  desirous  of  being  relieved  from  his 
public  situation,  and  of  returning  to  his  native 
country.  Upon  a  renewed  application  to  con 
gress  to  be  recalled,  he  at  length  obtained  his 
request,  and  Mr.  Thomas  Jefferson  was  ap 
pointed  to  succeed  him;  a  more  able  and 
suitable  successor,  in  every  respect,  could  not 
have  been  found. 

The  following  letters  passed  on  this  occa 
sion,  between  Dr.  Franklin,  and  the  French 
minister  for  foreign  affairs. 

To  his  Excellency  Count  de  Vergennes. 
"  PASSY,  May  3,  1785. 

"  SIR, — 1  have  the  honour  to  acquaint  your 
excellency,  that  I  have  at  length  obtained, 
and  yesterday  received,  the  permission  of 
congress  to  return  to  America.  As  my  malady  ^ 
nakes  it  impracticable  for  me  to  pay  my 
levoirs  at  Versailles  personally,  may  I  beg 
;he  favour  of  you,  sir,  to  express  respectfully 
or  me  to  his  majesty,  the  deep  sense  I  have 
of  all  the  inestimable  benefits  his  goodness 
las  conferred  on  my  country;  a  sentiment 
hat  it  will  be  the  business  of  the  little  re- 


by  a  letter  from  the  minister,  consented  to  be    mainder  of  life  now  left  me,  to  impress  equal- 


one  of  the  number.  After  a  fair  and  diligent 
examination,  in  the  course  of  which,  doctor 
Delon,  a  pupil  and  partner  of  Mesmer,  repeat 
ed  a  number  of  experiments,  in  the  presence 
of  the  commissioners,  some  of  which  were 
tried  upon  themselves,  they  determined  that 
it  was  a  mere  trick,  intended  to  impose  on  the 
ignorant  and  credulous ;  and  gave  in  their  re 
port  accordingly  to  his  majesty;  which  was 
afterwards  published  for  the  information  of  the 
public.  Mesmer,  and  his  associate  Delon, 
15* 


ly  on  the  minds  of  all  my  countrymen.  My 
sincere  prayers  are,  that  God  may  shower 
down  his  blessings  on  the  king,  the  queen, 
their  children,  and  all  the  royal  family,  to  the 
latest  generations ! 

"  Permit  me,  at  the  same  time,  to  offer  you 
my  thankful  acknowledgments  for  the  protec 
tion  and  countenance  you  afforded  me  at  my 
arrival,  and  your  many  favours  during  my 
residence  here ;  of  which  I  shall  always  retain 
the  most  grateful  remembrance. 


174 


MEMOIRS  OF 


"  My  grandson  would  have  had  the  honour 
of  waiting  on  you  with  this  letter,  but  he  has 
been  some  time  ill  of  a  fever. 

"With  the  greatest  esteem  and  respect, 
and  best  wishes  for  the  constant  prosperity  of 
yourself,  and  all  your  amiable  family,  I  am, 
sir,  your  excellency's  most  obedient  and  most 
humble  servant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 

[Answer  to  the  foregoing.] 
* «'  A  son  Excellence  Monsieur  Franklin. 
"  A  VERSAILLES,  le  22  Mai,  1785. 

"  J'ai  appris  avec  beaucoup  de  peine,  mon 
sieur,  votre  retraite  et  votre  prochain  depart 
pour  1'Amerique.  Vous  ne  devez  pas  douter 
que  les  regrets  que  vous  laisserez,  ne  soient 
proportionnes  a  la  consideration  dont  vous 
jouissez  a  si  juste  titre.  Je  puis  vous  assurer, 
monsieur,  que  1'estime  que  le  roi  vous  pprte, 
ne  vous  laisse  rien  a  desirer,  et  que  sa  majeste 
apprendra  avec  une  veritable  satisfaction,  que 
vos  compatriotes  ont  recompense  d'une  ma- 
niere  digne  de  vous,  les  importans  services 
que  vous  leur  avez  rendus. 

"  Je  vous  prie,  monsieur,  de  me  conserver 
une  part  dans  votre  souvenir,  et  de  ne  jamais 
douter  de  la  sincerite  de  1'interet  que  je 
prends  a  votre  bonheur :  il  a  pour  principe  les 
sentimens  d'attachement  que  je  vous  ai  voues, 
et  avec  lesquels  j'ai  1'honneur  d'etre,  mon 
sieur,  votre  tres-humble  et  tres-obeissaiit  ser- 
viteur,  DE  VERGENNES." 

One  of  the  last  public  acts  of  Dr.  Franklin 
in  Europe,  as  plenipotentiary  from  congress, 
took  place  on  the  9th  of  July,  1785,  when  he 
concluded  and  signed  (jointly  with  other 
American  commissioners)  a  treaty  of  amity 
and  commerce  between  the  United  States  of 
America  and  the  king  of  Prussia.  This  treaty 
is  remarkable  as  containing  a  strong  and  last 
ing  testimony  of  Dr.  Franklin's  wonted  phi 
lanthropy.  In  it  was  introduced  for  the  first 
time,  (and,  to  the  disgrace  of  governments, 
perhaps  for  the  last)  that  benevolent  article 
against  the  molestation  of  the  persons  and 
property  of  unarmed  citizens  in  time  of  war ; 
and  against  privateering.  The  establishing 

TRANSLATION. 
*  To  his  Excellency  M.  Franklin. 

VERS.ULLES,  22d  May,  17S5. 

I  learn  with  great  pain,  sir,  of  your  resignation,  and 
that  you  are  about  to  return  to  America.  You  can 
have  no  doubt  of  the  regrets  which  your  departure  will 
produce  :  it  will  be  proportioned  to  that  consideration 
to  which  you  are  so  justly  entitled.  I  can  assure  you, 
sir,  that  the  esteem  which  the  king  bears  for  you,  is 
not  less  than  you  could  wish,  and  that  his  majesty  con 
templates  with  true  gratification,  that  your  country 
men  will  appreciate  in  a  manner  worthy  of  you,  the 
importance  of  the  services  which  you  have  rendered  to 
your  country. 

I  pray  you,  sir,  to  retain  for  me  a  place  in  your  re 
membrance,  and  never  to  doubt  the  sincerity  of  the 
interest  which  I  take  in  your  happiness:  it  is  in  the 
spirit  of  these  feelings  of  attachment  that  I  offer  you 
the  wishes  with  which  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir, 
your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant, 

DE  VERGENNES. 


of  this  principle  as  the  future  law  of  nations, 
was  a  favourite  object  of  Dr.  Franklin.  In 
the  beginning  of  the  year  1783,  he  formally 
proposed  the  same  to  the  British  government, 
through  the  medium  of  one  of  its  envoys,  as 
appears  by  his  letter  to  Mr.  Oswald  of  the 
14th  January,  1783,  to  which  is  subjoined  his 
motives  and  arguments  at  length,  in  favour 
of  this  improvement  of  the  law  of  nations. 
The  article  then  proposed  was  nearly  the 
same  as  that  which  he  afterwards  actually 
introduced,  and  constituted  as  part  of  the 
treaty  with  Prussia ;  it  runs  thus : 

ARTICLE  23. 

"  If  war  should  arise  between  the  two  contracting 
parties,  the  merchants  of  either  country  then  residing 
in  the  other,  shall  be  allowed  to  remain  nine  months, 
to  collect  their  debts  and  settle  their  affairs,  and  may 
depart  freely,  carrying  off  all  their  effects  without 
molestation  or  hindrance.  And  all  women  and  chil 
dren,  scholars  of  every  faculty,  cultivators  of  the  earth, 
artizans,  manufacturers,  and  fishermen,  unarmed,  and 
inhabiting  unfortified  towns,  villages,  and  places;  and 
in  general  all  others  whose  occupations  are  for  the. 
common  subsistence  and  benefit  of  mankind,  shall  be 
allowed  to  continue  their  respective  employments,  and 
shall  not  be  molested  in  their  persons;  nor  shall  their 
houses  or  goods  be  burnt  or  otherwise  destroyed,  nor 
their  fields  wasted  by  the  armed  force  of  the  enemy, 
into  whose  power,  by  the  events  of  the  war,  they  mar 
happen  to  fall :  but  if  any  thing  is  necessary  to  be 
taken  from  them  for  the  use  of  such  armed  force,  the 
same  shall  be  paid  for  at  a  reasonable  price.  And  all 
merchant  and  trading  vessels,  employed  in  exchanging 
the  products  of  different  places,  and  thereby  rendering 
the  necessaries,  conveniences,  and  comforts  of  human 
life,  more  easy  to  be  obtained,  and  more  general,  shall 
be  allowed  to  pass  free  and  unmolested  ;  and  neither 
of  the  contracting  powers  shall  grant  or  issue  any  com 
mission  to  any  private  armed  vessels,  empowering 
them  to  take  or  destroy  such  trading  vessels,  or  inter 
rupt  such  commerce."* 

During  Dr.  Franklin's  residence  in  France, 
notwithstanding  the  important  and  multifari 
ous  concerns  attending  his  public  situation, 
he  nevertheless  found  time  to  write  several 
papers  on  philosophical  and  other  subjects; 
which  will  appear  in  their  appropriate  places. 

A  few  days  before  he  left  Passy,  he  receiv 
ed  an  additional  proof  of  the  personal  esteem 
entertained  for  him  at  the  court  of  France,  by 
the  following  letter  from  the  marechal  due 
de  Castries,  the  mini«ter  of  the  marine. 

"  A  son  Excellence  M.  Franklin. 

"  VERSAILLES,  le  10  Juillet,  1785 
"  Je  n'ai  appris,  monsieur,  que  depuis  tres- 
peu  de  jours,  les  dispositions  que  vous  avez 
faites  pour  votre  depart.  Si  j'en  eusse  ete 
informe  plntot,  je  me  serois  empresse  a  pro 
poser  au  roi  de  destiner  une  frecrate  pour  vous 
transporter  dans  votre  patrie,  d'une  maniere 
a  lui  faire  connoitre  la  consideration  que  leg 
services  distingues  que  vous  avez  rendus  vous 

*This  Prussian  treaty,  entered  into  on  the  9th  July, 
1785,  to  continue  in  force  ten  years ;  a  new  treaty  was 
entered  into  the  llth  July,  1799;  in  which  the  humane 
clause  was  specially  abandoned,  upon  the  pretence  of 
"  the  article  respecting/ree  ships  making-  free  goods  not 
being  sufficiently  respected  during  the  two  last  wars  :" 
John  duincy  Adams  being  the  negotiator,  and  John 
Adams  being  president  of  the  United  States. 

Phila.  Edit. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


175 


ont  acquis  en  France,  et  les  bontes  particu- 
lieres  de  sa  majeste  pour  vous. 

"  Je  vous  prie,  monsieur,  d'agrter  mes  re 
grets,  et  une  nouvelle  assurance  de  la  plus  par- 
faite  consideration  avec  laquelle  j'ai  1'honneur 
d'etre,  monsieur,  votre  tres-humble  et  tres- 
obeissant  serviteur, 

"LE  MARL.  DE  CASTRIES."* 

The  infirmity  under  which  Dr.  Franklin 
laboured,  was  such,  that  he  could  not  support 
the  motion  of  a  carriage.     In  consequence, 
the  queen's  litter,  borne  by  Spanish  mules, 
was  kindly  offered  and  gratefully  accepted,  to 
convey  him  from  Passy  to  Havre-de-Grace, 
where  he  proposed  embarking.     In  this  easy 
vehicle  he  made  that  journey,  followed  by  his 
family  and  some  friends  in  carriages.     On 
the  road,  he  experienced  every  mark  of  res 
pect,  attention,  and  kindness,  from  several  of 
the  nobility  and  gentry  whose  chateaux  lay 
adjoining,  and  particularly  from  the  cardinal 
de  la  Rochefoucault,  at  Gaillon,  where  he 
passed  a  night  with  his  accompanying  friends 
and  attendants.     He  arrived  safe  at  Havre, 
without  having  experienced  any  material  in 
convenience  from  the  journey,  and  there  em 
barked  in  a  small  packet,  crossed  the  British 
channel,  and  landed  at  Southampton.     Here 
he  remained  a  few  days,  and  had  the  satisfac 
tion  of  seeing  his  son,  the  former  governor  of 
New  Jersey ;  and  receiving  the  visits  of  seve 
ral  of  his  English   friends.     Among   these 
were  the  bishop  of  Si.  Asaph  (Dr.  Shipley,) 
Mr.  Benjamin  Vaughan,  &c.  &c.     He  em 
barked  on  board  a  Philadelphia  ship  called  the 
London  Packet,  captain  Thomas  Truxton,  on 
the  27th  July,  and  after  a  prosperous  voyage 
arrived  at  Philadelphia  on  the  14th  Septem 
ber.    But  his  own  account  of  his  journey  from 
Passy,  to  Havre,  and  his  subsequent  voyage 
to  Southampton  and  thence  to  America,  as 
taken  from  his  pocket  journal,  may  not  per 


haps  be  entirely 
follows. 


void  of  interest.     It  is  as 


Private  Journal. 

"  Having  staid  in  France  about  eight  and  a 
half  years,  I  took  leave  of  the  court  and  my 


TRANSLATION. 
*  To  his  Excellency  Mr.  Franklin. 

VERSAILLES,  10  July,  1785. 

I  was  not  apprized,  sir,  until  within  a  few  hours,  of 
the  arrangements  which  you  have  made  for  your  de 
parture.  Had  I  been  informed  of  it  sooner,  I  should 
have  proposed  to  the  king  to  order  a  frigate  to  convey 
you  to  your  own  country,  in  a  manner  suitable  to  the 
known  importance  of  the  services  you  have  been  en 
gaged  in,  to  the  esteem  you  have  acquired  in  France, 
and  the  particular  esteem  which  his  majesty  entertains 
for  you. 

-.  pray  you,  sir,  to  accept  my  regrets  and  a  renewed 
assurance  of  the  most  entire  consideration,  with  which 
I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  your  very  humble  and 
very  obedient  servant, 

LE  MARECHAL  DE  CASTRIES. 


friends,  and  set  out  on  my  return  home,  July 
12,  1785,  leaving  Passy  with  rny  two  grand 
sons,  at  four  P.  M. ;  arrived  about  eight  at  St. 
Germains.  M.  de  Chaumont,  with  his  daugh 
ter  Sophia,  accompanied  us  to  Nantcrre.  M.  \e 
Veillard  will  continue  with  us  to  Havre.  We 
met  at  St.  Germains  the  Miss  Alexanders 
with  Mrs.  Williams  our  cousin,  who  had  pro 
vided  a  lodging  for  me  at  M.  Benoit's.  I 
found  that  the  motion  of  the  litter,  lent  me  by 
the  due  de  Coigny,  did  not  much  incommode 
me.  It  was  one  of  the  queen's,  carried  by 
two  very  large  mules,  the  muleteer  riding 
another ;  M.  le  Veillard  and  my  children  in  a 
carriage.  We  drank  tea  at  M.  Benoit's,  and 
went  early  to  bed. 

Wednesday,  July  13.  Breakfast  with  our 
friends,  take  leave  and  continue  our  journey, 
dine  at  a  good  inn  at  Meulan,  and  get  to  Man 
tes  in  the  evening.  A  messenger  from  the 
cardinal  de  Rochefoucault  meets  us  there, 
with  an  invitation  to  us  to  stop  at  his  house  at 
Gaillon  the  next  day,  acquainting  us  at  the 
same  time,  that  he  would  take  no  excuse,  for 
being  all-powerful  in  his  archbishopric,  he 
would  stop  us  nolens  volens  at  his  habitation, 
and  not  permit  us  to  lodge  any  where  else. 
We  consented.  Lodged  at  Mantes.  Found 
myself  very  little  fatigued  with  the  day's  jour 
ney,  the  mules  going  only  foot  pace. 

Thursday,  July  14.  Proceed  early,  and 
breakfasted  at  Vernon.  Received  a  visit 
there  from  vicomte  de  Tilly  and  his  comtesse. 
Arrive  at  the  cardinal's  without  dining,  about 
six  in  the  afternoon.  It  is  a  superb  ancient 
chateau,  built  about  three  hundred  and  fifty 
years  since,  but  in  fine  preservation,  on  an 
;levated  situation,  with  an  extensive  and 
beautiful  view  over  a  well  cultivated  country. 
The  cardinal  is  archbishop  of  Rouen.  A  long 
gallery  contains  the  pictures  of  all  his  prede 
cessors.  The  chapel  is  elegant  in  the  old 
style,  with  well-painted  glass  windows.  The 
terrace  magnificent  We  supped  early.  The 
entertainment  was  kind  and  cheerful.  We  were 
allowed  to  go  early  to  bed,  on  account  of  our 
intention  to  depart  early  in  the  morning.  The 
cardinal  pressed  us  to  pass  another  day  with 
him,  offering  to  amuse  us  with  hunting  in  his 
mrk :  but  the  necessity  we  are  under  of  be- 
ng  in  time  at  Havre,  would  not  permit  So 
we  took  leave  and  retired  to  rest  The  car 
dinal  is  much  respected  and  beloved  by  the 
)eople  of  this  country,  bearing  in  all  respects 
an  excellent  character. 

Friday,  July  15.  Set  out  about  five  in  the 
morning,  travelled  till  ten,  then  stopped  to 
Breakfast,  and  remained  in  the  inn  during  the 
heat  of  the  day.  We  had  heard  at  the  cardi 
nal's,  that  our  friend  Mr.  Holker  of  Rouen 
lad  been  out  as  far  as  Port  St.  Antoine  to  meet 
us ;  expecting  us  there  from  a  letter  of  M.  de 
Chaumont's.  Here  came  to  us  one  of  his  ser- 
rants,  who  was  sent  to  inquire  if  any  accident 


176 


MEMOIRS  OP 


had  happened  to  us  on  the  road,  and  was  or 
dered  to  proceed  till  he  got  intelligence.  He 
went  directly  back,  and  we  proceeded.  We 
passed  a  chain  of  chalk  mountains  very  high, 
with  strata  of  flints.  The  quantity  that  ap 
pears  to  have  been  washed  away  on  one  side 
of  these  mountains,  leaving  precipices  of 
three  hundred  feet  high,  gives  an  idea  of  ex 
treme  antiquity.  It  seems  as  if  done  by  the 
beating  of  the  sea.  We  got  to  Rouen  about 
five,  were  most  affectionately  received  by  Mr. 
and  Mrs.  Holker.  A  great  company  of  gen 
teel  people  at  supper,  which  was  our  dinner. 
The  chief  president  of  the  parliament  and  his 
lady  invite  us  to  dine  the  next  day ;  but  being 
pre-engaged  with  Mr.  Holker,  we  compound 
ed  for  drinking  tea.  We  lodge  all  at  Mr. 
Holker's. 

Saturday,  July  16.  A  deputation  from  the 
academy  of  Rouen  came  with  their  compli 
ments,  which  were  delivered  in  form,  and  a 
present  for  me  by  one  of  the  directors,  being 
a  magical  square,  which  I  think  he  said  ex 
pressed  my  name.  I  have  perused  it  since, 
but  do  not  comprehend  it.  The  duke  de  Cha- 
bot's  son,  lately  married  to  a  Montmorency, 
and  colonel  of  a  regiment  now  at  Rouen,  was 
present  at  the  ceremony,  being  just  come  in 
to  visit  me.  I  forgot  to  mention  that  I  saw 
with  pleasure  in  the  cardinal's  cabinet,  a  por 
trait  of  this  young  man's  grandmother,  ma- 
dame  la  duchesse  d'Enville,  who  had  always 
been  our  friend,  and  treated  us  with  great 
civilities  at  Paris ;  a  lady  of  uncommon  intelli 
gence  and  merit. 

I  received  here  also  a  present  of  books, 
3  vol.  4to.,  from  Dr. ,  with  a  very  po 
lite  letter,  which  I  answered. 

We  had  a  great  company  at  dinner ;  and  at 
six  went  in  a  chair  to  the  president's,  where 
were  assembled  some  gentlemen  of  the  robe. 
We  drank  tea  there,  awkwardly  made,  for 
want  of  practice,  very  littl  efcfreing  drunk  in 
France.  I  went  to  bed  earljr  but  my  com 
pany  supped  with  a  large  invited  party,  and 
were  entertained  with  excellent  singing. 

Sunday,  July  17.  Set  out  early.  Mr.  Holker 
accompanied  us  some  miles,  when  we  took  an 
affectionate  leave  of  each  other.  Dine  at 
Ivetot,  a  large  town,  and  arrive  at  Bolbec, 
being  the  longest  day's  journey  we  have 
yet  made.  It  is  a  market  town  of  considera 
ble  bigness,  and  seems  thriving ;  the  people 
well  clad,  and  appear  better  fed  than  those  of 
the  wine  countries.  A  linen  printer  here  of 
fered  to  remove  to  America,  but  I  did  not  en 
courage  him. 

Monday,  July  18.  Left  Bolbec,  about  ten 
o'clock,  and  arrive  at  Havre  at  five  P.  M., 
having  stopt  on  the  road  at  a  miserable  inn  to 
bait  We  were  very  kindly  received  by  M. 
and  Mde.  Ruellan.  The  governor  makes  us 
a  visit,  and  some  other  gentlemen. 

Tuesday,  July  19.     We  receive  visits  in 


form  from  the  intendant,  the  governor  or 
commandant,  the  officers  of  the  regiment  of 
Poitou  and  Picardy,  the  corps  of  engineers, 
and  M.  Limosin. 

M.  Limosin  proposes  several  vessels;  all 
very  dear.  We  wait  for  the  packet  from 
Southampton.  Dine  at  M.  Ruellan's,  where 
we  lodge.  Receive  the  affiliation  of  the 
lodge  at  Rouen. 

Wednesday,  July  20.  Return  the  visits. 
Receive  one  from  the  corps  de  marine  ;  and 
one  from  the  corps  d'artillerie.  M.  Houdon 
arrives  and  brings  me  letters.  Dine  at  M. 
Limosin's.  Present  M.  and  Mde.  le  Mesurier 
and  their  sister,  agreeable  people  of  Alderney 
(Auvigny.)  Kindly  entertained  by  M.  L.  and 
his  daughter.  Return  the  last  visits. 

The  packet-boat  arrives,  and  the  captain 
(Jennings)  calling  at  our  lodging,  we  agreed 
with  him  to  carry  us  and  the  baggage  we 
have  here  for  ten  guineas,  to  land  us  at 
Coioes.  We  are  to  depart  to-morrow  even 
ing. 

Thursday,  July  21.  We  had  another  visit 
from  M.  de  Villeneuve,  the  commandant,  in 
viting  us  to  dine  with  him  to-morrow  ;  but  in 
tending  to  go  off  this  evening,  we  could  not 
accept  that  honour. 

Dine  with  our  friendly  host  and  hostess. 
Madame  Feines,  madame  de  Clerval,  and  two 
other  ladies,  visit  M.  le  Veillard  with  several 
gentlemen. 

In  the  evening,  when  we  thought  we  were 
on  the  point  of  departing,  the  captain  of  the 
packet  comes  and  acquaints  us  that  the  wind 
is  right  against  us,  and  blows  so  hard,  that  it 
is  impossible  to  get  out,  and  we  give  up  the 
project  till  to-morrow. 

Friday,  July  22.  Breakfast  and  take  leave 
of  some  friends,  and  go  on  board  the  packet  at 
half  after  ten.  Wind  not  very  fair. 

Saturday,  July  23.  Buffet  all  night  against 
the  north  west  wind,  which  was  full  in  our 
teeth.  This  continued  till  two  o'clock  to 
day,  then  came  fair,  and  we  stand  our  course. 
At  seven  P.  M.  we  discover  land,  the  Isle  of 
Wight. 

Sunday,  July  24.  We  had  a  fair  wind  all 
night,  and  this  morning  at  seven  o'clock,  be 
ing  off  Cowes,  the  captain  represented  to  me 
the  difficulty  of  getting  in  there  against  the 
flood;  and  proposing  that  we  should  rather 
run  up  to  Southampton,  which  we  did,  and 
landed  there  between  eight  and  nine.  Met 
my  son,  who  had  arrived  from  London  the 
evening  before,  with  Mr.  Williams  and  Mr. 
J.  Alexander.  Wrote  a  letter  to  the  bishop 
of  St.  Asaph,  acquainting  him  with  my  ar 
rival,  and  he  came  with  his  lady  and  daugh 
ter,  Miss  Kitty,  after  dinner,  to  see  us ;  they 
talk  of  staying  here  as  long  as  we  do.  Our 
meeting  was  very  affectionate.  I  write  let 
ters  to  London,  viz.  to  Messrs.  W.  J.  M.  and 
Co.,  to  acquaint  them  with  our  arrival,  and 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


177 


desire  to  know  when  the  ship  will  sail,  and  to 
Mr.  Williams.  These  letters  went  by  post, 
before  we  knew  of  his  being  here.  Wrote 
also  to  Mr.  JB.  Vaughan. 

Monday,  July  25.  The  bishop  and  family 
lodging  in  the  same  inn,  the  Star,  we  all 
breakfast  and  dine  together.  I  went  at  noon 
to  bathe  in  Martin's  salt  water  hot  bath,  and 
floating  on  my  back,  fell  asleep,  and  slept 
near  an  hour  by  my  watch  without  sinking  or 
turning;  a  thing  I  never  did  before,  and  should 
hardly  have  thought  possible.  Water  is  the 
easiest  bed  that  can  be.  Read  over  the  writ 
ings  of  conveyance,  &c.  of  my  son's  lands  hi 
New  Jersey  and  New  York,  to  my  grandson. 
Write  to  M.  Ruellan,  M.  Limosin,  and  M. 
Holker,  and  M.  Grand.  Southampton  a  very 
neat  pretty  place.  The  two  French  gentle 
men,  our  friends,  much  pleased  with  it.  The 
bishop  gives  me  a  book  in  4to.  written  by  dean 
Paley,  and  the  family  dine  with  us.  Sundry 
friends  came  to  see  me  from  London,  by  one 
I  received  a  present  of  my  friend  Dr.  Fother- 
gill's  works,  from  Dr.  Lettsom ;  and  a  book 
on  finance  from  Mr.  Gale.  Mr.  Williams 
tells  me  the  ship  had  fallen  down  to  Graves- 
end  the  22d,  so  that  she  might  be  in  the 
Downs  the  24th,  and  possibly  here  to-morrow, 
that  is,  on  the  Mother  Bank,  which  we  can 
see  hence.  Mr.  Williams  brought  a  letter 
from  Mr.  Nepean,  secretary  to  lord  Town- 
send,  addressed  to  Mr.  Vaughan,  expressing, 
that  orders  would  be  sent  to  the  custom-house 
at  Cowes  not  to  trouble  our  baggage,  &c.  It 
is  still  here  on  board  the  packet  that  brought 
it  over.  Mr.  Alexander  takes  leave  for  Lon 
don  ;  write  by  him  to  Mr.  Jackson,  Dr.  Jef 
fries,  Dr.  Lettsom,  and  my  son-in-law  Bache, 
the  latter  to  be  sent  by  the  packet 

July  26.  Deeds  signed  between  W.  Frank 
lin  and  W.  T.  Franklin. 

Mr.  Williams  having  brought  sundry  ne 
cessaries  for  me,  goes  down  with  them  to 
Cowes,  to  be  ready  for  embarking.  Captain 
Jennings  carries  down  our  baggage  that  he 
brought  from  Havre.  My  dear  friend,  M.  le 
Veillard,  takes  leave  to  go  with  him.  Mr. 
Vaughan  arrives  from  London,  to  see  me. 


Wednesday,  July  27.  Give  a  power  to  my 
son  to  recover  what  may  be  due  to  me  from 
the  British  government  Hear  from  J.  Wil 
liams  that  the  ship  is  come. 

We  all  dine  once  more  with  the  bishop  and 
family,  who  kindly  accept  our  invitation  to  go 
on  board  with  us.  We  go  down  in  a  shallop 
to  the  ship.  The  captain  entertains  us  at 
supper.  The  company  stay  all  night 

Thursday,  July  28.  When  I  waked  in 
the  morning  found  the  company  gone,  and  the 
ship  under  sail." 

Nothing  material  occurred  during  the  pas 
sage  :  Dr.  Franklin  occupied  himself,  as  in 
former  voyages,  in  ascertaining  daily  the  tem 
perature  of  the  sea-water  by  the  thermome 
ter  ;  and  he  wrote  a  very  interesting  and  use 
ful  paper  on  "Improvements  in  Navigation" 
which  he  addressed  to  monsieur  Alphonse  le 
Roy,  at  Paris.  It  was  afterwards  read  in  the 
American  Philosophical  Society,  December  3, 
1785,  and  will  be  found  in  his  philosophical 
writings. 

The  foregoing  little  journal  concludes  thus: 

"  Tuesday,  Sept  13.  The  wind  springing 
fair  last  evening  after  a  calm,  we  found  our 
selves,  this  morning  at  sun-rising,  abreast  of 
the  light-house,  and  between  Capes  May  and 
Henlopen.  We  sail  into  the  bay  very  pleas 
antly;  water  smooth,  air  cool,  day  fair  and  fine. 

We  passed  Newcastle  about  sun-set,  and 
went  on  near  to  Redbank  before  the  tide  and 
wind  failed,  then  came  to  an  anchor. 

Wednesday,  Sept  14.  With  the  flood  in 
the  morning  came  a  light  breeze,  which 
brought  us  above  Gloucester  Point,  in  full 
view  of  dear  Philadelphia !  when  we  again 
cast  anchor  to  wait  for  a  health-officer,  who, 
having  made  his  visit,  and  finding  no  sickness, 
gave  us  leave  to  land.  My  son-in-law  came 
with  a  boat  for  us,  we  landed  at  Market  street 
wharf,  where  we  were  received  by  a  crowd 
of  people  with  huzzas,  and  accompanied  with 
acclamations  quite  to  my  door.  Found  my 
family  well. 

God  be  praised  and  thanked  for  all  his 
mercies !" 


VOL.  I 


MEMOIRS 


OF 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


PART  V. 


ON  the  arrival  of  Dr.  Franklin  in  Phila 
delphia,  he  was  received  amidst  the  accla 
mations  of  an  immense  number  of  the  in 
habitants,  who  flocked  from  all  parts  in  order 
to  see  him,  and  conducted  him  in  triumph  to 
his  own  house.  In  the  mean  time,  the  can 
non  and  the  bells  of  the  city  announced  the 
glad  tidings  to  the  neighbouring  country; 
and  he  was  waited  upon  by  the  congress,  the 
university,  and  all  the  principal  citizens,  who 
were  eager  to  testify  their  esteem  and  venera 
tion  for  his  character. 

His  entry  into  Philadelphia  resembled  a 
triumph ;  and  he  traversed  the  streets  of  that 
capital  amidst  the  benedictions  of  a  free  and 
grateful  people,  who  had  not  forgotten  his 
services. 

The  warriors  who  had  shed  their  blood 
for  an  independence,  insured  by  means  of  his 
sagacity,  were  eager  to  exhibit  to  him  their 
glorious  wounds.  He  was  surrounded  by  old 
men,  who  had  petitioned  Heaven  to  live  long 
enough  to  behold  his  return ;  and  by  a  new 
generation  eager  to  survey  the  features  of  a 
great  man,  whose  talents,  whose  services,  and 
whose  virtues,  had  excited  in  their  hearts  the 
first  raptures  of  enthusiasm.  Having  ad 
vanced  from  a  port,  henceforth  open  to  all 
nations,  to  a  city,  the  model  of  all  future  capi 
tals,  he  beheld  the  public  school  which  he  had 
founded, — in  a  state  of  splendour ;  and  saw 
the  hospital,  the  establishment  of  which  had 
been  one  of  his  first  services,  and  the  increase 
of  which  was  owing  to  his  foresight, — now 
fully  commensurate  to  all  his  wishes :  the 
latter  by  solacing  suffering  humanity  ;  the 
former  by  aiding  the  progress  of  reason.  He 
then  turned  his  eyes  towards  the  neighbour 
ing  country,  embellished  by  liberty,  in  which, 
in  the  midst  of  public  prosperity,  were  still  to 
be  seen  some  vestiges  of  the  ravages  of  the 


English ;  but  these  only  served  by  their  con 
trast  to  endear  still  more  the  pleasures  arising 
from  peace — and  victory  ! 

The  following  are  some  of  the  numerous 
congratulatory  addresses  presented  to  Dr. 
Franklin  on  his  return  : 


To  the  Honourable  Benjamin  Franklin.  Esq.,  L.  L.  D., 


"  The  representatives  of  the  freemen  of  the  common 
wealth  of  Pennsylvania,  in  general  assembly  met;  in 
the  most  affectionate  manner  congratulate  you  on  your 
safe  arrival  in  your  country,  after  so  long  an  absence 
on  the  most  important  business.  We  likewise  con 
gratulate  you  on  the  firm  establishment  of  the  inde 
pendence  of  America,  and  the  settlement  of  a  general 
peace,  after  the  interesting  struggle  in  which  we  were 
so  long  engaged. 

"  We  are  confident,  sir,  that  we  speak  the  sentiments 
of  this  whole  country,  when  we  say,  that  your  services, 
in  the  public  councils  and  negotiations,  have  not  only 
merited  the  thanks  of  the  present  generation,  but  will 
be  recorded  in  the  pages  of  history,  to  your  immortal 
honour.  And  it  is  particularly  pleasing  to  us,  that, 
while  we  are  sitting  as  members  of  the  assembly  of 
Pennsylvania,  we  have  the  happiness  of  welcoming 
into  the  state,  a  person  who  was  so  greatly  instru 
mental  in  forming  its  free  constitution. 

"  May  it  please  God  to  give  you  a  serene  and  peace 
ful  enjoyment  of  the  evening  of  life,  and  a  participa 
tion  of  that  happiness  you  have  been  so  instrumental 
in  securing  to  others. 

"Signed,  by  order  of  the  house, 

"  JOHN  BAYARD,  Speaker. 

"  Assembly  Chambers,  Sept.  15,  1785." 


"  Dr.  Franklin's  Reply. 

"  MR.  SPEAKER  AND  GENTLEMEN, — I  am  extremely 
happy  to  find  by  your  friendly  and  affectionate  address, 
that  my  endeavours  to  serve  our  country  in  the  late 
important  struggle,  have  met  with  the  approbation  of 
so  respectable  a  body  as  the  representatives  of  the  free 
men  of  Pennsylvania.  I  esteem  that  approbation  as 
one  of  the  greatest  honours  of  my  life.  I  hope  the 
peace  with  which  God  has  been  graciously  pleased  to 
bless  us  may  be  lasting,  and  that  the  free  constitution 
we  now  enjoy,  may  long  contribute  to  promote  our 
common  felicity-  The  kind  wishes  of  the  general  as 
sembly  for  my  particular  happiness  affect  me  very 
sensibly,  and  I  beg  they  would  accept  my  thankful  ac 
knowledgments."  ]_78 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


179 


"  To  the  Hon.  Benjamin  Franklin,  Esq.,  L.  L.  D., 

"  SIR, — It  is  with  peculiar  pleasure  that  the  American 
Philosophical  Society,  address  you  on  this  occasion. 

"  The  high  consideration  and  esteem  in  which  we 
hold  your  character,  so  intimately  combine  with  oui 
regard  for  the  public  welfare,  that  wo  participate  emi 
nently  in  the  general  satisfaction  which  your  return  t< 
America  produces. 

"  We  bid  you  welcome  to  your  native  country,  foi 
which  you  have  done  the  most  essential  services  : — ant 
we  welcome  you  to  this  chair,  your  occupying  of  which, 
as  President,  adds  to  our  institution  much  lustre  in  the 
eyes  of  the  world. 

"Sir,  it  reflects  honour  on  philosophy,  when  one  dis 
tinguished  by  his  deep  investigations,  and  many  valu 
able  improvements  in  it,  is  known  to  be  equally  dis 
tinjriiished  for  his  philanthropy,  patriotism,  and  liberal 
attachment  to  the  rights  of  human  nature. 

"  We  know  the  favourable  influence  that  freedom 
lias  upon  the  growth  of  sciences  and  arts.  We  derive 
•jucouragcrncnt  and  extraordinary  felicity  from  an  as 
semblage  of  recent  memorable  events. 

"And  while  wo  boast  in  a  most  pleasing  equality 
permanently  ascertained ;  and  that  independence  which 
you  had  so  great  a  share  in  establishing;  we  have  rea 
son  to  expect,  that  this  society  will  proceed  with  an 
increasing  success,  to  conduct  the  important  business 
for  which  they  originally  associated." 

The  President's  Answer. 

"  GENTLEMEN,— The  great  honour  done  me  by  the 
society,  in  choosing  me  so  many  years  successively 
their  president,  notwithstanding  my  absence  in  Europe, 
and  the  very  kind  welcome  they  are  pleased  to  give  me 
on  my  return,  demand  my  most  grateful  acknowledg 
ments  ;  which  I  beg  they  would  be  pleased  to  accept, 
with  my  warmest  wishes  of  success  to  their  laudable 
endeavours  for  the  promoting  of  useful  knowledge 
among  us,  to  which  I  shall  be  happy  if  I  can  in  any 
degree  contribute." 


"  To  the  Hon.  Benjamin  Franklin,  Esq.,  L.  L.  D.,  S^c. 

"  The  Address  of  the  Provost,  Vice-Provost,  and  Profes 
sors  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania. 

"  HONOURED  SIR, — The  Provost,  Vice-Provost,  and 
Professors  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  beg  leave 
to  congratulate  you  on  your  safe  arrival  in  your  native 
country,  after  having  accomplished  the  duties  of  your 
exalted  character  with  dignity  and  success. 

"  While  we  participate  in  the  general  happiness  of 
America,  to  the  establishment  of  which  your  political 
abilities  and  patriotic  exertions  have  so  signally  con 
tributed;  we  feel  a  particular  pleasure  in  paying  our 
acknowledgments  to  the  gentleman  who  first  project 
ed  the  liberal  plan  of  the  institution,  over  which  we 
have  the  honour  to  preside. 

"Not  contented  with  enriching  the  world  with  the 
most  important  discoveries  in  natural  philosophy,  your 
benevolence  and  liberality  of  sentiment  early  engaged 
you  to  make  provision  for  exciting  a  spirit  of  inquiry 
into  the  secret  operations  of  nature  ;  for  exalting  and 
refining  the  genius  of  America,  by  the  propagation  of 
useful  learning;  and  for  qualifying  many  of  her  sons 
to  make  that  illustrious  figure  which  has  commanded 
the  esteem  and  admiration  of  the  most  polished  na 
tions  of  Europe. 

"  Among  the  many  benevolent  projections  which 
have  laid  so  ample  a  foundation  for  the  esteem  and 
gratitude  of  your  native  country,  permit  this  seminary 
to  reckon  her  first  establishment,  upon  the  solid  prin 
ciples  of  equal  liberty,  as  one  of  the  most  considerable 
and  important:  and  now  when  restored,  through  the 
influence  of  our  happy  constitution,  to  her  original 
broad  and  catholic  bottom ;  when  enriched  by  the  pro 
tection  and  generous  donations  of  a  public-spirited  and 
patriotic  assembly ;  and  when  flourishing  under  the 
countenance  of  the  best  friends  of  religion,  learning, 
and  liberty  in  the  state ;  she  cannot  but  promise  her 
self  the  continued  patronage  of  the  evening  of  that  life 
which  divine  Providence  has  so  eminently  distin 
guished. 

"May  the  same  indulgent  Providence  yet  continue 
your  protracted  life,  enriched  and  crowned  with  the 
best  of  blessings,  to  nurse  and  cherish  this  favourite 
child  of  your  youth  ;  that  the  future  sons  of  science  in 
this  western  world,  may  have  additional  reason  to  re-  , 


member  the  name  of  FRANKLIN,  with  gratitude  and 
pleasure. 

"Signed  in  the  name  and  by  order  of  the  faculty,  by 
"  JOHN  EWING,  Provost. 

"  Philadelphia,  Sept.  16,  1785." 

Dr.  Franklin's  Answer. 

"  I  am  greatly  obliged,  gentlemen,  by  your  kind  con 
gratulations  on  my  safe  arrival. 

"It  gives  me  extreme  pleasure  to  find,  that  semi 
naries  of  learning  are  increasing  in  America,  and  par 
ticularly  that  the  university  over  which  you  preside, 
continues  to  flourish.  My  best  wishes  will  always  at 
tend  it.  i 

"The  instruction  of  youth  is  one  of  those  employ 
ments  which  to  the  public  are  most  useful ;  it  ought 
therefore  to  be  esteemed  among  the  most  honourable; 
its  successful  exercise  does  not,  however,  always  meet 
with  the  reward  it  merits,  except  in  the  satisfaction  of 
having  contributed  to  the  forming  of  virtuous  and  able 
men  for  the  service  of  their  country." 

The  constitutional  society  of  Philadelphia, 
the  justices  of  the  city,  the  officers  of  the  mi 
litia,  and  several  other  bodies,  presented  to 
Dr.  Franklin,  on  his  arrival,  addresses  of  con 
gratulation  nearly  similar ;  and  shortly  after 
he  received  the  following  letter  from  that  illus 
trious  character,  general  Washington  : — 

"  MOUNT  VERNON,  Sept.  25,  1785. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — Amid  the  public  gratulations  on  y";r 
safe  return  to  America,  after  a  long  absence,  and  the- 
many  eminent  services  you  have  rendered  it — for 
which  as  a  benefited  person  I  feel  the  obligation — per 
mit  an  individual  to  join  the  public  voice  in  expressing 
his  sense  of  them  ;  and  to  assure  you,  that  as  no  one 
entertains  more  respect  for  your  character,  so  none  can 
salute  you  with  more  sincerity  or  with  greater  pleasure 
than  I  do  on  the  occasion. 

"  I  am,  dear  sir,  your  most  obedient  and  most  hum 
ble  servant,  G.  WASHINGTON. 
The  Hon.  Dr.  Franklin." 


Soon  after  Dr.  Franklin's  arrival  in  Phila 
delphia,  he  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  su 
preme  executive  council  of  that  city;  and 
shortly  after  was  elected  president  of  the 
state  of  Pennsylvania ;  which  honourable  situ 
ation  he  filled  the  whole  time  allowed  by  the 
constitution,  viz.  three  successive  years. 

When  a  general  convention  of  the  states 
was  summoned  to  meet  in  Philadelphia,  in 
1. 787,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  more  energy 
to  the  government  of  the  Union,  by  revising 
nd  amending  the  articles  of  confederation. 
Dr.  Franklin  was  appointed  a  delegate  from 
he  state  of  Pennsylvania  to  that  convention ; 
as  such  he  signed  the  new  constitution  agreed 
on  for  the  United  States,  and  gave  it  his  quali 
fied  approbation. 

The  following  Notes  and  Remarks,  drawn 
jp  by  Dr.  Franklin,  together  with  the  sub- 
tance  of  some  of  his  Speeches  in  this  con 
vention,  will  be  found  of  considerable  interest ; 
and  on  this  account,  as  well  as  to  show  his 
general  ideas  on  government,  are  here  in- 
erted. 

Proposal  for  Consideration. 

June  26,  1787. 

That  the  legislatures  of  the  several  states  shall 
tioose  and  send  an  equal  number  of  delegates,  namely 
who  are  to  compose  the  second  branch 


f  the  general  legislature. 


180 


MEMOIRS  OF 


That  in  all  cases  or  questions  wherein  the  sovereign 
ties  of  the  individual  states  may  be  affected,  or  where 
by  their  authority  over  their  own  citizens  may  be  di 
minished,  or  the  authority  of  the  general  government 
within  the  several  states  augmented,  each  state  shall 
have  equal  suffrage. 

That  in  the  appointment  of  all  civil  officers  of  the 
general  government,  in  the  election  of  whom  the  second 
branch  may  by  the  constitution  have  part,  each  state 
shall  have  equal  suffrage. 

That  in  fixing  the  salaries  of  such  officers,  in  all  al 
lowances  for  public  services,  and  generally  in  all  ap 
propriations  and  dispositions  of  money  to  be  drawn 
out  of  the  general  treasury,  and  in  all  laws  for  supply 
ing  the  treasury,  the  delegates  of  the  several  states 
shall  have  suffrage  inproportion  to  the  sums  their  respect 
ive  states  had  actually  contributed  to  that  treasury  from 
their  taxes  or  internal  excises. 

That  in  case  the  general  duties  should  be  laid  by  im 
post  on  goods  imported,  a  liberal  estimation  shall  be 
made  of  the  amount  of  such  impost  paid  in  the  price 
of  the  commodities  by  those  states  that  import  but  lit 
tle,  and  a  proportionate  addition  shall  be  allowed  of 
suffrage  to  such  states,  and  an  equal  diminution  of  the 
suffrage  of  the  states  importing. 


REMARKS. 

The  steady  course  of  public  measures  is  most  proba 
bly  to  be  expected  from  a  number. 

A  single  person's  measures  may  be  good :  the  suc 
cessor  often  differs  in  opinion  on  those  measures,  and 
adopts  others:  often  is  ambitious  of  distinguishing 
himself,  by  opposing  them,  and  offering  new  projects: 
one  is  peaceably  disposed ;  another  may  be  fond  of  war, 
&c.  Hence  foreign  states  can  never  have  that  confi 
dence  in  the  treaties  or  friendship  of  such  a  govern 
ment,  as  in  that  which  is  conducted  by  a  number. 

The  single  head  may  be  sick  ;  who  is  to  conduct  the 
public  affairs  in  that  case?  When  he  dies,  who  are  to 
conduct  till  a  new  election  ?  If  a  council,  why  not 
continue  them  ?  Shall  we  not  be  harassed  with  fac 
tions  for  the  election  of  successors  ?  become,  like  Po 
land,  weak  from  our  dissensions. 

Consider  the  present  distracted  condition  of  Holland : 
they  had  at  first  a  stadtholder,  the  prince  of  Orange,  a 
man  of  undoubted  and  great  merit  :  they  found  some 
inconveniences,  however,  in  the  extent  of  powers  an 
nexed  to  that  office,  and  exercised  by  a  single  person. 
On  his  death,  they  resumed  and  divided  those  powers 
among  the  states  and  cities;  but  there  has  been  a  con 
stant  struggle  since  between  that  family  and  the  na 
tion.  In  the  last  century  the  then  prince  of  Orange 
found  means  to  inflame  the  populace  against  their  ma 
gistrates,  excite  a  general  insurrection,  in  which  an 
excellent  minister,  Dewit,  was  murdered,  all  the  old 
magistrates  displaced,  and  the  stadtholder  re-invest 
ed  with  all  the  former  powers.  In  this  century  the 
father  of  the  present  stadtholder,  having  married  a 
British  princess,  did,  by  exciting  another  insurrection, 
force  from  the  nation  a  decree,  that  the  stadtholdership 
should  be  thenceforth  hereditary  in  his  family.  And 
now  his  son,  being  suspected  of  having  favoured  Eng 
land  in  the  late  war,  and  thereby  lost  the  confidence 
of  the  nation,  is  forming  an  internal  faction  to  support 
his  power,  and  reinstate  his  favourite  the  duke  of 
Brunswick  ;  and  he  holds  up  his  family  alliances  with 
England  and  Prussia  to  terrify  opposition.  It  was  this 
conduct  of  the  stadtholder  which  induced  the  states  to 
recur  to  the  protection  of  France  and  put  their  troops 
under  a  French,  rather  than  the  stadtholder's  German 
general,  the  duke  of  Brunswick :  and  this  is  the  source 
of  all  the  present  disorders  in  Holland,  which  if  the 
stadtholder  has  abilities  equal  to  his  inclinations,  will, 
probably,  after  a  ruinous  and  bloody  civil  war,  end  in 
establishing  an  hereditary  monarchy  in  his  family. 

QUERIES  and  REMARKS  on  a  Paper,  entitled, 
"  Hints  for  the  Members  of  Convention." 
No.  IT.  in  the  Federal  Gazette  of  Tuesday, 
Nov.  3, 1789. 

HINT  I.    OF  THE  EXECUTIVE  BRANCH. 

"  Tour  executive  should  consist  of  a  single  person.'" 
On  this  I  would  ask,  is  he  to  have  no  council  ?    How 
ie  be  to  be  informed  of  the  state  and  circumstances  of 


he  different  counties,  their  wants,  their  abilities, 
their  dispositions,  and  the  characters  of  the  principal 
people,  respecting  their  integrity,  capacities,  and  qua 
lifications  for  offices  ?  Does  not  the  present  construc 
tion  of  our  executive  provide  well  for  these  particu 
lars?  And  during  the  number  of  years  it  has  existed, 
have  its  errors  or  failures  in  answering  the  end  of  its 
appointment  been  more  or  greater  than  might  have 
been  expected  from  a  single  person  ? 

But  an  individual  is  more  easily  watched  and  controlled 
than  any  greater  number." 

On  this  I  would  ask,  who  is  to  watch  and  control 
him?  And  by  what  means  is  he  to  be  controlled? 
Will  not  those  means,  whatever  they  are.  and  in  what 
ever  body  vested,  be  subject  to  the  same  inconvenien 
ces  of  expense,  delay,  obstruction  of  good  intentions, 
&c.,  which  are  objected  to  the  present  executive? 

II.    THE  DURATION  OF  THE  APPOINTMENT. 

"  This  should  be  governed  by  the  following  principles, 
the  independency  of  the  magistrate,  and  the  stability  of 
his  administration :  neither  of  which  can  Be  secured  but 
by  putting  both  beyond  the  reach  of  every  annual  gust  of 
folly  and  of  faction." 

On  this  it  may  be  asked,  ought  it  not  also  to  be  put 
beyond  the  reach  of  every  triennial,  quinquennial,  or 
septennial  gust  of  folly  and  faction,  and  in  short  be 
yond  the  reach  of  folly  and  of  faction  at  any  period 
whatever?  Does  not  this  reasoning  aim  at  establish 
ing  a  monarchy  at  least  for  life,  like  that  of  Poland? 
or,  to  prevent  the  inconveniences  such  as  that  king 
dom  is  subject  to  in  a  new  election  on  every  decease  ? 
Are  the  freemen  of  Pennsylvania  convinced  from  a 
view  of  the  history  of  such  governments,  that  it  will  be 
for  their  advantage  to  submit  themselves  to  a  govern 
ment  of  such  construction  ? 

III.    ON  THE  LEGISLATIVE  BRANCH. 

"  Jl  plural  legislature  is  as  necessary  to  good  govern 
ment  as  a  single  executive.  It  is  not  enough  that  your 
legislature  should  be  numerous,  it  should  also  be  divided. 
Numbers  alone  are  not  a  sufficient  barrier  against  the 
impulses  of  passion,  the  combinations  of  interest,  the 
intrigues  of  faction,  the  haste  of  folly,  or  the  spirit  of 
encroachment.  One  division  should  watch  over  and  con 
trol  the  other ;  supply  its  wants,  correct  its  blunders,  and 
cross  its  designs,  should  they  be  criminal  or  erroneous. 
Wisdom  is  the  specific  quality  of  the  legislature,  grows  out 
of  the  number  of  the  body,  and  is  made  up  of  the  portions 
of  sense  and  knowledge  which  each  member  brings  to  it." 

On  this  it  may  be  asked,  may  not  the  wisdom 
brought  to  the  legislature  by  each  member  be  as  effect 
ual  a  barrier  against  the  impulses  of  passion,  &c., 
when  the  members  are  united  in  one  body  as  when 
they  are  divided?  If  one  part  of  the  legislature  may 
control  the  operations  of  the  other,  may  not  the  im 
pulses  of  passion,  the  combinations  of  interest,  the  in 
trigues  of  faction,  the  haste  of  folly,  or  the  spirit  of  en 
croachment  in  one  of  those  bodies  obstruct  the  good 
proposed  by  the  other,  and  frustrate  its  advantages  to 
the  public?  Have  we  not  experienced  in  this  state, 
when  a  province  under  the  government  of  the  proprie 
tors,  the  mischiefs  of  a  second  branch  existing  in  the 
proprietary  family  countenanced  and  aided  by  an  aris 
tocratic  counsel  ?  How  many  delays  and  what  great 
expenses  were  occasioned  in  carrying  on  the  public 
business ;  and  what  a  train  of  mischiefs,  even  to  the 
preventing  of  the  defence  of  the  province  during  seve 
ral  years,  when  distressed  by  an  Indian  war,  by  the  in 
iquitous  demand  that  the  proprietary  property  should 
be  exempt  from  taxation!  The  wisdom  of  a  few 
members  in  one  single  legislative  body,  may  it  not  fre 
quently  stifle  bad  motions  in  their  infancy,  and  so  pre 
vent  their  being  adopted  ?  whereas  if  those  wise  men, 
in  case  of  a  double  legislature,  should  happen  to  be  in 
that  branch  wherein  the  motion  did  not  arise,  may  it 
not,  after  being  adopted  by  the  other,  occasion  long  dis 
putes  and  contentions  between  the  two  bodies,  expen 
sive  to  the  public,  obstructing  the  public  business,  and 
promoting  factions  among  the  people,  many  tempers 
naturally  adhering  obstinately  to  measures  they  have 
once  publicly  adopted  ?  Have  we  not  seen  in  one  of 
our  neighbouring  states,  a  bad  measure  adopted  by  one 
branch  of  the  legislature,  for  want  of  the  assistance 
of  some  more  intelligent  members  who  had  been  pack 
ed  into  the  other,  occasion  many  debates,  conducted 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


181 


with  much  asperity,  which  could  not  he  settled  but  by 
an  expensive  genera!  appeal  to  the  public?    And  have 
we  not  seen  in  another  neighbouring  state,  ;i  similar 
difference  between  the  two  branches,  occasioning  long 
debates  and  contentions,  whereby   he  state  w;;s  pre 
vented  tor  many  months  enjoying  the  advantage  of 
having  senators  in  the  congress  of  the  United  States? 
And  has  our  present  legislative,  in  one  assembly,  com 
mitted  any  errors  of  importance,  which  they  have  not 
remedied,  or  may  not  easily  remedy  :  more  easily  pro 
bably  than  if  divided  into  two  branches/     And  if  the 
wisdom   brought  by  the  members  to  the  assembly  is 
divided  into  two  branches,  may  it  not  be  too  weak  in 
each,  to  support  a  good  measure  or  obstruct  a  bad  one  ? 
The  division  of  the    legislature  into   two  or  three 
branches  in  England,  was  it  the  product  of  wisdom,  or 
the  effect  of  necessity,  arising  from  the  pre-existing 
prevalence  of  an  odious  feudal  system?  which  govern 
ment,  notwithstanding  this  division,  is  now  become, 
in  fact,  an  absolute  monarchy;  since  the  KINO,  by  brib 
ing  the  representatives  with  the  people's  money,  car 
ries,  by  his  ministers,  all   the   measures  that  please 
him;  which  is  equivalent  to  governing  without  a  par 
liament,  and  renders  the  machine  of  government  much 
more  complex  and  expensive,  and  from  its  being  more 
complex,  more  easily  put  out  of  order.     Has  not  the 
famous  political  fable  of  the  snake  with  two  heads  and 
one  body,  some   useful  instruction  contained  in  it? 
She  was  going  to  a  brook  to  drink,  and  in  her  way 
was  to  pass  through  a  hedge,  a  twig  of  which  opposed 
her  direct  course;  one  head  chose  to  go  on  the  right 
side  of  the  twig,  the  other  on  the  left :  so  that  time  was 
spent  in  the  contest,  and  before  the  decision  was  com 
pleted,  the  poor  snake  died  with  thirst. 

"  Hence  it  is  that  the  two  branches  should  be  elected  by 
persons  differently  qualified;  and  in  short,  that,  as  far  a 


a  set  of  merchants  who  club  their  property  in  different 
proportions  for  building  and  freighting  a  ship,  and  may 
therefore  have  some  right  to  vote  in  the  disposition  of 
the  voyage  in  a  greater  or  less  degree,  according  to 
their  respective  contributions  ;  but  the  important  ends 
of  civil  society,  and  the  personal  securities  of  life  and 
liberty,  there  remain  the  same  in  every  member  of  the 
society;  and  the  poorest  continues  to  have  an  equal 
claim  to  them  with  the  most  opulent,  whatever  differ 
ence  time,  chance,  or  industry  may  occasion  in  their 
circumstances.  On  these  considerations  I  am  sorry  to 
see  the  signs  this  paper  I  have  been  considering  affords, 
of  a  disposition  among  some  of  our  people  to  commence 
an  aristocracy,  by  giving  the  rich  a  predominancy  in 
government,  a  choice  peculiar  to  themselves  in  one 
half  the  legislature  to  be  proudly  called  the  UPPER 
house,  and  the  other  branch  chosen  by  the  majority  of 
the  people,  degraded  by  the  denomination  of  the  LOWER, 
and  giving  to  this  upper  house  a  permanency  of  four 
years,  and  but  two  to  the  lower.  I  hope  therefore,  that 
our  representatives  in  the  convention  will  not  hastily 
go  into  these  innovations,  but  take  the  advice  of  the 
Prophet, — "  Stand  in  the  old  ways,  view  the  ancient  paths, 
consider  them  well,  and  be  not  among  those  that  are  given 
to  change.'' 

Speech  of  Dr.  Franklin  in  the  Convention 
on  the  subject  of  Salaries. 

Sm,— It  is  with  reluctance  that  I  rise  to  express  a 
disapprobation  of  any  one  article  of  the  plan,  for  which 
we  are  so  much  obliged  to  the  honourable  gentleman 
who  laid  it  before  us.  From  its  first  reading  I  have 
borne  a  good  will  to  it,  and  in  general  wished  it  suc 
cess.  In  this  particular  of  salaries  to  the  executive 
branch,  I  happen  to  differ;  and  as  my  opinion  may  ap 


possible,  they  should  be  made  to  represent  different  inter 

est.i.  Under  this  reasoning,  I  would  establish  a  legisla-  j  pear  new  and  chimerical,  it  is  only  from  a  persuasion 
The  upper,  should  represent  the  pro-  that  it  is  right,  and  from  a  sense  of  duty  that  I  hazard 
it.  The  committee  will  judge  of  my  reasons  when  they 
have  heard  them,  and  their  judgment  may  possibly 
change  mine.  I  think  I  see  inconveniencies  in  the  ap 
pointment  of  salaries,  I  see  none  in  refusing  them,  but 
on  the  contrary  great  advantages. 

Sir,  there  are  two  passions  which  have  a  powerful 
influence  in  the  affairs  of  men.  These  are  ambition 
and  avarice;  the  love  of  power  and  the  love  of  money. 
Separately,  each  of  these  has  great  force  in  prompting 
men  to  action  ;  but  when  united  in  view  of  the  same 
object,  they  have  in  many  minds  the  most  violent  ef 
fects.  Place  before  the  eyes  of  such  men,  a  post  of 
honour  that  shall  at  the  same  time  be  a  place  of  profit, 
and  they  will  move  heaven  and  earth  to  obtain  it. 
The  vast  number  of  such  places  it  is,  that  renders  the 
British  government  so  tempestuous.  The  struggles  for 
them  are  the  true  source  of  all  those  factions  which  are 
perpetually  dividing  the  nation,  distracting  its  coun 
cils,  hurrying  it  sometimes  into  fruitless  and  mischiev 
ous  wars,  and  often  compelling  a  submission  to  disho 
nourable  terms  of  peace. 

And  of  what  kind  are  the  men  that  will  strive  for 
this  profitable  pre-eminence,  through  all  the  bustle  of 


ture  of  two  house 

perty ;  the  lower,  the  population  of  the  state.  The  upper 
should  be  chosen  by  freemen  possessing  in  lands  and 
houses  one  thousand  pounds;  the  lower,  by  all  such  as 
had  resided  four  years  in  the  country,  and  paid  taxes. 
The  first  should  be  chosen  for  four,  the  fast  for  two  years. 
They  should  be  in  authority  co-equal." 

Several  questions  may  arise  upon  this  proposition. 
1st.  What  is  the  proportion  of  freemen  possessing  lands 
and  houses  of  one  thousand  pounds  value,  compared  to 
that  of  freemen  whose  possessions  are  inferior?  Are 
they  as  one  to  ten  ?  Are  they  even  as  one  to  twenty  ? 
I  should  doubt  whether  they  are  as  one  to  fifty.  If  this 
minority  is  to  choose  a  body  expressly  to  control  that 
which  is  to  be  chosen  by  the  great  majority  of  the  free 
men,  what  have  this  great  majority  done  to  forfeit  so 
great  a  portion  of  their  right  in  elections?  Why  is  this 
power  of  control,  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  all  democra 
cies,  to  be  vested  in  a  minority,  instead  of  a  majority? 
Then  is  it  intended,  or  is  it  not,  that  the  rich  should 
have  a  vote  in  the  choice  of  members  for  the  lower 
house,  while  those  of  inferior  property  are  deprived  of 
the  right  of  voting  for  members,  of  the  upper  house  ? 
And  why  should  the  upper  house,  chosen  by  a  minority, 
have  equal  power  with  the  lower  chosen  by  a  majority? 
Is  it  supposed  that  wisdom  is  the  necessary  concomi 
tant  of  riches,  and  that  one  man  worth  a  thousand 

ands  must  have  as  much  wisdom  as  twenty  who 
lave  each  only  nine  hundred  and  ninety-nine ;  and 


cabal,  the  heat  of  contention,  the  infinite  mutual 
abus-j  of  parties,  tearing  to  pieces  the  best  of  charac 
ters?  It  will  not  be  the  wise  and  moderate,  the  lovers 
of  peace  and  good  order,  the  men  fittest  for  the  trust. 
It  will  be  the  bold  and  the  violent,  the  men  of  strong 


G 

why  is  property  to  b-3  represented  at  all?-^3uppose  one  I  passions  and  indefatigable  activity  in  their  selfish  pur- 
of  our  Indian  nations  should  now  agree  to  form  a  civil  j  suits.  These  will  thrust  themselves  into  your  govern 
society;  each  individual  would  bring  into  the  stock  of 


the  society  little  more  property  than  his  gun  and  his 
blanket,  for  at  present  he  has  no  other;  we  know  that 
when  one  of  them  has  attempted  to  keep  a  few  swine, 
he  has  not  been  able  to  maintain  a  property  in  them, 
his  neighbours  thinking  they  have  a  right  to  kill  and 
eat  them  whenever  they  want  provision,  it  being  one 
of  their  maxims,  that  hunting  is  free  for  all :  the  accu 
mulation  therefore  of  property  in  such  a  society,  and 
its  security  to  individuals  in  every  society,  must  be  an 
effect  of  the  protection  afforded  to  it  by  the  joint 
strength  of  the  society,  in  the  execution  of  its  laws. 
Private  property,  therefore,  is  a  creature  of  society, 
and  is  subject  to»the  calls  of  that  society  whenever  its 
necessities  shall  require  it,  even  to  its  last  farthing; 
its  contributions,  therefore,  to  the  public  exigencies, 
are  not  to  be  considered  as  conferring  a  benefit  on  the 
public,  entitling  the  contributors  to  the  distinctions  of 
honour  and  power ;  but  as  the  return  of  an  obligation 
previously  received,  or  the  payment  of  a  just  debt. — 
The  combinations  of  civil  society  are  not  like  those  of 


ment,  and  be  your  rulers.-  And  these,  too,  will  be  mis 
taken  in  the  expected  happiness  of  their  situation;  for 
their  vanquished  competitors  of  the  same  spirit  and 
from  the  same  motives,  will  perpetually  be  endeavour 
ing  to  distress  their  administration,  thwart  their  mea 
sures,  and  render  them  odious  to  the  people. 

Besides  these  evils,  sir,  though  we  may  set  out  in 
the  beginning  with  moderate  salaries,  we  shall  find 
that  such  will  not  be  of  long  continuance.  Reasons 
will  never  be  wanting  for  proposed  augmentations; 
and  there  will  always  be  a  party  for  giving  more  to 
the  rulers,  that  the  rulers  may  be  able  in  return  to  give 
more  to  them.  Hence,  as  all  history  informs  us,  there 
has  been  in  every  state  and  kingdom,  a  constant  kind 
of  warfare  betw'een  the  governing  and  the  governed  ; 
the  one  striving  to  obtain  more  for  its  support,  and  the 
other  to  pay  less.  And  this  has  alone  occasioned  great 
convulsions,  actual  civil  wars,  ending  either  in  de 
throning  of  the  princes  or  enslaving  of  the  people. 
Generally,  indeed,  the  ruling  power  carries  its  point, 
and  we  see  the  revenue  of  princes  constantly  increas- 


182 


MEMOIRS  OF 


in?,  and  we  see  that  they  are  never  satjgfjed,  but  al 
ways  in  want  of  more.  The  more  the',  peofjJe  are  dis 
contented  with  the  oppression  of  taxes,  t"lje  greater 
need  the  prince  has  of  money  to  distribute  jjfhong  his 
parttzaris,  and  pay  the  troops  that  are  to  suppress  all 
resistance,  and  enable  him  to  plunder  at  pleasure. 
There  is  scarce  a  king  in  a  hundred  who  would  not  if 
he  could,  follow  the  example  of  Pharaoh,— get  first  all 
the  people's  money,  then  all  their  lands,  and  then  make 
them  and  their  children  servants  for  ever.  It  will  be 
said,  that  we  do  not  propose  to  establish  kings. — I 
know  it. — But  there  is  a  natural  inclination  in  man 
kind  to  kingly  government.  It  sometimes  relieves 
them  from  aristocratic  domination.  They  had  rather 
have  one  tyrant  than  five  hundred.  It  gives  more  of 
thft  appearance  of  equality  among  citizens;  and  that 
they  like.  I  am  apprehensive,  therefore, — perhaps  too 
apprehensive, — that  the  government  of  these  states, 
may  in  future  times  end  in  a  monarchy.  But  this  catas 
trophe,  I  think,  may  be  long  delayed,  if  in  our  proposed 
system  we  do  not  sow  the  seeds  of  contention,  faction, 
and  tumult,  by  making  our  posts  of  honour  places  of 
profit.  If  we  do,  I  fear,  that  though  we  employ  at  first 
a  number,  and  not  a  single  person,  the  number  will  in 
time  be  set  aside ;  it  will  only  nourish  the  foetus  of  a 
king,  (as  the  respectable  gentleman  from  Virginia  very 
aptly  expressed  it,)  and  a  king  will  the  sooner  be  set 
over  us. 

It  may  be  imagined  by  some,  that  this  is  an  Utopian 
idea,  and  that  we  can  never  find  men  to  serve  us  in  the 
executive  department,  without  paying  them  well  for 
their  services.  I  conceive  this  to  be  a  mistake.  Some 
existing  facts  present  themselves  to  me,  which  incline 
me  to  a  contrary  opinion.  The  high  sheriffof  a  county 
in  England  is  an  honourable  office,  but  not  a  profitable 
one.  It  is  rather  expensive,  and  therefore  not  sought 
for.  But  yet  it  is  executed,  and  well  executed,  usually 
by  some  of  the  principal  gentlemen  of  the  county.  In 
France,  the  office  of  counsellor,  or  member  of  their  ju 
diciary  parliament,  is  more  honourable  It  is  there 
fore  purchased  at  a  high  price:  there  are  indeed  fees  on 
law  proceedings,  which  are  divided  among  them,  but 
these  fees  do  not  amount  to  more  than  three  per  cent 
on  the  sum  paid  for  the  place.  Therefore,  as  legal  in 
terest  is  there  at  five  per  cent.,  they  in  fact  pay  two 
per  cent.,  for  being  allowed  to  do  the  judiciary  business 
of  the  nation,  which  is  at  the  same  time  entirely  ex 
empt  from  the  burden  of  paying  them  any  salaries  for 
their  services.  I  do  riot,  however,  mean  to  recommend 
this  as  an  eligible  mode  for  our  judiciary  department. 
I  only  bring  the  instance  to  show  that  the  pleasure  of 
doing  good  and  serving  their  country,  and  the  respect 
such  conduct  entitles  them  to,  are  sufficient  motives 
with  some  minds  to  give  up  a  great  portion  of  their 
time  to  the  public,  without  the  mean  inducement  of 
pecuniary  satisfaction. 

Another  instance  is  that  of  a  respectable  society, 
who  have  made  the  experiment,  and  practised  it  with 
success,  now  more  than  a  hundred  years. — I  mean  the 
Quakers.  It  is  an  established  rule  with  them  that  they 
are  not  to  go  to  law,  but  in  their  controversies  they 
must  apply  to  their  monthly,  quarterly,  and  yearly 
meetings.  Committees  of  these  sit  with  patience  to 
hear  the  parties,  and  spend  much  time  in  composing 
their  differences.  In  doing  this,  they  are  supported  by 
a  sense  of  duty  ;  and  the  respect  paid  to  usefulness.  It 
is  honourable  to  be  so  employed,  but  it  was  never  made 
profitable  by  salaries,  fees,  or  perquisites.  And  indeed 
in  all  cases  of  public  service,  the  less  the  profit  the 
greater  the  honour. 

To  bring  the  matter  nearer  home,  have  we  not  seen 
the  greatest  and  most  important  of  our  offices,  that  of 
general  of  our  armies,  executed  for  eight  years  together, 
without  the  smallest  salary,  by  a  patriot  whom  I  will 
not  now  offend  by  any  other  praise;  and  this. through 
fatigues  and  distresses,  in  common  with  the  other 
brave  men  his  military  friends  and  companions,  and 
the  constant  anxieties  peculiar  to  his  station?  and 
shall  we  doubt  finding  three  or  four  men  in  all  the 
United  States,  with  public  spirit  enough  to  bear  sitting 
in  peaceful  council,  for  perhaps  an  equal  term,  merely 
to  preside  over  our  civil  concerns,  arid  see  that  our 
laws  are  duly  executed?  Sir,  I  have  a  better  opinion 
of  our  country.  I  think  we  shall  never  be  without  a 
sufficient  number  of  wise  and  good  men  to  undertake 
and  execute,  well  and  faithfully,  the  office  in  question. 
Sir,  the  saving  of  the  salaries,  that  may  at  first  be 
proposed,  is  not  an  object  with  me.  The  subsequent 
mischiefs  of  proposing  them  are  what  I  apprehend. 
And  therefore  it  is  that  I  move  the  amendment.  If  it 


is  not  seconded  or  accepted,  I  must  be  contented  with 
the  satisfaction  of  having  delivered  my  opinion  frankly, 
and  done  niyduty. 


Speech  of  Dr.  Franklin  in  a  Coirlmittee  of 
the  Convention,  on  the  Proportion  of 
Representation  and  Votes. 

MR  CHAIRMAN, — It  has  given  me  great  pleasure  to 
observe  that  till  this  point,  the  Proportion  of  Represent 
ation,  came  before  us,  our  debates  were  carried  on 
with  great  coolness  and  temper.  If  any  thing  of  a 
contrary  kind  has  on  this  occasion  appeared,  I  hope  it 
will  not  be  repeated ;  for  we  are  sent  hither  to  consult, 
not  to  contend,  with  each  other  ;  and  declarations  of  a 
fixed  opinion  and  of  determined  resolutions  never  to 
change  it,  neither  enlighten  nor  convince  us:  positive- 
ness  and  warmth  on  one  side  naturally  beget  their 
like  on  the  other;  and  tend  to  create  and  augment 
discord,  and  division,  in  a  great  concern,  wherein 
harmony  and  union  are  extremely  necessary,  to  give 
weight  to  our  councils,  and  render  them  effectual  in 
promoting  and  securing  the  common  good. 

I  must  own,  that  I  was  originally  of  opinion  it  would 
be  better  if  every  member  of  congress,  or  our  national 
council,  were  to  consider  himself  rather  as  a  represent 
ative  of  the  whole,  than  as  an  agent  for  the  interests 
of  a  particular  state,  in  which  case  the  proportion  of 
members  for  each  state  would  be  of  less  consequence, 
and  it  would  not  be  very  material  whether  they  voted 
by  states  or  individually.  But  as  I  find  this  is  not  to 
be  expected,  I  now  think  the  number  of  representa 
tives  should  bear  some  proportion  to  the  number  of 
the  represented,  and  that  the  decisions  should  be  by 
the  majority  of  members,  not'by  the  majority  of  states. 
This  is  objected  to  from  an  apprehension  that  the 
greater  states  would  then  swallow  up  the  smaller.  I 
do  not  at  present  clearly  see  what  advantage  the 
greater  states  could  propose  to  themselves,  by  swallow 
ing  the  smaller,  and  therefore  do  not  apprehend  they 
would  attempt  it.  I  recollect  that  in  the  beginning  of 
this  century,  when  the  union  was  proposed  of  the  two 
kingdoms,  England  and  Scotland,  the  Scotch  patriots 
were  full  of  fears,  that  unless  they  had  an  equal  num 
ber  of  representatives  in  parliament,  they  should  fce 
ruined  by  the  superiority  of  the  English.  They  finally 
agreed,  however,  that  the  different  proportions  of  im 
portance  in  the  union,  of  the  two  nations,  should  bo 
attended  to ;  whereby  they  were  to  have  only  forty 
members  in  the  house  of  commons,  and  only  sixteen 
of  their  peers  were  to  sit  in  the  house  of  lords;  a  very 
great  inferiority  of  numbers!  And  yet  to  this  day  I 
do  not  recollect  that  any  thing  has  been  done  in  the 
parliament  of  Great  Britain  to  the  prejudice  of  Scot 
land  ;  and  whoever  looks  over  the  lists  of  public  officers 
civil  and  military  of  that  nation,  will  find.  I  believe, 
that  the  North  Britons  enjoy  at  least  their  full  propor 
tion  of  emolument. 

But,  sir,  in  the  present  mode  of  voting  by  states,  it 
is  equally  in  the  power  of  the  lesser  states  to  swallow 
up  the  greater;  and  this  is  mathematically  demon 
strable.  Suppose,  for  example,  that  seven  smaller 
states  had  each  three  members  in  the  house,  and  the 
six  larger  to  have,  one  with  another,  six  members. 
And  that  upon  a  question,  two  members  of  each  smal 
ler  state  should  be  in  the  affirmative,  and  one  in  the 
negative,  they  will  make 

Affirmatives      -        -  14      Negatives    7 

And  that  all  the  larger  states 
should  be  unanimously  in 
the  negative,  they  would 
make  -  -  Negatives  36 

In  all      43 

It  is  then  apparent,  that  the  14  carry  the  question 
against  the  43,  and  the  minority  overpowers  the  ma 
jority,  contrary  to  the  common  practice  of  assemblies 
in  all  countries  and  ages. 

The  greater  states,  sir,  are  naturally  as  unwilling  to 
have  their  property  left  in  the  disposition  of  the  smal 
ler,  as  the  smaller  are  to  leave  theirs  in  the  disposition 
of  the  greater.  An  honourable  gentleman  has,  to  avoid 
this  difficulty,  hinted  a  proposition  of  equalizing  the 
states.  It  appears  to  me  an  equitable  one;  and  I. 
should,  for  my  own  part,  not  be  against  such  a  mea 
sure,  if  it  might  be  found  practicable.  Formerly,  in 
deed,  when  almost  every  province  had  a  different  con 
stitution,  some  with  greater,  others  with  fewer  privi- 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLEN. 


183 


leges,  it  was  of  importance  to  the  borderers,  when 
their  boundaries  were  contested,  whether  by  running 
the  division  lines  they  were  placed  on  one  side  or  the 
other.  At  present,  when  such  differences  arc  done 
away,  it  is  less  material.  The  interest  of  a  state  is 
made  up  of  the  interests  of  its  individual  members.  If 
they  are  not  injured,  the  state  is  not.  injured.  Small 
states  are  more  easily,  well,  and  happily  governed 
than  large  ones.  Tf,  therefore,  in  such  an  equal  di 
vision,  it  should  be  found  necessary  to  diminish  Penn 
sylvania,  I  should  not  be  averse  to  the  giving  a  part 
of  it  to  New  Jersey,  and  another  to  Delaware;  Int  as 
there  would  probably  be  considerable  difficulties  in  ad 
justing  such  a  division  ;  and  however  equally  made  at 
first,  it  would  be  continually  varying  by  the  augmenta 
tion  of  inhabitants  in  some  states,  and  their  more  fixed 
proportion  in  others;  and  thence  frequent  occasion  for 
new  divisions;  I  beg  leave  to  propose  for  the  con 
sideration  of  the  committee  another  mode,  which  ap 
pears  to  me  to  be  as  equitable,  more  easily  carried  into 
practice,  and  more  permanent  in  its  nature. 

Let  the  weakest  state  say  what  proportion  of  money 
or  force  it  is  able  and  willing  to  furnish  for  the  general 
purposes  of  the  union. 

Let  all  the  others  oblige  themselves  to  furnish  each 
an  equal  proportion. 

The  whole  of  these  joint  supplies  to  be  absolutely  in 
the  disposition  of  congress. 

The  congress  in  this  case  to  be  composed  of  an  equal 
number  of  delegates  from  each  state  : 

And  their  decisions  to  bs  by  the  majority  of  indi 
vidual  members  voting. 

If  these  joint  and  equal  supplies  should  on  particular 
occasions  not  be  sufficient,  let  congress  make  requisi 
tions  on  the  richer  and  more  powerful  states  for  fur 
ther  aids,  to  be  voluntarily  afforded;  .so  leaving  each 
state  the  right  of  considering  the  necessity  and  utility 
of  the  aid  desired,  and  of  giving  more  or  less  as  it 
should  be  found  proper. 

This  mode  is  not  new;  it  was  formerly  practised 
with  success  by  the  British  government,  with  respect 
to  Ireland  and  the  colonies.  We  sometimes  gave  even 
more  than  thpv  fvpTtf1 1  or  thought  just  to  accept ;  and 
in  the  last  war.  cnrri^I  on  while  we  were  united,  thpy 
gave  us  bick  in  five  years  a  million  sterling.  We 
should  probably  have  continued  such  voluntary  con 
tributions,  whenever  the  occasion  appeared  to  require 
them  for  the  common  good  of  the  empire.  It  was  not 
till  they  chose  to  force  us,  and  to  deprive  us  of  the 
merit  and  pleasure  of  voluntary  contributions,  that  wo 
refused  and  resisted.  Those  contributions,  however, 
were  to  be  disposed  of  at  the  pleasure  of  a  government 
in  which  we  had  no  representative.  I  am  therefore 
persuaded  that  they  will  not  be  refused  to  one  in  which 
the  representation  shall  be  equal. 

My  learned  colleague  has  already  mentioned,  that 
the  present  mode  of  voting  by  states,  was  submitted 
to  originally  by  congress,  under  a  conviction  of  its  im 
propriety,  inequality,  and  injustice.  This  appears  in 
the  words  of  their  resolution.  It  is  of  Sept.  0,  1774. 
The  words  are, 

"Resolved,  That  in  determining  questions  in  this 
congress,  each  colony  or  province  shall  have  one  vote: 
the  congress  not  being  possessed  of,  or  at  present  able 
to  procure,  materials  for  ascertaining  the  importance 
of  each  colony  " 


Dr.  Franklins  Motion  for  Prayers  in  the 
Convention. 

MR.  PRESIDENT, — The  small  progress  we  have  made 
after  four  or  five  weeks'  close  attendance  and  continual 
reasonings  with  each  other,  our  different  sentiments 
on  almost  every  question,  several  of  the  last  producing 
as  many  JVoe.«  as  Ayes,  is  methinks  a  melancholy  proof 
of  the  imperfection  of  the  human  undprstanding.  We 
indeed  seem  to  feel  our  own  want  of  political  wisdom, 
since  we  have  been  running  all  about  in  search  of  it. 
We  have  gone  back  to  ancient  history  for  models  of 
government,  and  examined  the  different  forms  of  those 
republics,  which,  having  been  originally  formed  with 
the  seeds  of  their  own  dissolution,  now  no  longer  exist ; 
and  we  have  viewed  modem  states  all  round  Europe, 
but  find  none  of  their  constitutions  suitable  to  our 
circumstances. 

In  this  situation  of  this  assembly,  sropin?,  as  it 
were,  in  the  dark,  to  find  political  truth,  and  scarce 
able  to  distinguish  it  when  presented  to  us,  how  has  it 


happened,  sir,  that  we  have  not  hitherto  once  thought 
of  humbly  applying  to  the  Father  of  Lights  to  illurrn 
nate  our  understandings?— In  the  beginning  of  the 
contest  with  Britain,  when  we  were  sensible  of  danger, 
we  had  daily  prayers  in  this  room  for  th>;  divine  pro 
tection1  Our  prayers,  sir,  were  heard;— and  they 
were  graciously  answered.  All  of  us,  who  were  en- 
L'aL'e'l  in  ilie  stiiiirgle,  must  have  observed  frequent 
i'i.--t,fiii<'i-s  i  if  a  si  i  |)i  Tin  tend  ing  Providence  in  our  favour. 
To  that  kind  Providence  we  owe  thin  happy  oppor 
tunity  of  consulting  in  peace  on  the  means  of  establish 
ing  our  future  national  felicity.  And  have  we  now 
forgotten  that  powerful  friend  ?"—  or  do  we  imagine  we 
no  longer  need  its  assistance. — I  have  lived,  sir,  a  long 
time;  and  the  longer  I  live,  the  more  convincing  proofs 
I  see  of  this  truth,  Tlutl  GOD  governs  in  the  affairs  of 
men!  And  if  a  sparrow  cannot  fall  to  the  ground  with 
out  his  notice,  is  it  probable  that  an  empire  can  n.-> 
without  his  aid  ?— We  have  been  assured,  sir,  in  the 
Sacred  Writings,  that  "except  the  Lord  build  the 
house,  they  labour  in  vain  that  build  it."  I  firmly  be 
lieve  this;  and  I  also  believe,  that  without  his  con 
curring  aid,  we  shall  succeed  in  this  political  building 
no  better  than  the  builders  of  Babel:  we  shall  be  di 
vided  by  our  little  partial  local  interests,  our  projects 
will  be  confounded,  and  we  ourselves  shall  become  a 
reproach  and  a  by-word  down  to  future  ages.  And 
what  is  worse,  mankind  may  hereafter,  from  this  un 
fortunate  instance,  despair  of  establishing  government 
by  human  wisdom,  and  leave  it  to  chance,  war,  and 
conquest 

I  therefore  beg  leave  to  move, 

That  henceforth  prayers,  imploring  the  assistance 
of  Heaven,  and  its  blessing  on  our  deliberations,  be 
held  in  this  assembly  every  morning  before  we  proceed 
to  business  ;  and  that  one  or  more  of  the  clergy  of  this 
city  be  requested  to  officiate  in  that  service. 

[Note  by  Dr.  Franklin.]  "  The  convention,  except  three 
or  four  persons,  thought  prayers  unnecessary!!" 


Dr.  Franklin's  private  sentiments  with  res 
pect  to  this  new  constitution,  may  be  gather 
ed  from  the  following  extracts  from  letters 
he  wrote  about  this  time  to  some  of  his  friends. 

"  To  M.  Veillard,  Passy. 

''•PHILADELPHIA,  Feb.  17th,  1788 

"  I  sent  you  with  my  last  a  copy  of 

the  new  constitution  proposed  for  the  United 
States,  by  the  late  general  convention.  I 
sent  one  also  to  our  excellent  friend  the  duke 
de  la  Rochefoucault 

**  I  attended  the  business  of  the  convention 
faithfully  for  four  months.  Inclosed  you  have 
the  last  speech  I  made  in  it.  Six  states  have 
already  adopted  the  constitution,  and  there  is 
now  little  doubt  of  its  being  accepted  by  a 
sufficient  number  to  carry  it  into  execution, 
if  not  immediately  by  the  whole. — It  has  how 
ever  met  with  great  opposition  in  some  of  the 
states ;  for  we  are  at  present  a  nation  of  po 
liticians.  And  though  there  is  a  general 
dread  of  giving  too  much  power  to  our  go 
vernors,  I  think  we  are  more  in  danger  from 
the  little  obedience  in  the  governed.'" 

To  the  same. 

"April  2-2,  1786. 

"  It  is  very  possible,  as  you  suppose, 

that  all  the  articles  of  the  proposed  new  go 
vernment  will  not  remain  unchanged  after  the 
first  meeting  of  congress.  I  am  of  opinion 


184 


MEMOIRS  OF 


with  you,  that  the  two  chambers  were  not  ne-  j 
cessary,  and  I  disliked   some  other  articles  j 
that  are  in,  and  wished  for  some  that  are  not 
in,  the  proposed  plan :  I  nevertheless  hope  it 
may  be  adopted,  though  I  shall  have  nothing  j 
to  do  with  the  execution  of  it,  being  deter 
mined  to  quit  all  public  business  with  my  pre 
sent  employment*    At  83  one  certainly  has 
a  right  to  ambition  repose." 

To  the  same. 

"PHILADELPHIA,  June  8,  1788. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  received  a  few  days 
ago  your  kind  letter  of  the  3d  January. 

"The  arret  in  favour  of  the  non-catho- 
liques  gives  pleasure  here,  not  only  from  its 
present  advantages,  but  as  it  is  a  good  step 
towards  general  toleration,  and  to  the  abolish 
ing  in  time  all  party  spirit  among  Christians, 
and  the  mischiefs  that  have  so  long  attended 
it.  Thank  God,  the  world  is  growing  wiser 
and  wiser ;  and  as  by  degrees  men  are  con 
vinced  of  the  folly  of  wars  for  religion,  for  do 
minion,  or  for  commerce,  they  will  be  happier 
and  happier. 

"  Eight  states  have  now  agreed  to  the  pro 
posed  new  constitution;  there  remain  five 
who  have  not  yet  discussed  it ;  their  appoint 
ed  times  of  meeting  not  being  yet  arrived. 
Two  are  to  meet  this  month,  the  rest  later. 
One  more  agreeing,  it  will  be  carried  into  ex 
ecution.  Probably  some  will  not  agree  at 
present,  but  time  may  bring  them  in ;  so  that 
we  have  little  doubt  of  its  becoming  general, 
perhaps  with  some  corrections.  As  to  your 
friend's  taking  a  share  in  the  management  of 
it,  his  age  and  infirmities  render  him  unfit  for 
the  business,  as  the  business  would  be  for  him. 
After  the  expiration  of  his  presidentship, 
which  will  now  be  in  a  few  months,  he  is  de 
termined  to  engage  no  more  in  public  affairs, 
even  if  required ;  but  his  countrymen  will  be 
too  reasonable  to  require  it.  You  are  not  so 
considerate;  you  are  a  hard  task-master. 
You  insist  on  his  writing  his  life,  already  a 
long  work,  and  at  the  same  time  would  have 
him  continually  employed  in  augmenting  the 
subject,  while  the  time  shortens,  in  which  the 
work  is  to  be  executed.  General  Washington 
is  the  man  that  all  our  eyes  are  fixed  on  for 
president,  and  what  little  influence  I  may 
have,  is  devoted  to  him. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  To  the  Duke  de  la  Rochefoucault. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Oct.  32,  1788. 

"  Our  public  affairs  begin  to  wear  a  more 
quiet  aspect.  The  disputes  about  the  faults 
of  the  new  constitution  are  subsided.  The 
first  congress  will  probably  mend  the  princi 
pal  ones,  and  future  congresses  the  rest.  That 

*  President  of  the  state  of  Pennsylvania. 


which  you  mentioned  did  not  pass  unnoticed 
in  the  convention.  Many,  if  I  remember 
right,  were  for  making  the  president  incapa 
ble  of  being  chosen  after  the  first  four  years ; 
but  the  majority  were  for  leaving  the  electors 
free  to  choose  whom  they  pleased ;  and  it  was 
alleged  that  such  incapacity  might  tend  to 
make  the  president  less  attentive  to  the  duties 
of  his  ofnce,  and  to  the  interests  of  the  people, 
than  he  would  be  if  a  second  choice  depended 
on  their  good  opinion  of  him.  We  are  mak 
ing  experiments  in  politics ;  what  knowledge 
we  shall  gain  by  them  will  be  more  certain, 
though  perhaps  we  may  hazard  too  much  in 
that  mode  of  acquiring  it." 


To  M.  Veillard. 


'Oct.  24,  1788. 


"  Our  affairs  mend  daily,  and  are  getting 
into  good  order  very  fast.  Never  was  any 
measure  so  thoroughly  discussed  as  our  pro 
posed  new  constitution.  Many  objections 
were  made  to  it  in  the  public  papers,  and  an 
swers  to  those  objections.  Much  party  heat 
there  was,  and  some  violent  personal  abuse. 
I  kept  out  of  the  dispute,  and  wrote  only  one 
little  paper  on  the  occasion,  which  I  enclose.* 
You  seem  to  be  too  apprehensive  about  our 
presidents  being  perpetual.  Neither  he  nor 
we  have  any  such  intentions :  of  what  danger 
there  may  be  of  such  an  event  we  are  all 
aware,  and  shall  take  care  effectually  to  pre 
vent  it.  The  choice  is  from  four  years  to  five 
years ;  the  appointments  will  be  small :  thus 
we  may  change  our  president  if  we  do  not 
like  his  conduct,  and  he  will  have  less  induce 
ment  to  struggle  for  a  new  election.  As  to 
the  two  chambers  I  am  of  your  opinion,  that 
one  alone  would  be  better;  but,  my  dear 
friend,  nothing  in  human  affairs  and  schemes 
is  perfect;  and  perhaps  this  is  the  case  of  our 
opinions." 

"  To  Charles  Carrol,  Member  of  Congress. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  May  25,  1789. 

"  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  am  glad  to  see  by  the 
papers  that  our  grand  machine  has  at  length 
begun  to  work.  I  pray  God  to  bless  and  guide 
^operations.  If  any  form  of  government  is 
capable  of  making  a  nation  happy,  ours  I  think 
bids  fair  now  for  producing  that  effect.  But 
after  all,  much  depends  upon  the  people  who 
are  to  be  governed.  We  have  been  guarding 
against  an  evil  that  old  states  are  most  liable 
to,  excess  of  power  in  the  rulers;  but  our 
present  danger  seems  to  be  defect  of  obedi 
ence  in  the  subjects.  There  is  hope,  however, 
from  the  enlightened  state  of  this  age  and 
country,  we  may  guard  effectually  against 
that  evil  as  well  as  the  rest. 

"  My  grandson,  William  Temple  Franklin, 

*  A  comparison  between  the  ancient  Je\vs  and  Anti- 
federalists. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


165 


will  have  the  honour  of  presenting  this  line ; 
he  accompanied  me  to  France,  and  remained 
with  me  during  my  mission :  I  beg  leave  to 
recommend  him  to  your  notice,  and  that  you 
would  believe  me,  my  dear  friend,  yours  most 
affectionately,  B.  FRANKLIN." 

Dr.  Franklin  having  served  the  full  period 
limited  by  the  constitution  of  the  state  of 
Pennsylvania  for  the  continuance  in  office  of 
its  presidents ;  and  his  infirmities  and  desire 
of  repose  increasing,  in  Oct.  1788  he  retired 
wholly  from  public  affairs;  and  thus  noticed 
the  circumstance,  in  a  letter  to  his  friend  the 
duke  de  la  Rochefbucault : — 

"Philadelphia,  Oct.  22,  1788. 

"  Having  now  finished  my  turn  of 

being  president,  and  promising  myself  to  en 
gage  no  more  in  public  business,  I  hope  to 
enjoy  the  small  remains  of  life  that  are  allow 
ed  me,  in  the  repose  I  have  so  long  wished 
for.  I  purpose  to  employ  it  in  completing 
the  personal  history  you  mention.  It  is  now 
brought  down  to  my  fiftieth  year.*  What  is 
to  follow  will  be  of  more  important  transac 
tions  :  but  it  seems  to  me  what  is  done  will  be 
of  more  general  use  to  young  readers,  exem 
plifying  strongly  the  effects  of  prudent  and 
imprudent  conduct  in  the  commencement  of 
a  life  of  business." 

****** 

Though  Dr.  Franklin  had  every  reason  to 
be  well  satisfied  with  the  reception  he  met  on 
his  return  to  the  United  States,  from  his  fel 
low-citizens  ;  he  was  by  no  means  so  with 
the  general  government.  This  he  feelingly 
expresses  in  a  letter  to  his  particular  friend, 
Charles  Thomson,  secretary  of  congress. 

"  To  Charles  Thompson. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Dec.  29,  1788. 

"DEAR  OLD  FRIEND, — Inclosed,  I  send  a 
letter  to  the  president  of  congress,  for  the 
time  being,  which,  if  you  find  nothing  impro 
per  in  it,  or  that  in  regard  to  me  you  could 
wisli  changed  or  amended,  I  would  request 
you  to  present.  I  rely  much  on  your  friendly 
counsel,  as  you  must  be  better  acquainted 
with  persons  and  circumstances  than  I  am : 
and  I  suppose  there  will  be  time  enough  be 
fore  the  new  congress  is  formed  to  make  any 
alterations  you  may  advise,  though  if  present 
ed  at  all,  it  should  be  to  the  old  one. 

"  In  the  copy  of  my  letter  to  Mr.  Barclay, 
you  may  observe,  that  mention  is  made  of 
some  'considerable  articles  which  I  have  not 
charged  in  my  accounts  with  congress,  but 
on  which  I  should  expect  from  their  equity 
some  consideration."  That  you  may  have 

*  Close  of  Part  II.  The  subsequent  state  of  his 
health  did  not  enable  him  to  continue  it  further. 

VOL.  I... 2  A         16* 


some  information  what  those  articles  are,  I  in 
close  also  a  *'  Sketch  of  my  services  to  thr 
United  States"  wherein  you  will  find  men 
tion  of  the  extra  services  1  performed  that  do 
not  appertain  to  the  office  of  plenipotentiary, 
viz.  as  judge  of  admiralty,  as  consul  before 
the  arrival  of  Mr.  Barclay,  as  banker  in  ex 
amining  and  accepting  the  multitude  of  bill? 
of  exchange,  and  as  secretary  for  several 
years,  none  being  sent  to  me,  though  othei 
ministers  were  allowed  such  assistance. 

"  I  must  own,  I  did  hope,  that  as  it  is  cus 
tomary  in  Europe  to  make  some  liberal  pro 
vision  for  ministers  when  they  return  homo 
from  foreign  service,  the  congress  would  at 
least  have  been  kind  enough  to  have  shown 
their  approbation  of  my  conduct  by  a  grant  of 
a  small  tract  of  land  in  their  western  country, 
which  might  have  been  of  use  and  some  honour 
to  my  posterity.  And  I  cannot  but  still  think 
they  will  do  something  of  the  kind  for  me 
whenever  they  shall  be  pleased  to  take  my 
services  into  consideration,  as  I  see  by  their 
minutes  that  they  have  allowed  Mr.  Lee 
handsomely  for  his  services  in  England,  be 
fore  his  appointment  to  France,  in  which  ser 
vices  I  and  Mr.  Bollan  co-operated  with  him, 
but  have  had  no  such  allowance :  and  since 
his  return,  he  has  been  very  properly  reward 
ed  with  a  good  place,  as  well  as  my  friend 
Mr.  Jay:  though  these  are  trifling  compen 
sations  in  comparison  with  what  was  granted 
by  the  king  to  M.  Gerard  on  his  return  from 
America.  But  how  different  is  what  has 
happened  to  me.  On  my  return  from  Eng 
land  in  1775,  the  congress  bestowed  on  me 
the  office  of  postmaster-general,  for  which  I 
was  very  thankful.  It  was  indeed  an  office  ] 
had  some  kind  of  right  to,  as  having  previous 
ly  greatly  enlarged  the  revenue  of  the  post, 
by  the  regulations  I  had  contrived  and  estab 
lished,  while  I  possessed  it  under  the  crown. 
When  I  was  sent  to  France,  I  left  it  in  the 
hands  of  my  son-in-law,  who  was  to  act  as  my 
deputy.  But  soon  after  my  departure  it  was) 
taken  from  me  and  given  to  Mr.  Hazard. 
When  the  English  ministry  formerly  thought 
fit  to  deprive  me  of  the  office,  they  left  me, 
however,  the  privilege  of  receiving  and  send 
ing  my  letters  free  of  postage,  which  is  the 
usage  when  a  postmaster  is  not  displaced  for 
misconduct  in  the  office :  but  in  America,  I 
have  ever  since  had  the  postage  demanded  of 
me,  which  since  my  return  from  France  has 
amounted  to  above  fifty  pounds,  much  of  it  oc 
casioned  by  my  having  acted  as  minister  there. 

"  When  I  took  my  grandson,  William  Tem 
ple  Franklin,  with  me  to  France,  I  purposed, 
after  giving  him  the  French  language,  to 
educate  him  in  the  study  and  practice  of  the 
law.  But  by  the  repeated  expectations  given 
me  of  a  secretary,  and  constant  disappoint 
ments,  I  was  induced,  and  indeed  obliged,  to 


186 


MEMOIRS  OF 


retain  him  with  me,  to  assist  in  the  secreta 
ry's  office,  which  disappointments  continued 
till  my  return,  by  which  time,  so  many  years 
of  the  opportunity  of  his  studying  the  law 
were  lost,  and  his  habits  of  life  became  so  dif 
ferent,  that  it  appeared  no  longer  advisable ; 
and  I  then  considering  him  as  brought  up  in 
the  diplomatic  line,  and  well  qualified  by  his 
knowledge  in  that  branch  for  the  employ  of  a 
secretary  at  least,  (in  which  opinion  I  was  not 
alone,  for  three  of  my  colleagues,  without  the 
smallest  solicitation  from  me,  chose  him  se 
cretary  of  the  negotiation  for  treaties,  which 
they  had  been  empowered  to  do)  I  took  the 
liberty  of  recommending  him  to  the  congress 
for  their  protection.  This  was  the  only  favour 
I  ever  asked  of  them  :  and  the  only  answer  I 
received  was,  a  resolution  superceding  him, 
and  appointed  Col.  Humphreys  in  his  place; 
a  gentleman,  who,  though  he  might  have  in 
deed  a  good  deal  of  military  merit,  certainly 
had  none  in  the  diplomatic  line,  and  had 
neither  the  French  language,  nor  the  experi 
ence,  nor  the  address  proper  to  qualify  him  for 
such  an  employment 

"  This  is  all  to  yourself  only,  as  a  private 
friend :  for  I  have  not,  nor  ever  shall,  make 
any  public  complaint:  and  even  if  I  could 
have  foreseen  such  unkind  treatment  from 
congress,  their  refusing  me  thanks,  would  not 
in  the  least  have  abated  my  zeal  for  the  cause, 
and  ardour  in  support  of  it.  I  know  something 
of  the  nature  of  such  changeable  assemblies, 
and  how  little  successors  know  of  the  services 
that  have  been  rendered  to  the  corps,  before 
their  admission,  or  feel  themselves  obliged  by 
such  services ;  and  what  effect  in  obliterating 
a  sense  of  them,  during  the  absence  of  the  ser 
vant  in  a  distant  country,  the  artful  and  reiter 
ated  malevolent  insinuations  of  one  or  two 
envious  and  malicious  persons  may  have  on 
the  minds  of  members,  even  of  the  most  equi 
table,  candid,  and  honourable  dispositions ;  and 
therefore,  I  will  pass  these  reflections  into 
oblivion. 

"  My  good  friend,  excuse,  if  you  can,  the 
trouble  of  this  letter;  and  if  the  reproach 
thrown  on  republics,  that  they  are  apt  to  be 
ungrateful?  should  ever  unfortunately  be 
verified,  with  respect  to  your  services,  re 
member  that  you  have  a  right  to  unbosom 
yourself  in  communicating  your  griefs  to 
your  ancient  friend,  and  most  obedient  humble 
servant, 

"B.  FRANKLIN. 
"  Charles  Thomson,  Esq., 

Sec'y  to  Congress" 

*  "  Ploravcrc  suis  nbn  rcsponderefavoreru 
Speratum  mentis."        Hor.  lib.  ii.  ep.  1. 
[Their  toils  and  services  could  hardly  raise 
The  slight  return  of  gratitude  or  praise.] 
is  applicable  not  only  to  the  heroes  particularly  speci 
fied,  but  to  the  valiant  and  wise  in  other  ages  and 
countries. 


[Inclosed  in  the  foregoing.] 

SKETCH  OF  THE  SERVICES   OF  B.  FRANKLIN 
TO  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA. 

In  England, 

He  combated  the  Stamp  Act,  and  his  writings  in  the 
papers  against  it,  with  his  examination  in  parliament, 
were  thought  to  have  contributed  much  to  its  repeal. 

He  opposed  the  Duty  Act,  and  though  he  could  not 
prevent  its  passing,  he  obtained  of  Mr.  Townshend  an 
omission  of  several  articles,  particularly  salt. 

In  the  subsequent  difference  he  wrote  and  published 
many  papers,  refuting  the  claim  of  parliament  to  tax 
the  colonies. 

He  opposed  all  the  oppressive  acts. 
He  had  two  secret  negotiations  with  the  ministers 
for  their  repeal,  of  which  he  has  written  a  narrative. 
In  this  he  offered  payment  for  the  destroyed  tea,  at  his 
own  risk,  in  case  they  were  repealed. 

He  was  joined  with  Messrs.  Holland  and  Lee  in  all 
the  applications  to  government  for  that  purpose. — 
Printed  several  pamphlets  at  his  own  considerable 
expense  against  the  then  measures  of  government, 
whereby  he  rendered  himself  obnoxious,  was  disgraced 
before  the  privy  council,  deprived  of  a  place  in  the  post 
office  of  SOW.  sterling  a  year,  and  obliged  to  resign  his 
agencies,  viz. 

of  Pennsylvania  SOW 
of  Massachusetts  400 
of  New  Jersey  100 

of  Georgia     "  200 

1200 

In  the  whole  15001.  sterling  per  annum. 

Orders  were  sent  to  the  king's  governors  not  to  sign 
any  warrants  on  the  treasury  for  the  orders  of  his 
salaries;  and  though  he  was  not  actually  dismissed  by 
the  colonies  that  employed  him,  yet  thinking  the  known 
malice  of  the  court  against  him,  rendered  him  less  like 
ly  than  others  to  manage  thfir  affairs  to  their  advan 
tage,  he  judged  it  to  be  his  duty  to  withdraw  from  their 
service,  and  leave  it  open  for  less  exceptionable  per 
sons,  which  saved  them  the  necessity  of  removing  him. 

Returning  to  America,  he  encouraged  the  revolution  , 
was  appointed  chairman  of  the  committee  of  safety, 
where  he  projected  the  clieveauz  de  frize  for  securing 
Philadelphia,  then  the  residence  of  congress. 

Was  sent  by  congress  to  head-quarters  near  Boston 
with  Messrs.  Harrison  and  Lynch  in  1775,  to  settle 
some  affairs  with  the  northern  governments  and  gen 
eral  Washington. 

In  the  Spring  of  1776,  was  sent  to  Canada  with 
Messrs.  Chase  and  Carrol,  passing  the  Lakes  while 
they  were  not  yet  free  from  ice. — In  Canada  was  with 
his  colleagues  instrumental  in  redressing  sundry  grie 
vances,  and  thereby  reconciling  the  people  more  to  our 
cause.  He  there  advanced  to  general  Arnold  and  other 
servants  of  congress,  then  in  extreme  necessity,  353/. 
in  gold  out  of  his  own  pocket,  on  the  credit  of  congress, 
which  was  a  great  service  at  that  juncture,  in  procur 
ing  provisions  for  our  army. 

Being  at  the  time  he  was  ordered  on  this  service, 
upwards  of  seventy  years  of  age,  he  suffered  in  his 
health  by  the  hardships  of  this  journey :  lodging  in  the 
woods,  &c.  in  so  inclement  a  season ;  but  being  re 
covered,  the  congress  in  the  same  year  ordered  him  to 
France.  Before  his  departure,  he  put  all  the  money  he 
could  raise,  between  three  and  four  thousand  pounds, 
into  their  hands;  which  demonstrating  his  confidence, 
encouraged  others  to  lend  their  money  in  support  of 
the  cause. 

He  made  no  bargain  for  appointments,  but  was  pro 
mised  by  a  vote,  the  net  salary  of  5QQI.  sterling  per  an 
num,  his  expenses  paid,  and  to  be  assisted  by  a  secre 
tary,  who  was  to  have  1000Z.  per  annum,  to  include  all 
contingencies. 

When  the  Pennsylvania  assembly  sent  him  to  Enar 
land  in  1764  on  the  same  salary,  they  allowed  him  one 
year's  advance  for  his  passage,  and  in  consideration 
of  the  prejudice  to  his  private  affairs  that  must  be  oc 
casioned  by  his  sudden  departure  and  absence.  He  has 
had  no  such  allowance  from  congress,  was  badly  ac 
commodated  in  a  miserable  vessel,  improper  for  those 
northern  seas,  (and  which  actually  foundered  in  her 
return)  was  badly  fed,  so  that  on  his  arrival,  he  had 
scarce  strength  to  stand. 

His  services  to  the  states  as  commissioner,  and  after 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


187 


wards  minister  plenipotentiary,  are  known  to  congress, 
as  may  appear  in  his  correspondence.  His  extra  ser 
vices  may  not  be  so  well  known,  and  therefore  may  be 
here  mentioned.  No  secretary  ever  arriving,  the  busi 
ness  was  in  part  before,  and  entirely  when  the  other 
commissioners  left  him,  executed  by  himself,  with  the 
help  of  his  grandson,  who  at  first  was  only  allowed 
clothes,  board,  and  lodging;  and  afterwards  a  salary 
never  exceeding  300/.  a-year  (except  while  he  served  as 
secretary  to  the  commissioners  for  peace)  by  which 
difference  in  salary  continued  many  years  the  congress 
saved,  if  they  accept  it,  700/.  sterling  a-year. 

He  served  as  Consul  entirely  several  years,  till  the 
arrival  of  Mr.  Barclay,  and  even  after,  as  that  gentle 
man  was  obliged  to  be  much  and  long  absent  in  Hol 
land,  Flanders,  and  England;  during  which  absence 
what  business  of  the  kind  occurred,  still  came  to  Mr.  F. 

He  served,  though  without  any  special  commission 
for  the  purpose,  as  a  Judge  of  Admiralty ;  for  the  con 
gress  having  sent  him  a  quantity  of  blank  commissions 
for  privateers,  he  granted  them  to  cruisers  fitted  out  in 
the  ports  of  France,  some  of  them  manned  by  old 
smugglers,  who  knew  every  creek  on  the  coast  of  Eng 
land,  and  running  all  round  the  island,  distressed  the 
British  coasting  trade  exceedingly,  and  raised  their 
general  insurance.  One  of  those  privateers  alone,  the 
Black  Prince,  took  in  one  year  75  sail !  All  the  papers 
taken  in  each  prize  brought  in,  were,  in  virtue  of  an 
order  of  council,  sent  up  to  Mr.  F.,  who  was  to  examine 
them,  judge  of  the  legality  of  the  capture,  and  write  to 
the  admiralty  of  the  port,  that  he  found  the  prize  good, 
ami  that  the  sale  might  be  permitted.  These  papers, 
which  are  very  voluminous,  he  has  to  produce. 

He  served  also  as  Merchant  to  make  purchases,  and 
direct  the  shipping  of  stores  to  a  very  great  value,  for 
which  he  has  charged  no  commission. 

But  the  part,  of  his  service  which  was  the  most  fatigu 
ing  and  confining,  was  that  of  receiving  and  accept 
ing,  after  a  due  and  necessary  examination,  the  bills 
of  exchange  drawn  by  congress  for  interest  money  ;  to 
the  amount  of  two  millions  and  a  half  of  livres  annual 
ly ;  multitudes  of  the  bills  very  small,  each  of  which, 
the  smallest,  gave  as  much  trouble  in  examining  as 
the  largest.  And  this  careful  examination  was  found 
absolutely  necessary  from  the  constant  frauds  attempt 
ed  by  presenting  seconds  and  thirds  for  payment,  after 
the  firsts  had  been  discharged.  As  these  bills  were 
arriving  more  or  less  by  every  ship  and  every  post,  they 
required  constant  attendance.  Mr.  F.  could  make  n) 
journey  for  exercise  as  had  been  annually  his  custom 
and  the  confinement  brought  on  a  malady  that  is  likely 
to  afflict  him  while  he  lives. 

In  short,  though  he  has  always  been  an  active  man, 
he  never  went  through  so  much  business  during  eight 
years,  in  any  part  of  his  life,  as  during  those  of  his 
residence  in  France  ;  which  however  he  did  not  decline 
till  he  saw  peace  happily  made,  and  found  himself  in 
the  80th  year  of  his  age ;  when,  if  ever,  a  man  has 
some  right  to  expect  repose. 


Some  time  after  Dr.  Franklin's  return  to 
Philadelphia,  a  society  for  Political  Inquiries 
was  formed  in  that  city,  of  which  he  was 
chosen  president;  and  on  account  of  his  bodily 
infirmities  the  meetings  were  held  at  his  own 
house.  Two  or  three  of  the  essays  read. in 
this  society  were  published;  its  existence, 
however,  was  not  of  long  continuance. 

Two  other  societies  were  also  established 
in  Philadelphia  about  this  period,  founded  on 
the  principles  of  the  most  liberal  and  refined 
humanity :  one  "for  alleviating  the  miseries 
of  public  prisons"  and  the  other,  "for  pro 
moting  the  abolition  of  slaver y,  the  relief  of 
free  negroes  unlawfully  held  in  bondage, 
and  the  improvement  of  the  condition  of  the 
African  race."  -Of  each  of  these  Dr.  Frank 
lin  was  president.  He  had  as  early  as  the 
year  1772,  strongly  expressed  his  abhorrence 
of  the  traffic  in  slaves,  as  appears  by  his  let 
ter  of  the  22d  August  in  that  year,  to  Mr. 


Anthony  Benezett,  inserted  in  the  litt  Part 
of  his  Private  Correspondence" 

The  following  ADDRESS  with  a  PLAN  of  the  latter 
society  are  supposed  to  have  been  drawn  up  by  Dr. 
Franklin. 

An  Address  to  the  Public,  from  the  Pennsylvania  Society 
for  promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  and  the  Relief 
of  Free  Negroes,  unlawfully  held  in  Bondage. 

IT  is  with  peculiar  satisfaction,  we  assure  the  friends 
of  humanity,  that,  in  prosecuting  the  design  of  our  as 
sociation,  our  endeavours  have  proved  successful,  far 
beyond  our  most  sanguine  expectations. 

Encouraged  by  this  success,  and  by  the  daily  pro 
gress  of  that  luminous  and  benign  spirit  of  liberty, 
which  is  diffusing  itself  throughout  the  world,  and 
humbly  hoping  for  the  continuance  of  the  divine  bless 
ing  on  our  labours,  we  have  ventured  to  make  an  im 
portant  addition  to  our  original  plan,  and  do.  there 
fore,  earnestly  solicit  the  support  and  assistance  of  all, 
who  can  feel  the  tender  emotions  of  sympathy  and 
compassion,  or  relish  the  exalted  pleasure  of  benefi 
cence. 

Slavery  is  such  an  atrocious  debasement  of  human 
nature,  that  its  very  extirpation,  if  not  performed  with 
solicitous  care,  may  sometimes  open  a  source  of  sen 
ous  evils. 

The  unhappy  man,  who  has  long  been  treated  as  a 
brute  animal,  too  frequently  sinks  beneath  the  com 
mon  standard  of  the  human  species.  The  galling 
chains,  that  bind  his  body,  do  also  fetter  his  intellec 
tual  faculties,  and  impair  the  social  affections  of  his 
heart.  Accustomed  to  move  like  a  mere  machine,  by 
the  will  of  a  master,  reflection  is  suspended  ;  he  lias 
not  the  power  of  choice ;  and  reason  and  conscience 
have  but  little  influence  over  his  conduct,  because  ho 
is  chiefly  governed  by  the  passion  of  fear.  He  is  poor 
and  friendless — perhaps  worn  out  by  extreme  labour, 
age,  and  disease. 

Under  such  circumstances,  freedom  may  often  prove 
a  misfortune  to  himself,  and  prejudicial  to  society. 

Attention  to  emancipated  black  people,  it  is  there 
fore  to  be  hoped,  will  become  a  branch  of  our  national 
police;  but  as  far  as  we  contribute  to  promote  this 
emancipation,  so  far  that  attention  is  evidently  a  sen 
ous  duty  incumbent  on  us,  and  which  we  mean  to  dis 
charge  to  the  best  of  our  judgment  and  abilities. 

To  instruct,  to  advise,  to  qualify  those,  who  have- 
been  restored  to  freedom,  for  the  exercise  and  enjoy 
ment  of  civil  liberty,  to  promote  in  them  habits  of  in 
dustry,  to  furnish  them  with  employments  suited  to 
their  age,  sex,  talents,  and  other  circumstances,  and  to 
procure  their  children  an  education  calculated  for  their 
future  situation  in  life;  these  are  the  great  outlinesof 
the  annexed  plan,  which  we  have  adopted,  and  which 
we  conceive  will  essentially  promote  the  public  good, 
and  the  happiness  of  these  our  hitherto  too  much 
neglected  fellow-creatures. 

A  plan  so  extensive  cannot  be  carried  into  execution 
without  considerable  pecuniary  resources,  beyond  the 
present  ordinary  funds  of  the  society.  We  hope  much 
from  the  generosity  of  enlightened  and  benevolent 
freemen,  and  will  gratefully  receive  any  donations  or 
subscriptions  for  this  purpose,  which  may  be  made  to 
our  treasurer,  James  Starr,  or  to  James  Pemberton 
chairman  of  our  committee  of  correspondence. 
Signed  by  order  of  the  society, 

B.  FRANKLIN,  President. 

Philadelphia,  9th  of  November,  1789. 

The  labours  of  both  these  societies  have 
been  crowned  with  great  success,  and  they 
continue  to  prosecute  with  unwearied  dili 
gence  the  laudable  designs  for  which  they 
were  established. 

According  to  Dr.  Stuber's  account,  "Dr. 
Franklin's  name,  as  president  of  the  Abolition 
Society,  was  signed  to  the  memorial  present 
ed  to  the  house  of  representatives  of  the  Unit 
ed  States,  on  the  12th  of  February,  1789, 
praying  them  to  exert  the  full  extent  of 
power  vested  in  them  by  the  constitution  in 
discouraging  the  traffic  of  the  human  species. 


188 


MEMOIRS  OF 


This  was  his  last  public  act.  In  the  debates 
to  which  this  memorial  gave  rise,  several  at 
tempts  were  made  to  justify  the  trade.  In 
the  Federal  Gazette  of  March  25th,  1790, 
there  appeared  an  essay,  signed  HISTORICUS, 
written  by  Dr.  Franklin,  in  which  he  com 
municated  a  speech,  said  to  have  been  deliver 
ed  in  the  Divan  of  Algiers,  in  1687,  in  op 
position  to  the  prayer  of  the  petition  of  a  sect 
called  Erika,  or  Purists,  for  the  abolition  of 
piracy  and  slavery.  This  pretended  African 
speech  was  an  excellent  parody  of  one  de 
livered  by  Mr.  Jackson,  of  Georgia.  All  the 
arguments  urged  in  favour  of  negro  slavery, 
are  applied  with  equal  force  to  justify  the 
plundering  and  enslaving  of  Europeans.  It 
affords,  at  the  same  time,  a  demonstration  of 
the  futility  of  the  arguments  in  defence  of  the 
slave  trade,  and  of  the  strength  of  mind  and 
ingenuity  of  the  author,  at  his  advanced  period 
of  life.  It  furnished,  too,  a  no  less  convincing 
proof  of  his  power  of  imitating  the  style  of 
other  times  and  nations,  than  his  celebrated 
parable  against  persecution.  And  as  the  lat 
ter  led  many  persons  to  search  the  scriptures 
with  a  view  to  find  it,  so  the  former  caused 
many  persons  to  search  the  book-stores  and 
libraries,  for  the  work  from  which  it  was  said 
to  be  extracted." 

This  piece,  of  itself  so  ingenious,  and  being 
one  of  the  last  compositions  of  Dr.  Franklin, 
(written  only  a  few  weeks  previous  to  his 
demise)  is  inserted  here. 

"  To  the  Editor  of  the  Federal  Gazette. 

"  March  23,  1790. 

"  SIR, — Reading  last  night  in  your  excel 
lent  paper  the  speech  of  Mr.  Jackson  in  con 
gress,  against  their  meddling  with  the  affair 
of  slavery,  or  attempting  to  mend  the  condi 
tion  of  the  slaves,  it  put  me  in  mind  of  a  simi 
lar  one  made  about  one  hundred  years  since, 
by  Side  Mehemed  Ibrahim,  a  member  of  the 
Divan  of  Algiers,  which  may  be  seen  in 
Martin's  account  of  his  consulship,  Anno  1687. 
It  was  against  granting  the  petition  of  the 
sect  called  Erika  or  Purists,  who  prayed  for 
the  abolition  of  piracy  and  slavery  as  being 
unjust.  Mr.  Jackson  does  not  quote  it,  per 
haps  he  has  not  seen  it.  If  therefore  some 
of  its  reasonings  are  to  be  found  in  his  elo 
quent  speech,  it  may  only  show  that  men's 
interests  and  intellects  operate  and  are  operat 
ed  on  with  surprising  similarity  in  all  coun 
tries  and  climates,  whenever  they  are  under 
similar  circumstances.  The  African's  speech, 
as  translated,  is  as  follows : 

"  Allah  Bismillah,  cf-c. 
"  God  is  great,  and  Mahomed  is  his  prophet. 

"  Have  these  Erika  considered  the  conse 
quences  of  granting  their  petition?  If  we 
cease  our  cruises  against  the  Christians,  how 
shall  we  be  furnished  with  the  commodities  ! 


their  countries  produce;  and  which  are  so 
necessary  for  us?     If  we  forbear  to  make 
slaves  of  their  people,  who  in  this  hot  climate 
are  to  cultivate  our  lands  1     Who  are  to  per 
form  the  common  labours  of  our  city,  and  in 
our  families  ?     Must  we  not  then  be  our  own 
slaves  1     And  is  there  not  more  compassion 
and  more  favour  due  to  us  as  Mosslemen  than 
to  these   Christian  dogs?     We  have  now 
above  fifty  thousand  slaves  in  and  near  Al 
giers;  this  number,  if  not  kept  up  by  fresh 
supplies,  will  soon  diminish  and  be  gradually 
annihilated.     If  we  then  cease  taking  and 
plundering  the  infidel  ships,  and  making  slaves 
of  the  seamen  and  passengers,  our  lands  will 
become  of  no  value  for  want  of  cultivation  ; 
the  rents  of  houses  in  the  city  will  sink  one 
half;  and  the  revenue  of  government  arising 
from  its  share  of  prizes  be  totally  destroyed  ! 
And   for  what?   to  gratify  the  whims  of  a 
whimsical  sect,  who  would  have  us  not  only 
forbear  making  more   slaves,   but    even  to 
manumit  those  we  have  !     But  who  is  to  in 
demnify  their  masters  for  the  loss  ?     Will  the 
state  do  it  ?     Is  our  treasury  sufficient  ?  Will 
the  Erika  do  it  ?   Can  they  do  it  ?    Or  would 
they,  to  do  what  tney  think  justice  to  the 
slaves,  do  a  greater  injustice  to  the  owners  ? 
And  if  we  set  our  slaves  free,  what  is  to  be 
done  with  them  ?     Few  of  them  will  return 
to  their  countries,  they  know  too  well  the 
greater  hardships  they  must  there  be  subject 
to :  they  will  not  embrace  our  holy  religion : 
they  will  not  adopt  our  manners :  our  people 
will  not  pollute  ourselves  by  intermarrying 
with  them :  must  we  maintain  them  as  beg 
gars  in  our  streets ;  or  suffer  our  properties  to 
)e  the  prey  of  their  pillage  ?  for  men  accus 
tomed  to  slavery,  will  not  work  for  a  liveli 
hood  when  not  compelled.     And  what  is  there 
so  pitiable  in  their  present  condition  ?     Were 
they  not  slaves  in  their  own  countries  ?  Are 
not  Spain,  Portugal,  France,  and  the  Italian 
States,  governed  by  despots,  who  hold  all  their 
subjects  in  slavery,  without  exception  ?  Even 
England  treats  its  sailors  as  slaves,  for  they 
are,  whenever  the  government  pleases,  seiz 
ed,  and  confined  in  ships  of  war,  condemned 
not  only  to  work  but  to  fight,  for  small  wages 
or  a  mere  subsistence,  not  better  than  our 
slaves  are  allowed  by  us.     Is  their  condition 
then  made  worse  by  their  falling  into  our 
hands  ?     No,  they  have  only  exchanged  one 
slavery  for  another,  and  I  may  say  a  better : 
for  here  they  are  brought  into  a  land  where 
the  sun  of  Islamism  gives  forth  its  light,  and 
shines  in  full  splendour,  and  they  have  an  op 
portunity  of  making  themselves  acquainted 
with  the  true  doctrine,  and  thereby  saving 
their  immortal  souls.     Those  who  remain  at 
home  have  not  that  happiness.     Sending  the 
slaves  home  then  would  be  sending  them  out 
of  light  into  darkness. — I  repeat  the  question, 
what  is  to  be  done  with  them  ?    I  have  heard 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


169 


it.  suggested  that  they  may  be  planted  in  the 
wilderness,  where  there  is  plenty  of  land  for 
them  to  subsist  on,  and  where  they  may 
flourish  as  a  free  state  ;  but  they  are,  I  doubt, 
too  little  disposed  to  labour  without  compul 
sion,  as  well  as  too  ignorant  to  establish  a 
good  government,  and  the  wild  Arabs  would 
soon  molest  and  destroy  or  again  enslave 
them.  While  serving  us,  we  take  care  to 
provide  them  with  every  thing,  and  they  are 
treated  with  humanity.  The  labourers  in 
their  own  country,  are,  as  I  am  well  informed, 
worse  fed,  lodged,  and  clothed.  The  condi 
tion  of  most  of  them  is  therefore  already 
mended,  and  requires  no  further  improve 
ment.  Here  their  lives  are  in  safety.  They 
are  not  liable  to  be  impressed  for  soldiers,  and 
forced  to  cut  one  another's  Christian  throats, 
as  in  the  wars  of  their  own  countries.  If 
some  of  the  religious  mad  bigots  who  now 
teaze  us  with  their  silly  petitions,  have  in  a 
fit  of  blind  zeal  freed  their  slaves,  it  was  not 
generosity,  it  was  not  humanity  that  moved 
them  to  the  action ;  it  was  from  the  conscious 
burden  of  a  load  of  sins,  and  a  hope,  from  the 
supposed  merits  of  so  good  a  work,  to  be  ex 
cused  from  damnation. — How  grossly  are  they 
mistaken  to  suppose  slavery  to  be  disallowed 
by  the  Koran !  Are  not  the  two  precepts,  to 
quote  no  more,  "  Masters  treat  your  slaves 
with  kindness :  slaves  serve  your  masters 
with  cheerfulness  and  fidelity"  clear  proofs 
to  the  contrary  ]  Nor  can  the  plundering  of 
infidels  be  in  that  sacred  book  forbidden,  since 
it  is  well  known  from  it,  that  God  has  given 
the  world,  and  all  that  it  contains,  to  his  faith 
ful  Mosslemen,  who  are  to  enjoy  it  of  right,  as 
fast  as  they  conquer  it.  Let  us  then  hear  no 
more  of  this  detestable  proposition,  the  manu 
mission  of  Christian  slaves,  the  adoption  of 
which  would  by  depreciating  our  lands  and 
houses,  and  thereby  depriving  so  many  good 
citizens  of  their  properties,  create  universal 
discontent,  and  provoke  insurrections,  to  the 
endangering  of  government,  and  producing 
general  confusion.  I  have  therefore  no  doubt, 
but  this  wise  council  will  prefer  the  comfort 
and  happiness  of  a  whole  nation  of  true  be 
lievers  to  the  whim  of  a  few  Erika,  and  dis 
miss  their  petition." 

"  The  result  was,  as  Martin  tells  us,  that 
the  Divan  came  to  this  resolution,  '  The  doc 
trine  that  plundering  and  enslaving  the  Chris 
tians  is  unjust,  is  at  best  problematical ;  but 
that  it  is  the  interest  of  this  state  to  continue 
the  practice,  is  clear ;  therefore  let  the  peti 
tion  be  rejected.' 

"  And  it  was  rejected  accordingly. 

"  And  since  like  motives,  are  apt  to  produce 
in  the  minds  of  men  like  opinions  and  resolu 
tions,  may  we  not,  Mr.  Brown,  venture  to 
predict,  from  this  account,  that  the  petitions 
to  the  parliament  of  England  for  abolishing 
the  slave  trade,  to  say  nothing  of  other  legis 


latures,  and  the  debates  upon  them,  will  have 
a  similar  conclusion. 

"  I  am,  sir,  your  constant  reader  and  hum 
ble  servant,  HISTORICUS." 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year  (1789,)  Dr. 
Franklin  received  a  new  and  unexpected  ho 
nour  ;  that  of  being  elected  a  member  of  the 
Imperial  Academy  of  Sciences  of  St.  Peters- 
burgh. — It  was  communicated  to  him  by  the 
following  handsome  letter  (in  English}  from 
the  princess  DaschkofF,  the  lady  president, 
whom  Dr.  Franklin  had  occasionally  met  at 
Paris:— 

"  To  his  Excellency  Dr.  Benjamin  Frank 
lin,  cjrc.  cjfc.  Philadelphia. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — Having  always  supposed,  and 
even  cherished  the  idea,  that  you  were  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Imperial  Academy  of  Sciences, 
which  is  at  St.  Petersburg!!,  under  my  direc 
tion,  I  was  greatly  surprised,  when  re  vie  whig 
the  list  of  its  members  some  days  ago,  I  did 
not  find  your  name  in  the  number.  I  hastened 
therefore,  to  acquire  this  honour  for  the  aca 
demy,  and  you  were  received  among  its  mem 
bers  with  an  unanimous  applause  and  joy.  I 
beg  you,  sir,  to  accept  of  this  title,  and  to  be 
lieve  that  I  look  upon  it  as  an  honour  acquired 
by  our  academy. 

"  I  shall  order  the  patent  to  be  dispatched 
to  you  as  soon  as  possible.  In  the  mean  time 
be  assured,  that  it  is  with  the  greatest  plea 
sure,  that  I  profit  of  the  present  occasion,  to 
give  you  a  token  of  regard  and  veneration  for 
your  eminent  character,  and  that  I  shall  al 
ways  recollect  with  pride,  the  advantage  1 
had  to  be  personally  noticed  by  you. 

"  With  a  sincere  consideration,  I  am,  dear 
sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

"PRINCESS  OF  DASCHKOFF. 

"  St.  Petersburgh,  Nov.  4,  1789." 

During  the  greatest  part  of  his  life,  Dr. 
Franklin  had  enjoyed  an  almost  uninterrupted 
state  of  good  health,  and  this  he  entirely  at 
tributed  to  his  exemplary  temperance. 

In  the  year  1735,  indeed,  he  had  been  seiz 
ed  with  a  pleurisy,  which  ended  in  a  suppu 
ration  of  the  left  lobe  of  the  lungs,  so  that  he 
was  almost  suffocated  by  the  quantity  of  mat 
ter  thrown  up.  But  from  this,  as  well  as 
from  another  attack  of  the  same  kind,  he  re 
covered  so  completely,  that  his  breathing  was 
not  in  the  least  affected. 

As  he  advanced  in  years,  however,  he  be 
came  subject  to  fits  of  the  gout,  to  which,  in 
1782,  a  nephritic  cholic  was  superadded. 
From  this  time,  he  was  also  affected  with  the 
stone,  as  well  as  the  gout ;  and  for  the  last 
twelve  months  of  his  life,  these  complaints 
almost  entirely  confined  him  to  his  bed. 

Notwithstanding  his  distressed  situation, 
neither  his  mental  faculties  nor  his  natural 


190 


MEMOIRS  OF 


cheerfulness  ever  forsook  him.  His  memory 
was  tenacious  to  the  very  last ;  and  he  seem 
ed  to  be  an  exception  to  the  general  rule, — 
that  at  a  certain  period  of  life,  the  organs 
which  are  subservient  to  this  faculty  become 
callous ;  a  remarkable  instance  of  which  is, 
that  he  learned  to  speak  French  after  he  had 
attained  the  age  of  seventy ! 

In  the  beginning  of  April,  1790,  he  was  at 
tacked  with  a  fever  and  complaint  of  his 
breast,  which  terminated  his  existence.  The 
following  account  of  his  last  illness  was  writ 
ten  by  his  friend  and  physician,  Dr.  Jones. 

"  The  stone,  with  which  he  had  been  af 
flicted  for  several  years,  had  for  the  last 
twelve  months  confined  him  chiefly  to  his 
bed ;  and  during  the  extremely  painful  par 
oxysms,  he  was  obliged  to  take  large  doses 
of  laudanum  to  mitigate  his  tortures — still,  in 
the  intervals  of  pain,  he  not  only  amused  him 
self  with  reading  and  conversing  cheerfully 
with  his  family,  and  a  few  friends  who  visited 
him.  but  was  often  employed  in  doing  busi 
ness  of  a  public  as  well  as  private  nature, 
with  various  persons  who  waited  on  him  for 
that  purpose ;  and  in  every  instance  displayed, 
not  only  that  readiness  and  disposition  of  do 
ing  good,  which  was  the  distinguishing  cha 
racteristic  of  his  life,  but  the  fullest  and 
clearest  possession  of  his  uncommon  mental 
abilities ;  and  not  unfrequently  indulged  him 
self  in  those  jeux  d 'esprit  and  entertaining 
anecdotes,  which  were  the  delight  of  all  who 
heard  him. 

"  About  sixteen  days  before  his  death,  he 
was  seized  with  a  feverish  indisposition,  with 
out  any  particular  symptoms  attending  it,  till 
the  third  or  fourth  day,  when  he  complained 
of  a  pain  in  the  left  breast,  which  increased 
till  it  became  extremely  acute,  attended  with 
a  cough  and  laborious  breathing.  During 
this  state,  when  the  severity  of  his  pains  drew 
forth  a  groan  of  complaint,  he  would  observe 
— that  he  was  afraid  he  did  not  bear  them  as 
he  ought — acknowledged  his  grateful  sense 
of  the  many  blessings  he  had  received  from 
that  Supreme  Being,  who  had  raised  him 
from  small  and  low  beginnings  to  such  high 
rank  and  consideration  among  men — and 
made  no  doubt  but  his  present  afflictions  were 
kindly  intended  to  wean  him  from  a  world,  in 
which  he  was  no  longer  fit  to  act  the  part  as 
signed  him.  In  this  frame  of  body  and  mind 
he  continued  till,  five  days  before  his  death, 
when  his  pain  and  difficulty  of  breathing  en 
tirely  left  him,  arid  his  family  were  flattering 
themselves  with  the  hopes  of  his  recovery, 
when  an  imposthumation,  which  had  formed 
itself  in  his  lungs,  suddenly  burst,  and  dis 
charged  a  great  quantity  of  matter,  which  he 
continued  to  throw  up  while  he  had  sufficient 
strength  to  do  it,  but,  as  that  failed,  the  or 
gans  of  respiration  became  gradually  oppress 
ed — a  calm  lethargic  state  succeeded — and, 


on  the  17th  of  April,  1790,  about  eleven 
o'clock  at  night,  he  quietly  expired,  closing  a 
long  and  useful  life  of  eighty-four  years  and 
three  months."* 

The  following  account  of  his  funeral,  and 
the  honours  paid  to  his  memory,  is  derived 
from  an  anonymous  source,  but  is  correct. 

"  All  that  was  mortal  of  this  great  man  was 
interred  on  the  21st  of  April,  in  the  cemetery 
of  Christ  church,  Philadelphia,  in  that  part 
adjoining  to  Arch  street,  N.  W.  corner,  in 
order  that,  if  a  monument  should  be  erected 
over  his  grave,  it  might  be  seen  to  more  ad 
vantage. 

"  Never  was  any  funeral  so  numerously  and 
so  respectably  attended  in  any  part  of  the 
States  of  America.  The  concourse  of  people 
assembled  upon  this  occasion  was  immense. 
All  the  bells  in  the  city  were  muffled,  and  the 
very  newspapers  were  published  with  black 
borders.  The  body  was  interred  amidst  peals 
of  artillery;  and  nothing  was  omitted  that 
could  display  the  veneration  of  the  citizens 
for  such  an  illustrious  character. 

"  The  congress  ordered  a  general  mourn 
ing  for  one  month,  throughout  America  ;  the 
National  Assembly  of  France  paid  the  same 
compliment  for  three  days ;  and  the  commons 
of  Paris,  as  an  extraordinary  tribute  of  honour 
to  his  memory,  assisted  in  a  body  at  the 
funeral  oration,  delivered  by  the  abbe  Fau- 
chet,  in  the  rotunda  of  the  corn  market,  which 
was  hung  with  black,  illuminated  with  chande 
liers,  and  decorated  with  devices  analogous 
to  the  occasion. 

"  Dr.  Smith,  provost  of  the  college  of  Phila 
delphia,  and  David  Rittenhcuse,  one  of  its 
members,  were  selected  by  the  Philosophical 
Society  to  prepare  an  eulogium  to  the  memory 
of  its  founder ;  and  the  subscribers  to  the  city 
library,  who  had  just  erected  a  handsome 
building  for  containing  their  books,  left  a 
vacant  niche  for  a  statue  of  their  benefactor. 

"  This  has  since  been  placed  there  by  the 
munificence  of  an  estimable  citizen  of  Phila 
delphia.  It  was  imported  from  Italy ;  the 
name  of  the  artist  is  Francis  Lazzarini ;  it  is 
composed  of  Carara  marble,  and  cost  500 
guineas. 

"  It  was  the  first  piece  of  sculpture  of  that, 
size,  which  had  been  seen  in  America.  Frank 
lin  is  represented  in  a  standing  posture  ;  one 
arm  is  supported  by  means  of  some  books,  in 
his  right  hand  he  holds  an  inverted  sceptre, 
an  emblem  of  anti-monarchical  principles ; 
and  in  his  left,  a  scroll  of  paper.  He  is  dress 
ed  in  a  Roman  toga.  The  resemblance  is 


*  Three  days  previous  to  his  decease,  he  desired  his 
daughter,  Mrs.  Sarah  Bache,  to  have  his  bed  made; 
"  in  order  that  he  might  die  in  a  decent  manner,"  as  was 
his  expression:  an  idea  probably  suggested  by  an  ac 
quaintance  with  the  custom  of  the  ancients. — Mrs. 
Bache  having  replied,  that  she  hoped  he  would  recover, 
and  live  many  years  longer;  he  instantly  rejoined,  "  / 
hope  not." 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


191 


correct ;  the  head  is  a  copy  from  the  excel 
lent  bust  produced  by  the  chisel  of  Houdon. 
The  following  inscription  is  engraven  on  the 
pedestal  : 

THIS  STATUE 

OF 

DR.  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 

WAS  PRESENTED  BY 

WILLIAM  BINGHAM,  Esa., 
1792. 

"Franklin's  life,"  says  the  anonymous 
writer  of  the  foregoing,  "  affords  one  of  the 
finest  moral  lessons  that  can  be  offered  up  to 
the  admiration,  the  applause,  or  the  imitation 
of  mankind. 

"  As  a  man,  we  have  beheld  him  practising 
and  inculcating  the  virtues  of  frugality,  tem 
perance,  and  industry. 

"  As  a  citizen,  we  have  seen  him  repelling 
the  efforts  of  tyranny,  and  ascertaining  the 
liberty  of  his  countrymen. 

"  As  a  legislator,  he  affords  a  bright  ex 
ample  of  a  genius  soaring  above  corruption, 
and  continually  aiming  at  the  happiness  of 
his  constituents. 

"  As  a  politician,  we  survey  him,  on  one 
hand,  acquiring  the  aid  of  a  powerful  nation, 
by  means  of  his  skilful  negotiations ;  and  on 
the  other,  calling  forth  the  common  strength 
of  a  congress  of  republics,  by  fixing  a  central 
point  to  which  they  could  all  look  up,  and 
concentrating  their  common  force,  for  the 
purposes  of  union,  harmony,  legislation,  and 
defence. 

"  As  a  philosopher,  his  labours  and  his  dis 
coveries  are  calculated  to  advance  the  inter 
ests  of  humanity  :  he  might,  indeed,  have  been 
justly  termed  the  friend  of  man,  the  benefac 
tor  of  the  universe ! 

"  The  pursuits  arid  occupations  of  his  early 
youth  afford  a  most  excellent  and  instructive 
example  to  the  young  ;  his  middle  life,  to  the 
adult ;  his  advanced  years,  to  the  aged.  From 
him  the  poor  may  learn  to  acquire  wealth,  and 
the  rich  to  adapt  it  to  the  purposes  of  benefi 
cence. 

"  In  regard  to  his  character,  he  was  rather 
sententious  than  fluent;  more  disposed  to 
listen,  than  to  talk ;  a  judicious,  rather  than 
an  imposing  companion.  He  was  what,  per 
haps,  every  able  man  is,  impatient  of  inter 
ruption  ;  for  he  used  to  mention  the  custom 
of  the  Indians  with  great  applause,  who,  after 
listening  with  a  profound  attention  to  the 
observations  of  each  other,  preserve  a  respect 
ful  silence  for  some  minutes,  before  they  be 
gin  their  own  reply. 

"  He  was  polite  in  his  manners,  and  never 
gave  a  pointed  contradiction  to  the  assertions 
of  his  friends  or  his  antagonists,  but  treated 
every  argument  with  great  calmness,  and 


conquered  his  adversaries  rather  by  the  force 
of  reason,  than  assertion." 

The  advice  of  his  death  reached  France  at 
a  period  well  adapted  to  excite  great  emo 
tions  :  and  in  the  National  Assembly,  llth 
June,  1790,  Mr.  Mirabeau  the  elder,  address 
ed  the  assembly  as  follows : — 

"  FRANKLIN  is  DEAD  !" 

[A  profound  silence  reigned  throughout  the  hall.] 

"  The  genius,  which  gave  freedom  to  Ame 
rica,  and  scattered  torrents  of  light  upon 
Europe,  is  returned  to  the  bosom  of  the 
Divinity  ! 

"  The  sage,  whom  two  worlds  claim  ;  the 
man,  disputed  by  the  history  of  the  sciences 
and  the  history  of  empires,  holds,  most  un 
doubtedly,  an  elevated  rank  among  the  hu 
man  species. 

"  Political  cabinets  have  but  too  long  noti 
fied  the  death  of  those  who  were  never  great 
but  in  their  funeral  orations ;  the  etiquette  of 
courts  has  but  too  long  sanctioned  hypocriti 
cal  grief. — Nations  ought  only  to  mourn  for 
their  benefactors;  the  representatives  of  free 
men  ought  never  to  recommend  any  other 
than  the  heroes  of  humanity  to  their  homage. 

"  The  congress  hath  ordered  a  general 
mourning  for  one  month  throughout  the  four 
teen  confederated  states,  on  account  of  the 
death  of  Franklin;  and  America  hath  thus 
acquitted  her  tribute  of  admiration  in  behalf 
of  one  of  the  fathers  of  her  constitution. 

"  Would  it  not  be  worthy  of  you,  fellow- 
legislators,  to  unite  yourselves  in  this  religi 
ous  act,  to  participate  in  this  homage  render 
ed  in  the  face  of  die  universe  to  the  rights  of 
man,  and  to  the  philosopher  who  has  so  emi 
nently  propagated  the  conquest  of  them 
throughout  the  world  1 

"  Antiquity  would  have  elevated  altars  to 
that  mortal,  who  for  the  advantage  of  the  hu 
man  race,  embracing  both  heaven  and  earth 
in  his  vast  and  extensive  mind,  knew  how  to 
subdue  thunder  and  tyranny  ! 

"Enlightened  and  free,  Europe  at  least 
owes  its  remembrance  and  its  regret  to  one 
of  the  greatest  men  who  has  ever  served  the 
cause  of  philosophy  and  of  liberty. 

"I  propose,  that  a  decree  do  now  pass, 
enacting,  that  the  National  Assembly  shall 
wear  mourning  during  three  days  for  Benja 
min  Franklin." 

M.  M.  de  la  Rochefoucault  and  La  Fayette 
immediately  rose,  in  order  to  second  this  mo 
tion. 

The  Assembly  adopted  it,  at  first  by  accla 
mation  ;  and  afterwards  decreed,  by  a  large 
majority,  amidst  the  plaudits  of  all  the  spec 
tators,  that  on  Monday  the  14th  of  June  it 
should  go  into  mourning  for  three  days ;  that 
the  discourse  of  M.  Mirabeau  should  be  print 
ed  ;  and  that  the  President  should  write  a  let- 


192 


MEMOIRS  OF 


ter  of  condolence,  upon  the  occasion,  to  the 
Congress  of  America.* 

The  following  character  of  Dr.  Franklin, 
by  one  of  his  intimate  friends,  is  so  ably  and 
accurately  drawn,  that  we  cannot  refrain  ad 
ding  it  to  the  foregoing. 

"  There  is,  in  the  character  of  every  dis 
tinguished  person,  something  to  admire,  and 
something  to  imitate.  The  incidents,  that 
have  marked  the  life  of  a  great  man,  always 
excite  curiosity,  and  often  afford  improve 
ment.  If  there  be  talents,  which  we  can 
never  expect  to  equal ;  if  there  be  a  series  of 
good  fortune,  which  we  can  never  expect  to 
enjoy,  we  still  need  not  lose  the  labour  of  our 
biographical  inquiries.  We  may  probably 
become  acquainted  with  habits,  which  it  may 
be  prudent  to  adopt — and  discover  virtues, 
which  we  cannot  fail  to  applaud.  It  will  be 
easy  for  the  reader  to  make  a  full  application 
of  these  remarks  in  his  contemplations  upon 
the  late  celebrated  DR.  FRANKLIN.  By  his 
death,  one  of  the  best  lights  of  the  world  may 
be  said  to  be  extinguished.  I  shall  not  at 
tempt  any  historical  details  of  the  life  of  this 
illustrious  patriot  and  philosopher,  as  I  have 
nothing  further  in  view  than  to  make  a  few 
comments  upon  the  most  striking  traits  of  his 
character. 

"  Original  genius  was  peculiarly  his  attri 
bute.  The  native  faculties  of  his  mind  quali 
fied  him  to  penetrate  into  every  science  :  and 
his  unremitted  diligence  left  no  field  of  know 
ledge  unexplored.  There  were  no  limits  to 
his  curiosity.  His  inquiries  were  spread  over 
the  whole  face  of  nature.  But  the  study  of 
man  seemed  to  be  his  highest  delight :  and  if 
his  genius  had  any  special  bias,  it  lay  in  dis 
covering  those  things  that  made  men  wiser 
and  happier.  As  truth  was  the  sole  object 
of  his  researches,  he  was  of  course  no  sectary : 
and  as  reason  was  his  guide,  he  embraced  no 
system  which  that  did  not  authorise.  In 
short,  he  laid  the  whole  volume  of  nature 
open  before  him,  and  diligently  and  faithfully 
perused  it. 

"Nor  were  his  political  attainments  less 
conspicuous  than  his  philosophical.  The  an 
cients  usually  ranked  good  fortune  among 
those  circumstances  of  life  which  indicate 

*The  Congress  of  the  United  States  thus  expressed 
their  sentiments  in  return. 

RESOLVED,  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives 
of  the  United  States  of  America,  in  Congress  assembled, 
That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be  requested 
to  cause  to  be  communicated  to  the  National  Assem 
bly  of  France,  the  peculiar  sensibility  of  Congress,  to 
the  tribute  paid  to  the  memory  of  Benjamin  Franklin, 
by  the  enlightened  and  free  representatives  of  a  great 
nation,  in  their  decree  of  the  eleventh  June,  one  thou 
sand  seven  hundred  and  ninety. 

Signed  FRED.  AUG.  MUHLENBERG, 

Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

JOHN  ADAMS, 
Vice- President  of  the  United  States  and 

President  of  the  Senate. 
Approved,  March  the  2d,  1791. 

Signed  GEORGE  WASHINGTON, 

President  of  the  United  States. 


merit.  In  this  view,  Dr.  Franklin  is  almost 
unrivalled,  having  seldom  undertaken  more 
than  he  accomplished.  The  world  are  too 
well  acquainted  with  the  events  of  his  politi 
cal  career,  to  require,  at  this  time,  a  particu 
lar  enumeration  of  them.  It  may  be  presumed 
the  historians  of  the  American  revolution  will 
exhibit  them  in  proper  colours. 

"  If  Dr.  Franklin  did  not  aspire  after  the 
splendour  of  eloquence,  it  was  only  because 
the  demonstrative  plainness  of  his  manner 
was  superior  to  it.  Though  he  neither  loved 
political  debate,  nor  excelled  in  it,  he  still 
preserved  much  influence  in  public  assemblies, 
and  discovered  an  aptitude  in  his  remarks,  on 
all  occasions.  He  was  not  fond  of  taking  a 
leading  part  in  such  investigations,  as  could 
never  terminate  in  any  degree  of  certainty. 
To  come  forward  in  questions,  which,  in  their 
nature,  are  indefinite,  and,  in  their  issue,  pro 
blematical,  does  not  comport  with  the  caution 
of  a  man,  who  has  taught  himself  to  look  for 
demonstration.  He  reserved  his  observations, 
for  those  cases,  which  science  could  enlighten, 
and  common  sense  approve.  The  simplicity 
of  his  style  was  well  adapted  to  the  clearness 
of  his  understanding.  His  conceptions  were 
so  bright  and  perfect,  that  he  did  not  choose 
to  involve  them  in  a  cloud  of  expressions.  If 
he  used  metaphors,  it  was  to  illustrate,  and 
not  to  embellish  the  truth.  A  man,  possess 
ing  such  a  lively  imagery  of  ideas,  should  ne 
ver  affect  the  arts  of  a  vain  rhetorician,  whose 
excellence  consists  only  in  a  beautiful  arrange 
ment  of  words. 

"But  whatever  claims  to  eminence  Dr. 
Franklin  may  have,  as  a  politician,  or  a  scho 
lar,  there  is  no  point  of  light,  in  which  his 
character  shines  with  more  lustre,  than  when 
we  view  him  as  a  man  or  a  citizen.  He  was 
eminently  great  in  common  things.  Perhaps 
no  man  ever  existed,  whose  life  can,  with 
more  justice,  be  denominated  useful. — No 
thing  ever  passed  through  his  hands,  without 
receiving  improvement :  and  no  person  ever 
went  info  his  company,  without  gaining  wis 
dom.  His  sagacity  was  so  sharp,  and  his  sci 
ence  so  various,  that,  whatever  might  be  the 
profession  or  occupation  of  those,  with  whom 
he  conversed,  he  could  meet  every  one  upon 
his  own  ground.  He  could  enliven  every 
conversation  with  an  anecdote,  and  conclude 
it  with  a  moral. 

"  The  whole  tenor  of  his  life  was  a  perpe 
tual  lecture  against  the  idle,  the  extravagant, 
and  the  proud.  It  was  his  principal  aim  to 
inspire  mankind  with  a  love  of  industry,  tem 
perance,  and  frugality ;  and  to  inculcate  such 
duties  as  prpmote  the  important  interests  of 
humanity.  He  never  wasted  a  moment  of 
time,  or  lavished  a  farthing  of  money,  in  folly 
or  dissipation.  Such  expenses  as  the  dignity 
of  his  station  required,  he  readily  sustained, 
limiting  them  by  the  strictest  rules  of  pro- 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


193 


priety.  Many  public  institutions  experience 
his  well-timed  liberality ;  and  he  manifeste( 
a  sensibility  of  heart  by  numerous  acts  of  pri 
vate  charity. 

44  By  a  judicious  division  of  time,  Dr.  Frank 
lin  acquired  the  art  of  doing  every  thing  tc 
advantage;  and  his  amusements  were  of  sue] 
a  nature,  as  could  never  militate  with  the 
main  objects  of  his  pursuit.  In  whateve 
situation  he  was  placed  by  chance  or  design 
he  extracted  something  useful  for  himself  o 
others.  His  life  was  remarkably  full  of  inci 
dent.  Every  circumstance  of  it  turned  to 
some  valuable  account.  The  maxims,  whicl 
his  discerning  mind  has  formed,  apply  to  in 
numerable  cases  and  characters.  Those  wh( 
move  in  the  lowest,  equally  with  those  who 
move  in  the  most  elevated  rank  in  society 
may  be  guided  by  his  instructions.  In  the 
private  deportment  of  his  life,  he,  in  many 
respects,  has  furnished  a  most  excellent  mo 
del.  His  manners  were  easy  and  accommo 
dating,  and  his  address  winning  and  respect 
ful.  All,  who  knew  him,  speak  of  him  as  a 
most  agreeable  man ;  and  all,  who  have  heard 
of  him,  applaud  him  as  a  very  useful  one.  A 
man  so  wise,  and  so  amiable,  could  not  but 
have  many  admirers,  and  many  friends." 

The  following  are  extracts  from  the  wil 
and  codicil  of  Dr.  Franklin : 

44  With  regard  to  my  books,  those  I  had  in 
France  and  those  I  left  in  Philadelphia,  being 
now  assembled  together  here,  and  a  catalogue 
made  of  them,  it  is  my  intention  to  dispose  of 
the  same  as  follows: — My  History  of  the 
Academy  of  Sciences  in  sixty  or  seventy 
volumes  quarto,  I  give  to  the  Philosophical 
Society  of  Philadelphia,  of  which  I  have  the 
honour  to  be  president  My  collection  in  folio 
of  Les  Arts  et  les  Metiers,  I  give  to  the  Ame 
rican  Philosophical  Society  established  in  New 
England,  of  which  I  am  a  member.  My  quarto 
edition  of  the  same  Arts  et  Metiers,  I  give  to 
the  Library  Company  of  Philadelphia.  Such 
and  so  many  of  my  books  as  I  shall  mark  on 
the  said  catalogue  with  the  name  of  my 
grandson  Benjamin  Franklin  Bache,  I  do 
hereby  give  to  him,  and  such  and  so  many  of 
my  books  as  I  shall  mark  in  the  said  catalogue 
with  the  name  of  my  grandson  William 
Bache,  I  do  hereby  give  to  him,  and  such  as 
shall  be  marked  with  the  name  of  Jonathan 
Williams,  I  hereby  give  to  my  cousin  of  that 
name.— The  residue  and  remainder  of  all  my 
books,  manuscripts,  and  papers,  I  do  give  to 
my  grandson  William  Temple  Franklin. — 
My  share  in  the  Library  Company  of  Phila 
delphia,  I  give  to  my  grandson  Benjamin 
Franklin  Bache,  confiding  that  he  will  per 
mit  his  brothers  and  sisters  to  share  in  the 
use  of  it 

44 1  was  born  in  Boston,  New  England,  and 

VOL.  I.... 2  B  17 


owe  my  first  instructions  in  literature  to  the 
free  grammar  schools  established  there:  I 
therefore  give  one  hundred  pounds  sterling  to 
my  executors,  to  be  by  them,  the  survivors  or 
survivor  of  them,  paid  over  to  the  managers 
or  directors  of  the  free  schools  in  my  native 
town  of  Boston,  to  be  by  them,  or  those  person 
or  persons  who  shall  have  the  superintendance 
and  management  of  the  said  schools,  put  out 
to  interest,  and  so  continued  at  interest  for 
ever,  which  interest  annually  shall  be  laid 
out  in  silver  medals,  and  given  as  honorary 
rewards  annually  by  the  directors  of  the  said 
free  schools  for  the  encouragement  of  scholar 
ship  in  the  said  schools,  belonging  to  the  said 
town,  in  such  manner  as  to  the  discretion  of 
the  select  men  of  the  said  town  shall  seem 
meet. — Out  of  the  salary  that  may  remain 
due  to  me  as  president  of  the  state,  I  do  give 
the  sum  of  two  thousand  pounds  to  my  exe 
cutors,  to  be  by  them,  the  survivors  or  survi 
vor  of  them,  paid  over  to  such  person  or  per 
sons  as  the  legislature  of  this  state,  by  an  act 
of  assembly  shall  appoint  to  receive  the  same 
in  trust,  to  be  employed  for  making  the  river 

Schuylkill  navigable." 

****** 

"  During  the  number  of  years  I  was  in  bu 
siness  as  a  stationer,  printer,  and  postmaster, 
a  great  many  small  sums  became  due  to  me 
for  books,  advertisements,  postage  of  letters, 
and  other  matters,  which  were  not  collected, 
when  in  1757,  I  was  sent  by  the  assembly  to 
England  as  their  agent,  and  by  subsequent 
appointments  continued  there  till  1775,  when 
on  my  return  I  was  immediately  engaged  in 
the  affairs  of  congress,  and  sent  to  France  in 
1776,  "where  I  remained  nine  years,  not  re 
turning  till  1785,  and  the  said  debts  not  being 
demanded  in  such  a  length  of  time,  are  become 
in  a  manner  obsolete,  yet  are  nevertheless 
justly  due.  These,  as  they  are  stated  in  my 
great  folio  ledger  E,  I  bequeath  to  the  contri 
butors  of  the  Pennsylvania  hospital,  hoping 
that  those  debtors,  and  the  descendants  of  such 
as  are  deceased,  who  now  as  I  find  make  some 
difficulty  of  satisfying  such  antiquated  de 
mands,  as  just  debts,  may  however  be  induced 
;o  pay  or  give  them  as  charity  to  that  excel- 
ent  institution.  I  am  sensible  that  mucli 
nust  inevitably  be  lost,  but  I  hope  something 
considerable  may  be  received.  It  is  possible, 
:oo,  that  some  of  the  parties  charged,  may 
mve  existing  old  unsettled  accounts  against 
me,  in  which  case  the  managers  of  the  said 
lospital  will  allow  and  deduct  the  amount,  o- 
lay  the  balances  if  they  find  it  against  me." 
****** 

"  I  request  my  friends  Henry  Hill,  esquire, 
fohn  Jay,  esquire,  Francis  Hopkinson,  esquire, 
and  Mr.  Edward  Duffield  of  Benfield,  in  Phi- 
adelphia  county,  to  be  the  executors  of  this 
ny  last  will  and  testament,  and  I  hereby  no 
minate  and  appoint  them  for  that  purpose. 


194 


MEMOIRS  OF 


"  I  would  have  my  body  buried  with  as  lit 
tle  expense  or  ceremony  as  may  be." 

Philadelphia,  July  17,  1788. 

CODICIL. 

"  I  Benjamin  Franklin,  in  the  foregoing1  or 
annexed  last  will  and  testament  named,  having 
farther  considered  the  same,  do  think  proper 
to  make  and  publish  the  following  codicil  or 
addition  thereto. 

"  It  having  long  been  a  fixed  political 
opinion  of  mine,  that  in  a  democratical  state 
there  ought  to  be  no  offices  of  profit,  for  the 
reasons  I  had  given  in  an  article  of  my  draw 
ing  in  our  constitution;  it  was  my  intention 
when  I  accepted  the  office  of  president  to  de 
vote  the  appointed  salary  to  some  public  uses ; 
accordingly,  I  had,  before  I  made  my  will  in 
July  last,  given  large  sums  of  it  to  colleges, 
schools,  building  of  churches,  &c.  and  in  that 
will  I  bequeathed  two  thousand  pounds  more 
to  the  state,  for  the  purpose  of  making 
Schuylkill  navigable :  but  understanding  since, 
that  such  sum  will  do  but  little  towards  ac 
complishing  such  a  work,  and  that  the  project 
is  not  likely  to  be  undertaken  for  many  years 
to  come,  and  having  entertained  another  idea 
that  I  hope  may  be  more  extensively  useful,  I 
do  hereby  revoke  and  annul  that  bequest,  and 
direct  that  the  certificates  I  have  for  what  re 
mains  due  to  me  of  that  salary,  be  sold  to 
wards  raising  the  sum  of  two  thousand  pounds 
sterling,  to  be  disposed  of  as  I  am  now  about 
to  order. 

"  It  has  been  an  opinion,  that  he  who  re 
ceives  an  estate  from  his  ancestors,  is  under 
some  kind  of  obligation  to  transmit  the  same 
to  his  posterity ;  this  obligation  does  not  lie  on 
me  who  never  inherited  a  shilling  from  any 
ancestor  or  relation.  I  shall,  however,  if  it  is 
not  diminished  by  some  accident  before  my 
death,  leave  a  considerable  estate  among  rny 
descendants  and  relations.  The  above  ob 
servation  is  made  merely  as  some  apology  to 
my  family,  for  my  making  bequests  that  do 
not  appear  to  have  any  immediate  relation  to 
their  advantage. 

"  I  was  born  in  Boston,  New  England,  and 
owe  my  first  instructions  in  literature  to  the 
free  grammar  school  established  there :  I  have 
therefore  already  considered  those  schools  in 
my  will.  But  I  am  also  under  obligations  to 
the  state  of  Massachusetts,  for  having,  un 
asked,  appointed  me  formerly  their  agent  in 
England,  with  a  handsome  salary,  which  con 
tinued  some  years,  and  although,  I  accidentally 
lost  in  their  service,  by  transmitting  governor 
Hutchinson's  letters,  much  more  than  the 
amount  of  what  they  gave  me,  I  do  not  think 
that  ought  in  the  least  to  diminish  my  grati 
tude. — I  have  considered  that  among  artizans 
good  apprentices  are  most  likely  to  make  good 


citizens,  and  having  myself  been  bred  to  a 
manual  art,  printing,  in  my  native  town,  and 
afterwards  assisted  to  set  up  my  business  in 
Philadelphia  by  kind  loans  of  money  from  two 
friends  there,  which  was  tne  foundation  of  my 
fortune,  and  of  all  the  utility  in  life  that  may 
be  ascribed  to  me,  I  wish  to  be  useful,  even 
after  my  death,  if  possible,  in  forming  and  ad 
vancing  other  young  men  that  may  be  ser 
viceable  to  their  country  in  both  those  towns. — 
To  this  end  I  devote  two  thousand  pounds 
sterling,  which  I  give,  one  thousand  thereof  to 
the  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Boston,  in  Mas 
sachusetts,  and  the  other  thousand  to  the  in 
habitants  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  in  trust, 
to  and  for  the  uses,  intents,  and  purposes, 
hereinafter  mentioned  and  declared. — The 
said  sum  of  one  thousand  pounds  sterling,  if 
accepted  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  of 
Boston,  shall  be  managed  under  the  direction 
of  the  select  men,  united  with  the  ministers 
of  the  oldest  episcopalian,  congregational,  and 
presbytenan  churches  in  that  town,  who  are 
to  let  out  the  same  upon  interest  at  five  per 
cent,  per  annum,  to  such  young  married  arti 
ficers,  under  the  age  of  twenty-five  years,  as 
have  served  an  apprenticeship  in  the  said 
town,  and  faithfully  fulfilled  the  duties  re 
quired  in  their  indentures,  so  as  to  obtain  a 
good  moral  character  from  at  least  two  re 
spectable  citizens,  who  are  willing  to  become 
their  sureties  in  a  bond  with  the  applicants 
for  the  repayment  of  the  monies  so  lent  with 
interest,  according  to  the  terms  hereinafter 
prescribed,  all  which  bonds  are  to  be  taken  for 
Spanish  milled  dollars,  or  the  value  thereof  in 
current  gold  coin,  and  the  managers  shall  keep 
a  bound  book  or  books,  wherein  shall  be  en 
tered  the  names  of  those  who  shall  apply  for 
and  receive  the  benefit  of  this  institution,  and 
of  their  sureties,  together  with  the  sums  lent, 
the  dates,  and  other  necessary  and  proper 
records  respecting  the  business  and  con 
cerns  of  this  institution.  And  as  these  loans 
are  intended  to  assist  young  married  artificers 
in  setting  up  their  business,  they  are  to  be 
proportioned  by  the  discretion  of  the  mana 
gers,  so  as  not  to  exceed  sixty  pounds  sterling 
to  one  person,  nor  to  be  less  than  fifteen 
pounds.  And  if  the  number  of  appliers  so  en 
titled,  should  be  so  large  as  that  the  sum  will 
not  suffice  to  afford  to  each  as  much  as  might 
otherwise  not  be  improper,  the  proportion  to 
each  shall  be  diminished,  so  as  to  afford  every 
one  some  assistance.  These  aids  may  there 
fore  be  small  at  first ;  but  as  the  capital  in 
creases  by  the  accumulated  interest,  they  will 
be  more  ample.  And  in  order  to  serve  as 
many  as  possible  in  their  turn,  as  well  as  to 
make  the  repayment  of  the  principal  borrowed 
more  easy,  each  borrower  shall  be  obliged  to 
pay  with  the  yearly  interest  one  tenth  part  of 
the  principal ;  which  sums  of  principal  and  in 
terest  so  paid  in,  shall  be  again  let  out  to  fresh 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


195 


borrowers. — And  as  it  is  presumed  that  there 
will  always  be  found  in  Boston  virtuous  and 
benevolent  citizens  willing  to  bestow  a  part 
of  their  time  in  doing  good  to  the  rising  gene 
ration,  by  superintending  and  managing  this 
institution  gratis,  it  is  hoped  that  no  part  of 
the  money  will  at  any  time  be  dead,  or  di 
verted  to  other  purposes,  but  be  continually 
augmenting  by  the  interest,  in  which  case 
there  may  in  time  be  more  than  the  occasion 
in  Boston  shall  require,  and  then  some  may 
be  spared  to  the  neighbouring  or  other  towns, 
in  the  said  state  of  Massachusetts  who  may 
desire  to  have  it,  such  towns  engaging  to  pay 
punctually  the  interest  and  the  proportions  of 
the  principal  annually  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
town  of  Boston.  If  this  plan  is  executed,  and 
succeeds  as  is  projected,  without  interruption 
for  one  hundred  years,  the  sum  will  then  be 
one  hundred  and  thirty-one  thousand  pounds, 
of  which  I  would  have  the  managers  of  the 
donations  to  the  town  of  Boston,  then  lay  out 
at  their  discretion  one  hundred  thousand 
pounds  in  public  works,  which  may  be  judged 
of  most  general  utility  to  the  inhabitants; 
such  as  fortifications,  bridges,  aqueducts,  pub 
lic  buildings,  baths,  pavements  or  whatever 
may  make  living  in  the  town  more  convenient 
to  its  people,  and  render  it  more  agreeable  to 
strangers,  resorting  thither  for  health  or  a 
temporary  residence. — The  remaining  thirty- 
one  thousand  pounds  I  would  have  continued 
to  be  let  out  on  interest  in  the  manner  above 
directed  for  another  hundred  years,  as  I  hope  it 
will  have  been  found  that  the  institution  has 
had  a  good  effect  on  the  conduct  of  youth,  and 
been  of  service  to  many  worthy  characters 
and  useful  citizens.  At  the  end  of  this  second 
term,  if  no  unfortunate  accident  has  prevented 
the  operation,  the  sum  will  be  four  million 
and  sixty-one  thousand  pounds  sterling,  of 
which  I  leave  one  million  sixty-one  thou 
sand  pounds  to  the  disposition  of  the  in 
habitants  of  the  town  of  Boston,  and  three 
millions  to  the  disposition  of  the  government 
of  the  state,  not  presuming  to  carry  my  views 
farther. 

"  All  the  directions  herein  given,  respect 
ing  the  disposition  and  management  of  the 
donation  to  the  inhabitants  of  Boston,  I  would 
have  observed  respecting  that  to  the  inhabit 
ants  of  Philadelphia,  only  as  Philadelphia  is 
incorporated,  I  request  the  corporation  of  that 
city  to  undertake  the  management  agreeably 
to  the  said  directions,  and  I  do  hereby  vest 
them  with  full  and  ample  powers  for  that  pur 
pose  :  and  having  considered  that  the  covering- 
its  ground-plat  with  buildings  and  pavements, 
which  carry  off  most  of  the  rain,  and  prevent 
its  soaking  into  the  earth  and  renewing  and 
purifying  the  springs,  whence  the  water  of 
the  wells  must  gradually  grow  worse,  and 
in  time  be  unfit  for  use,  as  I  find  has  happen 
ed  in  all  old  cities,  I  recommend  that  at  the 


end  of  the  first  hundred  years,  if  not  dene  be 
fore,  the  corporation  of  the  city  employ  a  part 
of  the  hundred  thousand  pounds  in  bringing 
by  pipes  the  water  of  Wissahiccon  Creek  into 
the  town  so  as  to  supply  the  inhabitants,  which 
I  apprehend  may  be  done  without  great  diffi 
culty,  the  level  of  that  creek  being  much 
above  that  of  the  city,  and  may  be  made 
higher  by  a  dam ;  I  also  recommend  making 
the  Schuylkill  completely  navigable.  At  the 
end  of  the  second  hundred  years,  I  would  have 
the  disposition  of  the  four  million  and  sixty- 
one  thousand  pounds  divided  between  the  in 
habitants  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia  and  the 
government  of  Pennsylvania,  in  the  same 
manner  as  herein  directed  with  respect  to 
that  of  the  inhabitants  of  Boston  and  the  go 
vernment  of  Massachusetts. — It  is  my  desire 
that  this  institution  should  take  place  and  be 
gin  to  operate  within  one  year  after  my  de 
cease,  for  which  purpose  due  notice  should  be 
publicly  given  previous  to  the  expiration  of  that 
year,  that  those  for  whose  benefit  this  establish 
ment  is  intended,  may  make  their  respective 
applications;  and  I  hereby  direct  my  execu 
tors,  the  survivors  or  survivor  of  them,  within 
six  months  after  my  decease,  to  pay  over  the 
said  sum  of  two  thousand  pounds  sterling  to 
such  persons  as  shall  be  duly  appointed  by  the 
selectmen  of  Boston  and  the  corporation  of 
Philadelphia  to  receive  and  take  charge  of 
their  respective  sums  of  one  thousand  pounds 
each,  for  the  purposes  aforesaid. — Considering 
the  accidents  to  which  all  human  affairs  and 
projects  are  subject,  in  such  a  length  of  time, 
I  have  perhaps  too  much  flattered  myself  with 
a  vain  fancy,  that  these  dispositions,  if  carried 
into  execution,  will  be  continued  without  in 
terruption,  and  have  the  effects  proposed ;  1 
hope,  however,  that  if  the  inhabitants  of  the 
two  cities  should  not  think  fit  to  undertake 
the  execution,  they  will  at  least  accept  the 
offer  of  these  donations  as  a  mark  of  my  good 
will,  a  token  of  my  gratitude,  and  a  testimony 
of  my  earnest  desire  to  be  useful  to  them, 
even  after  my  departure.  I  wish,  indeed, 
that  they  may  both  undertake  to  endeavour 
the  execution  of  the  project;  because  I  think, 
that  though  unforeseen  difficulties  may  arise, 
expedients  will  be  found  to  remove  them,  arid 
the  scheme  be  found  practicable.  If  one  of 
them  accepts  the  money  with  the  conditions, 
and  the  other  refuses,  my  will  then  is,  that 
both  sums  be  given  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
city  accepting,  the  whole  to  be  applied  to  the 
same  purpose  and  under  the  same  regulations 
directed  for  the  separate  parts,  and  if  both  re 
fuse,  the  money  of  course  remains  in  the  mass 
of  my  estate,  and  it  is  to  be  disposed  of  there 
with  according  to  my  will,  made  the  seven 
teenth  day  of  July,  1788. — I  wish  to  be  buried 
by  the  side  of  my  wife,  if  it  may  be,  and  that 
a  marble  stone,  to  be  made  by  Chambers,  six- 
feet  long,  four  feet  wide,  plain,  with  only  a 


196 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


small  moulding  round  the  upper  edge,  and 
this  inscription, 

Benjamin  } 

and      >  Franklin. 

Deborah    ) 

178  .  be  placed  over  us  both. 
"My  fine  crabtree  walking-stick,  with  a 
gold  head,  curiously  wrought  in  the  form  of 
the  cap  of  liberty,  I  give  to  my  friend  and  the 
friend  of  mankind,  general  Washington. — If 
it  were  a  sceptre,  he  has  merited  it  and  would 
become  it. — It  was  a  present  to  me  from  that 
excellent  woman  Madame  de  Forbach,  the 
Dowager  Duchess  of  Deux  Fonts,  connected 
with  some  verses  which  should  go  with  it." 

*.***.*$ 

Philadelphia,  23d  June,  1789. 

The  following  epitaph  was  written  by  Dr. 
Franklin  for   himself,  when    he  was  only 


twenty-three  years  of  age,  as  appears  by 
the  original  (with  various  corrections)  found 
among  his  papers,  and  from  which  this  is  a 
faithful  copy : — 

[Epitaph  written,  1728.] 

The  Body 

of 
BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 

Printer, 
(Like  the  cover  of  an  old  book, 

Its  contents  torn  out, 
And  stripped  of  its  lettering  and  gilding) 

Lies  here,  food  for  worms. 

But  the  work  shall  not  be  lost, 

For  it  will  (as  he  believed)  appear  once  more, 

In  a  new,  and  more  elegant  edition, 

Revised  and  corrected 

by 
THE  AUTHOR. 


MEMOIRS 

OF 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

I 

PART  VI. 

ILLUSTRATING  THE  HISTORY  AND  SOME  MARKED  POINTS  OF  CHARACTER. 


Causes  of  the  American  Discontents. 

[This  article  was  published  in  a  London  paper  Jan.  7, 
1768,  and  at  a  subsequent  period  as  a  postscript  to 
"  The  true  Sentiments  of  America,"  printed  for  Al- 
mon,  bookseller,  1768.] 

The  waves  never  rise  but  when  the  winds  blow. 

PROVERBS. 

As  the  cause  of  the  present  ill  humour  in 
America,  and  of  the  resolutions  taken  there 
to  purchase  less  of  our  manufactures,  does  not 
seem  to  be  generally  understood,  it  may  afford 
some  satisfaction  to  your  readers,  if  you  give 
them  the  following  short  historical  state  of 
facts. 

From  the  time  that  the  colonies  were  first 
considered  as  capable  of  granting  aids  to  the 
crown,  down  to  the  end  of  the  last  war,  it  is 
said,  that  the  constant  mode  of  obtaining  those 
aids  was,  by  requisition  made  from  the  crown, 
through  its  governors,  to  the  several  assem 
blies,  in  circular  letters  from  the  secretary  of 
state,  in  his  majesty's  name,  setting  forth  the 
occasion,  requiring  them  to  take  the  matter 
into  consideration,  and  expressing  a  reliance 
on  their  prudence,  duty,  and  affection  to  his 
majesty's  government,  that  they  would  grant 
such  sums,  or  raise  such  numbers  of  men, 
as  were  suitable  to  their  resnective  circum 
stances. 

The  colonies,  being  accustomed  to  this  me 
thod,  have  from  time  to  time  granted  money 
to  the  crown,  or  raised  troops  for  its  service, 
in  proportion  to  their  abilities,  and,  during  all 
the  last  war,  beyond  their  abilities ;  so  that 
considerable  sums  were  returned  them  yearly 
by  parliament,  as  they  had  exceeded  their 
proportion. 

Had  this  happy  method  of  requisition  been 


continued  (a  method  that  left  the  king's  sub 
jects  in  those  remote  countries  the  pleasure 
of  showing  their  zeal  and  loyalty,  and  of 
imagining  that  they  recommended  themselves 
to  their  sovereign  by  the  liberality  of  their 
voluntary  grants)  there  is  no  doubt  but  all  the 
money  that  could  reasonably  be  expected  to  be 
raised  from  them  in  any  manner,  might  have 
been  obtained,  without  the  least  heart-burn 
ing,  offence,  or  breach  of  the  harmony  of  af 
fections,  and  interests,  thai  so  long  subsisted 
between  the  two  countries. 

It  has  been  thought  wisdom  in  a  govern 
ment  exercising  sovereignty  over  different 
kinds  of  people,  to  have  some  regard  to  pre 
vailing  and  established  opinions  among  the 
people  to  be  governed,  wherever  such  opinions 
might  in  their  effects  obstruct  or  promote 
public  measures.  If  they  tend  to  obstruct 
public  service,  they  are  to  be  changed,  if  pos 
sible,  before  we  attempt  to  act  against  them  ; 
and  they  can  only  be  changed  by  reason  and 
persuasion.  But  if  public  business  can  be 
carried  on  without  thwarting  those  opinions, 
if  they  can  be.  on  the  contrary,  made  subser 
vient  to  it;  they  are  not  unnecessarily  to  be 
thwarted,  however  absurd  such  popular  opi 
nions  may  be  in  their  nature. 

This  had  been  the  wisdom  of  our  govern 
ment  with  respect  to  raising  money  in  the 
colonies.  It  was  well  known,  that  the  colo 
nists  universally  were  of  opinion,  that  no  mo 
ney  could  be  levied  from  English  subjects  but 
by  their  own  consent,  given  by  themselves  or 
their  chosen  representatives;  that  therefore 
whatever  money  was  to  be  raised  from  the 
people  in  the  colonies  must  first  be  granted 
by  their  assemblies,  as  the  money  raised  in 
197 


198 


MEMOIRS  OF 


Britain  is  first  to  be  granted  by  the  house  of 
commons;  that  this  right  of  granting  their 
own  money  was  essential  to  English  liberty ; 
and  that  if  any  man,  or  body  of  men,  in  which 
they  had  no  representative  of  their  own 
choosing,  could  tax  them  at  pleasure,  they 
could  not  be  said  to  have  any  property,  any 
thing  they  could  call  their  own.  But  as 
these  opinions  did  not  hinder  their  granting 
money  voluntarily  and  amply,  whenever  the 
crown,  by  its  servants,  came  into  their  assem 
blies  (as  it  does  into  its  parliaments  of  Britain 
or  Ireland)  and  demanded  aids ;  therefore  that 
method  was  chosen,  rather  than  the  hateful 
one  of  arbitrary  taxes. 

I  do  not  undertake  here  to  support  these 
opinions  of  the  Americans ;  they  have  been 
refuted  by  a  late  act  of  parliament,  declaring 
its  own  power ;  which  very  parliament,  how 
ever,  showed  wisely  so  much  tender  regard  to 
those  inveterate  prejudices,  as  to  repeal  a  tax 
that  had  militated  against  them.  And  those 
prejudices  are  still  so  fixed  and  rooted  in  the 
Americans,  that  it  has  been  supposed,  not  a 
single  man  among  them  has  been  convinced 
of  his  error,  even  by  that  act  of  parliament. 

The  person  then,  who  first  projected  to  lay 
aside  the  accustomed  method  of  requisition, 
and  to  raise  money  on  America  by  stamps, 
seems  not  to  have  acted  wisely,  in  deviating 
from  that  method  (which  the  colonists  looked 
upon  as  constitutional)  and  thwarting  unne 
cessarily  the  fixed  prejudices  of  so  great  a 
number  of  the  king's  subjects.     It  was  not, 
however,  for  want  of  knowledge,  that  what 
he  was  about  to  do  would  give  them  oifence ; 
he  appears  to  have  been  very  sensible  of  this, 
and  apprehensive  that  it  might  occasion  some 
disorders;  to  prevent  or  suppress  which,  he 
projected  another  bill,  that  was  brought  in  the 
same  session  with  the  stamp  act,  whereby  it 
was  to  be  made  lawful  for  military  officers  in 
the  colonies  to  quarter  their  soldiers  in  private 
houses.     This  seemed  intended  to  awe  the 
people  into  a  compliance  with  the  other  act. 
Great  opposition  however  being  raised  here 
against  the  bill  by  the  agents  from  the  colo 
nies  and  the  merchants  trading  thither  (the 
colonists  declaring,  that  under  such  a  power 
in  the  army,  no  one  could  look  on  his  house 
as  his  own,  or  think  he  had  a  home,  when 
soldiers  might  be  thrust  into  it  and  mixed  with 
his  family  at  the  pleasure  of  an  officer)  that 
part  of  the  bill  was  dropped ;  but  there  still 
remained  a  clause,  when  it  passed  into  a  law, 
to  oblige  the  several  assemblies  to  provide 
quarters  for  the  soldiers,  furnishing  them  with 
firing,  bedding,  candles,  small  beer  or  rum, 
and  sundry  other  articles,  at  the  expense  of 
the  several  provinces.     And  this  act  con 
tinued   in  force  when   the    stamp  act    was 
repealed ;  though,  if  obligatory  on  the  assem 
blies,  it  equally  militated  against  the  Ameri 
can  principle  above  mentioned,  that  money  is 


not  to  be  raised  on  English  subjects  without 
their  consent. 

The  colonies,  nevertheless,  being  put  into 
high  good  humour  by  the  repeal  of  the  stamp 
act,  chose  to  avoid  a  fresh  dispute  upon  the 
other,  it  being  temporary  and  soon  to  expire, 
never,  as  they  hoped,  to  revive  again ;  and  in 
the  mean  time  'they,  by  various  ways  in  dif 
ferent  colonies,  provided  for  the  quartering  of 
the  troops,  either  by  acts  of  their  own  assem 
blies,  without  taking  notice  of  the  act  of  par 
liament,  or  by  some  variety  or  small  diminu 
tion,  as  of  salt  and  vinegar,  in  the  supplies 
required  by  the  act ;  that  what  they  did  might 
appear  a  voluntary  act  of  their  own,  and  not 
done  in  due  obedience  to  an  act  of  parliament, 
which,  according  to  their  ideas  of  their  rights, 
they  thought  hard  to  obey. 

It  might  have  been  well  if  the  matter  had 
then  passed  without  notice;  but  a  governor 
having  written  home  an  angry  and  aggra 
vating  letter  upon  this  conduct  in  the  assem 
bly  of  his  province,  the  outed  proposer*  of  the 
stamp  act  and  his  adherents  (then  in  the 
opposition)  raised  such  a  clamour  against 
America,  as  being  in  rebellion,  and  against 
those  who  had  teen  for  the  repeal  of  the 
stamp  act,  as  having  thereby  been  encouragers 
of  this  supposed  rebellion ;  that  it  was  thought 
necessary  to  enforce  the  quartering  act  by 
another  act  of  parliament,  taking  away  from 
the  province  of  New  York  (which  had  been 
the  most  explicit  in  its  refusal)  all  the  powers 
of  legislation,  till  it  should  have  complied 
with  that  act.  The  news  of  which  greatly 
alarmed  the  people  every  where  in  America, 
as  the  language  of  such  an  act  seemed  to  them 
to  be — obey  implicitly  laws  made  by  the  par 
liament  of  Great  Britain  to  raise  money  on 
you  without  your  consent,  or  you  shall  enjoy 
no  rights  or  privileges  at  all. 

At  the  same  time  a  person  lately  in  high 
officef  projected  the  levying  more  money  from 
America,  by  new  duties  on  various  articles  of 
our  own  manufacture  (as  glass,  paper,  pain 
ters'  colours,  &c.)  appointing  a  new  board  of 
customs,  and  sending  over  a  set  of  commis 
sioners,  with  large  salaries,  to  be  established 
at  Boston,  who  were  to  have  the  care  of  col 
lecting  those  duties,  which  were  by  the  act 
expressly  mentioned  to  be  intended  for  the 
payment  of  the  salaries  of  governors,  judges, 
and  other  officers  of  the  crown  in  America ;  it 
being  a  pretty  general  opinion  here,  that  those 
officers  ought  not  to  depend  on  the  people 
there,  for  any  part  of  their  support. 

It  is  not  my  intention  to  combat  this  opi 
nion.  But  perhaps  it  may  be  some  satisfaction 
to  your  readers,  to  know  what  ideas  the  Ame 
ricans  have  on  the  subject.  They  say  then, 
as  to  governors,  that  they  are  not  like  princes 
whose  posterity  have  an  inheritance  in  the 

*  Mr.  George  Grenville. 
t  Mr.  Charles  Townsend. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


199 


government  of  a  nation,  and  therefore  an  in 
terest  in  its  prosperity ;  they  are  generally 
strangers  to  the  provinces  they  are  sent  to 
govern;  have  no  estate,  natural  connection, 
or  relation  there,  to  give  them  an  affection  to 
the  country ;  that  they  come  only  to  make 
money  as  fast  as  they  can ;  are  sometimes  men 
of  vicious  characters  and  broken  fortunes, 
sent  by  a  minister  merely  to  get  them  out  of 
the  way;  that  as  they  intend  staying  in  the 
country  no  longer  than  their  government  con 
tinues,  and  purpose  to  leave  no  family  behind 
them,  they  are  apt  to  be  regardless  of  the  good 
will  of  the  people,  and  care  not  what  is  said 
or  thought  of  them  after  they  are  gone. 
Their  situation  at  the  same  time  gives  them 
many  opportunities  of  being  vexatious ;  and 
they  are  often  so,  notwithstanding  their  de 
pendence  on  the  assemblies  for  all  that  part 
of  their  support,  that  does  not  arise  from  fees 
established  by  law,  but  would  probably  be 
much  more  so,  if  they  were  to  be  supported 
by  money  drawn  from  the  people  without  their 
consent  or  good-will,  which  is  the  professed 
design  of  this  new  act.  That  if  by  means  of 
these  forced  duties,  government  is  to  be  sup 
ported  in  America,  without  the  intervention 
of  the  assemblies,  their  assemblies  will  soon 
be  looked  upon  as  useless ;  and  a  governor 
will  not  call  them,  as  having  nothing  to  hope 
from  their  meeting,  and  perhaps  something  to 
fear  from  their  inquiries  into,  and  remonstran 
ces  against,  his  mal-administration.  That 
thus  the  people  will  be  deprived  of  their  most 
essential  right.  That  it  being  (as  at  present) 
a  governor's  interest  to  cultivate  the  good 
will,  by  promoting  the  welfare  of  the  people 
he  governs,  can  be  attended  with  no  prejudice 
to  the  mother-country,  since  all  the  laws  he 
may  be  prevailed  on  to  give  his  assent  to  are 
subject  to  revision  here,  and  if  reported  against 
by  the  board  of  trade,  are  immediately  repeal 
ed  by  the  crown ;  nor  dare  he  pass  any  law 
contrary  to  his  instructions ;  as  he  holds  his 
office  during  the  pleasure  of  the  crown,  and 
his  securities  are  liable  for  the  penalties  of 
their  bonds,  if  he  contravenes  those  instruc 
tions.  This  is  what  they  say  as  to  gover 
nors. 

As  to  judges,  they  allege,  that  being  ap 
pointed  from  hence,  and  holding  their  com 
missions  not  during  good  behaviour,  as  in 
Britain,  but  during  pleasure :  all  the  weight 
of  interest  or  influence  would  be  thrown  into 
one  of  the  scales  (which  ought  to  be  held 
even)  if  the  salaries  are  also  to  be  paid  out 
of  duties  raised  upon  the  people  without  their 
consent,  and  independent  of  their  assemblies 
approbation  or  disapprobation  of  the  judges 
behaviour.  That  it  is  true,  judges  should  be 
free  from  all  influence  ;  and  therefore,  when 
ever  government  here  will  grant  commissions 
to  able  and  honest  judges  during  good  beha 
viour,  the  assemblies  will  settle  permanent 


and  ample  salaries  on  them  during  their  com 
missions  ;  but  at  present,  they  have  no  other 
means  of  getting  rid  of  an  ignorant  or  an  un 
just  judge  (and  some  of  scandalous  characters 
have,  they  say,  been  sometimes  sent  them) 
left,  but  by  starving  them  out 

I  do  not  suppose  these  reasonings  of  theirs 
will  appear  here  to  have  much  weight.  I  do 
not  produce  them  with  an  expectation  of  con 
vincing  your  readers.  I  relate  them  merely 
in  pursuance  of  the  task  I  have  imposed  on 
myself,  to  be  an  impartial  historian  of  Ameri 
can  facts  and  opinions. 

The  colonists  being  thus  greatly  alarmed, 
as  I  said  before,  by  the  news  of  the  act  for 
abolishing  the  legislature  of  New  York,  and 
the  imposition  of  these  new  duties,  professedly 
for  such  disagreeable  purposes,  (accompanied 
by  a  new  set  of  revenue  officers,  with  large 
appointments,  which  gave  strong  suspicions, 
that  more  business  of  the  same  kind  was  soon 
to  be  provided  for  them,  that  they  might  eam 
their  salaries,)  began  seriously  to  consider 
their  situation  ;  and  to  revolve  afresh  in  their 
minds,  grievances,  which,  from  their  respect 
and  love  for  this  country,  they  had  long  borne 
and  seemed  almost  willing  to  forget.  They  re 
flected  how  lightly  the  interest  of  all  America 
had  been  estimated  here,  when  the  interests 
of  a  few  of  the  inhabitants  of  Great  Britain 
happened  to  have  the  smallest  competition 
with  it.  That  the  whole  American  people  was 
forbidden  the  advantage  of  a  direct  importation 
of  wine,  oil,  and  fruit,  from  Portugal;  but 
must  take  them  loaded  with  all  the  expense 
of  a.  voyage  one  thousand  leagues  round  about, 
be:ng  to  be  landed  first  in  England,  to  be  re- 
shipped  for  America ;  expenses  amounting,  in 
war-time,  at  least  to  thirty  pounds  per  cent, 
more  than  otherwise  they  would  have  been 
charged  with  ;  and  all  this  merely,  that  a  few 
Portugal  merchants  in  London  may  gain  a  com 
mission  on  those  goods  passing  through  their 
hands.  (Portugal  merchants,  by  the  bye,  that 
can  complain  loudly  of  the  smallest  hardships 
laid  on  their  trade  by  foreigners,  and  yet  even 
in  the  last  year  could  oppose  with  all  their 
influence  the  giving  ease  to  their  fellow-sub 
jects  labouring  under  so  heavy  an  oppression !) 
That  on  a  slight  complaint  of  a  few  Virginia 
merchants,  nine  colonies  had  been  restrained 
from  making  paper  money,  become  absolutely 
necessary  to  their  internal  commerce,  from 
the  constant  remittance  of  their  gold  and  sil 
ver  to  Britain. — But  not  only  the  interest  of 
a  particular  body  of  merchants,  but  the  in 
terest  of  any  small  body  of  British  tradesmen 
or  artificers  has  been  found,  they  say,  to  out 
weigh  that  of  all  the  king's  subjects  in  the 
colonies.  There  cannot  be  a  stronger  natural 
right  than  that  of  a  man's  making  the  best 
profit  he  can  of  the  natural  produce  of  his 
lands,  provided  he  does  not  thereby  hurt  the 
state  in  general.  Iron  is  to  be  found  every 


200 


MEMOIRS  OF 


where  in  America,  and  beaver  are  the  natural 
produce  of  that  country  :  hats,  and  nails,  and 
steel  are  wanted  there  as  well  as  here.  It  is 
of  no  importance  to  the  common  welfare  of 
empire,  whether  a  subject  of  the  king  gets  his 
living  by  making  hats  on  this  or  on  that  side 
of  the  water.  Yet  the  hatters  of  England 
have  prevailed  to  obtain  an  act  in  their  own 
favour,  restraining  that  manufacture  in  Ame 
rica  ;  in  order  to  oblige  the  Americans  to  send 
their  beaver  to  England  to  be  manufactured, 
and  purchase  back  the  hats,  loaded  with  the 
charges  of  a  double  transportation.  In  the 
same  manner  have  a  few  nail-makers,  and  still 
a  smaller  body  of  steel-makers  (perhaps  there 
are  not  half  a  dozen  of  these  in  England)  pre 
vailed  totally  to  forbid  by  an  act  of  parliament 
the  erecting  of  slitting-mills,  or  steel  furnaces 
in  America ;  that  the  Americans  may  be  ob 
liged  to  take  all  their  nails  for  their  buildings, 
and  steel  for  their  tools,  from  these  artificers, 
under  the  same  disadvantages.  * 

Added  to  these,  the  Americans  remembered 
the  act  authorising  the  most  cruel  insult  that 
perhaps  was  ever  offered  by  one  people  to  an- 

*  The  following  pertinent  note  is  from  the  fourth  pa 
ragraph  of  the  American  Farmer's  seventh  letter,  (writ 
ten  by  the  late  John  Dickenson.) 

"  Many  remarkable  instances  might  be  produced  of 
the  extraordinary  inattention  with  which  bills  of  great 
importance  concerning  these  colonies  have  passed  in 
parliament ;  which  is  owing,  as  it  is  supposed,  to  the 
bills  being  brought  in  by  the  persons  who  have  points 
to  carry,  so  artfully  framed,  that  it  is  not  easy  for  the 
members  in  general  in  the  haste  of  business,  to  discover 
their  tendency. 

"The  following  instances  show  the  truth  of  this  re 
mark. 

"  When  Mr.Grenville,  in  the  violence  of  reformation 
and  innovation,  formed  the  4th  George  III.  chap.  15th, 
for  regulating  the  American  trade,  the  word  '  Ireland' 
was  dropt  in  the  clause  relating  to  our  iron  and  lumter, 
so  that  we  could  send  these  articles  to  no  other  part  of 
Europe,  but  to  Great  Britain.  This  bill  passed  into  a 
law.  But  when  the  matter  was  explained,  the  restric 
tion  was  taken  off  by  a  subsequent  act. 

"  I  cannot  say,  how  long  after  the  taking  off  this  re 
striction,  as  I  have  not  the  acts,  but  I  think  in  less  than 
eighteen  months,  another  act  of  parliament  passed,  in 
which  the  word  '  Ireland'  was  left  out,  as  it  had  been  be 
fore.  The  matter  being  a  second  time  explained  was  a 
second  time  regulated. 

"  Now  if  it  be  considered,  that  the  omission  mention 
ed,  struck  off,  with  one  word,  so  very  great  a  part  of 
pur  trade,  it  must  appear  remarkable  :  and  equally  so 
is  the  method  by  which  rice  became  an  enumerated 
commodity,  and  therefore  could  be  carried  to  Great 
Britain  only." 

"  The  enumeration  was  obtained,  (says  Mr.  Gee  on 
Trade,  p.  32)  by  one  Cole,  a  captain  of  a  ship,  employed 
by  a  company  then  trading  to  Carolina;  for  several 
ships  going  from  England  thither,  and  purchasing  rice 
for  Portugal,  prevented  the  captain  of  a  loading.  Upon 
his  coming  home  he  impressed  Mr.  Lowndes,  a  member 
of  parliament,  with  an  opinion,  that  carrying  rice  di 
rectly  to  Portugal  was  a  prejudice  to  the  trade  of  Eng 
land,  and  privately  got  a  clause  into  an  act  to  make  it 
an  enumerated  commodity,  by  which  means  he  secured 
a  freight  to  himself.  But  the  consequence  proved  a  vast 
loss  to  the  nation." 

"  I  find  that  this  clause,  '  privately  got  into  an  act, 
for  the  benefit  of  captain  Cole,  to  the  vast  loss  of  the 
nation,'  is  foisted  into  the  3d  Anne,  chapters  5th,  in- 
titled,  '  an  act  for  granting  to  her  majesty  a  further 
subsidy  on  wines  and  merchandizes  imported,'  with 
which  it  has  no  more  connection,  than  with  34th  Ed 
ward  I,  34th  and  35th  of  Henry  VIII.  or  the  25th 
Charles  II.  which  provide  that  no  person  shall  be  taxed 
but  by  himself  or  his  representatives." 


other,  that  of  emptying  our  gaols  into  their 
settlements ;  Scotland  too  have  within  these 
two  years  obtained  the  privilege  it  had  not  be 
fore,  of  sending  its  rogues  and  villains  also  to 
the  plantations — I  say,  reflecting  on  these 
things,  they  said  one  to  another  (their  news 
papers  are  full  of  such  discourses)  "  These 
people  are  not  content  with  making  a  mono 
poly  of  us  (forbidding  us  to  trade  with  any 
other  country  of  Europe,  and  compelling  us  to 
buy  every  thing  of  them,  though  in  many  ar 
ticles  we  could  furnish  ourselves  ten,  twenty, 
and  even  to  fifty  per  cent,  cheaper  elsewhere  ;)• 
but  now  they  have  as  good  as  declared  they 
have  a  right  to  tax  us  ad  libitum,  internally 
and  externally  ;  and  that  our  constitution  and 
liberties  shall  all  be  taken  away,  if  we  do  not 
submit  to  that  claim. 

"They  are  not  content  with  the  high  prices 
at  which  they  sell  us  their  goods,  but  have 
now  begun  to  enhance  those  prices  by  new 
duties,  and  by  the  expensive  apparatus  of  a 
new  set  of  officers,  appear  to  intend  an  aug 
mentation  and  multiplication  of  those  burdens, 
that  shall  still  be  more  grievous  to  us.  Our 
people  have  been  foolishly  fond  of  their  super 
fluous  modes  and  manufactures,  to  the  im 
poverishing  of  our  own  country,  carrying  oft' 
all  our  cash,  and  loading  us  with  debt;  they 
will  not  suffer  us  to  restrain  the  luxury  of  our 
inhabitants,  as  they  do  that  of  their  own,  by 
laws :  they  can  make  laws  to  discourage  or 
prohibit  the  importation  of  French  superflui 
ties  :  but  though  those  of  England  are  as  ruin 
ous  to  us  as  the  French  ones  are  to  them,  if 
we  make  a  law  of  that  kind,  they  immedi 
ately  repeal  it.  Thus  they  get  all  our  money 
from  us  by  trade ;  and  every  profit  we  can  any 
where  make  by  our  fisheries,  our  produce,  or 
our  commerce,  centres  finally  with  them ; — 
but  this  does  not  satisfy. — It  is  time,  then,  to 
take  care  of  ourselves  by  the  best  means  in 
our  power.  Let  us  unite  in  solemn  resolu 
tion  and  engagements  with  and  to  each  other, 
that  we  will  give  these  new  officers  as  little 
trouble  as  possible,  by  not  consuming  the  Bri 
tish  manufactures  on  which  they  are  to  levy  the 
duties.  Let  us  agree  to  consume  no  more  of 
their  expensive  gewgaws.  Let  us  live  frugally, 
and  let  us  industriously  manufacture  what  we 
can  for  ourselves :  thus  we  shall  be  able  ho 
nourably  to  discharge  the  debts  we  already  owe 
them ;  and  after  that,  we  may  be  able  to  keep 
some  money  in  our  country,  not  only  for  the  uses? 
of  our  internal  commerce,  but  for  the  service 
of  our  gracious  sovereign,  whenever  he  shall 
'jave  occasion  for  it,  and  think  proper  to  re 
quire  it  of  us  in  the  old  constitutional  manner. 
For  notwithstanding  the  reproaches  thrown 
out  against  us  in  their  public  papers  and 
pamphlets,  notwithstanding  we  have  been  re 
viled  in  their  senate  as  rebels  and  traitors,  we 
are  truly  a  loyal  people.  Scotland  has  had 
its  rebellions,  and  England  its  plots  against 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


201 


the  present  royal  family ;  but  America  is  un 
tainted  with  those  crimes ;  there  is  in  it 
scarce  a  man,  there  is  not  a  single  native  of 
our  country,  who  is  not  firmly  attached  to  his 
king  by  principle  and  by  affection.  But  a  new 
kind  of  loyalty  seems  to  be  required  of  us,  a 
loyalty  to  parliament ;  a  loyalty,  that  is  to  ex 
tend,  it  is  said,  to  a  surrender  of  all  our  pro 
perties,  whenever  a  house  of  commons,  in 
which  there  is  not  a  single  member  of  our 
choosing,  shall  think  fit  to  grant  them  away 
without  our  consent,  and  to  a  patient  suffer 
ing  the  loss  of  our  privileges  as  Englishmen, 
if  we  cannot  submit  to  make  such  surrender. 
We  were  separated  too  far  from  Britain  by 
the  ocean,  but  we  were  united  to  it  by  respect 
and  love ;  so  that  we  could  at  any  time  freely 
have  spent  our  lives  and  little  fortunes  in  its 
cause :  but  this  unhappy  new  system  of  poli 
tics  tends  to  dissolve  those  bands  of  union,  and 
to  sever  us  for  ever. 

"  These  are  the  wild  ravings  of  the,  at  pre 
sent,  half  distracted  Americans.  To  be  sure, 
no  reasonable  man  in  England  can  approve 
of  such  sentiments,  and,  as  I  said  before,  I  do 
not  pretend  to  support  or  justify  them:  but  I 
sincerely  wish,  for  the  sake  of  the  manufac 
tures  and  commerce  of  Great  Britain,  and  for 
the  sake  of  the  strength,  which  a  firm  union 
with  our  growing  colonies  would  give  us,  that 
these  people  had  never  been  thus  needlessly 
driven  out  of  their  senses. 

"lam,  yours,  &c.  F.  S."* 

Concerning  the  gratitude  of  America.,  the 
probability  and  effects  of  an  Union  with 
Great  Britain;  and  concerning  the  Re 
peal  or  Suspension  of  the  Stamp  Act. 

[To  whom  addressed  not  known.] 

"  January  6,  1766. 

"  SIR, — I  have  attentively  perused  the  paper 
you  sent  me,  and  am  of  opinion,  that  the  mea 
sure  it  proposes,  of  an  union  with  the  colo 
nies,  is  a  wise  one :  but  I  doubt  it  will  hardly 
be  thought  so  here,  till  it  is  too  late  to  attemp't 

*  F.  S.  means  Franklin's  Seal. 

In  the  collection,  of  tracts  on  the  subjects  of  taxing  the 
British  colonies  in  America,  and  regulating  their  trade 
(printed  in  1773,  in  4  vols.  8vo.  by  Almou)  are  two  pa 
pers,  said  there  to  have  been  published  originally  in 
1739,  and  to  have  been  drawn  up  by  aclub  of  American 
merchants,  at  the  head  of  whom  were  sir  William 
Keith  (governor  of  Pennsylvania,)  Joshua  Gee,  and 
many  other  eminent  persons.  The  first  paper  proposes 
the  raising  a  small  body  of  regular  troops  under  the 
command  of  an  officer  appointed  by  the  crown,  and  in 
dependent  of  tho  governors,  (who  were  nevertheless  to 
assist  him  in  council  on  emergent  occasions,)  in  order 
to  protect  the  Indian  trade,  and  take  care  of  the  boun 
daries  and  back  settlements.  They  were  to  be  sup 
ported  by  a  revenue  to  be  established  by  act  of  parlia 
ment,  in  America;  which  revenue  was  to  arise  out  of  a 
duty  on  stamped  paper  and  parchment.  The  second  pa 
per  goes  into  the  particulars  of  this  proposed  stamp 
duty,  offers  reasons  for  extending  it  over  all  the  British 
plantations,  and  recites  its  supposed  advantages.  If 
these  papers  are  at  all  genuine,  Mr.  George  Grenville 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  original  in  conceiving 
stamps  as  a  proper  subject  for  his  new  tax. 

VOL.  I....2C 


it.  The  time  has  been,  when  the  colonies 
would  have  esteemed  it  a  great  advantage,  as 
well  as  honour  to  them,  to  be  permitted  to 
send  members  to  parliament ;  and  would  have 
asked  for  that  privilege,  if  they  could  have 
had  the  least  hopes  of  obtaining  it  The  time 
is  now  come,  when  they  are  indifferent  about 
it,  and  will  probably  not  ask  it,  though  they 
might  accept  it  if  offered  them  ;  and  the  time 
will  come,  when  they  will  certainly  refuse  it. 
But  if  such  an  union  were  now  established, 
(which  methinks  it  highly  imports  this  coun 
try  to  establish,)  it  would  probably  subsist  as 
long  as  Britain  shall  continue  a  nation.  This 
people,  however,  is  too  proud,  and  too  much 
despises  the  Americans,  to  bear  the  thought 
of  admitting  them  to  such  an  equitable  par 
ticipation  in  the  government  of  the  whole. 
Then  the  next  best  thing  seems  to  be,  leav 
ing  them  in  the  quiet  enjoyment  of  their  re 
spective  constitutions;  and  when  money  is 
wanted  for  any  public  service  in  which  they 
ought  to  bear  a  part,  calling  upon  them  by 
requisitorial  letters  from  the  crown  (accord 
ing  to  the  long  established  custom)  to  grant 
such  aids  as  their  loyalty  shall  dictate,  and 
their  abilities  permit.  The  very  sensible  and 
benevolent  author  of  that  paper,  seems  not  to 
have  known,  that  such  a  constitutional  custom 
subsists,  and  has  always  hitherto  been  prac 
tised  in  America ;  or  he  would  not  have  ex 
pressed  himself  in  this  manner :  '  It  is  evident 
beyond  a  doubt,  to  the  intelligent  and  impar 
tial,  that  after  the  vpry  extraordinary  efforts, 
which  were  effectually  made  by  Great  Britain 
in  the  late  war  to  save  the  colonists  from  de 
struction,  and  attended  of  necessity  with  an 
enormous  load  of  debts  in  consequence,  that 
the  same  colonists,  now  firmly  secured  from 
foreign  enemies,  should  be  somehow  induced 
to  contribute  some  proportion  towards  the 
exigencies  of  state  in  future.'  This  looks  as 
f  he  conceived  the  war  had  been  carried  on 
at  the  sole  expense  of  Great  Britain,  and  the 
colonies  only  reaped  the  benefit,  without 
ritherto  sharing  the  burden,  and  were  there 
fore  now  indebted  to  Britain  on  that  account. 
And  this  is  the  same  kind  of  argument  that 
is  used  by  those  who  would  fix  on  the  colo 
nies  the  heavy  charge  of  unreasonableness 
and  ingratitude,  which  I  think  your  friend  did 
not  intend.  Please  to  acquaint  him  then,  that 
the  fact  is  not  so:  that  every  year  during  the 
war,  requisitions  were  made  by  the  crown  on 
the  colonies  for  raising  money  and  men ;  that 
accordingly  they  made  more  extraordinary 
efforts,  in  proportion  to  their  abilities,  than 
Britain  did ;  that  they  raised,  paid,  and  clothed, 
for  five  or  six  years,  near  25,000  men,  besides 
providing  for  other  services,  (as  building  forts, 
equipping  guard-ships,  paying  transports,  &c.) 
And  that  this  was  more  than  their  fair  pro 
portion  is  not  merely  an  opinion  of  mine,  but 
was  the  judgment  of  government  here,  in  full 


202 


MEMOIRS  OF 


knowledge  of  all  the  facts ;  for  the  then  minis 
try,  to  make  the  burden  more  equal,  recom 
mended  the  case  to  parliament,  and  obtained 
a  reimbursement  to  the  Americans  of  about 
.£200,000  sterling  every  year;  which  amount 
ed  only  to  about  two  fifths  of  their  expense ; 
and  great  part  of  the  rest  lies  still  a  load  of 
debt  upon  them ;  heavy  taxes  on  all  their  es 
tates,  real  and  personal,  being  laid  by  acts  of 
their  assemblies  to  discharge  it,  and  yet  will 
not  discharge  it  in  many  years.  While  then, 
these  burdens  continue;  while  Britain  re 
strains  the  colonies  in  every  branch  of  com 
merce  and  manufactures  that  she  thinks  in 
terferes  with  her  own ;  while  she  drains  the 
colonies,  by  her  trade  with  them,  of  all  the 
cash  they  can  procure,  by  every  art  and  in 
dustry  in  any  part  of  the  world,  and  thus 
keeps  them  always  in  her  debt :  (for  they  can 
make  no  law  to  discourage  the  importation  of 
your  to  them  ruinous  superfluities,  as  you  do 
the  superfluities  of  France ;  since  such  a  law 
would  immediately  be  reported  against  by 
your  board  of  trade,  and  repealed  by  the 
crown :)  I  say  while  these  circumstances  con 
tinue,  and  while  there  subsists  the  established 
method  of  royal  requisitions,  for  raising  mo 
ney  on  them  by  their  own  assemblies  on  every 
proper  occasion ;  can  it  be  necessary  or  pru 
dent  to  distress  and  vex  them  by  taxes  laid 
here,  in  a  parliament  wherein  they  have  no 
representative,  and  in  a  manner  which  they 
look  upon  to  be  unconstitutional  and  subver 
sive  of  their  most  valuable  rights ;  and  are 
they  to  be  thought  unreasonable  and  ungrate 
ful  if  they  oppose  such  taxes'?  Wherewith, 
they  say,  shall  we  show  our  loyalty  to  our 
gracious  king,  if  our  money  is  to  be  given  by 
others,  without  asking  our  consent  1  And  if 
the  parliament  has  a  right  thus  to  take  from 
us  a  penny  in  the  pound,  where  is  the  line 
drawn  that  bounds  that  right,,  and  what  shall 
hinder  their  calling  whenever  they  please  for 
the  other  nineteen  shillings  and  eleven  pence? 
Have  we  then  any  thing  that  we  can  call  our 
own  1  It  is  more  than  probable,  that  bring 
ing  representatives  from  the  colonies  to  sit 
and  act  here  as  members  of  parliament,  thus 
uniting  and  consolidating  your  dominions, 
would,  in  a  little  time,  remove  these  objec 
tions  and  difficulties,  and  make  the  future  go 
vernment  of  the  colonies  easy ;  but,  till  some 
such  thing  is  done,  I  apprehend  no  taxes,  laid 
there  by  parliament  here,  will  ever  be  col 
lected,  but  such  as  must  be  stained  with 
blood :  and  I  am  sure  the  profit  of  such  taxes 
will  never  answer  the  expense  of  collecting 
them,  and  that  the  respect  and  affection  of  the 
Americans  to  this  country  will  in  the  strug 
gle  be  totally  lost,  perhaps  never  to  be  re 
covered;  and  therewith  all  the  commercial 
and  political  advantages,  that  might  have  at 
tended  the  continuance  of  this  respect  and 
this  affection. 


"  In  my  own  private  judgment,  I  think  an 
immediate  repeal  of  the  stamp  act  would  be 
the  best  measure  for  this  country ;  but  a  sus 
pension  of  it  for  three  years,  the  best  for  that. 
The  repeal  would  fill  them  with  joy  and  gra 
titude,  re-establish  their  respect  arid  venera 
tion  for  parliament,  restore  at  once  their  an 
cient  and  natural  love  for  this  country,  and 
their  regard  for  every  thing  that  comes  from 
it ;  hence  the  trade  would  be  renewed  in  all 
its  branches ;  they  would  again  indulge  in  all 
the  expensive  superfluities  you  supply  them 
with,  and  their  own  new  assumed  home  in 
dustry  would  languish.  But  the  suspension, 
though  it  might  continue  their  fears  and 
anxieties,  would,  at  the  same  time,  keep  up 
their  resolutions  of  industry  and  frugality; 
which  in  two  or  three  years  would  grow  into 
habits,  to  their  lasting  advantage.  However, 
as  the  repeal  will  probably  not  be  now  agreed 
to,*  from  what  I  think  a  mistaken  opinion, 
that  the  honour  and  dignity  of  government  is 
better  supported  by  persisting  in  a  wrong 
measure  once  entered  into,  than  by  rectifying 
an  error  as  soon  as  it  is  discovered ;  we  must 
allow  the  next  best  thing  for  the  advantage 
of  both  countries  is,  the  suspension ;  for  as  to 
executing  the  act  by  force,  it  is  madness,  and 
will  be  ruin  to  the  whole. 

"  The  rest  of  your  friend's  reasonings  and 
propositions  appear  to  me  truly  just  and  judi 
cious  ;  I  will  therefore  only  add,  that  I  am  as 
desirous  of  his  acquaintance  and  intimacy,  as 
he  was  of  my  opinion. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


J.  Pownall  to  Dr.  Franklin,  concerning  an 
equal  communication  of  rights,  privileges^ 
fyc.  to  America  by  Great  Britain.^ 

"  DEAR  SIR, — The  following  objection 
against  communicating  to  the  colonies  the 
rights,  privileges,  and  powers  of  the  realm,  as 
to  parts  of  the  realm,  has  been  made.  1  have 
been  endeavouring  to  obviate  it,  and  I  com 
municate  it  to  you,  in  hopes  of  your  promised 
assistance. 

"  If,  say  the  objectors,  we  communicate  to 
the  colonies  the  power  of  sending  representa 
tives,  and  in  consequence  expect  them  to  par 
ticipate  in  an  equal  share  and  proportion  of 
all  our  taxes,  we  must  grant  to  them  all  the 
powers  of  trade  and  manufacturing,  which 
any  other  parts  of  the  realm  within  the  isle 
of 'Great  Britain  enjoy :  if  so.  perchance,  the 
profits  of  the  Atlantic  commerce  may  con 
verge  to  some  centre  in  America ;  to  Boston, 
New  York,  Philadelphia,  or  to  some  of  the 
isles:  if  so,  then  the  natural  and  artificial 

*  It  was,  however,  agreed  to  in  the  same  year,  viz 
in  1766. 

t  This  letter  bears  no  date.  It  was  written  possibly 
about  the  time  that  governor  Pownall  was  engaged  in 
publishing  his  book  on  the  administration  of  the  cola- 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


203 


produce  of  the  colonies,  and  in  course  of  con 
sequences  the  landed  interest  of  the  colonies 
will  be  promoted :  while  the  natural  and  ar 
tificial  produce  and  landed  interest  of  Great 
Britain  will  be  depressed,  to  its  utter  ruin  and 
destruction ;  and  consequently  the  balance  of 
the  power  of  government,  although  still  with 
in  the  realm,  will  be  locally  transferred  from 
Great  Britain  to  the  colonies.  Which  con 
sequence,  however  it  may  suit  a  citizen  of  the 
world,  must  be  folly  and  madness  to  a  Britain. 
My  fit  is  gone  off,  and  though  weak,  both 
from  the  gout  and  a  concomitant  and  very 
ugly  fever,  I  am  much  better. — Would  be 
glad  to  see  you.  Your  friend, 

«J.  POWNALL." 

On  the  back  of  the  foregoing  letter  of  go 
vernor  Pownall,  are  the  following  minutes 
by  Dr.  Franklin. 

This  objection  goes  upon  the  supposition, 
that  whatever  the  colonies  gain,  Britain  must 
lose;  and  that  if  the  colonies  can  be  kept 
from  gaining  an  advantage,  Britain  will  gain 
it  :— 

If  the  colonies  are  fitter  for  a  particular 
trade  than  Britain,  they  should  have  it,  and 
Britain  apply  to  what  it  is  more  fit  for.  The 
whole  empire  is  a  gainer.  And  if  Britain  is 
not  so  fit  or  so  well  situated  for  a  particular 
advantage,  other  countries  will  get  it,  if  the 
colonies  do  not.  Thus  Ireland  was  forbid  the 
woollen  manufacture,  and  remains  poor ;  but 
this  has  given  to  the  French  the  trade  and 
wealth  Ireland  might  have  gained  for  the 
British  empire. 

The  government  cannot  long  be  retained 
without  the  union.  Which  is  best  (supposing 
your  case)  to  have  a  total  separation,  or  a 
change  of  the  seat  of  government ! — It  by  no 
means  follows,  that  promoting  and  advancing 
the  landed  interest  in  America  will  depress 
that  of  Britain:  the  contrary  has  always  been 
the  fact.  Advantageous  situations  and  cir 
cumstances  will  always  secure  and  fix  manu 
factures  :  Sheffield  against  all  Europe  for  these 
three  hundred  years  past. — 

Impracticability. 

Danger  of  innovation. 


THE   EXAMINATION   OF  DR.    FRANKLIN 

Before  the  English  House  of  Commons, 
relative  to  the  Repeal  of  the  American 
Stamp  Act. 

1766.  Feb.  3.  Benjamin  Franklin,  esq.  and 
a  number  of  other  persons  were  "  ordered  to 
attend  the  committee  of  the  whole  house  of 
commons  to  whom  it  was  referred,  to  con 
sider  farther  the  several  papers  relative  to 
America  which  were  presented  to  the  house 
by  Mr.  secretary  Conway,  &c." 


Q.  What  is  your  name,  and  place  of  abode  7 

A.  Franklin,  of  Philadelphia. 

Q.  Do  the  Americans  pay  any  considerable 
taxes  among  themselves '! 

A.  Certainly  many,  and  very  heavy  taxes. 

Q.  What  are  the  present  taxes  in  Penn 
sylvania,  laid  by  the  laws  of  the  colony  1 

A.  There  are  taxes  on  all  estates  real  and 
personal ;  a  poll  tax ;  a  tax  on  all  offices,  pro 
fessions,  trades,  and  businesses,  according  to 
their  profits ;  an  excise  on  all  wine,  rum,  and 
other  spirits ;  and  a  duty  of  ten  pounds  per 
head  on  all  negroes  imported,  with  some  other 
duties. 

Q.  For  what  purposes  are  those  taxes  laid  1 

A.  For  the  support  of  the  civil  and  military 
establishments  of  the  country,  and  to  discharge 
the  heavy  debt  contracted  in  the  last  war. 

Q.  How  long  are  those  taxes  to  continue  ] 

.4.  Those  for  discharging  the  debt  are  to 
continue  till  1772,  and  longer,  if  the  debt 
should  not  be  then  all  discharged.  The  others 
must  always  continue. 

Q.  Was  it  not  expected  that  the  debt 
would  have  been  sooner  discharged  1 

A.  It  was,  when  the  peace  was  made  \vith 
France  and  Spain.  But  a  fresh  war  breaking 
out  with  the  Indians,  a  fresh  load  of  debt  was 
incurred ;  and  the  taxes,  of  course,  continued 
longer  by  a  new  law. 

Q.  Are  not  all  the  people  very  able  to  pay 
those  taxes  1 

A.  No.  The  frontier  counties,  all  along 
the  continent,  having  been  frequently  ravaged 
by  the  enemy,  and  greatly  impoverished,  are 
able  to  pay  very  little  tax.  And  therefore,  in 
consideration  of  their  distresses,  our  late  tax 
laws  do  expressly  favour  those  counties,  ex 
cusing  the  sufferers ;  and  I  suppose  the  same 
is  done  in  other  governments. 

Q.  Are  not  you  concerned  in  the  manage 
ment  of  the  post-office  in  America  1 

A.  Yes.  I  am  deputy  post-master  general 
of  North  America. 

Q.  Don't  you  think  the  distribution  of 
stamps  by  post  to  all  the  inhabitants  very 
practicable,  if  there  was  no  opposition] 

A.  The  posts  only  go  along  the  sea-coasts; 
they  do  not,  except  in  a  few  instances,  go 
back  into  the  country ;  and  if  they  did,  send 
ing  for  stamps  by  post  would  occasion  an  ex 
pense  of  postage,  amounting  in  many  cases, 
to  much  more  than  that  of  the  stamps  them 
selves. 

Q.  Are  you  acquainted  with  Newfound- 

A.  I  never  was  there. 

Q.  Do  you  know  whether  there  are  any 
post-roads  on  that  island  1 

A.  I  have  heard  that  there  are  no  roads  at 
all,  but  that  the  communication  between  one 
settlement  and  another  is  by  sea  only. 

Q.  Can  you  disperse  the  stamps  by  post  in 
Canada  ? 


204 


MEMOIRS  OF 


A.  There  is  only  a  post  between  Montreal 
and  Quebec.  The  inhabitants  live  so  scat 
tered  and  remote  from  each  other  in  that  vast 
country,  that  posts  cannot  be  supported  among 
them,  and  therefore  they  cannot  get  stamps 
per  post.  The  English  colonies  too  along 
the  frontiers  are  very  thinly  settled. 

Q.  From  the  thinness  of  the  back  settle 
ments,  would  not  the  stamp  act  be  extremely 
inconvenient  to  the  inhabitants,  if  executed  1 

A.  To  be  sure  it  would ;  as  many  of  the  in 
habitants  could  not  get  stamps  when  they  had 
occasion  for  them  without,  taking  long  jour 
neys,  and  spending  perhaps  three  or  four 
pounds,  that  the  crown  might  get  sixpence. 

Q.  Are  not  the  colonies,  from  their  circum 
stances,  very  able  to  pay  the  stamp  duty  ? 

A.  In  my  opinion  there  is  not  gold  and  sil 
ver  enough  in  the  colonies  to  pay  the  stamp 
duty  for  one  year.* 

Q.  Don't  you  know  that  the  money  arising 
from  the  stamps  was  all  to  be  laid  out  in 
America  ] 

A.  I  know  it  is  appropriated  by  the  act  to 
the  American  service ;  but  it  will  be  spent  in 
the  conquered  colonies,  where  the  soldiers 
are ;  not -in  the  colonies  that  pay  it. 

Q,  Is  there  not  a  balance  of  trade  due  from 
the  colonies  where  the  troops  are  posted,  that 
will  bring  back  the  money  to  the  old  colo 
nies  ? 

A.  I  think  not.  I  believe  very  little  would 
come  back.  I  know  of  no  trade  likely  to  bring 
it  back.  I  think  it  would  come  from  the  colo 
nies  where  it  was  spent,  directly  to  England ; 
for  I  have  always  observed,  that  in  every  colo 
ny  the  more  plenty  the  means  of  remittance 
to  England,  the  more  goods  are  sent  for,  and 
the  more  trade  with  England  carried  on. 

Q.  What  number  of  white  inhabitants  do 
you  think  there  are  in  Pennsylvania! 

.4.  I  suppose  there  may  be  about  one  hun 
dred  and  sixty  thousand  f 

Q.  What  number  of  them  are  Quakers  1 

A.  Perhaps  a  third. 

Q.  What  number  of  Germans  1 

A.  Perhaps  another  third ;  but  I  cannot 
speak  with  certainty. 

Q.  Have  any  number  of  the  Germans  seen 
service,  as  soldiers,  in  Europe  1 

.4.  Yes,  many  of  them,  both  in  Europe  and 
America. 


*  "  The  stamp  act  said,  that  the  Americans  shall  have 
no  commerce,  make  no  exchange  of  property  with  each 
other,  neither  purchase  nor  grant,  nor  recover  debts  ; 
they  shall  neither  marry  nor  make  their  wills,  unless 
they  pay  such  and  such  sums"  in  specie  for  the  stamps 
which  must  give  validity  to  the  proceedings.  The  ope 
ration  of  such  a  tax,  its  annual  productiveness,  on  its 
introduction,  was  estimated  by  its  proposer  in  the  house 
of  commons  at  100,OOOZ.  sterling:  The  colonies  being 
already  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  havingpaper-money, 
by  sending  to  Britain  the  specie  they  collected  in  foreign 
trade,  in  order  to  make  up  for  the  deficiency  of  their 
other  returns  for  Britain's  manufactures;  there  were 
doubts  whether  there  could  remain  specie  sufficient  to 
answer  the  tax. 


Q.  Are  they  as  much  dissatisfied  with  the 
stamp  duty  as  the  English  1 

A.  Yes,  and  more;  and  with  reason,  as 
their  stamps  are,  in  many  cases,  to  be  double.* 

Q.  How  many  white  men  do  you  suppose 
there  are  in  North  America  1 

A.  About  three  hundred  thousand,  from  six 
teen  to  sixty  years  of  age  1  f 

Q.  What  may  be  the  amount  of  one  year's 
imports  into  Pennsylvania  from  Britain  1 

A.  I  have  been  informed  that  our  merchants 
compute  the  imports  from  Britain  to  be  above 
500,000*. 

Q.  What  may  be  the  amount  of  the  pro 
duce  of  your  province  exported  to  Britain  1 

A.  It  must  be  small,  as  we  produce  little 
that  is  wanted  in  Britain.  I  suppose  it  cannot 
exceed  40,OOOZ. 

Q.  How  then  do  you  pay  the  balance  1 

A.  The  balance  is  paid  by  our  produce  car 
ried  to  the  West  Indies  (and  sold  in  our  own 
islands,  or  to  the  French,  Spaniards,  Danes, 
and  Dutch) — by  the  same  produce  carried  to 
other  colonies  in  North  America,  (as  to  New 
England,  Nova  Scotia,  Newfoundland,  Caro 
lina,  and  Georgia) — by  the  same,  carried  to 
different  parts  of  Europe,  (as  Spain,  Portugal, 
and  Italy.)  In  all  which  places  we  receive 
either  money,  bills  of  exchange,  or  commo 
dities  that  suit  for  remittance  to  Britain ; 
which,  together  with  all  the  profits  on  the  in 
dustry  of  our  merchants  and  mariners,  arising 
in  those  circuitous  voyages,  and  the  freights 
made  by  their  ships,  centre  finally  to  Britain 
to  discharge  the  balance,  and  pay  for  British 
manufactures  continually  used  in  the  pro 
vinces,  or  sold  to  foreigners  by  our  traders. 

Q.  Have  you  heard  of  any  difficulties  lately 
laid  on  the  Spanish  trade  1 

A.  Yes,  I  have  heard  that  it  has  been 
greatly  obstructed  by  some  new  regulations, 
and  by  the  English  men  of  war  and  cutters 
stationed  all  along  the  coast  in  America. 

Q.  Do  you  think  it  right  that  America 
should  be  protected  by  this  country,  and  pay 
no  part  of  the  expense  1 

*  The  stamp  act  provided  that  a  double  duty  should 
belaid  "  where  the  instrument,  proceedings,  &c.  shall 
be  engrossed,  written  or  printed  within  the  said  colonies 
and  plantations,  in  any  other  than  the  English  Ian-* 
guage."  This  measure,  it  is  presumed,  appeared  to  be 
suggested  by  motives  of  convenience,  and  the  policy  of 
assimilating  persons  of  foreign  to  those  of  British  de 
scent,  and  preventing  their  interference  in  the  conduct 
of  law  business  till  this  change  should  be  effected.  It 
seems  however  to  have  been  deemed  too  precipitate, 
immediately  to  extend  this  clause  to  newly  conquered 
countries.  An  exemption  therefore  was  granted,  in 
this  particular,  with  respect  to  Canada  and  Grenada,, 
for  the  space  of  five  years,  to  be  reckoned  from  the 
commencement  of  the  duty.  (See  the  British  Stamp 
Act.) 

f  Strangers  excluded,  some  parts  of  the  northern  colo 
nies  doubled  their  numbers  in  fifteen  or  sixteen  years; 
to  the  southward  they  were  longer;  but,  taking  one 
with  another,  they  had^doubled  by  natural  generation 
only,  once  in  twenty-five  years.  Pennsylvania,  includ 
ing  strangers,  had  doubled  in  about  sixteen  years.  The 
calculation  for  February,  1766,  will  not  suit  1779,  nor 
subsequent  periods;  though  as  general  principles  they 
will  approach  very  near  to  each  other 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


205 


A.  That  is  not  the  case.  The  colonies 
raised,  clothed,  and  paid,  during  the  last  war, 
near  twenty-five  thousand  men,  and  spent 
many  millions. 

Q.  Were  you  not  reimbursed  by  parlia 
ment? 

A.  We  were  only  reimbursed  what,  in  your 
opinion,  we  had  advanced  beyond  our  propor 
tion,  or  beyond  what  might  reasonably  be  ex 
pec  ted  from  us ;  and  it  was  a  very  small  part 
of  what  we  spent.  Pennsylvania,  in  particular, 
disbursed  about  500,0002.  and  the  reimburse 
ments,  in  the  whole,  did  not  exceed  60,OOOZ. 

Q.  You  have  said  that  you  pay  heavy  taxes 
in  Pennsylvania,  what  do  they  amount  to  in 
the  pound  ? 

A.  The  tax  on  all  estates,  real  and  person 
al,  is  eighteen  pence  in  the  pound,  fully  rated ; 
and  the  tax  on  the  profits  of  trades  and  profes 
sions,  with  other  taxes,  do,  I  suppose,  make 
full  half-a-crown  in  the  pound. 

Q.  Do  you  know  any  thing  of  the  rate  of 
exchange  in  Pennsylvania,  and  whether  it  has 
fallen  lately  7 

A.  It  is  commonly  from  one  hundred  and 
and  seventy,  to  one  hundred  and  seventy-five. 
I  have  heard,  that  it  has  fallen  lately  from  one 
hundred  and  seventy-five,  to  one  hundred  and 
.sixty-two  and  a  half;  owing,  I  suppose,  to 
their  lessening  their  orders  for  goods;  and 
when  their  debts  to  this  country  are  paid,  I 
think  the  exchange  will  probably  be  at  par. 

Q.  Do  not  you  think  the  people  of  America 
would  submit  to  pay  the  stamp  duty,  if  it  was 
moderated  ? 

A.  No,  never,  unless  compelled  by  force  of 
arms. 

Q.  Are  not  the  taxes  in  Pennsylvania  laid 
on  unequally,  in  order  to  burden  the  English 
trade ;  particularly  the  tax  on  professions  and 
business  ? 

A.  It  is  not  more  burdensome  in  proportion, 
than  the  tax  on  lands.  It  is  intended,  and 
supposed  to  take  an  equal  proportion  of  profits. 
Q.  How  is  the  assembly  composed?  Of 
what  kinds  of  people  are  the  members;  land 
holders  or  traders  ? 

A.  It  is  composed  of  landholders,  merchants, 
and  artificers. 

Q.  Are  not  the  majority  landholders ! 
A.  I  believe  they  are. 
Q.  Do  not  they,  as  much  as  possible,  shift 
the  tax  off  from  the  land,  to  ease  that,  and  lay 
the  burden  heavier  on  trade  ? 

A.  I  have  never  understood  it  so.  I  never 
heard  such  a  thing  suggested.  And  indeed 
an  attempt  of  that  kind  could  answer  no  pur 
pose.  The  merchant  or  trader  is  always 
skilled  in  figures,  and  ready  with  his  pen  and 
ink.  If  unequal  burdens  are  laid  on  his  trade, 
he  puts  an  additional  price  on  his  goods ;  and 
the  consumers,  who  are  chiefly  landholders, 
finally  pay  the .  greatest  part,  if  not  the 
whole. 

18 


Q.  What  was  the  temper  of  America  to 
wards  Great  Britain  before  the  year  17631* 

A.  The  best  in  the  world.  They  submitted 
willingly  to  the  government  of  the  crown, 
and  paid,  in  their  courts,  obedience  to  acts  of 
parliament.  Numerous  as  the  people  are  in 
the  several  old  provinces,  they  cost  you  no 
thing  in  forts,  citadels,  garrisons,  or  armies,  to 
keep  them  in  subjection.  They  were  govern 
ed  by  this  country  at  the  expense  only  of  a 
little  pen,  ink,  and  paper :  they  were  lead  by 
a  thread.  They  had  not  only  a  respect,  but 
an  affection  for  Great  Britain;  for  its  laws, 
its  customs,  and  manners,  and  even  a  fondness 
for  its  fashions,  that  greatly  increased  the 
commerce.  Natives  of  Britain  were  always 
treated  with  particular  regard ;  to  be  an  Old 
England-man  was,  of  itself,  a  character  of 
some  respect,  and  gave  a  kind  of  rank  among 
us. 

Q.  And  what  is  their  temper  now  1 

A.  O,  very  much  altered. 

Q.  Did  you  ever  hear  the  authority  of  par 
liament  to  make  laws  for  America  questioned 
till  lately? 

A.  The  authority  of  parliament  was  al 
lowed  to  be  valid  in  all  laws,  except  such  as 
should  lay  internal  taxes.  It  was  never  dis 
puted  in  laying  duties  to  regulate  commerce. 

Q.  In  what  proportion  had  population  in 
creased  in  America  ? 

A.  I  think  the  inhabitants  of  all  the  pro 
vinces  together,  taken  at  a  medium,  double  in 
about  twenty-five  yeara  But  their  demand 
for  British  manufactures  increases  much  fast 
er  ;  as  the  consumption  is  not  merely  in  pro 
portion  to  their  numbers,  but  grows  with  the 
growing  abilities  of  the  same  numbers  to  pay 

*  In  the  year  1733—"  for  the  welfare  and  prosperity 
of  the  sugar  colonies  in  the  West  Indies,"  and  "  tor 
remedying  discouragements  of  planters ;"  duties  were 
'given  and  granted"1  to  George  the  Second,  upon  all 
rum,  spirits,  molasses,  syrups^  sugar,  and  paneles  of 
foreign  growth,  produce,  and  manufacture,  imported 
nto  the  colonies.    This  regulation  of  trade,  for  the 
>enefit  of  the  general  empire  was  acquiesced  in,  not 
withstanding  the  introduction  of  the  novel  terms  "  give 
and  grant."    But  the  act,  which  was  made  only  for  the 
:ermof  five  years,  and  had  been  several  times  renewed 
n  the  reign  of  George  the  Second,  and  once  in  the 
•eign  of  George  the  Third,  was  renewed  again  in  the 
fear  1763,  in  the  reign  of  George  the  Third;  and  ex- 
ended  to  other  articles,  apon  new  and  altered  grounds, 
'.t  was  stated  in  the  preamble  to  this  act,  "that  it  was 
expedient  that  new  provisions  and  regulations  should 
be  established  for  improving  the  revenue  of  this  king - 
'om ;"  that  it  was  just  and  necessary  that  a  revenue 
hould  be  rased  in  America  for  defending,  protecting, 
ind  securing  the  same;"  "and  that  the  commons  of 
Great  Britain    ......    desirous  of  making  some 

>rovision  .  ....  towards  raisijig  the  said  re- 

nue  in  America,  have  resolved  to  give  and  grant  to 

s  majesty,  the  several  rates  and  duties,  &c."  Mr. 
Vlauduit.  agent  for  Massachusetts  Bay,  was  instructed 
n  the  following  terms  to  oppose  Mr.  Grenville's  taxing 
ystem. — "  You  are  to  remonstrate  against  these  mea- 
ures,  and,  if  possible,  to  obtain  a  repeal  of  the  sugar 
act,  and  prevent  the  imposition  of  any  farther  duties 
>r  taxes  on  the  colonies.  Measures  will  be  taken  that 
ou  may  be  joined  by  all  the  other  agents."  Boston, 
June  14,  1764." 

The  question  proposed  to  Dr.  Franklin  alludes  to  this 
ugar  act  in  1763.  His  answer  merits  particular  aUea- 
ion. 


206 


MEMOIRS  OF 


for  them.  In  1723,  the  whole  importation 
from  Britain  to  Pennsylvania  was  but  about 
15,OOOZ.  sterling ;  it  is  now  near  half  a  million. 

Q.  In  what  light  did  the  people  of  America 
use  to  consider  the  parliament  of  Great  Bri 
tain? 

A.  They  considered  the  parliament  as  the 
great  bulwark  and  security  of  their  liberties 
and  privileges,  and  always  spoke  of  it  with 
the  utmost  respect  and  veneration.  Arbitrary 
ministers,  they  thought,  might  possibly,  at 
times,  attempt  to  oppress  them;  but  they 
relied  on  it,  that  the  parliament,  on  applica 
tion,  would  always  give  redress.  They  re 
membered,  with  gratitude,  a  strong  instance 
of  this,  when  a  bill  was  brought  into  parlia 
ment,  with  a  clause,  to  make  royal  instruc 
tions  laws  in  the  colonies,  which  the  house  of 
commons  would  not  pass,  and  it  was  thrown 
out. 

Q.  And  have  they  not  still  the  same  re 
spect  for  parliament  1 

A.  No,  it  is  greatly  lessened. 

Q.  To  what  cause  is  that  owing  ? 

A.  To  a  concurrence  of  causes;  the  re 
straints  lately  laid  on  their  trade,  by  which 
the  bringing  of  foreign  gold  and  silver  into 
the  colonies  was  prevented;  the  prohibition 
of  making  paper  money  among  themselves,* 
and  then  demanding  a  new  and  heavy  tax  by 
stamps,  taking  away,  at  the  same  time,  trials 
by  juries,  and  refusing  to  receive  and  hear 
their  humble  petitions. 

Q.  Don't  you  think  they  would  submit 
to  the  stamp  act,  if  it  was  modified,  the  ob 
noxious  parts  taken  out,  and  the  duty  reduced 
to  some  particulars  of  small  moment  1 

A.  No,  they  will  never  submit  to  it. 

Q.  What  do  you  think  is  the  reason  that 
the  people  in  America  increase  faster  than  in 
England  ] 

A.  Because  they  marry  younger,  and  more 
generally. 

Q.  Why  so] 

A.  Because  any  young  couple,  that  are  in 
dustrious,  may  easily  obtain  land  of  their  own, 
on  which  they  can  raise  a  family. 

Q.  Are  not  the  lower  rank  of  people  more 
at  their  ease  in  America  than  in  England  ? 

A.  They  may  be  so,  if  they  are  sober  and 
diligent ;  as  they  are  better  paid  for  their  la 
bour. 

Q.  What  is  your  opinion  of  a  future  tax, 
imposed  on  the  same  principle  with  that  of 
the  stamp  act  1  how  would  the  Americans  re 
ceive  it  ? 

A.  Just  as  they  do  this.  They  would  not 
pay  it. 

Q.  Have  not  you  heard  of  the  resolutions 
of  this  house,  and  of  the  house  of  lords,  assert 
ing  the  right  of  parliament  relating  to  Ame- 

*  Some  of  the  colonies  had  been  reduced  to  the  ne 
cessity  of  bartering,  from  the  wantof  a  medium  of  traf 
fic.  See  Essay  on  Paper  Money. 


rica,  including  a  power  to  tax  the  people 
there'! 

A.  Yes,  I  have  heard  of  such  resolutions. 

Q.  What  will  be  the  opinion  of  the  Ame 
ricans  on  those  resolutions'? 

A.  They  will  think  them  unconstitutional 
and  unjust. 

Q.  Was  it  an  opinion  in  America  before 
1763,  that  the  parliament  had  no  right  to  lay 
taxes  and  duties  there  7 

A.  I  never  heard  any  objection  to  the  right 
of  laying  duties  to  regulate  commerce,  but  a 
right  to  lay  internal  taxes  was  never  sup 
posed  to  be  in  parliament,  as  we  are  not  re 
presented  there. 

Q.  On  what  do  you  found  your  opinion, 
that  the  people  in  America  made  any  such 
distinction! 

A.  I  know  that  whenever  the  subject  has 
occurred  in  conversation  where  I  have  been 
present,  it  has  appeared  to  be  the  opinion  of 
every  one,  that  we  could  not  be  taxed  by  a 
parliament  wherein  we  were  not  represented. 
But  the  payment  of  duties  laid  by  an  act  of 
parliament  as  regulations  of  commerce,  was 
never  disputed. 

Q.  But  can  you  name  any  act  of  assem 
bly,  or  public  act  of  any  of  your  governments, 
that  made  such  distinction  1 

A.  I  do  not  know  that  there  was  any ;  I 
think  there  was  never  an  occasion  to  make 
any  such  act,  till  now  that  you  have  attempt 
ed  to  tax  us :  that  has  occasioned  resolutions 
of  assembly,  declaring  the  distinction,  in  which 
I  think  every  assembly  on  the  continent,  and 
every  member  in  every  assembly,  have  been 
unanimous. 

Q.  What  then  could  occasion  conversations 
on  that  subject  before  that  time  1 

A.  There  was  in  1754  a  proposition  made, 
(I  think  it  came  from  hence,)  that  in  case  of 
a  war,  which  was  then  apprehended,  the  go 
vernors  of  the  colonies  should  meet,  and  or 
der  the  levying  of  troops,  building  of  forts, 
and  taking  every  other  necessary  measure 
for  the  general  defence ;  and  should  draw  on 
the  treasury  here  for  the  sums  expended; 
which  were  afterwards  to  be  raised  in  the 
colonies  by  a  general  tax,  to  be  laid  on  them 
by  act  of  parliament.  This  occasioned  a 
good  deal  of  conversation  on  the  subject;  and 
the  general  opinion  was,  that  the  parliament 
neither  would  nor  could  lay  any  tax  on  us, 
till  we  were  duly  represented  in  parliament ; 
because  it  was  not  just,  nor  agreeable  to  the 
nature  of  an  English  constitution. 

Q.  Don't  you  know  there  was  a  time  in 
New  York,  when  it  was  under  consideration 
to  make  an  application  to  parliament  to  lay 
taxes  on  that  colony,  upon  a  deficiency  arising1 
from  the  assembly's  refusing  or  neglecting  to 
raise  the  necessary  supplies  for  the  support  of 
the  civil  government  ? 

A.  I  never  heard  it 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


207 


Q.  There  was  such  an  application  under 
consideration  in  New  York ; — and  do  you  ap 
prehend  they  could  suppose  the  right  of  par 
liament  to  lay  a  tax  in  America  was  only 
local,  and  confined  to  the  case  of  a  deficiency 
in  a  particular  colony,  by  a  refusal  of  its  as 
sembly  to  raise  the  necessary  supplies  ? 

A.  They  could  not  suppose  such  a  case,  as 
that  the  assembly  would  not  raise  the  neces 
sary  supplies  to  support  its  own  government. 
An  assembly  that  would  refuse  it  must  want 
common  sense ;  which  cannot  be  supposed.  I 
think  there  was  never  any  such  case  at  New 
York,  and  that  it  must  be  a  misrepresentation, 
or  the  fact  must  be  misunderstood.  I  know 
there  have  been  some  attempts,  by  ministerial 
instructions  from  hence,  to  oblige  the  assem 
blies  to  settle  permanent  salaries  on  gover 
nors,  which  they  wisely  refused  to  do ;  but  I 
believe  no  assembly  of  New  York,  or  any  other 
colony,  ever  refused  duly  to  support  govern 
ment  by  proper  allowances,  from  time  to  time, 
to  public  officers. 

Q.  But  in  case  a  governor,  acting  by  in 
struction,  should  call  on  an  assembly  to  raise 
the  necessary  supplies,  and  the  assembly  should 
refuse  to  do  it,  do  you  not  think  it  would  then 
be  for  the  good  of  the  people  of  the  colony,  as 
well  as  necessary  to  government,  that  the 
parliament  should  tax  them  1 

A.  I  do  not  think  it  would  be  necessary. 
If  an  assembly  could  possibly  be  so  absurd,  as 
to  refuse  raising  the  supplies  requisite  for  the 
maintenance  of  government  among  them,  they 
could  not  long  remain  in  such  a  situation; 
the  disorders  and  confusion  occasioned  by  it 
must  soon  bring  them  to  reason. 

Q.  If  it  should  not,  ought  not  the  right  to 
be  in  Great  Britain  of  applying  a  remedy  1 

A.  A  right,  only  to  be  used  in  such  a  case, 
I  should  have  no  objection  to ;  supposing  it  to 
be  used  merely  for  the  good  of  the  people  of 
the  colony. 

Q.  But  who  is  to  judge  of  that,  Britain  or 
the  colony  ? 

A.  Those  that  feel  can  best  judge. 

Q.  You  say  the  colonies  have  always  sub 
mitted  to  external  taxes,  and  object  to  the 
right  of  parliament  only  in  laying  internal 
taxes ;  now  can  you  show,  that  there  is  any 
kind  of  difference  between  the  two  taxes  to 
the  colony  on  which  they  may  be  laid  1 

A.  I  think  the  difference  is  very  great.  An 
external  tax  is  a  duty  laid  on  commodities 
imported ;  that  duty  is  added  to  the  first  cost 
and  other  charges  on  the  commodity,  and, 
when  it  is  offered  to  sale,  makes  a  part  of  the 
price.  If  the  people  do  not  like  it  at  that 
price,  they  refuse  it ;  they  are  not  obliged  to 
pay  it.  But  an  internal  tax  is  forced  from 
the  people  without  their  consent,  if  not  laid 
by  their  own  representatives.  The  stamp 
act  says,  we  shall  have  no  commerce,  make 
no  exchange  of  property  with  each  other, 


neither  purchase  nor  grant,  nor  recover  debts; 
we  shall  neither  marry  nor  make  our  wills, 
unless  we  pay  such  and  such  sums ;  and  thus 
it  is  intended  to  extort  our  money  from  us,  or 
ruin  us  by  the  consequences  of  refusing  to 
pay  it. 

Q.  But  supposing  the  external  tax  or  duty 
to  be  laid  on  the  necessaries  of  life  imported 
into  your  colony,  will  not  that  be  the  same 
thing  in  its  effects  as  an  internal  tax  ? 

A.  I  do  not  know  a  single  article  imported 
into  the  northern  colonies,  but  what  they  can 
either  do  without,  or  make  themselves. 

Q.  Don't  you  think  cloth  from  England 
j  absolutely  necessary  to  them  1 

A.  No,  by  no  means  absolutely  necessary ; 
with  industry  and  good  management,  they 
may  very  well  supply  themselves  with  all 
they  want 

Q.  Will  it  not  take  a  long  time  to  establish 
that  manufacture  among  them ;  and  must  they 
not  in  the  mean  while  suffer  greatly  ] 

A.  I  think  not.  They  have  made  a  sur 
prising  progress  already.  And  I  am  of  opinion, 
that  before  their  old  clothes  are  worn  out,  they 
will  have  new  ones  of  their  own  making. 

Q.  Can  they  possibly  find  wool  enough  in 
North  America1? 

A.  They  have  taken  steps  to  increase  the 
wool.  They  entered  into  general  combina 
tions  to  eat  no  more  lamb ;  and  very  few  lambs 
were  killed  last  year.  This  course,  persisted 
in,  will  soon  make  a  prodigious  difference  in 
the  quantity  of  wool.  And  the  establishing 
of  great  manufactories,  like  those  in  the 
clothing  towns  here,  is  not  necessary,  as  it  is 
where  the  business  is  to  be  carried  on  for  the 
purposes  of  trade.  The  people  will  all  spin, 
and  work  for  themselves,  in  their  own 
houses. 

Q.  Can  there  be  wool  and  manufacture 
enough  in  one  or  two  years  1 

A.  In  three  years,  I  think  there  may. 

Q.  Does  not  the  severity  of  the  winter,  in 
the  northern  colonies,  occasion  the  wool  to  be 
of  bad  quality"? 

A.  No,  the  wool  is  very  fine  and  good. 

Q.  In  the  more  southern  colonies,  as  in 
Virginia,  don't  you  know,  that  the  wool  is 
course,  and  only  a  kind  of  hair? 

A.  I  don't  know  it  I  never  heard  it.  Yet 
I  have  been  sometimes  in  Virginia.  I  cannot 
say  I  ever  took  particular  notice  of  the  wool 
there,  but  I  believe  it  is  good,  though  I  can 
not  speak  positively  of  it;  but  Virginia,  and 
the  colonies  south  of  it,  have  less  occasion  for 
wool ;  their  winters  are  short,  and  not  very 
severe ;  and  they  can  very  well  clothe  them 
selves  with  linen  and  cotton  of  their  own 
raising  for  the  rest  of  the  year. 

Q.  Are  not  the  people  in  the  more  northern 
colonies  obliged  to  fodder  their  sheep  all  the 
winter? 

A.  In  some  of  the  most  northern  colonies 


208 


MEMOIRS  OF 


they  may  be  obliged  to  do  it,  some  part  of  the 
winter. 

Q.  Considering  the  resolutions  of  parlia 
ment,*  as  to  the  right ;  do  you  think,  if  the 
stamp  act  is  repealed,  that  the  North  Ameri 
cans  will  be  satisfied  7 

A.  I  believe  they  will. 

Q.  Why  do  you  think  so  7 

A.  I  think  the  resolutions  of  right  will 
give  them  verj  little  concern,  if  they  are 
never  attempted  to  be  carried  into  practice. 
The  colonies  will  probably  consider  them 
selves  in  the  same  situation,  in  that  respect 
with  Ireland :  they  know  you  claim  the  same 
right  with  regard  to  Ireland,  but  you  never 
exercise  it.  And  they  may  believe  you  never 
will  exercise  it  in  the  colonies,  any  more  than 
in  Ireland,  unless  on  some  very  extraordinary 
occasion. 

Q.  But  who  are  to  be  the  judges  of  that  ex 
traordinary  occasion  1  Is  not  the  parliament  7 

A.  Though  the  parliament  may  judge  of 
the  occasion,  the  people  will  think  it  can  never 
exercise  such  right,  till  representatives  from 
the  colonies  are  admitted  into  parliament; 
and  that,  whenever  the  occasion  arises,  re 
presentatives  will  be  ordered. 

Q.  Did  you  never  hear  that  Maryland, 
during  the  last  war,  had  refused  to  furnish  a 
quota  towards  the  common  defence  7 

A.  Maryland  has  been  much  misrepresent 
ed  in  that  matter.  Maryland,  to  my  know 
ledge,  never  refused  to  contribute,  or  grant 
aids  to  the  crown.  The  assemblies,  every  year 
during  the  war,  voted  considerable  sums,  and 
formed  bills  to  raise  them.  The  bills  were, 
according  to  the  constitution  of  that  province, 
sent  up  to  the  council,  or  upper  house,  for 
concurrence,  that  they  might  be  presented  to 
the  governor,  in  order  to  be  enacted  into 
laws.  Unhappy  disputes  between  the  two 
houses — arising  from  the  defects  of  that  con 
stitution  principally — rendered  all  the  bills 
but  one  or  two  abortive.  The  proprietary's 
council  rejected  them.  It  is  true,  Maryland 
did  not  then  contribute  its  proportion ;  but  it 
was,  in  my  opinion,  the  fault  of  the  govern 
ment,  not  of  the  people. 

Q.  Was  it  not  talked  of  in  the  other  pro 
vinces  as  a  proper  measure,  to  apply  to  parlia 
ment  to  compel  them  7 

A.  I  have  heard  such  discourse  ;  but  as  it 
was  well  known  that  the  people  were  not  to 
blame,  no  such  application  was  ever  made, 
nor  any  step  taken  towards  it. 

Q.  Was  it  not  proposed  at  a  public  meet 
ing  1 

A.  Not  that  I  know  of. 

Q.  Do  you  remember  the  abolishing  of  the 
paper-currency  in  New  England,  by  act  of 
assembly  1 

A.  I  do  remember  its  being  abolished  in  the 
Massachusetts'  Bay. 

*  Afterwards  expressed  in  the  Declaratory  Act. 


Q.  Was  not  lieutenant-governor  Hutchin- 
son  principally  concerned  in  that  transaction  T 

A.  I  have  heard  so. 

Q.  Was  it  not  at  that  time  a  very  unpopular 
law  7 

A.  I  believe  it  might,  though  I  can  say  lit 
tle  about  it,  as  I  lived  at  a  distance  from  that 
province. 

Q.  Was  not  the  scarcity  of  gold  and  sil 
ver  an  argument  used  against  abolishing  the 
paper  7 

A.  I  suppose  it  was. 

Q.  What  is  the  present  opinion  there  of 
that  law?  Is  it  as  unpopular  as  it  was  at 
first? 

A.  I  think  it  is  not. 

Q.  Have  not  instructions  from  hence  been 
sometimes  sent  over  to  governors,  highly  op 
pressive  and  unpolitical  7 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  Have  not  some  governors  dispensed  with 
them  for  that  reason  1 

A.  Yes,  I  have  heard  so. 

Q.  Did  the  Americans  ever  dispute  the 
controlling  power  of  parliament  to  regulate  the 
commerce  7 

A.  No. 

Q.  Can  any  thing  less  than  a  military  force 
carry  the  stamp  act  into  execution  7 

A.  I  do  not  see  how  a  military  force  can  be 
applied  to  that  purpose. 

Q.  Why  may  it  not  ? 

A.  Suppose  a  military  force  sent  into  Ame 
rica,  they  will  find  nobody  in  arms ;  what  are 
they  then  to  do?  They  cannot  force  a  man 
to  take  stamps  who  chooses  to  do  without 
them.  They  will  not  find  a  rebellion :  they 
may  indeed  make  one. 

Q.  If  the  act  is  not  repealed,  what  do  you 
think  will  be  the  consequence  7 

A.  A  total  loss  of  the  respect  and  affection 
the  people  of  America  bear  to  this  country, 
and  of  all  the  commerce  that  depends  on  that 
respect  and  affection. 

Q.  How  can  the  commerce  be  affected  7 

A.  You  will  find,  that  if  the  act  is  not  re 
pealed,  they  will  take  very  little  of  your  ma 
nufactures  in  a  short  time. 

Q.  Is  it  in  their  power  to  do  without  them  T 

A.  I  think  they  may  very  well  do  without 
them. 

Q.  Is  it  their  interest  not  to  take  them  7 

A.  The  goods  they  take  from  Britain  are 
either  necessaries,  mere  conveniences,  or  su 
perfluities.  The  first,  as  cloth,  &c.  with  a 
little  industry  they  can  make  at  home ;  the 
second  they  can  do  without,  till  they  are  able 
to  provide  them  among  themselves ;  and  the 
last,  which  are  much  the  greatest  part,  they 
will  strike  off  immediately.  They  are  mere 
articles  of  fashion,  purchased  and  consumed, 
because  the  fashion  in  a  respected  country ; 
but  will  now  be  detested  and  rejected.  The 
people  have  already  struck  off,  by  general 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


209 


agreement,  the  use  of  all  goods  fashionable  in 
mournings,  and  many  thousand  pounds  worth 
are  sent  back  as  unsaleable. 

Q.  Is  it  their  interest  to  make  cloth  at 
home? 

A.  I  think  they  may  at  present  get  it  cheap 
er  from  Britain,  I  mean  of  the  same  fineness 
and  neatness  of  workmanship ;  but  when  one 
considers  other  circumstances,  the  restraints 
on  their  trade,  and  the  difficulty  of  making 
remittances,  it  is  their  interest  to  make  every 
thing. 

Q.  Suppose  an  act  of  internal  regulations 
connected  with  a  tax,  how  would  they  re 
ceive  it  1 

A.  I  think  it  would  be  objected  to. 

Q.  Then  no  regulation  with  a  tax  would  be 
submitted  to  1 

A.  Their  opinion  is,  that  when  aids  to  the 
crown  are  wanted,  they  are  to  be  asked  of  the 
several  assemblies,  according  to  the  old  es 
tablished  usage ;  who  will,  as  they  always 
have  done,  grant  them  freely.  And  that  their 
money  ought  not  to  be  given  away,  without 
their  consent,  by  persons  at  a  distance,  unac 
quainted  with  their  circumstances  and  abili 
ties.  The  granting  aids  to  the  crown  is  the 
only  means  they  have  of  recommending  them 
selves  to  their  sovereign ;  and  they  think  it 
extremely  hard  and  unjust,  that  a  body  of 
men,  in  which  they  have  no  representatives, 
should  make  a  merit  to  itself  of  giving  and 
granting  what  is  not  its  own,  but  theirs ;  and 
deprive  them  of  a  right  they  esteem  of  the 
utmost  value  and  importance,  as  it  is  the  se 
curity  of  all  their  other  rights. 

Q.  But  is  not  the  post-office,  which  they 
have  long  received,  a  tax  as  well  as  a  regula 
tion'? 

A.  No ;  the  money  paid  for  the  postage  of 
a.  letter  is  not  of  the  nature  of  a  tax ;  it  is 
merely  a  quantum  meruit  for  a  service  done : 
no  person  is  compellable  to  pay  the  money,  if 
he  does  not  choose  to  receive  the  service.  A 
man  may  still  as  before  the  act,  send  his  let 
ter  by  a  servant,  a  special  messenger,  or  a 
friend,  if  he  thinks  it  cheaper  and  safer. 

Q.  But  do  they  not  consider  the  regula 
tions  of  the  post-office,  by  the  act  of  last  year, 
as  a  tax  1 

A.  By  the  regulations  of  last  year  the  rate 
of  postage  was  generally  abated  near  thirty 
per  cent  through  all  America;  they  cer 
tainly  cannot  consider  such  abatement  as  a 
tax. 

Q.  If  an  excise  was  laid  by  parliament, 
which  they  might  likewise  avoid  paying,  by 
not  consuming  the  articles  excised,  would 
they  then  not  object  to  it? 

A.  They  would  certainly  object  to  it,  as  an 
excise  is  unconnected  with  any  service  done, 
and  is  merely  an  aid,  which  they  think  ought 
to  be  asked  of  them,  and  granted  by  them,  if 
they  are  to  pay  it ;  an-i  can  be  granted  for 

VOL.  I.... 2 "D         IS* 


them  by  no  others  whatsoever,  whom  they 
have  not  empowered  for  that  purpose. 

Q.  You  say,  they  do  not  object  to  the  right 
of  parliament,  in  laying  duties  on  goods  to  be 
paid  on  their  importation :  now,  is  there  any- 
kind  of  difference  between  a  duty  on  the  im 
portation  of  goods,  and  an  excise  on  their 
consumption  ? 

A.  Yes ;  a  very  material  one  :  an  excise, 
for  the  reasons  I  have  just  mentioned,  they 
think  you  can  have  no  right  to  lay  within 
their  country.  But  the  sea  is  yours;  you 
maintain,  by  your  fleets,  the  safety  of  naviga 
tion  in  it,  and  keep  it  clear  of  pirates :  you 
may  have  therefore  a  natural  and  equitable 
right  to  some  toll  or  duty  on  merchandizes 
carried  through  that  part  of  your  dominions, 
towards  defraying  the  expense  you  are  at  in 
ships  to  maintain  the  safety  of  that  carriage. 

Q.  Does  this  reasoning  hold  in  the  case  of 
a  duty  laid  on  the  produce  of  their  lands  ex 
ported  ?  And  would  they  not  then  object  to 
such  a  duty? 

A.  If  it  tended  to  make  the  produce  so 
much  dearer  abroad,  as  to  lessen  the  demand 
for  it,  to  be  sure  they  would  object  to  such  a 
duty :  not  to  your  right  of  laying  it,  but  they 
would  complain  of  it  as  a  burden,  and  petition 
you  to  lighten  it. 

Q.  Is  not  the  duty  paid  on  the  tobacco  ex 
ported,  a  duty  of  that  kind  ? 

A.  That,  I  think,  is  only  on  tobacco  carried 
coastwise,  from  one  colony  to  another,  and  ap 
propriated  as  a  fund  for  supporting  the  college 
at  Williamsburg,  in  Virginia. 

Q.  Have  not  the  assemblies  in  the  West 
Indies  the  same  natural  rights  with  those  in 
North  America  ? 

A.  Undoubtedly. 

Q.  And  is  there  not  a  tax  laid  there  on 
their  sugars  exported  ? 

A.  I  am  not  much  acquainted  with  the 
West  Indies ;  but  the  duty  of  four  and  a  half 
per  cent,  on  sugars  exported  was,  1  believe, 
granted  by  their  own  assemblies. 

Q.  How  much  is  the  poll-tax  in  your  pro 
vince  laid  on  unmarried  men  ? 

A.  It  is,  I  think,  fifteen  shillings,  to  be  paid 
by  every  single  freeman,  upwards  of  twenty- 
one  years  old. 

Q.  What  is  the  annual  amount  of  all  the 
taxes  in  Pennsylvania  ? 

A.  I  suppose  about  20,OOOZ.  sterling. 

Q.  Supposing  the  stamp  act  continued  and 
enforced,  do  you  imagine  that  ill-humour  will 
induce  the  Americans  to  give  as  much  for 
worse  manufactures  of  their  own,  and  use 
them,  preferable  to  better  of  ours? 

A.  Yes,  I  think  so.  People  will  pay  as 
freely  to  gratify  one  passion  as  another,  their 
resentment  as  their  pride. 

A.  Would  the  people  at  Boston  discontinue 
their  trade? 

A.  The  merchants  are  a  very  small  num- 


210 


MEMOIRS  OF 


ber  compared  with  the  body  of  the  people, 
and  must  discontinue  their  trade,  if  nobody 
will  buy  their  goods. 

Q.  What  are  the- body  of  the  people  in  the 
colonies  1 

A.  They  are  farmers,  husbandmen,  or 
planters. 

Q.  Would  they  suffer  the  produce  of  their 
lands  to  rot  ? 

A.  No ;  but  they  would  not  raise  so  much. 
They  would  manufacture  more,  and  plough 
less. 

Q.  Would  they  live  without  the  adminis 
tration  of  justice  in  civil  matters,  and  suffer 
all  the  inconveniencies  of  such  a  situation  for 
any  considerable  time,  rather  than  take  the 
stamps,  supposing  the  stamps  were  protected 
by  a  sufficient  force,  where  every  one  might 
have  them  ? 

A.  I  think  the  supposition  impracticable, 
that  the  stamps  should  be  so  protected  as  that 
every  one  might  have  them.  The  act  re 
quires  sub-distributors  to  be  appointed  in  every 
county  town,  district,  and  village,  and  they 
would  be  necessary.  But  the  principal  dis 
tributors,  who  were  to  have  had  a  considerable 
profit  on  the  whole,  have  not  thought  it  worth 
while  to  continue  in  the  office ;  and  I  think  it 
impossible  to  find  sub-distributors  fit  to  be 
trusted,  who,  for  the  trifling  profit  that  must 
come  to  their  share,  would  incur  the  odium, 
and  run  the  hazard  that  would  attend  it ;  and 
if  they  could  be  found,  I  think  it  impractica 
ble  to  protect  the  stamps  in  so  many  distant 
and  remote  places. 

Q.  But  in  places  where  they  could  be  pro 
tected,  would  not  the  people  use  them,  rather 
than  remain  in  such  a  situation,  unable  to 
obtain  any  right,  or  recover  by  law,  any  debt  1 

A.  It  is  hard  to  say  what  they  would  do.  I 
can  only  judge  what  other  people  will  think, 
and  how  they  will  act,  by  what  I  feel  within 
myself.  I  have  a  great  many  debts  due  to  me 
in  America,  and  I  had  rather  they  should  re 
main  unrecoverable  by  any  law,  than  submit 
to  the  stamp  act.  They  will  be  debts  of  ho 
nour.  It  is  my  opinion  the  people  will  either 
continue  in  that  situation,  or  find  some  way 
to  extricate  themselves,  perhaps  by  generally 
agreeing  to  proceed  in  the  courts  without 
stamps. 

Q.  What  do  you  think  a  sufficient  military 
force  to  protect  the  distribution  of  the  stamps 
in  every  part  of  America? 

A.  A  very  great  force,  I  can't  say  what,  if 
the  disposition  of  America  is  for  a  general  re 
sistance. 

Q.  What  is  the  number  of  men  in  America 
able  to  bear  arms,  or  of  disciplined  militia'? 

A.  There  are,  I  suppose,  at  least  .... 

[Question  objected  to.  He  withdrew. 
Called  in  again.] 

Q.  Is  the  American  stamp  act  an  equal 
tax  on  the  country  T 


A.  I  think  not 

Q.  Why  so? 

A.  The  greatest  part  of  the  money  must 
j  arise  from  law-suits  for  the  recovery  of  debts, 
and  be  paid  by  the  lower  sort  of  people,  who 
were  too  poor  easily  to  pay  their  debts.  It  is 
therefore  a  heavy  tax  on  the  poor,  and  a  tax 
upon  them  for  being  poor. 

Q.  But  will  not  this  increase  of  expense  be 
a  means  of  lessening  the  number  of  law-suits  ? 

A.  I  think  not ;  for  as  the  costs  all  fall  upon 
the  debtor,  and  are  to  be  paid  by  him,  they 
would  be  no  discouragement  to  the  creditor 
to  bring  his  action. 

Q.  Would  it  not  have  the  effect  of  exces 
sive  usury  1 

A.  Yes;  as  an  oppression  of  the  debtor. 

Q.  How  many  ships  are  there  laden  an 
nually  in  North  America  with  flax-seed  for 
Ireland? 

A.  I  cannot  speak  to  the  number  of  ships, 
but  I  know,  that  in  1752  ten  thousand  hogs 
heads  of  flax-seed,  each  containing  seven 
bushels,  were  exported  from  Philadelphia  to 
Ireland.  I  suppose  the  quantity  is  greatly  in 
creased  since  that  time,  and  it  is  understood, 
that  the  exportation  from  New  York  is  equal 
to  that  from  Philadelphia. 

Q.  What  becomes  of  the  flax  that  grows 
with  that  flax-seed  ? 

A.  They  manufacture  some  into  coarse, 
and  some  into  a  middling  kind  of  linen. 

Q.  Are  there  any  slitting-mills  hi  Ame 
rica  } 

A.  I  think  there  are  three,  but  I  believe 
only  one  at  present  employed.  I  suppose  they 
will  all  be  set  to  work,  if  the  interruption  of 
the  trade  continues. 

Q.  Are  there  any  fulling-mills  there? 

A.  A  great  many. 

Q.  Did  you  never  hear,  that  a  great  quan 
tity  of  stockings  were  contracted  for,  for  the 
army,  during  the  war,  and  manufactured  in 
Philadelphia  ? 

A.  I  have  heard  so. 

Q.  If  the  stamp  act  should  be  repealed, 
would  not  the  Americans  think  they  could 
oblige  the  parliament  to  repeal  every  external 
tax-law  now  in  force  1 

A.  It  is  hard  to  answer  questions  of  what 
people  at  such  a  distance  will  think. 

Q.  But  what  do  you  imagine  they  will 
think  were  the  motives  of  repealing  the  act  ? 

A.  I  suppose  they  will  think,  that  it  was 
repealed  from  a  conviction  of  its  inexpediency ; 
and  they  will  rely  upon  it,  that  while  the 
same  inexpediency  subsists,  you  will  never 
attempt  to  make  such  another. 

Q.  What  do  you  mean  by  its  inexpediency? 

A.  I  mean  its  inexpediency  on  several  ac 
counts,  the  poverty  and  inability  of  those  who 
were  to  pay  the  tax,  the  general  discontent  it 
has  occasioned,  and  the  impracticability  of  en 
forcing  it. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


211 


Q.  If  the  act  should  be  repealed,  and  the 
legislature  should  show  its  resentment  to  the 
opposers  of  the  stamp  act,  would  the  colonies 
acquiesce  in  the  authority  of  the  legislature? 
What  is  your  opinion  they  would  do? 

A.  I  don't  doubt  at  all,  that  if  the  legisla 
ture  repeal  the  stamp  act,  the  colonies  will 
acquiesce  in  the  authority. 

Q.  But  if  the  legislature  should  think  fit  to 
ascertain  its  right  to  lay  taxes,  by  any  act 
laying  a  small  tax,  contrary  to  their  opinion, 
would  they  submit  to  pay  the  tax  ? 

A.  The  proceedings  of  the  people  in  Ame 
rica  have  been  considered  too  much  together. 
The  proceedings  of  the  assemblies  have  been 
very  different  from  those  of  the  mobs,  and 
should  be  distinguished,  as  having  no  con 
nexion  with  each  other.  The  assemblies 
have  only  peaceably  resolved  what  they  take 
to  be  their  rights :  they  have  taken  no  mea 
sures  for  opposition  by  force,  they  have  not 
built  a  fort,  raised  a  man,  or  provided  a  grain 
of  ammunition,  in  order  to  such  opposition. 
The  ring-leaders  of  riots,  they  think  ought  to 
be  punished  :  they  would  punish  them  them 
selves,  if  they  could.  Every  sober,  sensible 
man,  would  wish  to  see  rioters  punished,  as 
otherwise  peaceable  people  have  no  security 
of  person  or  estate ;  but  as  to  an  internal  tax, 
how  small  soever,  laid  by  the  legislature  here 
on  the  people  there,  while  they  have  no  re 
presentatives  in  this  legislature,  I  think  it 
will  never  be  submitted  to :  they  will  oppose 
it  to  the  last :  they  do  not  consider  it  as  at  all 
necessary  for  you  to  raise  money  on  them  by 
your  taxes;  because  they  are,  and  always 
have  been,  ready  to  raise  money  by  taxes 
among  themselves,  and  to  grant  large  sums, 
equal  to  their  abilities,  upon  requisition  from 
the  crown.  They  have  not  only  granted 
equal  to  their  abilities,  but,  during  all  the  last 
war,  they  granted  far  beyond  their  abilities, 
and  beyond  their  proportion  with  this  country 
(you  yourselves  being  judges)  to  the  amount 
of  many  hundred  thousand  pounds;  and  this 
they  did  freely  and  readily,  only  on  a  sort  of 
promise  from  the  secretary  of  state,  that  it 
should  be  recommended  to  parliament  to  make 
them  compensation.  It  was  accordingly  re 
commended  to  parliament,  in  the  most  ho 
nourable  manner  for  them.  America  has 
been  greatly  misrepresented  and  abused  here, 
in  papers,  and  pamphlets,  and  speeches, — as 
ungrateful,  and  unreasonable,  and  unjust ;  in 
having  put  this  nation  to  immense  expense 
for  their  defence,  and  refusing  to  bear  any 
part  of  that  expense.  The  colonies  raised, 
paid,  and  clothed,  near  twenty-five  thousand 
men  during  the  last  war ;  a  number  equal  to 
those  sent  from  Britain,  and  far  beyond  their 
proportion :  they  went  deeply  into  debt  in  do 
ing  this,  and  all  their  taxes  and  estates  are 
mortgaged,  for  many  years  to  come,  for  dis 
charging  that  debt  Government  here  was 


at  that  time  very  sensible  of  this.  The  colo 
nies  were  recommended  to  parliament.  Every 
year  the  king  sent  down  to  the  house  a  writ 
ten  message  to  this  purpose,  "that  his  ma 
jesty,  being  highly  sensible  of  the  zeal  and 
vigour  with  which  his  faithful  subjects  in 
North  America  had  exerted  themselves,  in 
defence  of  his  majesty's  just  rights  and  pos 
sessions  ;  recommended  it  to  the  house  to  take 
the  same  into  consideration,  and  enable  him 
to  give  them  a  proper  compensation."  You 
will  find  those  messages  on  your  own  journals 
every  year  of  the  war  to  the  very  last ;  and 
you  did  accordingly  give  200,000/.  annually 
to  the  crown,  to  be  distributed  in  such 
compensation  to  the  colonies.  This  is  the 
strongest  of  all  proofs  that  the  colonies,  far 
from  being  unwilling  to  bear  a  share  of  the 
burden,  did  exceed  their  proportion;  for  if 
they  had  done  less,  or  had  only  equalled  their 
proportion,  there  would  have  been  no  room  or 
reason  for  compensation.  Indeed  the  sums, 
reimbursed  them,  were  by  no  means  adequate 
to  the  expense  they  incurred  beyond  their 
proportion :  but  they  never  murmured  at  that ; 
they  esteemed  their  sovereign's  approbation 
of  their  zeal  and  fidelity,  and  the  approbation 
of  this  house,  far  beyond  any  other  kind  of 
compensation,  therefore  there  was  no  occasion 
for  this  act,  to  force  money  from  a  willing  peo 
ple:  they  had  not  refused  giving  money  for  the 
purposes  of  the  act,  no  requisition  had  been 
made,  they  were  always  willing  and  ready  to 
do  what  could  reasonably  be  expected  from 
them,  and  in  this  light  they  wish  to  be  con 
sidered. 

Q.  But  suppose  Great  Britain  should  be 
engaged  in  a  war  in  Europe,  would  North 
America  contribute  to  the  support  of  it? 

A.  I  do  think  they  would,  as  far  as  their 
circumstances  would  permit.  They  consider 
themselves  as  a  part  of  the  British  empire, 
and  as  having  one  common  interest  with  it : 
they  may  be  looked  on  here  as  foreigners,  but. 
they  do  not  consider  themselves  as  such. 
They  are  zealous  for  the  honour  and  pros 
perity  of  this  nation ;  and,  while  they  are  well 
used,  will  always  be  ready  to  support  it,  a<s 
far  as  their  little  power  goes.  In  1739  they 
were  called  upon  to  assist  in  the  expedition 
against  Carthagena,  and  they  sent  three  thou 
sand  men  to  join  your  army.*  It  is  true  Car- 
thagena  is  in  America,  but  as  remote  from 
the  northern  colonies,  as  if  it  had  been  in  Eu 
rope.  They  make  no  distinction  of  wars,  as 
to  their  duty  of  assisting  in  them.  I  know  the 
last  war  is  commonly  spoken  of  here  as  en 
tered  into  for  the  defence,  or  for  the  sake  of 
the  people  in  America.  I  think  it  is  quite 
misunderstood.  It  began  about  the  limits  be 
tween  Canada  and  Nova  Scotia ;  about  terri 
tories  to  which  the  crown  indeed  laid  claim, 

*  Admiral  Vernon  and  General  Wentworth  com 
manded  this  expedition. 


S12 


MEMOIRS  OF 


but  which  were  not  claimed  by  any  British 
colony ;  none  of  the  lands  had  been  granted 
to  any  colonist,  we  had  therefore  no  particu 
lar  concern  or  interest  in  that  dispute. — As  to 
the  Ohio,  the  contest  there  began  about  your 
right  of  trading  in  the  Indian  country,  a  right 
you  had  by  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  which  the 
French  infringed ;  they  seized  the  traders  and 
their  goods,  which  were  your  manufactures ; 
they  took  a  fort  which  a  company  of  your 
merchants,  and  their  factors,  and  correspond 
ents,  had  erected  there,  to  secure  that  trade. 
Braddock  was  sent  with  an  army  to  retake 
that  fort  (which  was  looked  on  here  as  another 
incroachment  on  the  king's  territory)  and  to 
protect  your  trade.  It  was  not  till  after  his 
defeat  that  the  colonies  were  attacked.*  They 
were  before  in  perfect  peace  with  both  French 
and  Indians;  the  troops  were  not  therefore  sent 
for  their  defence.  The  trade  with  the  Indians, 
though  carried  on  in  America,  is  not  an 
American  interest.  The  people  of  America 
are  chiefly  farmers  and  planters,  scarce  any 
thing  that  they  raise  or  produce  is  an  article 
of  commerce  with  the  Indians.  The  Indian 
trade  is  a  British  interest ;  it  is  carried  on 
with  British  manufactures,  for  the  profit  of 
British  merchants  and  manufacturers ;  there 
fore  the  war,  as  it  commenced  for  the  defence 
of  territories  of  the  crown  (the  property  of  no 
American)  and  for  the  defence  of  a  trade 
purely  British,  was  really  a  British  war — and 
yet  the  people  of  America  made  no  scruple 
of  contributing  their  utmost  towards  carrying 
it  on,  and  bringing  it  to  a  happy  conclusion. 

Q.  Do  you  think  then  that  the  taking  pos 
session  of  the  king's  territorial  rights,  and 
strengthening  the  frontiers,  is  not  an  Ameri 
can  interest  ? 

A.  Not  particularly,  but  conjointly  a  Bri 
tish  and  an  American  interest. 

Q.  You  will  not  deny  that  the  preceding 
war,  the  war  with  Spain,  was  entered  into 
for  the  sake  of  America ;  was  it  not  occasion 
ed  by  captures  made  in  the  American  seas  ? 

A.  Yes ;  captures  of  ships  carrying  on  the 
British  trade  there  with  British  manufactures. 

Q.  Was  not  the  late  war  with  the  Indians, 
since  the  peace  with  France,  a  war  for  Ame 
rica  only  ? 

A.  Yes ;  it  was  more  particularly  for  Ame 
rica  than  the  former ;  but  it  was  rather  a  con 
sequence  or  remains  of  the  former  war,  the 
Indians  not  having  been  thoroughly  pacified ; 
and  the  Americans  bore  by  much  the  greatest 
share  of  the  expense.  It  was  put  an  end  to 
by  the  army  under  general  Bouquet;  there 
were  not  above  three  hundred  regulars  in  that 

*  When  this  army  was  in  the  utmost  distress  from 
the  want  of  wagons,  &c.  our  author  and  his  son  volun 
tarily  traversed  the  country,  in  order  to  collect  a  suf 
ficient  quantity ;  and  effected  their  purpose,  by  pledging 
himself  to  the  amount  of  many  thousand  pounds,  for 
payment.  It  was  but  just  before  Dr.  Franklin's  last  re 
turn  from  England  to  America,  that  the  accounts  in 
this  transaction  were  passed  at  the  British  treasury. 


army,  and  above  one  thousand  Pennsylva- 
nians. 

Q.  Is  it  not  necessary  to  send  troops  to 
America,  to  defend  the  Americans  against  the 
Indians  1 

A.  No,  by  no  means;  it  never  was  neces 
sary.  They  defended  themselves  when  they 
were  but  a  handful,  and  the  Indians  much 
more  numerous.  They  continually  gained 
ground,  and  have  driven  the  Indians  over  the 
mountains,  without  any  troops  sent  to  their 
assistance  from  this  country.  And  can  it  be 
thought  necessary  now  to  send  troops  for  their 
defence  from  those  diminished  Indian  tribes, 
when  the  colonies  are  become  so  populous, 
and  so  strong  1  There  is  not  the  least  occa 
sion  for  it,  they  are  very  able  to  defend  them 
selves. 

Q.  Do  you  say  there  were  not  more  than 
three  hundred  regular  troops  employed  in  the 
late  Indian  war  ? 

A.  Not  on  the  Ohio,  or  the  frontiers  of 
Pennsylvania,  which  was  the  chief  part  of  the 
war  that  affected  the  colonies.  There  were 
garrisons  at  Niagara,  Fort  Detroit,  and  those 
remote  posts  kept  for  the  sake  of  your  trade ; 
I  did  not  reckon  them ;  butj  I  believe  that 
on  the  whole  the  number  of  Americans  or 
provincial  troops,  employed  in  the  war,  was 
greater  than  that  of  the  regulars.  I  am  not 
certain,  but  I  think  so. 

Q.  Do  you  think  the  assemblies  have  a  right 
to  levy  money  on  the  subject  there,  to  grant 
to  the  crown  ? 

A.  I  certainly  think  so,  they  have  always 
done  it. 

Q.  Are  they  acquainted  with  the  declara 
tion  of  rights'?  And  do  they  know  that,  by 
that  statute,  money  is  not  to  be  raised  on  the 
subject  but  by  consent  of  parliament  1 

A.  They  are  very  well  acquainted  with  it. 

Q.  How  then  can  they  think  they  have  a 
right  to  levy  money  for  the  crown,  or  for  any 
other  than  local  purposes  1 

A.  They  understand  that  clause  to  relate 
to  subjects  only  within  the  realm;  that  no 
money  can  be  levied  on  them  for  the  crown, 
but  by  consent  of  parliament.  The  colonies 
are  not  supposed  to  be  within  the  realm ;  they 
have  assemblies  of  their  own,  which  are  their 
parliaments,  and  they  are,  in  that  respect,  in 
the  same  situation  with  Ireland.  When  mo 
ney  is  to  be  raised  for  the  crown  upon  the 
subject  in  Ireland,  or  in  the  colonies,  the  con 
sent  is  given  in  the  parliament  of  Ireland,  or 
ji  the  assemblies  of  the  colonies.  They  think 
the  parliament  of  Great  Britain  cannot  pro 
perly  give  that  consent,  till  it  has  represen- 
atives  from  America ;  for  the  petition  of 
ight  expressly  says,  it  is  to  be  by  common 
consent  in  parliament ;  and  the  people  of 
America  have  no  representatives  in  parlia 
ment,  to  make  a  part  of  that  common  con 
sent. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


213 


Q.  If  the  stamp  act  should  be  repealed,  and 
an  act  should  pass,  ordering  the  assemblies  of 
the  colonies  to  indemnify  the  sufferers  by  the 
riots,  would  they  do  it  1 

A.  That  is  a  question  I  cannot  answer. 

Q.  Suppose  the  king  should  require  the 
colonies  to  grant  a  revenue,  and  the  parlia 
ment  should  be  against  their  doing  it,  do  they 
think  they  can  grant  a  revenue  to  the  king, 
without  the  consent  of  the  parliament  of  Great 
Britain  ? 

A.  That  is  a  deep  question.  As  to  my  own 
opinion,  I  should  think  myself  at  liberty  to  do 
it,  and  should  do  it,  if  I  liked  the  occasion. 

Q.  When  money  has  been  raised  in  the 
colonies,  upon  requisitions,  has  it  not  been 
granted  to  the  king  ? 

A.  Yes,  always ;  but  the  requisitions  have 
generally  been  for  some  service  expressed,  as 
to  raise,  clothe,  and  pay  troops,  and  not  for 
money  only. 

Q.  If  the  act  should  pass,  requiring  the 
American  assemblies  to  make  compensation 
to  the  sufferers,  and  they  should  disobey  it, 
and  then  the  parliament  should,  by  another 
act,  lay  an  internal  tax,  would  they  then 
obey  it1? 

A.  The  people  will  pay  no  internal  tax; 
and  I  think  an  act  to  oblige  the  assemblies  to 
make  compensation  is  unnecessary;  for  I  am 
of  opinion,  that  as  soon  as  the  present  heats 
are  abated,  they  will  take  the  matter  into  con 
sideration,  and  if  it  is  right  to  be  done,  they 
will  do  it  of  themselves. 

Q.  Do  not  letters  often  come  into  the  post- 
offices  in  America  directed  to  some  inland 
town  where  no  post  goes  1 

A.  Yes. 

Q.  Can  any  private  person  take  up  those 
letters  and  carry  them  as  directed  ? 

A.  Yes ;  any  friend  of  the  person  may  do 
it,  paying  the  postage  that  has  accrued. 

Q.  But  must  not  he  pay  an  additional  post 
age  for  the  distance  to  such  inland  town  ? 

A.  No. 

Q.  Can  the  postmaster  answer  delivering 
the  letter,  without  being  paid  such  additional 


A.  Certainly  he  can  demand  nothing,  where 
he  does  no  service. 

Q.  Suppose  a  person,  being  far  from  home, 
finds  a  letter  in  a  post-office  directed  to  him, 
and  he  lives  in  a  place  to  which  the  post  ge- 
gerally  goes,  and  the  letter  is  directed  to  that 
place,  will  the  post-master  deliver  him  the 
letter,  without  his  paying  the  postage  receiv 
able  at  the  place  to  which  the  letter  is  di 
rected  ? 

A.  Yes ;  the  office  cannot  demand  postage 
for  a  letter  that  it  does  not  carry,  or  farther 
than  it  does  carry  it. 

Q.  Are  not  ferry-men  in  America  obliged, 
by  act  of  parliament,  to  carry  j  over  the  posts 
without  pay  1 


A.  Yes. 

Q.  Is  not  this  a  tax  on  the  ferry-men  ? 

A.  They  do  not  consider  it  as  such,  as  they 
have  an  advantage  from  persons  travelling 
with  the  post 

Q.  If  the  stamp  act  should  be  repealed,  and 
the  crown  should  make  a  requisition  to  the 
colonies  for  a  sum  of  money,  would  they 
grant  it? 

A.  I  believe  they  would.  ' 

Q.  Why  do  you  think  so? 

A.  I  can  speak  for  the  colony  I  live  in ;  I 
had  it  in  instruction  from  the  assembly  to  as 
sure  the  ministry,  that  as  they  always  had 
done,  so  they  should  always  think  it  their 
duty,  to  grant  such  aids  to  the  crown  as  were 
suitable  to  their  circumstances  and  abilities, 
whenever  called  upon  for  that  purpose,  in  the 
usual  constitutional  manner ;  and  I  had  the; 
honour  of  communicating  this  instruction  to 
that  honourable  gentleman  then  minister.* 

Q.  Would  they  do  this  for  a  British  con 
cern,  as  suppose  a  war  in  some  part  of  Eu 
rope,  that  did  not  affect  them  ? 

A.  Yes,  for  any  thing  that  concerned  the 
general  interest.  They  consider  themselves 
as  part  of  the  whole. 

Q.  What  is  the  usual  constitutional  man 
ner  of  calling  on  the  colonies  for  aids  1 

A.  A  letter  from  the  secretary  of  state. 

Q.  Is  this  all  you  mean ;  a  letter  from  the 
secretary  of  state  ? 

A.  I  mean  the  usual  way  of  requisition,  in 
a  circular  letter  from  the  secretary  of  state, 
by  his  majesty's  command,  reciting  the  occa 
sion,  and  recommending  it  to  the  colonies  to 
grant  such  aids  as  became  their  loyalty,  and 
were  suitable  to  their  abilities. 

Q.  Did  the  secretary  of  state  ever  write 
for  money  for  the  crown  ? 

A.  The  requisitions  have  been  to  raise, 
clothe,  and  pay  men,  which  cannot  be  done 
without  money. 

Q.  Would  they  grant  money  alone,  if  called 
on? 

*  The  following  appears  to  be  the  history  of  this 
subject  : 

Until  1763,  whenever  Great  Britain  wanted  supplies 
directly  from  the  colonies,  the  secretary  of  state,  in  the 
king's  name,  sent  them  a  letter  of  requisition,  in  which 
the  occasion  for  the  supplies  was  expressed  ;  and  thf» 
colonies  returned  a  free  gift,  the  mode  of  levying 
which  they  wholly  prescribed.  At  this  period,  the 
chancellor  of  the  exchequer  (Mr.  George  Grenville)  sayn 
to  the  house  of  commons  :  We  must  call  for  money  from 
the  colonies,  in  the  way  of  a  tax ;— and  to  the  colony  -agen  ts 
write  to  your  several  colonies,  and  tell  them,  if  they  di,< 
like  a  duty  upon  stamps,  and  prefer  any  other  method  of 
raising  the  money  themselves,  I  shall  be  content,  prorideii 
the  amount  be  but  raised.  "  That  is,"  observed  the  co 
lonies,  when  commenting  upon  his  terms,  "  if  we  will 
not  tax  ourselves,  as  we  may  be  directed,  the  parliament 
will  tax  us."  Dr.  Franklin's  instructions,  spoken  of 
above,  related  to  this  gracious  option.  As  the  colonies 
could  not  choose  "  another  tax,"  while  they  disclaimed 
every  tax  ;  the  parliament  passed  the  stamp  act. 

See  Mr.  Mauduit's  account  of  Mr.  Grenville's  con 
ference  with  the  agents,  confirmed  by  the  agents  for 
Georgia  and  Virginia,  and  Mr.  Burke's  speech,  in 
1774,  p.  55. 


214 


MEMOIRS  OF 


A.  In  my  opinion  they  would,  money  as 
well  as  men,  when  they  have  money,  or  can 
make  it. 

Q.  If  the  parliament  should  repeal  the 
stamp  act,  will  the  assembly  of  Pennsylvania 
rescind  their  resolutions'! 

A.  I  think  not 

Q.  Before  there  was  any  thought  of  the 
stamp  act,  did  they  wish  for  a  representation 
in  parliament? 

A.  No. 

Q.  Don't  you  know  that  there  is,  in  the 
Pennsylvanian  charter,  an  express  reservation 
of  the  right  of  parliament  to  lay  taxes  there? 

A.  I  know  there  is  a  clause  in  the  charter, 
by  which  the  king  grants  that  he  will  levy  no 
taxes  on  the  inhabitants,  unless  it  be  with  the 
consent  of  the  assembly,  or  by  act  of  parlia 
ment. 

Q.  How  then  could  the  assembly  of  Penn 
sylvania  assert,  that  laying  a  tax  on  them  by 
the  stamp  act  was  an  infringement  of  their 
rights ! 

A.  They  understand  it  thus :  by  the  same 
charter,  and  otherwise,  they  are  entitled  to  all 
the  privileges  and  liberties  of  Englishmen ; 
they  find  in  the  great  charters,  and  the  peti 
tion  and  declaration  of  rights,  that  one  of  tJie 
privileges  of  English  subjects  is,  that  they  are 
not  to  be  taxed  but  by  their  common  consent ; 
they  have  therefore  relied  upon  it,  from  the 
first  settlement  of  the  province,  that  the  par 
liament  never  would,  nor  could,  by  colour  of 
that  clause  in  the  charter,  assume  a  right  of 
taxing  them,  till  it  had  qualified  itself  to  ex 
ercise  such  right,  by  admitting  representatives 
from  the  people  to  be  taxed,  who  ought  to 
make  a  part  of  that  common  consent. 

Q.  Are  there  any  words  in  the  charter  that 
justify  that  construction? 

A.  The  common  rights  of  Englishmen,  as 
declared  by  Magna  Charta,  and  the  Petition 
of  Right,  all  justify  it. 

Q.  Does  the  distinction  between  internal 
and  external  taxes  exist  in  the  words  of  the 
charter  ? 

A.  No,  I  believe  not. 

Q.  Then  may  they  not,  by  the  same  inter 
pretation  object  to  the  parliament's  right  of 
external  taxation  ? 

A.  They  never  have  hitherto.  Many  ar 
guments  have  been  lately  used  here  to  show 
them  that  there  is  no  difference,  and  that  if 
you  have  no  right  to  tax  them  internally,  you 
have  none  to  tax  them  externally,  or  make 
any  other  law  to  bind  them.  At  present  they 
do  not  reason  so ;  but  in  time  they  may  pos 
sibly  be  convinced  by  these  arguments. 

Q.  Do  not  the  resolutions  of  the  Pennsyl 
vania  assembly  say — all  taxes? 

A.  If  they  do,  they  mean  only  internal 
taxes;  the  same  words  have  not  always  the 
same  meaning  here  and  in  the  colonies.  By 
taxes  they  mean  internal  taxes  by  duties; 


they  mean  customs ;  these  are  their  ideas  of 
the  language. 

Q.  Have  you  not  seen  the  resolutions  of 
the  Massachusetts  Bay  assembly? 

A.  I  have. 

Q.  Do  they  not  say,  that  neither  external 
nor  internal  taxes  can  be  laid  on  them  by 
parliament  ? 

A.  I  don't  know  that  they  do ;  I  believe 
not. 

Q.  If  the  same  colony  should  say,  neither 
tax  nor  imposition  could  be  laid,  does  not  that 
province  hold  the  power  of  parliament  can  lay 
neither  ? 

A.  I  suppose  that  by  the  word  imposition, 
they  do  not  intend  to  express  duties  to  be  laid 
on  goods  imported,  as  regulations  of  com 
merce. 

Q.  What  can  the  colonies  mean  then  by 
imposition  as  distinct  from  taxes  ? 

A.  They  may  mean  many  things,  as  im 
pressing  of  men,  or  of  carriages,  quartering 
troops  on  private  houses,  and  the  like ;  there 
may  be  great  impositions  that  are  not  properly 
taxes. 

Q.  Is  not  the  post-office  rate  an  internal 
tax  laid  by  act  of  parliament  ? 

A.  I  have  answered  that. 

Q.  Are  all  parts  of  the  colonies  equally  able 
to  pay  taxes  ? 

A.  No,  certainly ;  the  frontier  parts,  which 
have  been  ravaged  by  the  enemy,  are  greatly 
disabled  by  that  means;  and  therefore,  in 
such  cases,  are  usually  favoured  in  our  tax- 
laws. 

Q.  Can  we,  at  this  distance,  be  competent 
judges  of  what  favours  are  necessary  I 

A.  The  parliament  have  supposed  it,  by 
claiming  a  right  to  make  tax-laws  for  Ameri 
ca  ;  I  think  it  impossible. 

Q.  Would  the  repeal  of  the  stamp  act  be 
any  discouragement  of  your  manufactures? 
Will  the  people  that  have  begun  to  manufac 
ture  decline  it? 

A.  Yes,  I  think  they  will ;  especially  if,  at 
the  same  time,  the  trade  is  opened  again,  so 
that  remittances  can  be  easily  made.  I  have 
known  several  instances  that  make  it  proba 
ble.  In  the  war  before  last,  tobacco  being  low, 
and  making  little  remittance,  the  people  of 
Virginia  went  generally  into  family-manufac 
tures.  Afterwards,  when  tobacco  bore  a  bet 
ter  price,  they  returned  to  the  use  of  British 
manufactures.  So  fulling-mills  were  very 
much  disused  in  the  last  war  in  Pennsylva 
nia,  because  bills  were  then  plenty,  and  re 
mittances  could  easily  be  made  to  Britain  for 
English  cloth  and  other  goods. 

Q.  If  the  stamp  act  should  be  repealed, 
would  it  induce  the  assemblies  of  America  to 
acknowledge  the  rights  of  parliament  to  tax 
them,  and  would  they  erase  their  resolu 
tions  ? 

A.  No,  never. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


215 


Q.  Are  there  no  means  of  obliging1  them 
to  erase  those  resolutions  ? 

A.  None  that  I  know  of;  they  will  never 
do  it,  unless  compelled  by  force  of  arms. 

Q.  Is  there  a  power  on  earth  that  can 
force  them  to  erase  them  ? 

A.  No  power,  how  great  soever,  can  force 
men  to  change  their  opinions. 

Q.  Do  they  consider  the  post-office  as  a 
tax,  or  as  a  regulation  ? 

A.  Not  as  a  tax,  but  as  a  regulation  and 
conveniency ;  every  assembly  encouraged  it, 
and  supported  it  in  its.  infancy,  by  grants  of 
money,  which  they  would  not  otherwise  have 
done ;  and  the  people  have  always  paid  the 
postage. 

Q.  When  did  you  receive  the  instructions 
you  mentioned  ? 

A.  I  brought  them  with  me,  when  I  came 
to  England,  about  fifteen  months  since. 

Q.  When  did  you  communicate  that  in- 
instruction  to  the  minister  ? 

A.  Soon  after  my  arrival, — while  the 
stamping  of  America  was  under  consideration, 
and  before  the  bill  was  brought  in. 

Q.  Would  it  be  most  for  the  interest  of 
Great  Britain,  to  employ  the  hands  of  Virgi 
nia  in  tobacco,  or  in  manufactures  1 

A.  In  tobacco,  to  be  sure. 

Q.  What  used  to  be  the  pride  of  the  Ame 
ricans  ? 

A.  To  indulge  in  the  fashions  and  manu 
factures  of  Great  Britain  ? 

Q.  What  is  now  their  pride  ! 

A.  To  wear  their  old  clothes  over  again, 
till  they  can  make  new  ones. 

Feb.  13.  Benjamin  Franklin,  esq.  having 
passed  through  his  examination,  was  exempt 
ed  from  farther  attendance. 

He  withdrew. 

Feb.  24.  The  resolution  of  the  committee 
were  reported  by  the  chairman,  Mr.  Fuller, 
their  seventh  and  last  resolution  setting  forth 
"  that  it  was  their  opinion  that  the  house  be 
moved,  that  leave  be  given  to  bring  in  a  bill 
to  repeal  the  stamp  act."  A  proposal  for  re 
committing  this  resolution  was  negatived  by 
240  votes  to  133.  (Journals  of  the  House  of 
Commons.) 

Governor  Hutchinson's  Letters,,  and  the 
Examination  of  Dr.  Franklin  before  a 
Committee  of  the  British  Privy-council. 

These  transactions  are  narrated,  in  the  or 
der  in  which  they  arose. 

Governor  Hutchinson,  lieutenant-governor 
Andrew  Oliver,  Charles  Paxton,  esq.  Nathan 
iel  Rogers,  esq.  and  Mr.  G.  Roome,  having 
sent  from  Boston  certain  representations  and 
informations  to  Thomas  Whatley,  esq.  mem 
ber  of  parliament,  private  secretary  to  that 
Mr.  George  Grenville,  who,  when  in  office, 


was  the  father  of  the  stamp  act,  and  after 
wards  one  of  the  lords  of  trade ;  these  letters 
were  placed  by  an  American  gentleman,  in 
the  hands  of  Dr.  Franklin,  who,  in  discharge 
of  his  duty,  had  them  conveyed  back  to  Bos 
ton.*  The  assembly  of  Massachusetts  were 
so  much  exasperated,  that  they  returned  at 
tested  copies  of  the  letters  to  England,  accom 
panied  by  a  petition  and  remonstrance,  for  the 
removal  of  governor  Hutchinson,  and  lieuten 
ant-governor  Andrew  Oliver,  from  their  posts. 
The  council  of  Massachusetts  likewise,  on 
their  own  part,  entered  into  thirteen  resolves, 
in  tendency  and  import  similar  to  the  petition 
of  the  assembly ;  five  of  which  resolves  were 
unanimous,  and  only  one  of  them  had  so  many 
as  three  dissentients.  In  consequence  of  the 
assembly's  petition,  the  following  proceedings 
and  examination  took  place. 

Dr.  Franklin  had,  from  his  station  of  agent 
for  Pennsylvania  and  Massachusetts,  a  large 
share  in  these  transactions,  and  was  exposed 
to  much  indecent  persecution,  by  the  minis 
try  and  their  dependents.  It  required  the 
natural  constancy  and  vigour  of  such  a  mind, 
to  sustain  him  and  the  trusts  confided  to  hin;. 
He  entered  resolutely  on  his  duty.  His  ex 
amination  in  1766  had  made  an  indelible 
impression  on  the  government,  from  its  force, 
its  truth ;  the  capacity  and  equanimity  of  the 
man,  and  the  jealousy  excited  by  the  over 
whelming  evidence  he  gave,  which  proved  so 
clearly  the  ignorance  of  ministers  and  the  im 
policy  of  their  measures  towards  America ;  he 
was  thenceforth  looked  upon  with  an  eye  of 
suspicion,  if  not  of  hatred.  In  this  temper  of 
the  ministers  it  was  that  he  addressed  the  fol 
lowing  letter,  with  the  memorial,  to  the  secre 
tary  of  state. 

"  To  the  Right  Hon.  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth. 

"  LONDON,  Aug.  21,  1773. 

"My  LORD, — I  have  just  received  from  the 
house  of  representatives  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay,  their  address  to  the  kino;,  which  I  now 
inclose,  and  send  to  your  lordship,  with  my 
humble  request  in  their  behalf,  that  you  would 
be  pleased  to  present  it  to  his  majesty  the  first 
convenient  opportunity. 

"  I  have  the  pleasure  of  hearing  from  that 
province  by  my  late  letters,  that  a  sincere  dis 
position  prevails  in  the  people  there  to  be  on 
good  terms  with  the  mother  country ;  that  the 
assembly  have  declared  their  desire  only  to  be 
put  into  the  situation  they  were  in  before  the 
stamp  act :  They  aim  at  no  novelties.  And 
it  is  said,  that  having  lately  discovered,  as  they 
think,  the  authors  of  their  grievances  to  be 
some  of  their  own  people,  their  resentment 
against  Britain  is  thence  much  abated. 

"  This  good  disposition  of  theirs  (will  your 
lordship  permit  me  to  say)  may  be  cultivated 

*  See  page     of  this  edition. 


216 


MEMOIRS  OF 


by  a  favourable  answer  to  this  address,  which 
I  therefore  hope  your  goodness  will  endea 
vour  to  obtain.  B.  FRANKLIN, 
"  Agent  for  the  House  of  Representatives." 

"  To  the  King's  Most  Excellent  Majesty. 

"  MOST  GRACIOUS  SOVEREIGN, — We  your 
majesty's  loyal  subjects,  the  representatives  of 
your  ancient  colony  of  Massachusett's  Bay,  in 
general  court  legally  assembled,  by  virtue  of 
your  majesty's  writ  under  the  hand  a.nd  seal 
of  the  governor,  beg  leave  to  lay  this  our  hum 
ble  petition  before  your  majesty. 

"  Nothing  but  the  sense  of  duty  we  owe  to 
our  sovereign,  and  the  obligation  we  are  un 
der  to  consult  the  peace  and  safety  of  the 
province,  could  induce  us  to  remonstrate  to 
your  majesty  concerning  the  mal-conduct  of 
persons,  who  have  heretofore  had  the  confi 
dence  and  esteem  of  this  people  ;  and  whom 
your  majesty  has  been  pleased,  from  the 
purest  motives  of  rendering  your  subjects  hap 
py,  to  advance  to  the  highest  places  of  trust 
and  authority  in  the  province. 

"  Your  majesty's  humble  petitioners,  with  the 
deepest  concern  and  anxiety,  have  seen  the 
discords  and  animosities  which  have  too  long 
subsisted  between  your  subjects  of  the  parent 
state  and  those  of  the  American  colonies.  And 
we  have  trembled  with  apprehensions  that 
the  consequences,  naturally  arising  therefrom, 
would  at  length  prove  fatal  to  both  countries. 

Permit  us  humbly  to  suggest  to  your  ma 
jesty,  that  your  subjects  here  have  been  in 
clined  to  believe,  that  the  grievances  which 
they  have  suffered,  and  still  continue  to  suffer, 
have  been  occasioned  by  your  majesty's  min 
ister's  and  principal  servants  being,  unfortu 
nately  for  us,  misinformed  in  certain  facts  of 
very  interesting  importance  to  us.  It  is  for 
this  reason  that  former  assemblies  have,  from 
time  to  time,  prepared  a  true  state  of  facts  to 
be  laid  before  your  majesty  ;  but  their  humble 
remonstrances  and  petitions,  it  is  presumed, 
have  by  some  means  been  prevented  from 
reaching  your  royal  hand. 

"  Your  majesty's  petitioners  have  very  lately 
had  before  them  certain  papers,  from  which 
they  humbly  conceive,  it  is  most  reasonable 
to  suppose,  that  there  has  been  long  a  conspi 
racy  of  evil  men  in  this  province,  who  have 
contemplated  measures,  and  formed  a  plan 
to  advance  themselves  to  power,  and  raise 
their  own  fortunes,  by  means  destructive  of 
the  charter  of  the  province,  at  the  expense 
of  the  quiet  of  the  nation,  and  to  the  annihilat 
ing  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  American 
colonies. 

"  And  we  do,  with  all  due  submission  to 
your  majesty,  beg  leave  particularly  to  com 
plain  of  the  conduct  of  his  excellency  Thomas 
Hutchinson,  esq.  governor,  and  the  honourable 
Andrew  Oliver,  esq.  lieutenant-governor  of 


this  your  majesty's  province,  as  having  a  na 
tural  and  efficacious  tendency  to  interrupt  and 
alienate  the  affections  of  your  majesty,  our 
rightful  sovereign,  from  this  your  loyal  pro 
vince  ;  to  destroy  that  harmony  and  good-will 
between  Great  Britain  and  this  colony,  which 
every  honest  subject  should  strive  to  establish ; 
to  excite  the  resentment  of  the  British  ad 
ministration  against  this  province;  to  defeat 
the  endeavours  of  our  agents  and  friends  to 
serve  us  by  a  fair  representation  of  our  state 
of  facts ;  to  prevent  our  humble  and  repeated 
petitions  from  reaching  the  ear  of  your  ma 
jesty,  or  having  their  desired  effect.  And 
finally,  that  the  said  Thomas  Hutchinson  and 
Andrew  Oliver,  have  been  among  the  chief 
instruments  in  introducing  a  fleet  and  army 
into  this  province,  to  establish  and  perpetuate 
their  plans,  whereby  they  have  been  not  only 
greatly  instrumental  in  disturbing  the  peace 
and  harmony  of  the  government,  and  causing 
unnatural  and  hateful  discords  and  animosi 
ties  between  the  several  parts  of  your  ma 
jesty's  extensive  dominions;  but  are  justly 
chargeable  with  all  that  corruption  of  morals, 
and  all  that  confusion,  misery,  and  bloodshed, 
which  have  been  the  natural  effects  of  posting 
an  army  in  a  populous  town. 

"Wherefore  we  most  humbly  pray,  that 
your  majesty  would  be  pleased  to  remove 
from  their  post  in  this  government  the  said 
Thomas  Hutchinson,  esq.  and  Andrew  Oli 
ver,  esq. ;  who  have,  by  their  above-mentioned 
conduct,  and  otherwise,  rendered  themselves 
justly  obnoxious  to  your  loving  subjects,  and 
entirely  lost  their  confidence  ;  and  place  such 
good  and  faithful  men  in  their  stead,  as  your 
majesty  in  your  wisdom  shall  think  fit. 

"  In  the  name  and  by  order  of  the  House . 
of  Representatives. 
"THOMAS  GUSHING,  Speaker." 

"This  petition  lay  for  some  time  in  the 
hands  of  the  ministers ;  but  in  the  beginning 
of  the  following  year  was  taken  up.  Mr. 
Mauduit,  who  acted  as  agent  for  the  go 
vernor,  had  several  private  conferences  with 
the  ministers,  and  addressed  to  the  committee 
of  the  privy  council  on  the  10th  of  January 
1774,  the  following  letter : 

TO  THE  LORDS  COMMITTEE  OF  HIS  MAJES 
TY'S  PRIVY  COUNCIL  FOR  PLANTATION  AF 
FAIRS. 

"  The  petition  of  Israel  Mauduit,  humbly 
showeth  unto  your  lordships, 

"*  THAT  having  been  informed,  that  an  ad 
dress,  in  the  name  of  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives  of  his  majesty's  colony  of  Massachu 
sett's  Bay,  has  been  presented  to  his  majesty 
by  Benjamin  Franklin,  esq.,  praying  the  re 
moval  of  his  majesty's  governor  and  lieu 
tenant-governor,  which  is  appointed  to  be 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


217 


taken  into  consideration  on  Thursday  next 
your  petitioner,  on  the  behalf  of  the  said  go 
vernor,  and  lieutenant-governor,  humbly  prays, 
that  he  may  be  heard  by  counsel  in  relation  to 
the  same,  before  your  lordships  shall  make  any 
report  on  the  said  address. 

"ISRAEL  MAUDUIT. 
"  Clements  Lane,  Jan.  10, 1774." 


A  controversy  had  taken  place  in  the  pub 
lic  prints  between  Mr.  Thomas  Whately's 
brother  and  Mr.  John  Temple,  arising  out  of 
the  manner  in  which  the  letters  of  governor 
Hutchinson,  &c.  had  passed  to  Boston,  from 
among  the  papers  of  Mr.  Thomas  Whately,  his 
brother  then  deceased.  Mr.  W.  wished  to  avoid 
the  charge  of  his  brother  having  given  them, 
and  Mr.  Temple  of  having  taken  them.  The 
dispute  became  so  personal,  that  Mr.  Temple 
thought  fit  to  call  the  surviving  brother  into 
the  field.  The  letter  of  provocation  appeared 
in  the  morning,  and  the  parties  met  in  the 
afternoon.  Dr.  Franklin  was  riot  then  in 
town ;  and  some  time  had  expired  when  he 
received  the  intelligence.  He  could  not  fore 
see  what  had  passed,  but  he  endeavoured  to 
prevent  what  still  might  otherwise  follow,  by 
publishing  the  following  article : — 

"  To  the  Printer  of  the  Public  Advertiser. 

"  SIR, — Finding  that  two  gentlemen  have 
been  unfortunately  engaged  in  a  duel,  about  a 
transaction  and  its  circumstances,  of  which  both 
of  them  are  totally  ignorant  and  innocent ;  I 
think  it  incumbent  upon  me  to  declare  (for  the 
prevention  of  farther  mischief,  as  far  as  such  a 
declaration  may  contribute  to  prevent  it)  that 
I  alone  am  the  person  who  obtained  and  trans 
mitted  to  Boston  the  letters  in  question.  Mr. 
W.  could  not  communicate  them,  because 
they  were  never  in  his  possession ;  and  for  the 
same  reason,  they  could  not  be  taken  from 
him  by  Mr.  T.  They  were  not  of  the  nature 
of  private  letters  between  friends.  They 
were  written  by  public  officers  to  persons  in 
public  stations,  on  public  affairs,  and  intended 
to  procure  public  measures ;  they  were  there 
fore  handed  to  other  public  persons  who 
might  be  influenced  by  them  to  produce  those 
measures.  Their  tendency  was  to  incense 
the  mother  country  against  her  colonies,  and 
by  the  steps  recommended,  to  widen  the 
breach  :  which  they  affected.  The  chief  cau 
tion  expressed  with  regard  to  privacy,  was,  to 
keep  their  contents  from  the  colony  agents ; 
who  the  writers  apprehended  might  return 
them,  or  copies  of  them  to  America.  That 
apprehension  was,  it  seems,  well  founded :  for 
the  first  agent  who  laid  his  hands  on  them, 
thought  it  his  duty  to  transmit  them  to  his 
constituents.  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  Agent  for  the  House  of  Represen 
tatives  of  Massachusetts  Bay. 

"  Craven-street,  Dec.  25,  1773." 

VOL.  I. ...  2  E  19 


It  will  be  seen  by  the  dates,  that  this  pub 
lication  by  Dr.  Franklin,  and  the  transactions 
which  led  to  it,  followed  the  presentation  oi' 
the  Massachusett's  petition,  and  preceded  the 
letter  of  Mr.  Mauduit  to  the  council ;  and  in 
the  narration  that  follows  of  the  proceedings 
before  the  privy  council,  that  those  letters 
and  publications  were  brought  into  view. 

The  committee  of  privy  council  met  on  the 
llth  of  January,  1774. 

PRESENT.  The  lord  president  of  the  coun 
cil. 

The  secretaries  of  state,  and  many  other 
lords. 

Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Bollan,  agents  for 
Pennsylvania,  and  Massachusetts. 

Mr.  Mauduit,  agent  for  the  governor  of 
Massachusetts,  with  Mr.  Wedderburn  as 
his  council. 

Dr.  Franklin's  Letter  and  the  Address,  Mr. 
PownalTs  Letter,  and  Mr.  Maudit's  Peti 
tion,  were  read. 

Mr.  Wedderburn.  The  address  mentions 
certain  papers :  I  could  wish  to  be  informed 
what  are  those  papers'? 

Dr.  Franklin.     They  are  the  letters  of 
Mr.  Hutchinson  and  Mr.  Oliver. 
Court.     Have  you  brought  them  ? 
Dr.  Franklin.    No,  but  here  are  attested 
copies. 

Court.  Do  you  mean  to  found  a  charge 
upon  them  ? — if  you  do,  you  must  produce 
he  letters. 

Dr.  Franklin.  These  copies  are  attested 
ly  several  gentlemen  at  Boston,  and  a  notary 
>ublic. 

Mr.  Wedderburn.  My  lords,  we  shall  not 
take  advantage  of  any  imperfection  in  the 
>roof.  We  admit  that  the  letters  are  Mr. 
lutchinson's  and  Mr.  Oliver's  hand  writing : 
eserving  to  ourselves  the  right  of  inquiring 
how  they  were  obtained. 

Dr.  Franklin.  I  did  not  expect  that  coun 
cil  would  have  been  employed  on  this  occa 
sion. 

Court.  Had  you  not  notice  sent  you  of  Mr. 
Mauduit's  having  petitioned  to  be  heard  by 
counsel  on  behalf  of  the  governor  and  lieuten 
ant  governor. 

Dr.  Franklin.  I  did  receive  such  notice ; 
but  I  thought  this  had  been  a  matter  of  poli 
tics,  not  of  law,  and  have  not  brought  my 
counsel 

CourL  Where  a  charge  is  brought,  the  par 
ties  have  a  right  to  be  heard  by  counsel  or  not, 
as  they  choose. 

Mr.  Mauduit.  My  lords,  I  am  not  a  native 
of  that  country,  as  these  gentlemen  are.  I 
know  well  Dr.  Franklin's  abilities,  and  wish 
to  put  the  defence  of  my  friends  more  upon  a 
parity  with  the  attack ;  he  will  not  therefore 
wonder  that  I  choose  to  appear  before  your 
lordships  with  the  assistance  of  counsel.  My 


21S 


MEMOIRS  OF 


friends,  in  their  letters  to  me,  have  desired 
(if  any  proceedings,  as  they  say,  should  be 
had  upon  this  address)  that  they  may  have  a 
hearing  in  their  own  justification,  that  their 
innocence  may  be  fully  cleared,  and  their  ho 
nour  vindicated,  and  have  made  provision  ac 
cordingly.  I  do  not  think  myself  at  liberty 
therefore  to  give  up  the  assistance  of  my 
counsel  in  defending  them  against  this  unjust 
accusation. 

Court.  Dr.  Franklin  may  have  the  assist 
ance  of  counsel,  or  go  on  without  it,  as  he 
shall  choose. 

Dr.  Franklin.  I  desire  to  have  counsel. 

Court.  What  time  do  you  want  1 

Dr.  Franklin.  Three  weeks. 

Ordered  that  the  further  proceedings  be  on 
Saturday  the  29th  instant 

The  committee  of  privy  council  met  accord 
ing  to  their  adjournment,  on  the  29th  Janu 
ary  following,  when  Mr.  John  Dunning  (af 
terwards  lord  Ashburton)  and  Mr.  John  Lee, 
both  eminent  lawyers,  appeared  as  counsel,  on 
behalf  of  the  Massachusetts  assembly.  Mr. 
Wedderburn  (afterwards  lord  Loughborough) 
appeared  as  counsel  for  the  governor  and  lieu 
tenant-governor. 

The  matter  being  a  complaint  from  the 
Massachusetts  assembly,  their  counsel  were 
first  heard  of  course.  Mr.  Wedderburn  was 
very  elaborate  and  acrimonious  in  his  remarks. 
Instead  of  justifying  his  clients,  or  vindicating 
their  conduct  in  the  administration,  which  was 
the  matter  complained  of,  Mr.  Wedderburn 
bent  the  whole  force  of  an  inflammatory  in 
vective,  against  Dr.  Franklin,  who  sat  with 
calm  equanimity  an  auditor  of  this  unwise 
course  of  proceeding. 

The  principal  butt  of  his  acrimony  was  the 
matter  of  dispute  between  Mr.  Temple  and 
Mr.  Whately ;  and  the  letter  published  by  Dr. 
Franklin  in  the  Public  Advertiser  of  25th  De 
cember,  1773. 

Mr.  Dunning  had  substantiated  the  com 
plaints  of  the  assembly,  by  exhibiting  the  let 
ters,  which  were  at  this  time  published  in  a 
pamphlet ;  and  also  in  the  Remembrancer  of 
1773 ;  and  he  stood  upon  their  letters,  as  proof 
of  their  being  unworthy  of  the  confidence  of 
the  government  as  well  as  of  the  assembly  of 
Massachusetts.  Among  other  matters,  he 
stated,  that  Andrew  Oliver  had  suggested  to 
the  ministry — "  to  stipulate  with  the  mer 
chants  of  England,  and  purchase  from  them 
large  quantities  of  goods  proper  for  the  Ame 
rican  market;  agreeing  before  hand  to  al 
low  them  a  premium  equal  to  the  advance 
of  their  stock  in  the  trade,  if  the  price  of 
their  goods  was  not  enhanced  by  a  tenfold 
demand  in  future,  even  though  the  goods 
might  lay  on  hand  till  this  temporary  stagna 
tion  of  business  ceased.  By  such  a  step," 
said  he,  "the  game  will  be  up  with  my 
countrymen*"  That  Oliver  had,  on  other 


occasions  (in  a  letter  to  the  ministry,  dated 
Feb.  15,  1769,)  "  indirectly  recommended  as 
sassination  ;"  his  words  being,  "  that  some  me 
thod  shoul^  be  devised  to  take  off  the  original 
incendiaries,  whose  writings  supplied  the  fuel 
of  sedition  through  the  Boston  Gazette."* 
And  he  referred  to  the  case  of  Mr.  Otis,  who 
notwithstanding  he  held  the  office  of  king's 
advocate,  under  the  predecessor  of  governor 
Hutchinson,  had  been  at  night  attacked  by 
one  Robinson,  a  commissioner  of  the  king's 
customs,  at  the  head  of  a  gang  of  ruffians 
armed  with  swords  and  bludgeons;  who  on 
entering  the  house,  extinguished  the  lights, 
and  after  leaving  the  respectable  gentleman 
covered  with  wounds,  fled  and  found  a  refuge 
on  board  a  king's  ship.  Mr.  Hutchinson  by 
one  declaration  alone,  he  said,  justified  all  the 
complaints  of  Massachusetts,  and  called  for  an 
immediate  dismission  of  an  officer  so  hostile  to 
the  rights  and  liberties  of  his  countrymen.  He 
who  had  declared  "  there  must  be  an  abridg 
ment  of  English  liberties  in  the  colonies," 
was  justly  charged  with  "  making  wicked  and 
injurious  representations,  designed  to  influence 
the  ministry,  and  the  nation,  and  to  excite 
jealousies  in  the  breast  of  the  king  against  his 
faithful  subjects." 

The  speeches  of  Messrs.  Dunning  and  Lee 
were  never  reported  at  length ;  but  the  ex 
tracts  which  they  read  were  marked  for  them 
by  Dr.  Franklin,  of  which  the  following  is 
one. 

Extracts  from  Hutchinson^  s  Corres 
pondence. 

•'  BOSTON,  June  22, 1772. 

"  The  union  of  the  colonies  is  pretty  wel! 
broke ;  I  hope  I  shall  never  see  it  renewed. 
Indeed  our  sons  of  liberty  are  hated  and  des 
pised  by  their  former  brethren  in  New  York 
and  Pennsylvania ;  and  it  must  be  something 
very  extraordinary  ever  to  reconcile  them." 

"  BOSTON,  December  8,  1772. 

"  You  see  no  difference  between  the  case 
of  the  colonies  and  that  of  Ireland.  I  care  not 
in  how  favourable  a  light  you  look  upon  the 
colonies,  if  it  does  not  separate  us  from  you. 
You  will  certainly  find  it  more  difficult  to  re 
tain  the  colonies,  than  you  do  Ireland.  Ire 
land  is  near  you,  and  under  your  constant  in 
spection  ;  all  officers  are  dependent  and  re 
movable  at  pleasure.  The  colonies  are  remote, 
and  the  officers  generally  more  disposed  to 
please  the  people  than  the  king  or  his  repre 
sentative.  In  Ireland  you  have  always  the 
ultima  ratio,  [a  standing  army]  in  the  colo 
nies  you  are  either  destitute  of  it,  or  you  have 
no  civil  magistrate  to  direct  the  use  of  it." 

*  The  writers  alluded  to  were  Messrs.  Otis,  Dexter, 
Warren,  Adams,  Cluincy,  Mayben,  and  Cooper.  Mr  Otin 
was  so  much  injured  by  the  wounds  he  received,  in  the 
attack  made  upon  him,  as  never  after  to  recover,  and  af 
terwardsdied  in  a  state  of  mental  derangement,  pro- 
duced  by  his  wounds. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


219 


Mr.  Wedderburn,  after  a  review  of  the  a: 
guments  of  counsel,  and  eulogies  on  the  loyalt 
and  services  of  his  clients,  avoiding  the  exam 
nation  of  the  matter  in  complaint,  directe 
himself  to  an  inculpation  of  the  assembly  an 
people  of  Massachusetts,  and  violently  again 
the  character  of  Dr.  Franklin  generally,  bu 
particularly  in  the  case  of  the  letters. 

'*  The  letters  could  not  have  come  to  Dr 
Franklin,"  said  Mr.   Wedderburn,  "by  fai 
means.     The  writers  did  not  give  them  to 
him,  nor  yet  did  the  deceased  correspondent, 
who,  from  our  intimacy,  would  otherwise  have 
told  me  of  it :   nothing  then  will  acquit  Dr 
Franklin  of  the  charge  of  obtaining  them  bi 
fraudulent  or  corrupt  means,  for  the  most  ma 
lignant  of  purposes ;  unless  he  stole  them 
from  the  person  who  stole  them.     This  argu 
ment  is  irrefragable. 

"  I  hope,  my  lords,  you  will  mark  and  brant 
the  man,  for  the  honour  of  this  country,  of 
Europe,  and  of  mankind.  Private  correspon 
dence  has  hitherto  been  held  sacred  in  times 
of  the  greatest  party  rage,  not  only  in  politics 
but  religion.  He  has  forfeited  all  the  respec 
of  societies  and  of  men.  Into  what  companies 
will  he  hereafter  go  with  an  unembarrassed 
face,  or  the  honest  intrepidity  of  virtue?  Men 
will  watch  him  with  a  jealous  eye,  they  wil] 
hide  their  papers  from  him,  and  lock  up  their 
escrutoires.  He  will  henceforth  esteem  it  a 
libel  to  be  called  a  man  of  letters,  homo 
TRIUM*  liter  arum ! 

"  But  he  not  only  took  away  the  letters  from 
one  brother,  but  kept  himself  concealed  till  he 
nearly  occasioned  the  murder  of  the  other. 
It  is  impossible  to  read  his  account,  expres 
sive  of  the  coolest  and  most  deliberate  malice, 
without  horror."  [Here  he  read  the  letter  of 
Dr.  Franklin  printed  in  the  Public  Adver 
tiser.]— •"  Amidst  these  tragical  events,  of 
one  person  nearly  murdered,  of  another  an 
swerable  for  the  issue ;  of  a  worthy  governor 
hurt  in  his  dearest  interests  ;  the  fate  of  Ame 
rica  in  suspense ;  here  is  a  man,  who,  with 
the  utmost  insensibility  of  remorse,  stands  up 
and  avows  himself  the  author  of  all: — I  can 
compare  it  only  to  Zanga  in  Dr.  Young's 
Revenge. 

'Know  then  'twas I; 

I  forged  the  letter I  disposed  the  picture  ; 

I  hated, I  despised, and  I  destroy.' 

"  I  ask,  my  lords,  whether  the  revengeful 
temper,  attributed  by  poetic  fiction  only  to  the 
bloody  African,  is  not  surpassed  by  the  cool 
ness  and  apathy  of  the  wily  American?" 

These  pleadings  excited  much  passion; 
the  lords  acceded,  the  town  was  convinced, 
Dr.  Franklin  was  dismissed  from  the  post- 
office  which  he  first  established,  and  Mr. 
Wedderburn  placed  himself  in  the  road  for 
that  high  advancement  which  he  sought,  and 

*  i.  e.  The  word  fur  (or  thief.) 


with  which  he  was  rewarded.  Unfortunately 
for  Mr.  Wedderburn,  the  events  of  the  war 
did  not  correspond  with  his  system.  Unfor 
tunately  too  for  his  "  irrefragable  argument," 
Dr.  Franklin  afterwards  took  an  oath  in  chan 
cery,  that  at  the  time  that  he  transmitted  the 
letters,  he  was  ignorant  of  the  party  to  whom 
they  had  been  addressed,  having  himself  re 
ceived  them  from  a  third  person,  and  for  the 
express  purpose  of  their  being  conveyed  to 
America.  Unfortunately  also  for  Mr.  Wed- 
derburn's  "  worthy  governor,"  that  governor 
himself)  before  the  arrival  of  Dr.  Franklin's 
packet  in  Boston,  sent  over  one  of  Dr.  Frank 
lin's  own  "  private"  letters  to  England,  ex 
pressing  some  little  coyness  indeed  upon  the 
occasion,  but  desiring  secrecy,  lest  he  should 
be  prevented  procuring  more  useful  intelli 
gence  from  the  same  source. 

It  was  not  singular  perhaps,  that  a  man  of 
honour  should  surrender  his  name  to  public 
scrutiny  in  order  to  prevent  mischief  to  others, 
and  yet  not  betray  his  coadjutor  (even  to  his 
death)  to  relieve  his  own  fame  from  the  se 
verest  obloquy  ;  but  it  belonged  to  few  besides 
Dr.  Franklin,  to  possess  mildness  and  magna 
nimity  enough  to  refrain  from  intemperate  ex 
pressions  after  what  had  passed.  There  is  in  a 
lote,  in  the  hand  writing  of  Dr.  Franklin,  in 
the  possession  of  the  Philadelphia  editor,  where 
e  observes  on  the  word  duty,  in  the  close  of 
lis  letter  in  the  Public  Advertiser,  as  fol- 
ows: 

"  Governor  Hutchinson,  as  appears  by  his  let- 
ers  since  found  and  published  in  New  England, 
had  the  same  idea  of  duty,  when  he  procured 
copies  of  Dr.  Franklin's  letters  to  the  assem- 
ly,  and  sent  them  to  the  ministry  of  En- 
land." 

The  result  of  the  deliberations  of  the  con> 
nittec  of  the  privy  council  was  such  as  might 
>e  expected  from  the  complacency  with  which 
hey  had  heard  Mr.  Wedderburn,  and  the 
general  fatuity  that  appears  to  have  governed 
he  councils  of  the  British  nation  at  the  time. 

The  privy  council  made  a  report  in  which 
was  expressed  the  following  opinion. 

"The  lords  of  the  committee  do  agree 

umbly  to  report,  as  their  opinion  to  your  ma- 

esty,  that  the  petition  is  founded  upon  resc- 

utions  formed  on  false  and  erroneous  alle- 

rations  ;  and  is  groundless,  vexatious,  and 

candalous,  and  calculated  only  for  the  se- 

itious  purpose  of  keeping  up  a  spirit  of  cla- 

lour  and  discontent  in  the  said  province. 

nd  the  lords  of  the  committee  do  further 

umbly  report  to  your  majesty,  that  nothing 

as  been  laid  before  them  which  does  or  can, 

n  their  opinion,  in  any  manner,  or  in  any  de- 

ree,  impeach  the  honour,  integrity,  or  coii- 

uct  of  the  said  governor  or  lieutenant-go- 

ernor;  and  their  lordships  are  humbly  of 

pinion,  that  the  said  petition  ought  to  be  dis-- 

issed, 


220 


MEMOIRS  OF 


Feb.  7th,  1774.  "  His  majesty,  taking  the 
said  report  into  consideration,  was  pleased, 
with  the  advice  of  his  privy-council,  to  ap 
prove  thereof;  and  to  order,  that  the  said  pe 
tition  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
province  of  Massachusett's  Bay  be  dismissed 
the  board — as  groundless,  vexatious,  and  scan 
dalous  ;  and  calculated  only  for  the  seditious 
purpose  of  keeping  up  a  spirit  of  clamour  and 
discontent  in  the  said  province." 

A  former  petition  against  governor  Ber 
nard  met  with  a  dismission  couched  in  similar 
terms. 

The  Constitution  of  the  Colonies?,  by  Go 
vernor  Pownall ;  with  Remarks,  by  Dr. 
Franklin. 

[PRINCIPLES.] 

1.  WHEREVER  any  Englishmen  go  forth 
without  the  realm,  and  make  settlements  in 
partibus  exteris,  "  These  settlements  as  En- 

flish  settlements,  and  these  inhabitants  as 
nglish  subjects  (carrying  with  them  the 
laws  of  the  land  wherever  they  form  colonies, 
and  receiving  his  majesty's  protection  by  vir 
tue  of  his  royal  charter  f"  or  commissions  of 
government)  "  have  and  enjoy  all  liberties 
and  immunities  of  free  and  natural  subjects, 
to  all  intents,  constructions,  and  purposes 
whatsoever,  as  if  they  and  every  of  them  were 
born  within  the  realm  ;|"  and  are  bound  by 
the  like  allegiance  as  every  other  subject  of 
the  realm. 

Remarks.  The  settlers  of  colonies  in  Ame 
rica  did  not  carry  with  them  the  laws  of  the 
land,  as  being  bound  by  them  wherever  they 
should  settle.  They  left  the  realm  to  avoid 
the  inconveniences  and  hardships  they  were 
under,  where  some  of  those  laws  were  in 
force,  particularly  ecclesiastical  laws,  those 
for  payment  of  tythes,  and  others.  Had  it 
been  understood,  that  they  loere  to  carry 
these  laws  with  them,  they  had  belter  had 
staid  at  home  among  their  friends,  unexpos- 
ed  to  the  risks  and  toils  of  a  new  settlement. 
They  carried  with  them,  a  right  to  such  parts 
of  the  laws  of  the  land,  as  they  should  judge 
advantageous  or  useful  to  them :  a  right  to 
be  free  from  those  they  thought  hurtful ;  and 
a  right  to  make  such  others,  as  they  should 
think  necessary ;  not  infringing  the  general 
rights  of  Englishmen :  and  such  new  laws 
they  were  to  form,  as  agreeable  as  might  be 
to  the  laws  of  England.  B.  F. 

2.  Therefore  the  common  law  of  England, 

*  This  constitution  of  the  colonies  was  printed  at  the 
close  of  1769,  with  a  view  to  prevent  mischief,  from  the 
misunderstandings  then  existing  between  the  govern 
ment  of  Great  Britain  and  the  people  of  America.  It 
was  the  production  of  governor  Pownall.  Dr.  Frank 
lin's  remarks  from  their  early  date  are  particularly  cu 
rious  ;  they  were  communicated  in  MS.  to  governor 
Pownall; 'and  from  an  observation  in  reply,  signed 
T.  P.,  appear  to  have  been  returned. 

t  Pratt  and  York. 

j  General  words  in  all  charters. 


and  all  such  statutes  as  were  enacted  and  in 
force  at  the  time  in  which  such  settlers  went 
forth,  and  such  colonies  and  plantations  were 
established,  (except  as  hereafter  excepted)  to 
gether  with  all  such  alterations  and  amend 
ments  as  the  said  common  law  may  have  re 
ceived,  is  from  time  to  time,  and  at  all  times, 
the  law  of  those  colonies  and  plantations. 

Rem.  So  far  as  they  adopt  it,  by  express 
laws  or  by  practice.  B.  F. 

3.  Therefore  all  statutes,  touching  the  right 
of  the  succession,  and  settlement  of  the  crown, 
with  the  statutes  of  treason  relating  thereto;* 
all  statutes,  regulating  or  limiting  the  ge 
neral  powers  and  authority  of  the  crown,  and 
the  exercise  of  the  jurisdiction  thereof;  all 
statutes  declaratory  of  the  rights  and  liberty 
of  the  subject,  do  extend  to  all  British  subjects 
in  the  colonies  and  plantations  as  of  common 
right,  and  as  if  they  and  every  of  them  were 
born  within  the  realm. 

Rem.  It  is  doubted,  whether  any  settlement 
of  the  crown  by  parliament,  lakes  place  in 
the  colonies,  otherwise  than  by  consent  of  the 
assemblies  there.  Had  the  rebellion  in  1745t 
succeeded  so  far  as  to  settle  the  Stuart  fa 
mily  again  on  the  throne,  by  act  of  parlia 
ment,  I  think  the  colonies  would  not  haw 
thought  themselves  bound  by  such  act.  They 
would  still  have  adhered  to  the  present  fa 
mily  as  long  as  they  could.  B.  F. 

Observation  in  reply.  They  are  bound  to 
the  king  and  his  successors,  and  we  know  no 
succession  but  by  act  of  parliament.  T.  P. 

4.  All  statutes  enacted  since  the  establish 
ment  of  colonies  and  plantations  do  extend  to 
and  operate  within  the  said  colonies  and  planta 
tions,  in  which  statutes  the  same  are  specially 
named. 

Rem.  It  is  doubted,  whether  any  act  of 
parliament  should  of  right  operate  in  the  co 
lonies  :  in  fact,  several  of  them  have  and  do 
operate.  B.  F. 

5.  Statutes  and  customs,  which  respect  only 
the  special    and  local  circumstances  of  the 
realm  do  not  extend  to  and  operate  within 
said  colonies  and  plantations,  where  no  such 
special  and  local  circumstances  are  found. — 
(Thus  the  ecclesiastical  and  canon  law,  and 

*  All  statutes  respecting  the  general  relations  between 
the  crown  and  the  subject,  not  such  as  respect  any  par 
ticular  or  peculiar  establishment  of  the  realm  of  Eng 
land.  As  for  instance :  by  the  13th  and  14th  of  Oar. 
II.  c.  2  the  supreme  military  power  is  declared  to  be  in 
general,  without  limitation,  in  his  majesty,  and  to  have 
always  been  of  right  annexed  to  the  office  of  king  of 
England,  throughout  all  his  majesty's  realms  and  do 
minions  ;  yet  the  enacting  clause,  which  respects  only 
the  peculiar  establishment  of  the  militia  of  England, 
extends  to  the  realm  of  England  only  :  so  that  the  su 
preme  military  power  of  the  crown  in  all  other  his  ma 
jesty's  realms  and  dominions  stands,  as  to  this  statute. 
on  the  basis  of  its  general  power,  unlimited.  However 
the  several  legislatures  of  his  majesty's  kingdom  of 
Ireland,  of  his  dominions  of  Virginia,  and  of  the  severs! 
colonies  and  plantations  in  America,  have,  by  laws  to 
which  the  king  has  given  his  consent,  operating  wit)) 
in  the  precincts  of  their  several  jurisdictions,  limited 
the  powers  of  it,  and  regultaed  the  exercise  thereof. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


221 


all  statutes  respecting  tythes,  the  laws  re 
specting  courts  baron  and  copyholds,  the 
game  acts,  the  statutes  respecting  the  poor 
and  settlements,  and  all  other  laws  and  sta 
tutes,  having  special  reference  to  special  and 
local  circumstances  and  establishments  within 
the  realm,  do  not  extend  to  and  operate  with 
in  these  settlements,  in  partibus  exteris, 
where  no  such  circumstances  or  establish 
ments  exist) 

Rem.  These  laws  have  no  force  in  Ame 
rica  :  not  merely  because  local  circumstan 
ces  differ,  but  because  they  have  never  been 
adopted,  or  brought  over  by  acts  of  assembly 
or  by  practice  in  the  courts.  B.  F. 

6.  No  statutes  made  since  the  establish 
ment  of  said  colonies  and  plantations  (except 
as  above  described  in  articles  3  and  4)  do  ex 
tend  to  and  operate  within  said  colonies  and 
plantations. 

Query.  Would  any  statute  made  since  the 
establishment  of  said  colonies  and  plantations, 
which  statute  imported,  to  annul  and  abolish 
the  powers  and  jurisdictions  of  their  respective 
constitutions  of  government,  where  the  same 
was  not  contrary  to  the  laws,  or  any  other 
wise  forfeited  or  abated ;  or  which  statute  im 
ported,  to  take  away,  or  did  take  away,  the 
rights  and  privileges  of  the  settlers,  as  British 
subjects :  would  such  statute,  as  of  right,  ex 
tend  to  and  operate  within  said  colonies  and 
plantations. 

Answer.  JVo.  The  parliament  has  no  such 
power.  The  charters  cannot  be  altered  but 
by  consent  of  both  parties— the  king  and  the 
colonies.  B.  F. 

Corollaries  from  the  foregoing  principles. 

Upon  the  matters  of  fact,  right,  and  law,  as 
above  stated,  it  is,  that  the  British  subjects 
thus  settled  in  partibus  exteris  without  the 
realm,  so  long  as  they  are  excluded  from  an 
entire  union  with  the  realm,  as  parts  of  and 
within  the  same,  have  a  right  to  have  (as  they 
have)  and  to  be  governed  by  (as  they  are)  a 
distinct  entire  civil  government,  of  the  like 
powers,  pre-eminences,  and  jurisdictions  (con 
formable  to  the  like  rights,  privileges,  im 
munities,  franchises,  and  civil  liberties)  as  are 
to  be  found  and  are  established  in  the  British 
government,  respecting  the  British  subject 
within  the  realm. 

Rem.  Right.     B.  F. 

Hence  also  it  is,  that  the  rights  of  the  sub 
ject,  as  declared  in  the  petition  of  right,  that 
the  limitation  of  prerogative  by  the  act  for 
abolishing  the  star-chamber,  and  for  regulat 
ing  the  privy-council,  &c.  that  the  habeas 
corpus  act,  the  statute  of  frauds,  the  bill  of 
rights,  do  of  common  right  extend  to  and 
are  in  force  within  said  colonies  and  planta 
tions. 

Rem.  Several  of  these  rights  are  establish 


ed  by  special  colony  laws.  If  any  are  not  yet 
so  established,  the  colonies  have  right  to  such, 
laws :  and  the  covenant  having  been  made 
in  the  charters  by  tfie  king,  for  himself  and 
his  successors,  such  laws  ought  to  receive 
the  royal  assent,  as  of  right  B.  F. 

Hence  it  is,  that  the  freeholders  within  the 
precincts  of  these  jurisdictions  have  (as  of 
ri ght  they  ought  to  have)  a  share  in  the  power 
of  making  those  laws  which  they  are  to  be 
governed  by,  by  the  right  which  they  have  of 
sending  their  representatives  to  act  for  them, 
and  to  consent  for  them  in  all  matters  of  le 
gislation,  which  representatives,  when  met  in 
general  assembly,  have,  together  with  the 
crown,  a  right  to  perform  and  do  all  the  like 
acts  respecting  the  matters,  things,  and  rights, 
within  the  precincts  of  their  jurisdiction,  as 
the  parliament  hath  respecting  the  realm  and 
British  dominions. 

Hence  also  it  is,  that  all  the  executive  of 
fices  (from  the  supreme  civil  magistrate,  as 
locum  teneus  to  the  king,  down  to  that  of  con 
stable  and  head-borough)  must  of  right  be  es 
tablished  with  all  and  the  like  powers,  neither 
more  nor  less  than  as  defined  by  the  constitu 
tion  and  law,  as  in  fact  they  are  established. 

Hence  it  is,  that  the  judicial  offices  and 
courts  of  justice,  established  within  the  pre 
cincts  of  said  jurisdictions,  have,  as  they  ought 
of  right  to  have,  all  those  jurisdictions  and 
powers  "  as  fully  and  amply  to  all  intents  and 
purposes  whatsoever,  as  the  courts  of  king's 
bench,  common  pleas,  and  exchequer,  within 
his  majesty's  kingdom  of  England,  have,  and 
ought  to  have,  and  are  empowered  to  give 
judgment  and  award  execution  thereupon."* 
Hence  it  is,  that  by  the  possession,  enjoy - 
j  ment,  and  exercise  of  his  majesty's  great  seal, 
delivered  to  hie  majesty's  governor,  there  is 
established  within  the  precincts  of  the  respec 
tive  jurisdictions,  all  the  same  and  like  poic- 
ers  of  chancery  (except  where  by  charters 
specially  excluded)  as  his  majesty's  chancellor 
within  his  majesty's  kingdom  of  England 
hath,  and  of  right  ought  to  have,  by  delivery 
of  the  great  seal  of  England. — And  hence  it 
is,  that  all  the  like  rights,  privileges,  and  pow 
ers,  follow  the  use,  exercise,  and  application  of 
the  great  seal  of  each  colony  and  plantation 
within  the  precincts  of  said  jurisdiction,  as 
doth,  and  ought  of  right  to  follow  the  use,  ex 
ercise,  and  application  of  the  great  seal. 

Hence  also  it  is,  that  appeals  in  real  ac 
tions,  "  whereby  the  lands,  tenements,  and 
hereditaments  of  British  subjects  may  be 
drawn  into  question  and  disposed  of,"f  do  not 
lie,  as  of  right  and  by  law  they  ought  not  to 
lie,  to  the  king  in  council. 

Hence  also  it  is,  that  there  is  not  any  law 
now  in  being,  whereby  the  subject  within 

*  Law  in  New  England,  confirmed  by  the  crown,  Oc 
tober  22,  1700. 
1 16tb  Car.  I.  c.  10. 


222 


MEMOIRS  OF 


said  colonies  and  plantations  can  be  removed* 
from  the  jurisdiction  to  which  he  is  amena 
ble  in  all  his  right,  and  through  which  his 
service  and  allegiance  must  be  derived  to  the 
crown,  and  from  which  no  appeal  lies  in 
criminal  causes,  so  as  that  such  subject  may 
become  amenable  to  a  jurisdiction  foreign  to 
his  natural  and  legal  resiancy ;  to  which  he 
may  be  thereby  transported,  and  under  which 
he  may  be  brought  to  trial  and  receive  judg 
ment,  contrary  to  the  rights  and  privileges  of 
the  subject,  as  declared  by  the  spirit  and  in 
tent  and  especially  by  sec.  16  of  the  habeas 
corpus  act.  And  if  the  person  of  any  sub 
ject  within  the  said  colonies  and  plantations 
should  be  seized  or  detained  by  any  power  is 
suing  from  any  court,  without  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  colony  where  he  then  had  his  legal 
resiancy,  it  would  become  the  duty  of  the 
courts  of  justice  within  such  colony  (it  is  un 
doubtedly  of  their  jurisdiction  so  to  do)  to  issue 
the  writ  of  habeas  corpus.^ 


*  The  case  of  the  court  erected  by  act  of  parlia 
ment  lith  and  12th  of  William  III.'c.  7,  (since  the 
enacting  of  the  habeas  corpus  act)  for  the  trial  of  pira 
cies,  felonies,  and  robberies  committed  in  or  upon  the 
sea,  or  in  any  haven,  river,  creek,  or  place  where  the 
admiral  has  jurisdiction,  does  no  way  affect  this  posi 
tion  :  nor  doth  sec.  14  of  the  said  statute,  directing 
that  the  commissioners,  of  whom  such  court  consists, 
may  issue  their  warrant  for  apprehending  such  pirates, 
&c.  in  order  to  their  being  tried  in  the  colonies,  or  sent 
into  England,  any  way  militate  with  the  doctrine 
here  laid  down:  nor  can  it  be  applied  as  the  case  of  a 
jurisdiction  actually  existing,  which  supercedes  the  ju 
risdictions  of  the  courts  in  the  colonies  and  plantations, 
and  as  what  authorises  the  taking  the  accused  of  such 
piracies,  &c.  from  those  jurisdictions,  and  the  sending 
such  so  taken  to  England  for  trial. — It  cannot  be  applied 
as  a  case  similar  and  in  point  to  the  application  of  an 
act  of  parliament  (passed  in  the  35lh  of  Henry  VIII. 
concerning  the  trial  of  treasons)  lately  recommended  in 
order  to  the  sending  persons  accused  of  committing 
crimes  in  the  plantations  to  England  for  trial:  because 
this  act  of  the  llth  and  12th  of  William,  c.  7,  respects 
crimes  committed  in  places,  "where  the  admiral  has  ju 
risdiction  ,"  and  cases  to  which  the  jurisdiction  of  those 
provincial  courts  do  not  extend.  In  the  case  of  treasons 
committed  icithin  the  jurisdiction  of  the  colonies  and  plan 
tations,  there  are  courts  competent  to  try  such  crimes 
and  to  give  judgment  thereupon,  where  the  trials  of 
such  are  regulated  by  laws  to  which  the  king  hath 
given  his  consent :  from  which  there  lies  no  appeal, 
and  wherein  the  king  hath  given  power  and  instruction 
to  his  governor  as  to  execution  or  respite  of  judgment. 
Thp  said  act  of  Henry  VIII.  which  provides  remedy  for 
a  case  which  supposes  the  want  of  due  legal  jurisdic 
tion,  cannot  be  any  way,  or  by  any  rule,  applied  to  a 
case  where  there  is  due  legal  and  competent  jurisdic 
tion.  15.  F. 

t  The— referring  to  an  old  act  made  for  the  trial  of 
treasons  committed  out  of  the  realm,  by  such  persons 
as  had  no  legal  resiancy  but  within  the  realm,  and 
who  were  of  the  realm,  applying  the  purview  of  that 
statute,  which  was  made  to  bring  subjects  of  the  realm 
who  had  committed  treason  out  of  the  realm  (where 
there  was  no  criminal  Jurisdiction  to  which  they  could 
be  arnenttblc)  to  trial  within  the  realm,  under  that  cri 
minal  jurisdiction  to  which  alone  by  their  legal  resi 
ancy  and  allegiance  they  were  amenable;  and  apply 
ing  this  to  th;>  case  of  subjects  whose  legal  "  resiancy" 
is  without  the  realm,  and  who  are  by  that  "  resiancy" 
and  their  allegiance  amenable  to  a  jurisdiction  au 
thorized  and  empowered  to  try  and  give  judgment  upon 
all  capital  offences  whatsoever  without  appeal ;  thus 
applying  this  statute  so  as  to  take  up  a  proceeding,  for 
where  there  is  no  legal  process  either  by  common  or 
statute  law  as  now  established,  but  in  defiance  of 
which  there  is  a  legal  process  established  by  the  habeas 


Hence  also  it  is,  that  in  like  manner  as 
"  the  command  and  disposition  of  the  militia, 
and  of  all  forces  by  sea  and  land,  and  of  all 
forts  and  places  of  strength,  is,  and  by  the 
laws  of  England  ever  was,  the  undoubted 
right  of  his  majesty  and  his  royal  predeces 
sors,  kings  and  queens  of  England,  within  all 
his  majesty's  realms  and  dominions,"*  in  like 
manner  as  the  supreme  military  power  and 
command  (so  far  as  the  constitution  knows  of 
and  will  justify  its  establishment)  is  insepa 
rably  annexed  to,  and  forms  an  essential  part 
of  the  office  of  supreme  civil  magistrate,  the 
office  of  king:  in  like  manner,  in  all  go 
vernments  under  the  king,  where  the  con 
stituents  are  British  subjects,  and  of  full  and 
perfect  right  entitled  to  the  British  laws  and 
constitution,  the  supreme  military  command 
within  the  precincts  of  such  jurisdictions  must 
be  inseparably  annexed  to  the  office  of  supreme 
civil  magistrate,  (his  majesty's  regent  vice 
gerent,  lieutenant,  or  locum  tenens,  in  what 
forms  soever  established)  so  that  the  king  can 
not,  by  anyf  commission  of  regency,  by  any 
commission  or  charter  of  government,  se 
parate  or  withdraw  the  supreme  command  of 
the  military  from  the  office  of  supreme  civil 
magistrate — either  by  reserving  this  com 
mand  in  his  own  hands,  to  be  exercised  and 
executed  independent  of  the  civil  power ;  or 
by  granting  a  distinct  commission  to  any  mili 
tary  commander  in  chief,  so  to  be  exercised 
and  executed ;  but  more  especially  not  within 
such  jurisdictions  where  such  supreme  mili 
tary  power  (so  far  as  the  constitution  knows 
and  will  justify  the  same)  is  already  annexed 
and  granted  to  the  office  of  supreme  civil 
magistrate. — And  hence  it  is,  that  the  king 
cannot  erect  or  establish  any  law  martial  or 
military  command,  by  any  commission  which 
may  supersede  and  not  be  subject  to  the  su 
preme  civil  magistrate,  within  the  respective 
precincts  of  the  civil  jurisdictions  of  said  colo 
nies  and  plantations,  otherwise  than  in  such 
manner  as  the  said  law  martial  and  military 
commissions  are  annexed  or  subject  to  the  su 
preme  civil  jurisdiction  within  his  majesty's 
realms  and  dominions  of  Great  Britain  and 
Ireland;  and  hence  it  is,  that  the  establish- 

corpus  act; — would  be,  to  disfranchise  the  subject  ii<. 
America  of  those  rights  and  liberties  which  by  statute 
and  common  law  he  is  now  entitled  to.  B.  F. 

*  13th  and  14th  Car.  II.  c.  2. 

t  If  the  king  was  to  absent  himself  for  a  time  front 
the  realm,  and  did  as  usual  leave  a  regency  in  his 
place,  his  locum  tenens,  as  supreme  civil  magistrate, 
could  he  authorize  and  commission  any  military  com 
inander  in  chief  to  command  the  militia,  forts,  and 
forces,  independent  of  such  regency  ?  Could  he  do  this  in 
Ireland?  Could  he  do  this  in  the  colonies  and  planta 
tions,  where  the  governor  is  already,  by  commission, 
or  charter,  or  both,  under  the  great  seal,  military  com 
mander  in  chief,  as  part  of  (and  inseparably  annexed 
to)  the  office  of  supreme  civil  magistrate,  his  majesty's 
locum  tenens  within  said  jurisdiction  ?  If  he  could,  then , 
while  openly,  by  patent  according  to  law,  he  appeared 
to  establish  a  free  British  constitution,  he  might  by  a 
fallacy  establish  a  military  power  and  government. 
B.  F.  • 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


223 


ment  and  exercise  of  such  commands  and 
commissions  would  be  illegal.* 

Rem.  The  king  has  the  command  of  all 
military  force  in  his  dominions :  but  in 
every  distinct  state  of  his  dominions  there 
should  be  the  consent  of  the  parliament  or 
assembly  (the  representative  body)  to  the 
raising  and  keeping  up  such  military  force. 
He  cannot  even  raise  troops  and  quarter 
them  in  another,  without  the  consent  of  that 
other.  He  cannot  of  right  bring  troops 
raised  in  Ireland  and  quarter  them  in  Bri 
tain,  but  with  the  consent  of  the  parliament 
of  Britain :  nor  carry  to  Ireland,  and  quar 
ter  there,  soldiers  raised  in  Britain,  without 
the  consent  of  the  Irish  parliament,  unless  in 
time  of  war  and  cases  of  extreme  exigency. 
— In  1756,  when  the  speaker  went  up  to  pre 
sent  the  money-bills,  he  said  among  other 
things,  that  "England  was  capable  of 
fighting  her  own  battles  and  defending  her 
self;  and  although  ever  attached  to  your 
majesty's  person,  ever  at  ease  under  your 
just  government,  they  cannot  forbear  taking 
notice  of  some  circumstances  in  the  present 
situation  of  affairs,  which  nothing  but  the 
confidence  in  your  justice  could  hinder  from 
alarming  their  most  serious  apprehensions. 
Subsidies  to  foreign  princes  when  already 
burdened  with  a  debt  scarce  to  be  borne,  can 
not  but  be  severely  felt.  An  army  of  foreign 
troops,  a  thing  unprecedented,  unheard  of, 
unknown,  brought  into  England,  cannot  but 
alarm,  $c.  (See  the  Speech.) 

N.  B.  These  foreign  troops  were  part  of 
the  king's  subjects,  Hanoverians,  and  all  in 
his  service,  which  was  the  same  thing  as  if  he 
were  to  transport  troops  from  England  into 
the  American  colonies  without  the  consent 
of  their  legislature.  B.  F. 


"  To  Mr.  Dubourg,  concerning  the  Dissen 
sions  between  England  and  America^ 
"  LONDON,  October  2,  1770. 
"  I  SEE  with  pleasure  that  we  think  pretty 
much  alike  on  the  subjects  of  English  Ame 
rica.    We  of  the  colonies  have  never  insisted, 
that  we  ought  to  be  exempt  from  contributing 
to  the  common  expenses  necessary  to  support 
the  prosperity  of  the  empire.  We  only  assert, 

*  Governor  Pownall,  accompanied  this  paper  to  Dr. 
Franklin  with  a  sort  of  prophetic  remark  After 
stating,  that  these  theorems,  and  their  application  to 
existing  cases,  were  intended  to  remedy  the  prejudice, 
indigestion,  indecision,  and  errors,  then  prevailing 
either  in  opinions  or  conduct ;  he  adds,  "the  very  at 
tention  to  the  investigation  may  lead  to  the  discovery 
of  some  truths  respecting  the  wfiolr.  British  empire,  then 
little  thought  of  and  scarce  even  suspected,  and  which 
perhaps  it  would  not  be  prudent,  at  this  time  to  mark 
and  point  out." — The  minister  however  judged  the  dis 
cussion  of  dubious  rights  over  growing  states,  a  better 
policy  than  possession,  discretion,  and  silence  :  he  turn 
ed  civilian,  for  which  he  was  not  qualified,  and  lost  an 
empire,  which  he  was  not  worthy  to  govern. 

t  Re-translated  from  a  French  edition  of  Dr.  Frank 
lin's  works. 


that  having  parliaments  of  our  own,  and  not 
having  representatives  in  that  of  Great  Bri 
tain,  our  parliaments  are  the  only  judges  of 
what  we  can  and  what  we  ought  to  contri 
bute  in  this  case ;  and  that  the  English  par 
liament  has  no  right  to  take  our  money  with 
out  our  consent.  In  fact,  the  British  empire 
is  not  a  single  state ;  it  comprehends  many  ; 
and  though  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain 
has  arrogated  to  itself  the  power  of  taxing 
the  colonies,  it  has  no  more  right  to  do  so, 
than  it  has  to  tax  Hanover.  We  have  the 
same  king,  but  not  the  same  legislatures. 

"  The  dispute  between  the  two  countries 
has  already  cost  England  many  millions  ster 
ling,  which  it  has  lost  in  its  commerce,  and 
America  has  in  this  respect  been  a  propor 
tionable  gainer.  This  commerce  consisted 
principally  of  superfluities ;  objects  of  luxury 
and  fashion,  which  we  can  well  do  without ; 
and  the  resolution  we  have  formed,  of  im 
porting  no  more  till  our  grievances  are  re 
dressed,  has  enabled  many  of  our  infant  manu 
factures  to  take  root ;  and  it  will  not  be  easy 
to  make  our  people  abandon  them  in  future, 
even  should  a  connexion  more  cordial  than 
ever  succeed  the  present  troubles.  I  have  in 
deed  no  doubt,  that  the  parliament  of  England 
will  finally  abandon  its  present  pretensions, 
and  leave  us  to  the  peaceable  enjoyment  of 
our  rights  and  privileges.  B.  FRANKLIN.'' 

THE   TEA   TAX. 

Dr.  Franklin's  Preface  to  the  English 
Edition  of  the  Votes  and  Proceedings 
of  the  Freeholders,  and  other  Inhabitants 
of  the  Town  of  Boston,  in  Town-Meet 
ing  assembled  according  to  law  (publish 
ed  by  Order  of  the  Town,}  <f-c.* 

ALL  accounts  of  the  discontent,  so  general 
in  our  colonies,  have  of  late  years  been  in 
dustriously  sjiiothered  and  concealed  here,  it 
seeming  to  suit  the  views  of  the  American 
ministerf  to  have  it  understood,  that  by  hi? 
great  abilities,  all  faction  was  subdued,  al! 

*"  Boston  printed:  London  re-printed,  and  sold  by 
J.  Wilkio,  in  St.  Paul's  Church  yard.  1773."—  The  pre 
face  only  is  given,  as  that  alone  properly  belongs  to 
this  work. 

This  little  piece  very  much  irritated  the  English  mi 
nistry.  It  was  their  determination,  that  the  Amen 
cans  should  receive  teas  only  from  Great  Britain 
And  accordingly  the  East  India  company  sent  out 
large  cargoes  under  their  protection.  The  colonists 
every  where  refused,  either  entrance,  or  else  permis 
sion  of  sale,  except  at  Boston,  where,  the  force  of  go 
vernment  preventing  more  moderate  measures, certain 
persons  in  disguise  threw  it  into  the  sea. 

The  preamble  of  the  stamp  act  produced  the  tea  act ; 
the  tea  act  produced  violence  ;  violence,  acts  of  parlia 
ment  ;  acts  of  parliament,  a  revolt. "  A  little  neg 

lect"  says  poor  Richard,  "may  breed  great  mischief 
for  want  of  a  nail  the  shoe  was  lost ;  for  want  of  a 
shoe  the  horse  was  lost ;  for  want  of  a  horse  the  rider 
was  lost ;  being  overtaken  and  slain  by  the  enemy ;  all 
for  want  of  a  little  care  about  a  horse-shoe  nail." 

f  Lord  Hillsborough.— This  nobleman,  before  this 
time  first  lord  of  trade,  was  introduced  in  1768  into  the 
•nac-erected  ofiice  of  secretary  of  state  for  the  colonies. 


234 


MEMOIRS  OF 


opposition  suppressed,  and  the  whole  country 
quieted.  That  the  true  state  of  affairs  there 
may  be  known,  and  the  true  causes  of  that 
discontent  well  understood,  the  following 
piece  (not  the  production  of  a  private  writer, 
but  the  unanimous  act  of  a  large  American 
city)  lately  printed  in  New  England,  is  re- 
published  here.  This  nation,  and  the  other 
nations  of  Europe,  may  thereby  learn,  with 
more  certainty,  the  grounds  of  a  dissention, 
that  possibly  may,  sooner  or  later,  have  con 
sequences  interesting  to  them  all. 

The  colonies  had,  from  their  first  settle 
ment,  been  governed  with  more  ease  than 
perhaps  can  be  equalled  by  any  instance  in 
history  of  dominions  so  distant  Their  affec 
tion  and  respect  for  this  country,  while  they 
were  treated  with  kindness,  produced  an  im 
plicit  obedience  to  the  instructions  of  the 
prince,  and  even  to  acts  of  the  British  parlia 
ment,  though  the  right  of  binding  them  by  a 
legislature,  in  which  they  were  unrepresent 
ed,  was  never  clearly  understood.  That  re 
spect  and  affection  produced  a  partiality  in 
favour  of  every  thing  that  was  English; 
whence  their  preference  of  English  modes 
and  manufactures;  their  submission  to  re 
straints  on  the  importation  of  foreign  goods, 
which  they  had  but  little  desire  to  use ;  and 
the  monopoly  we  so  long  enjoyed  of  their 
commerce,  to  the  great  enriching  of  our  mer 
chants  and  artificers.  The  mistaken  policy 
of  the  stamp  act  first  disturbed  this  happy 
situation;  but  the  flame  thereby  raised  was 
soon  extinguished  by  its  repeal,  and  the  old 
harmony  restored,  with  all  its  concomitant 
advantage  to  our  commerce.  The  subsequent 
act  of  another  administration,  which,  not  con 
tent  with  an  established  exclusion  of  foreign 
manufactures,  began  to  make  our  own  mer 
chandize  dearer  to  the  consumers  there  by 
heavy  duties,  revived  it  again ;  and  combina 
tions  were  entered  into  throughout  the  con 
tinent,  to  stop  trading  with  Britain  till  those 
duties  should  be  repealed.  All  were  accord 
ingly  repealed  but  one— the  duty  on  tea. 
This  was  reserved  (professedly  so)  as  a  stand 
ing  claim  and  exercise  of  the  right,  assumed 
by  parliament,  of  laying  such  duties.*  The 
colonies,  on  the  repeal,  retracted  their  agree 
ment,  so  far  as  related  to  all  other  goods,  ex 
cept  that  on  which  the  duty  was  retained. 
This  was  trumpeted  here  by  the  minister  for 
the  colonies  as  a  triumph ;  there  it  was  con 
sidered  only  as  a  decent  and  equitable  mea 
sure,  showing  a  willingness  to  meet  the  mo 
ther-country,  in  every  advance  towards  a  re- 

*  Mr.  Burke  in  his  speech  in  1774,  says  "  this  pre- 
ambulary  tax  had  lost  us  at  once  the  benefit  of  the  west 
and  of  the  east;  had  thrown  open  the  doors  to  contra 
band;  and  would  be  the  means  of  giving  the  profits  of 
the  colony  trade  to  every  nation  but  ourselves."  He 
adds,  "  It  is  indeed  a  tax  of  sophistry,  a  tax  of  pedan 
try,  a  tax  of  disputation,  a  tax  of  war  and  rebellion,  a 
tax  for  any  thing  but  benefit  to  the  imposers.  or  satis 
faction  to  the  subject." 


conciliation;  and  this  disposition  to  a  good 
understanding  was  so  prevalent,  that  possibly 
they  might  soon  have  relaxed  in  the  article 
of  tea  also.  But  the  system  of  commissioners 
of  customs,  officers  without  end,  fleets  and 
armies  for  collecting  and  enforcing  those  du 
ties,  being  continued ;  and  these  acting  with 
much  indiscretion  and  rashness  (giving  great 
and  unnecessary  trouble  and  obstruction  to 
business,  commencing  unjust  and  vexatious 
suits,  and  harrassing  commerce  in  all  its 
branches,  while  that  minister  kept  the  people 
in  a  constant  state  of  irritation  by  instructions 
which  appeared  to  have  no  other  end  than  the 
gratifying  his  private  resentment*)  occasioned 
a  persevering  adherence  to  their  resolutions 
in  that  particular ;  and  the  event  should  be  a 
lesson  to  ministers,  not  to  risk,  through  pique, 
the  obstructing  any  one  branch  of  trade ;  since 
the  course  and  connexion  of  general  business 
may  be  thereby  disturbed  to  a  degree,  im 
possible  to  be  foreseen  or  imagined.  For  it 
appears,  that  the  colonies,  finding  their  hum 
ble  petitions  to  have  then*  duty  repealed  were 
rejected  and  treated  with  contempt,  and  that 
the  produce  of  the  duty  was  applied  to  the 
rewarding,  with  undeserved  salaries  and  pen 
sions,  every  one  of  then*  enemies;  the  duty  it 
self  became  more  odious,  and  their  resolutions 
to  starve  it  more  vigorous  and  obstinate.  The 
Dutch,  the  Danes,  and  French,  took  this  op 
portunity,  thus  offered  them  by  our  impru 
dence,  and  began  to  smuggle  their  teas  into 
the  plantations.  At  first  this  was  something- 
difficult  ;  but  at  length,  as  all  business  is  im 
proved  by  practice,  it  became  easy.  A  coast 
fifteen  hundred  miles  in  length  could  not  in 
all  parts  be  guarded,  even  by  the  whole  navy 
of  England;  especially  where  their  restraining 
authority  was  by  all  the  inhabitants  deemed 
unconstitutional,  and  the  smuggling  of  course 
was  considered  as  patriotism.  The  needy 
wretches  too,  who,  with  small  salaries,  were 
trusted  to  watch  the  ports  day  and  night,  in 
all  weathers,  found  it  easier  and  more  profita 
ble,  not  only  to  wink,  but  to  sleep  in  their 
beds;  the  merchants'  pay  being  more  gener 
ous  than  the  king's.  Other  India  goods  also, 
which,  by  themselves,  would  not  have  made  a 
smuggling  voyage  sufficiently  profitable,  ac 
companied  tea  to  advantage;  and  it  is  feared 
the  cheap  French  silks,  formerly  rejected  as 
not  to  the  taste  of  the  colonies,  may  have 
found  their  way  with  the  wares  of  India,  and 
now  established  themselves  in  the  popular 
use  and  opinion. 

It  is  supposed,  that  at  least  a  million  of 
Americans  drink  tea  twice  a  day,  which,  at 
the  first  cost  here,  can  scarce  be  reckoned  at 
less  than  half  a  guinea  a  head  per  annum. 
This  market,  that,  in  the  five  years  which 

*  Some  of  the  secretary's  circular  letters  had  been 
criticised,  and  exposed  by  one  or  two  of  the  American 
assemblies. 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


225 


have  run  on  since  the  act  passed,  would  have 
paid  2,500,000  guineas  for  tea  alone  into  the 
coffers  of  the  company,  we  have  wantonly  lost 
to  foreigners.  Meanwhile  it  is  said  the  du 
ties  have  so  diminished,  that  the  whole  re 
mittance  of  the  last  year  amounted  to  no  more 
than  the  pitiful  sum  of  85/.*  for  the  expense 
of  some  hundred  thousands,  in  armed  ships 
and  soldiers  to  support  the  officers.  Hence 
the  tea,  and  other  India  goods,  which  might 
have  been  sold  in  America,  remain  rotting  in 
the  company's  warehouses  ;f  while  those  of 
foreign  ports  are  known  to  be  cleared  by  the 
American  demand.  Hence,  in  some  degree, 
the  company's  inability  to  pay  their  bills ;  the 
sinking  of  their  stock,  by  which  millions  of 
property  have  been  annihilated  ;  the  lowering 
of  their  dividend,  whereby  so  many  must  be 
distressed ;  the  loss  to  government  of  the  stipu 
lated  400,000?.  a  year,|  which  must  make  a 
proportionable  reduction  in  our  savings  to 
wards  the  discharge  of  our  enormous  debt : 
and  hence  in  part  the  severe  blow  suffered  by 
credit  in  general,  §  to  the  ruin  of  many  fami 
lies;  the  stagnation  of  business  in  Spitalfields 
and  at  Manchester,  through  want  of  vent  for 
their  goods;  with  other  future  evils,  which, 
as  they  cannot,  from  the  numerous  and  se 
cret  connexions  in  general  commerce,  easily 
be  foreseen,  can  hardly  be  avoided. 


A  Prussian  Edict,  assuming  Claims  over 
Britain. 

DANTZICK,  Sept.  5,  1773.JJ 

WE  have  long  wondered  here  at  the  su- 
pinenessof  the  English  nation,  under  the  Prus 
sian  impositions  upon  its  trade  entering  our 
port.  We  did  not,  till  lately,  know  the  claims, 
ancient  and  modern,  that  hang  over  that  na 
tion,  and  therefore  could  not  suspect,  that  it 
might  submit  to  those  impositions  from  a  sense 
of  duty,  or  from  principles  of  equity.  The  fol 
lowing  edict,  just  made  public,  may,  if  serious, 
throw  some  light  upon  the  matter : 

"  FREDERICK,  by  the  grace  of  God,  king  of 
Prussia,  &c.  to  all  present  and  to  come; 
[a  tons  presens  et  a  venir.  ORIGINAL.] — 
Health  ! — The  peace  now  enjoyed  through- 

*  "  Eighty-five  pounds  I  am  assured,  my  lords,  is  the 
whole  equivalent  we  have  received  for  all  the  hatred 
and  mischief,  and  all  the  infinite  losses  this  kingdom 
has  suffered  during  that  year,  in  her  disputes  with 
North  America."  See  the  bishop  of  St.  Asapii's  in 
tended  speech,  published  at  this  period. 

t  At  this  time  they  contained  many  millions  of 
pounds  of  tea,  including  the  usual  stock  on  hand. 
Mr.  Burke,  in  his  speech  in  1774,  supposes,  that  Ame 
rica  might  have  given  a  vent  for  ten  millions  of 
pounds.  This  seems  to  have  been  the  greater  part  of 
tha  whole  quantity. 

I  On  account  of  a  temporary  compromise  of  certain 
duties  with  government. 

§  Seen  in  certain  memorable  mercantile  failures  in 
the  year  177-2. 

!|  This  intelligence  extraordinary  first  appeared  in 
Woodfall's  Public  Advertiser. 

VOL.  I.... 2  F 


out  our  dominions,  having  afforded  us  leisure 
to  apply  ourselves  to  the  regulation  of  com 
merce,  the  improvement  of  our  finances,  an<i 
at  the  same  time  the  easing  of  our  domestic 
subjects  in  their  taxes :  for  these  causes,  and 
other  good  considerations  us  thereunto  moving, 
we  hereby  make  known,  that,  after  having 
deliberated  these  affairs  in  our  council,  present 
our  dear  brothers,  and  other  great  officers  of 
the  state,  members  of  the  same ;  WE,  of  our 
certain  knowledge,  full  power,  and  authority 
royal,  have  made  and  issued  this  present  edict, 
viz. 

"  Whereas  it  is  well  known  to  all  the 
world,  that  the  first  German  settlements  made 
in  the  island  of  Britain,  were  by  colonies  of 
people,  subjects  to  our  renowned  ducal  ances 
tors,  and  drawn  from  their  dominions,  under 
the  conduct  of  Hengist,  Horsa,  Hella,  Uffa, 
Cerdicus,  Ida,  and  others ;  and  that  the  said 
colonies  have  flourished  under  the  protection 
of  our  august  house,  for  ages  past,  have  never 
been  emancipated  therefrom,  and  nevertheless 
have  hitherto  yielded  little  profit  to  the  same : 
and  whereas  we  ourself  have  in  the  last  war 
fought  for  and  defended  the  said  colonies, 
against  the  power  of  France,  and  thereby 
enabled  them  to  make  conquests  from  the 
said  power  in  America,  for  which  we  have 
not  yet  received  adequate  compensation :  and 
whereas  it  is  just  and  expedient  that  a  revenue 
should  be  raised  from  the  said  colonies  in  Britain 
towards  our  indemnification;  and  that  those 
who  are  descendants  of  our  ancient  subjects, 
and  thence  still  owe  us  due  obedience,  should 
contribute  to  the  replenishing  of  our  royal 
coffers :  (as  they  must  have  done,  had  their 
ancestors  remained  in  the  territories  now  to 
us  appertaining.)  WE  do  therefore,  hereby 
ordain  and  command,  that,  from  and  after  the 
date  of  these  presents,  there  shall  be  levied 
and  paid  to  our  officers  of  the  customs,  on  all 
goods,  wares,  and  merchandizes,  and  on  ali 
Sjrain  and  other  produce  of  the  earth,  exported 
from  the  said  island  of  Britain,  and  on  all 
goods  of  whatever  kind  imported  into  the 
same,  a  duty  of  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  ad 
valorem,  for  the  use  of  us  and  our  successors : — 
And  that  the  said  duty  may  more  effectually 
be  collected,  we  do  hereby  ordain,  that  all 
ships  or  vessels  bound  from  Great  Britain  to 
any  other  part  of  the  world,  or  from  any  other 
3art  of  the  world  to  Great  Britain,  shall  in 
Jieir  respective  voyages  touch  at  our  port  of 
Koningsberg,  there  to  be  unladen,  searched, 
and  charged  with  the  said  duties. 

"  And  whereas  there  hath  been  from  time 
time  discovered  in  the  said  island  of  Great 
Britain,  by  our  colonists  there,  many  mines 
or  beds  of  iron-stone :  and  sundry  subjects  of 
our  ancient  dominion,  skilful  in  converting 
the  said  stone  into  metal,  have  in  time  past 
transported  themselves  thither,  carrying  with 
them  and  communicating  that  art;  and  the 


226 


MEMOIRS  OF 


inhabitants  of  the  said  island,  presuming  that 
they  had  a  natural  right  to  make  the  best  use 
they  could  of  the  natural  productions  of  their 
country,  for  their  own  benefit,  have  not  only 
built  furnaces  for  smelting  the  said  stone  into 
iron,  but  have  erected  plating-forges,  slitting- 
mills,  and  steel-furnaces,  for  the  more  con 
venient  manufacturing  of  the  same,  thereby 
endangering  a  diminution  of  the  said  manu 
facture  in  our  ancient  dominion ;  we  do  there 
fore  hereby  farther  ordain,  that,  from  and 
after  the  date  hereof,  no  mill  nor  other  en 
gine  for  slitting  or  rolling  of  iron,  nor  any 
plating-forge  to  work  with  a  tilt-hammer,  nor 
any  furnace  for  making  steel,  shall  be  erected 
or  continued  in  the  said  island  of  Great  Bri 
tain  :  and  the  lord  lieutenant  of  every  county 
in  the  said  island  is  hereby  commanded,  on 
information  of  any  such  erection  within  his 
county,  to  order,  and  by  force  to  cause  the 
same  to  be  abated  and  destroyed,  as  he  shall 
answer  the  neglect  thereof  to  us  at  his  peril. 
But  we  are  nevertheless  graciously  pleased  to 
permit  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  island  to 
transport  their  iron  into  Prussia,  there  to  be 
manufactured,  and  to  them  returned,  they 
paying  our  Prussian  subjects  for  the  work 
manship,  with  all  the  costs  of  commission, 
freight,  and  risk,  coming  and  returning ;  any 
thing  herein  contained  to  the  contrary  not 
withstanding. 

"  We  do  not,  however,  think  fit  to  extend 
this  our  indulgence  to  the  article  of  wool ; 
but  meaning  to  pneonrage  not  only  the  manu 
facturing  ofwoollen  cloth,  but  also  the  raising 
of  wool  in  our  ancient  dominions,  and  to  pre 
vent  both,  as  much  as  may  be,  in  our  said 
island,  we  do  hereby  absolutely  forbid  the 
transportation  of  wool  from  thence  even  to 
the  mother-country,  Prussia:  and  that  those 
islanders  may  be  farther  and  more  effectually 
restrained  in  making  any  advantage  of  their 
own  wool,  in  the  way  of  manufacture,  we 
command,  that  none  shall  be  carried  out  of 
one  county  into  another;  nor  shall  any 
worsted,  bay,  or  woollen  yarn,  cloth,  says, 
bays,  kerseys,  serges,  frizes,  druggets,  cloth- 
serges,  shalloons,  or  any  other  drapery  stuffs, 
or  woollen  manufactures  whatsoever,  made 
up  or  mixed  with  wool  in  any  of  the  said 
counties,  be  carried  into  any  other  county, 
or  be  water-borne  even  across  the  smallest 
river  or  creek,  on  penalty  of  forfeiture  of  the 
same,  together  with  the  boats,  carriages, 
horses,  &c.  that  shall  be  employed  in  re 
moving  them : — Nevertheless,  our  loving  sub 
jects  there  are  hereby  permitted  (if  they  think 
proper)  to  use  all  their  wool  as  manure,  for 
the  improvement  of  their  lands. 

"And  whereas  the  art  and  mystery  of 
making  hats  hath  arrived  at  great  perfection 
in  Prussia,  and  the  making  of  hats  by  our  re 
moter  subjects  ought  to  be  as  much  as  possi 


ble  restrained  :  and  forasmuch  as  the  islanders 
before  mentioned,  being  in  possession  of  wool, 
beaver,  and  other  furs,  have  presumptuously 
conceived  they  had  a  right  to  make  some  ad 
vantage  thereof,  by  manufacturing  the  same 
into  hats,  to  the  prejudice  of  our  domestic 
manufacture :  we  do  therefore  hereby  strictly 
command  and  ordain,  that  no  hats  or  felts  what 
soever,  dyed  or  undyed,  finished  or  unfinished, 
shall  be  loaden  or  put  into  or  upon  any  ves 
sel,  cart,  carriage,  or  horse,  to  be  transported 
or  conveyed  out  of  one  county  in  the  said 
island  into  another  county,  or  to  any  other 
place  whatsoever,  by  any  person  or  persons 
whatsoever,  on  pain  of  forfeiting  the  same, 
with  a  penalty  of  five  hundred  pounds  ster 
ling  for  every  offence:  Nor  shall  any  hat- 
maker  in  any  of  the  said  counties  employ 
more  than  two  apprentices,  on  penalty  of  five 
pounds  sterling  per  month :  we  intending 
hereby,  that  such  hat-makers,  being  so  re 
strained,  both  in  the  production  and  sale  of 
their  commodity,  may  find  no  advantage  in 
continuing  their  business :  But,  lest  the  said 
islanders  should  suffer  inconveniency  by  the 
want  of  hats,  we  are  farther  graciously 
pleased  to  permit  them  to  send  their  beaver 
furs  to  Prussia,  and  we  also  permit  hats  made 
thereof  to  be  exported  from  Prussia  to  Bri 
tain;  the  people  thus  favoured  to  pay  all 
costs  and  charges  of  manufacturing,  interest, 
commission  to  our  merchants,  insurance  and 
freight  going  and  returning,  as  in  the  case  of 
iron. 

"  And  lastly,  being  willing  farther  to  fa 
vour  our  said  colonies  in  Britain,  we  do  here 
by  also  ordain  and  command,  that  all  the 
thieves,  highway  and  street  robbers,  house 
breakers,  forgerers,  murderers,  s — d — tes,  and 
villains  of  every  denomination,  who  have  for 
feited  their  lives  to  the  law  hi  Prussia,  but 
whom  we,  in  our  great  clemency,  do  not  think 
fit  here  to  hang,  shall  be  emptied  out  of  our 
gaols  into  the  said  island  of  Great  Britain,  for 
the  better  peopling  of  that  country. 

"  We  flatter  ourselves,  that  these  our  royal 
regulations  and  commands  will  be  thought 
just  and  reasonable  by  our  much  favoured 
colonists  in  England;  the  said  regulations 
being  copied  from  their  statutes  of  10  &  11 
Will.  III.  c.  10;  5  Geo.  II.  c.  22;  23  Geo.  II. 
c.  29;  4  Geo.  I.  c.  11.  and  from  other  equita 
ble  laws  made  by  their  parliaments,  or  from 
instructions  given  by  their  princes,  or  from 
resolutions  of  both  houses,  entered  into  for  the 
good  government  of  their  own  colonies  in 
Ireland  and  America. 

"And  all  persons  in  the  said  island  are 
hereby  cautioned,  not  to  oppose  in  any  wise 
the  execution  of  this  our  edict,  or  any  part 
thereof,  such  opposition  being  high  treason ; 
of  which  all  who  are  suspected  shall  be  tran 
sported  in  fetters  from  Britain  to  Prussia, 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


227 


there  to  be  tried  and  executed  according  to 
the  Prussian  law. 

"  Such  is  our  pleasure. 

"  Given  at  Potsdam,  this  twenty-fifth  day 
of  the  month  of  August,  one  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  seventy-three,  and  in 
the  thirty-third  year  of  our  reign. 
"  By  the  king,  in  his  council. 
«  RECHTM^SSIG,  Sec." 

Some  take  this  edict  to  be  merely  one  of 
the  king's  jeux  <T  esprit :  others  suppose  it 
serious,  and  that  he  means  a  quarrel  with 
England :  but  all  here  think  the  assertion  it 
concludes  with,  "that  these  regulations  are 
copied  from  acts  of  the  English  parliament  re 
specting  their  colonies,"  a  very  injurious  one ; 
it  being  impossible  to  believe,  that  a  people 
distinguished  for  their  love  of  liberty ;  a  na 
tion  so  wise,  so  liberal  in  its  sentiments,  so 
just  and  equitable  towards  its  neighbours, 
should,  from  mean  and  injudicious  views  of 
petty  immediate  profit,  treat  its  own  children 
in  a  manner  so  arbitrary  and  tyrannical ! 

Rules  for  reducing  a  Great  Empire  to  a 
small  one,  presented  to  a  late  Minister, 
when  he  entered  upon  his  Administra 
tion.* 

An  ancient  sage  valued  himself  upon  this, 
that  though  he  could  not  fiddle,  he  knew  how 
to  make  a  great  city  of  a  little  one.  The 
science,  that  I,  a  modern  simpleton,  am  about 
to  communicate,  is  the  very  reverse. 

I  address  myself  to  all  ministers,  who  have 
the  management  of  extensive  dominions, 
which,  from  their  very  greatness,  are  become 
troublesome  to  govern — because  the  multi 
plicity  of  their  affairs  leaves  no  time  for  fid 
dling. 

I.  In  the  first  place,  gentlemen,  you  are  to 
consider,  that  a  great  empire,  like  a  great 
cake,  is  most  easily  diminished  at  the  edgea 
Turn  your  attention  therefore  first  to  your 
remotest  provinces;  that,  as  you  get  rid  of 
them,  the  next  may  follow  in  order. 

II.  That  the  possibility  of  this  separation 
may  always  exist,  take  special  care  the  pro 
vinces  are  never  incorporated  with  the  mo 
ther-country;  that  they  do  not  enjoy  the  same 
common  rights,  the  same  privileges  in  com 
merce,  and  that  they  are  governed  by  se 
verer  laws,  all  of  your  enacting,  without 
allowing  them  any  share  in  the  choice  of 
the  legislators.    By  carefully  making  and  pre- 

*  These  rules  first  appeared  in  a  London  newspaper, 
about  the  beginning  of  the  year  1774,  and  have  several 
times  since  been  introduced  into  the  public  prints. — 
The  minister  alluded  to  was  the  earl  of  Hillsborough. 

"  The  causes  and  motions  of  seditions  (says  lord 
Bacon)  are,  innovation  in  religion,  taxes,  alteration 
of  laws  and  customs,  breaking  of  privileges,  general 
oppression,  advancement  of  unworthy  persons,  stran 
gers,  dearths,  disbanded  soldiers,  factions  grown  des 
perate,  and  whatsoever  in  offending  people  joineth  and 
knitteth  them  in  a  common  cause." 


serving  such  distinctions,  you  will  (to  keep 
to  my  simile  of  the  cake)  act  like  a  wise 
gingerbread-baker ;  who,  to  facilitate  a  divi 
sion,  cuts  his  dough  half  through  in  those 
places,  where,  when  baked,  he  would  have  it 
broken  to  pieces. 

III.  Those  remote  provinces  have  perhapa 
been  acquired,  purchased,  or  conquered,  at  the 
sole  expense  of  the  settlers  or  their  ancestors, 
without  the  aid  of  the  mother-country.     If 
this  should  happen  to  increase  her  strength, 
by  their  growing  numbers,  ready  to  join  in  her 
wars;  her  commerce,  by  their  growing  de 
mand   for  her  manufactures;  or  her  naval 
power,  by  greater  employment  for  her  ships 
and  seamen,  they  may  probably  suppose  some 
merit  in  this,  and  that  it  entitles  them  to 
some  favour :  you  are  therefore  to  forget  it 
all,  or  resent  it,  as  if  they  had  done  you  in 
jury.     If  they  happen  to  be  zealous  whigs, 
friends  of  liberty,  nurtured  in  revolution  prin 
ciples  ;  remember  all  that  to  their  prejudice, 
and  contrive  to  punish  it ;  for  such  principles, 
after  a  revolution  is  thoroughly  established, 
are  of  no  more  use  ;  they  are  even  odious  and 
abominable. 

IV.  However  peaceably  your  colonies  have 
submitted  to  your  government,  shown  their 
affection  to  your  interests,  and  patiently  borne 
their  grievances,  you  are  to  suppose  them 
always  inclined  to  revolt,  and  treat  them 
accordingly.     Quarter  troops  among  them, 
who,  by   their  insolence  may  provoke  the 
rising  of  mobs,  and  by  their  bullets  and  bayo 
nets  suppress  them.     By  this  means,  like  the 
husband  who  uses  his  wife  ill  from  suspicion, 
you  may  in  time  convert  your  suspicions  into 
realities. 

V.  Remote  provinces  must  have  governors 
and  judges,  to  represent  the  royal  person,  and 
execute  every  where  the  delegated  parts  of 
his  office  and  authority.  You,  ministers,  know, 
that  much  of  the  strength  of  government  de 
pends  on  the  opinion  of  the  people,  and  much 
of  that  opinion  on  the  choice  of  rulers  placed 
immediately  over  them.     If  you  send  them 
wise  and  good  men  for  governors,  who  study 
the  interest  of  the  colonists,  and  advance  their 
prosperity,  they  will   think  their  king  wise 
and  good,  and  that  he  wishes  the  welfare  of 
his  subjects.     If  you  send  them  learned  and 
upright  men  for  judges,  they  will  think  him  a 
lover  of  justice.     This  may  attach  your  pro 
vinces  more  to  his  government.     You  are 
therefore  to  be  careful  who  you  recommend 
for  those  offices. — If  you  can  find  prodigals, 
who  have  ruined  their  fortunes,  broken  game 
sters,  or  stock-jobbers,  these  may  do  well  as 
governors,  for  they  will  probably  be  rapacious, 
and  provoke  the  people  by  their  extortions. 
Wrangling   proctors  and  petty-fogging  law 
yers  too  are  not  amiss,  for  they  will  be  for 
ever  disputing  and  quarrelling  with  their  lit 
tle  parliaments.     If  withal  they  should  be  ig- 


228 


MFMOIRS  OF 


norant,  wrong-headed  and  insolent,  so  much 
the  better.  Attorneys  clerks  and  Newgate  so- 
licitors  will  do  for  chief  justices,  especially  if 
they  hold  their  places  during  your  pleasure : — 
and  all  will  contribute  to  impress  those  ideas 
of  your  government,  that  are  proper  for  a  peo 
ple  you  would  wish  to  renounce  it. 

VI.  To  confirm  these  impressions,  and  strike 
them  deeper,  whenever  the  injured  come  to 
the  capital  with  complaints  of  mal-adminis- 
tration,  oppression,  or  injustice,  punish  such 
suitors  with  long  delay,  enormous  expense, 
and  a  final  judgment  in  favour  of  the  oppressor. 
This  will  have  an  admirable  effect  every  way. 
The  trouble  of  future  complaints  will  be  pre 
vented,  and  governors  and  judges  will  be  en 
couraged  to  farther  acts  of  oppression  and  in 
justice,  and  thence  the  people  may  become 
more  disaffected,  and  at  length  desperate. 

VII.  When  such  governors  have  crammed 
their  coffers,  and  made  themselves  so  odious 
to  the  people,  that  they  can  no  longer  remain 
among  them  with  safety  to  their  persons,  recal 
and  reward  them  with  pensions.     You  may 
make  them  baronets  too,  if  that  respectable 
order  should  not  think  fit  to  resent  it.     All 
will  contribute  to  encourage  new  governors 
in  the  same  practice,  and  make  the  supreme 
government  detestable. 

VIII.  If,  when  you  are  engaged  hi  war,  your 
colonies  should  vie  in  liberal  aids  of  men  and 
money  against  the  common  enemy,  upon  your 
simple  requisition,  and  give  far  beyond  their 
abilities, — reflect,  that  a  penny,  taken  from 
them  by  your  power,  is  more  honourable  to  you, 
than  a  pound  presented  by  their  benevolence  ; 
despise  therefore  their  voluntary  grants,  and 
resolve  to  harrass  them  with  novel  taxes. — 
They  will  probably  complain  to  your  parlia 
ment,  that  they  are  taxed  by  a  body  in  which 
they  have  no  representative,  and  that  this  is 
contrary  to  common  right.    They  will  petition 
for  redress.     Let  the  parliament  flout  their 
claims,  reject  their  petitions,  refuse  even  to 
suffer  the  reading  of  them,  and  treat  the  pe 
titioners  with  the  utmost  contempt.     Nothing 
can  have  a  better  effect  in  producing  the  ali 
enation  proposed ;  for  though  many  can  for 
give  injuries,  none  ever  forgave  contempt. 

IX.  In  laying  these  taxes,  never  regard  the 
heavy  burdens  those  remote    people  already 
undergo,   in  defending  their  own   frontiers, 
supporting  their  own  provincial  government, 
making  new  roads,  building  bridges,  churches, 
and  other  public  edifices,  which  in  old  coun 
tries  have  been  done  to  your  hands,  by  your 
ancestors,  but  which  occasion  constant  calls 
and  demands  on  the  purses  of  a  new  people. — 
Forget  the  restraint  you  lay  on  their  trade  for 
your  own  benefit,  and  the  advantage  a  mo 
nopoly  of  this  trade  gives  your  exacting  mer 
chants.     Think  nothing  of  the  wealth  those 
merchants  and  your  manufacturers  acquire  by 
the  colony  commerce,  their  increased  ability 


J  thereby  to  pay  taxes  at  home,  their  accumulat 
!  ing,  in  the  price  of  their  commodities,  most  of 
those  taxes,  and  so  levying  them  from  their 
consuming  customers :  all  this,  and  the  em 
ployment  and  support  of  thousands  of  your 
poor  by  the  colonists,  you  are  entirely  to  for 
get.  But  remember  to  make  your  arbitrary 
tax  more  grievous  to  your  provinces,  by  pub 
lic  declarations,  importing,  that  your  power 
of  taxing  them  has  no  limits,  so  that  when 
you  take  from  them  without  their  consent  a 
shilling  in  the  pound,  you  have  a  clear  right 
to  the  other  nineteen.  This  will  probably 
weaken  every  idea  of  security  in  their  pro 
perty,  and  convince  them,  that  under  such  a 
government  they  have  nothing  they  can  call 
their  own ;  which  can  scarce  fail  of  producing 
the  happiest  consequences ! 

X.  Possibly  indeed  some  of  them  might 
still  comfort  themselves,  and  say,  "  though  we 
have  no  property,  we  have  yet  something  left 
that  is  valuable,  we  have  constitutional  liberty, 
both  of  person  and  of  conscience.  This  king, 
these  lords,  and  these  commons,  who  it  seems 
are  too  remote  from  us  to  know  us  and  feel 
for  us,  cannot  take  from  us  our  habeas  corpus 
right,  or  our  right  of  trial  by  a  jury  of  our 
neighbours :  they  cannot  deprive  us  of  the  ex 
ercise  of  our  religion,  alter  our  ecclesiastical 
constitution,  and  compel  us  to  be  papists,  if 
they  please,  nor  Mahometans."  To  annihilate 
this  comfort,  begin  by  laws  to  perplex  their 
commerce  with  infinite  regulations,  impos 
sible  to  be  remembered  and  observed :  ordain 
seizures  of  their  property  for  every  failure,  take 
away  the  trial  of  such  property  by  jury,  and  give 
it  to  arbitrary  judges  of  your  own  appointing, 
and  of  the  lowest  characters  in  the  country, 
whose  salaries  and  emoluments  are  to  arise 
out  of  the  duties  or  condemnations,  and  whose 
appointments  are  during  pleasure.  Then  let 
there  be  a  formal  declaration  of  both  houses, 
that  opposition  to  your  edicts  is  treason,  and 
that  persons  suspected  of  treason  in  the  pro 
vinces  may,  according  to  some  obsolete  law, 
be  seized  and  sent  to  the  metropolis  of  the 
empire  for  trial ;  and  pass  an  act,  that  those 
there  charged  with  certain  other  offences  shall 
be  sent  away  in  chains  from  their  friends  and 
country,  to  be  tried  in  the  same  manner  for 
felony.  Then  erect  a  new  court  of  inquisition 
among  them,  accompanied  by  an  armed  force, 
with  instructions  to  transport  all  such  suspect 
ed  persons,  to  be  ruined  by  the  expense,  if 
they  bring  over  evidences  to  prove  their  in 
nocence,  or  be  found  guilty  and  hanged,  if 
they  cannot  afford  it.  And  lest  the  people 
should  think  you  cannot  possibly  go  any  far 
ther,  pass  another  solemn  declaratory  act, 
"  that  kings,  lords,  and  commons  had,  have, 
and  of  right  ought  to  have,  full  power  and  au 
thority  to  make  statutes  of  sufficient  force  and 
validity  to  bind  the  unrepresented  provinces 
in  all  cases  whatsoever."  This  will  include 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


229 


spiritual  with  temporal,  and  taken  together 
must  operate  wonderfully  to  your  purpose,  by 
convincing  them,  that  they  are  at  present  un 
der  a  power,  something  like  that  spoken  of  in 
the  scriptures,  which  can  not  only  kill  their 
bodies,  but  damn  their  souls  to  all  eternity,  by 
compelling  them,  if  it  pleases,  to  worship  the 
devil. 

XI.  To  make  your  taxes  more  odious,  and 
more  likely  to  procure  resistance,  send  from 
the  capital  a  board  of  officers  to  superintend 
the  collection,  composed  of  the  most  indis 
creet,  ill-bred,  and  insolent  you  can  find.    Let 
these  have  large  salaries  out  of  the  extorted 
revenue,  and  live  in  open  grating  luxury  upon 
the  sweat  and  blood  of  the  industrious,  whom 
they  are  to  worry  continually  with  groundless 
and  expensive  prosecutions,  before  the  above- 
mentioned  arbitrary  revenue-judges ;   all  at 
the  cost  of  the  party  prosecuted,  though  ac 
quitted,  because  the  king  is  to  pay  no  costs. 
Let  these  men,  by  your  order,  be  exempted 
rrorn  all  the  common  taxes  and  burdens  of 
the  province,  though  they  and  their  property 
are  protected  by  its  laws.     If  any  revenue  of 
ficers  are  suspected  of  the  least  tenderness  for 
the  people,  discard  them.     If  others  are  justly 
complained  of,  protect  and  reward  them.  If  any 
of  the  under  officers  behave  so  as  to  provoke  the 
people  to  drub  them,  promote  those  to  better  of 
fices  :  this  will  encourage  others  to  procure 
for  themselves  such  profitable  drubbings,  by 
multiplying  and  enlarging  such  provocations, 
and  all  will  work  towards  the  end  you  aim  at. 

XII.  Another  way  to  make  your  tax  odious 
is,  to  misapply  the  produce  of  it.     If  it  was 
originally   appropriated  for  the   defence   of 
the  provinces,  and  the  better  support  of  go 
vernment,  and  the  administration  of  justice, 
where  it  may  be  necessary,  then  apply  none 
of  it  to  that  defence,  but  bestow  it,  where  it 
is  not  necessary,  in  augumenting  salaries  or 
pensions  to  every  governor,  who  has  distin 
guished  himself  by  his  enmity  to  the  people, 
and  by  calumniating  them  to  their  sovereign. 
This  will  make  them  pay  it  more  unwillingly, 
and  be  more  apt  to  quarrel  with  those  that  col 
lect  it,  and  those  that  imposed  it,  who  will 
quarrel  again  with  them,  and  all  shall  con 
tribute  to  your  own  purpose,  of  making  them 
weary  of  your  government. 

XIII.  If  the  people  of  any  province  have 
been  accustomed  to  support  their  own  go 
vernors  and  judges  to  satisfaction,  you  are  to 
apprehend,  that  such  governors  and  judges 
may  be  thereby  influenced  to  treat  the  people 
kindly,  and  to  do  them  justice.     This  is  ano 
ther  reason  for  applying  part  of  that  revenue 
in  larger  salaries  to  such    governors    and 
judges,  given,  as  their  commissions  are,  during 
your  pleasure  only,  forbidding  them  to  take 
any  salaries  from  their  provinces ;  that  thus 
the  people  may  no  longer  hope  any  kindness 
from  their  governors,  or  (in  crown  cases)  any 

20 


justice  from  their  judges.  And  as  the  money, 
thus  misapplied  in  one  province,  is  extorted 
from  all,  probably  all  will  resent  the  misap 
plication. 

XIV.  If  the  parliaments  of  your  provinces 
should  dare  to  claim  rights,  or  complain  of 
your  administration,  order  them  to  be  har- 
rassed   with  repeated   dissolutions.     If  the 
same  men  are  continually  returned  by  new 
elections,   adjourn  their    meetings  to  some 
country  village,  where  they  cannot  be  accom 
modated,  and  there  keep  them  during  plea 
sure  ;  for  this,  you  know,  is  your  prerogative, 
and  an  excellent  one  it  is,  as  you  may  manage 
it,  to  promote  discontents  among  the  people, 
dimmish  their  respect,  and  increase  their  dis 
affection. 

XV.  Convert  the  brave  honest  officers  of  your 
navy  into  pimping  tide-waiters  and  colony  of 
ficers  of  the  customs.   Let  those,  who  in  time 
of  war  fought  gallantly  in  defence  of  the  com 
merce  of  their  countrymen,  in  peace  be  taught 
to  prey  upon  it.     Let  them  learn  to  be  cor 
rupted  by  great  and  real  smugglers;  but  (to 
show  their  diligence)  scour  with  armed  boats 
every  bay,  harbour,  river,  creek,  cove,  or  nook, 
throughout  the  coast  of  your  colonies ;  stop 
and  detain  every  coaster,  every  wood-boat, 
every  fisherman,  tumble  their  cargoes  and 
even  their  ballast  inside  out,  and  upside  down ; 
and  if  a  pennyworth  of  pins  is  found  un-enter- 
ed,  let  the  whole  be  seized  and  confiscated. 
Thus  shall  the  trade  of  your  colonists  sufier 
more  from  their  friends  in  time  of  peace,  than 
it  did  from  their  enemies  in  war.     Then  let 
these  boats'  crews  land  upon  every  farm  in 
their  way,  rob  their  orchards,  steal  their  pigs 
and  poultry,  and  insult  the  inhabitants.  If  the 
injured  and  exasperated  farmers,  unable  to 
procure  other  justice,  should  attack  the  ag 
gressors,  drub  them,  and  burn  their  boats,  you 
are  to  call  this  high  treason  and  rebellion, 
order  fleets  and  armies  into  their  country, 
and  threaten  to  carry  all  the  offenders  three 
thousand  miles  to  be  hanged,  drawn,  and  quar 
tered. — O !  this  will  work  admirably ! 

XVI.  If  you  are  told  of  discontents  in  your 
colonies,  never  believe  that  they  are  general, 
or  that  you  have  given  occasion  for  them ; 
therefore  do  not  think  of  applying  any  remedy, 
or  of  changing  any  offensive  measure.     Re 
dress  no  grievance,  lest  they  should  be  en 
couraged  to  demand  the  redress  of  some  other 
grievance.     Grant  no  request,  that  is  just  and 
reasonable,  lest  they  should  make  another, 
that  is  unreasonable.    Take  all  your  informa 
tions  of  the  state  of  the  colonies  from  your 
governors  and  officers  in  enmity  with  them. 
Encourage  and  reward  these  leasing-makers, 
secrete  their    lying  accusations,   lest    they 
should  be  confuted,  but  act  upon  them  as  the 
clearest  evidence;  and  believe  nothing  you 
hear  from  the  friends  of  the  people.     Suppose 
all  their  complaints  to  be  invented  and  pro- 


230 


MEMOIRS  OF 


moted  by  a  few  factious  demagogues,  whom 
if  you  could  catch  and  hang,  all  would  be 
quiet  Catch  and  hang  a  few  of  them  accord 
ingly,  and  the  blood  of  the  martyrs  shall  work 
miracles  in  favour  of  your  purpose.* 

XVII.  If  you  see  rival  nations  rejoicing  a 
the  prospect  of  your  disunion  with  your  pro 
vinces,  and  endeavouring  to  promote  it,  if  they 
translate,  publish  and  applaud  all  the  com 
plaints  of  your  discontented  colonies,  at  the 
same  time  privately  stimulating  you  to  se 
verer  measures,  let  not  that  alarm  or  offend 
you.  Why  should  it  ?  .since  you  all  mean  the 
same  thing? 

XVIII.  If  any  colony  should  at  their  own 
charge  erect  a  fortress,  to  secure  their  port 
against  the  fleets  of  a  foreign   enemy,  get 
your  governor  to  betray  that  fortress  into  your 
hands.     Never  think  of  paying  what  it  cost 
the  country,  for  that  would  look,  at  least,  like 
some  regard  for  justice;  but  turn  it  into  a 
citadel,  to  awe  the  inhabitants  and  curb  their 
commerce.     If  they  should   have  lodged  in 
such  fortress  the  very  arms  they  bought  and 
used  to  aid  you  in  your  conquests,  seize  them 
all ;  it  will  provoke  like  ingratitude  added  to 
robbery.    One  admirable  effect  of  these  opera 
tions  will  be,  to  discourage  every  other  colony 
from  erecting  such  defences,  and  so  their  and 
your  enemies  may  more  easily  invade  them, 
to  the  great  disgrace  of  your  government,  and 
of  course  the  furtherance  of  your  project. 

XIX.  Send  armies  into  their  country,  un 
der  pretence  of  protecting  the  inhabitants; 
but,  instead  of  garrisoning  the  forts  on  their 
frontiers  with  those  troops,  to  prevent  incur 
sions,  demolish  those  forts,  and  order  the  troops 
into  the  heart  of  the  country,  that  the  savages 
may  be  encouraged  to  attack  the  frontiers,! 
and  that  the  troops  may  be  protected  by  the 
inhabitants:  this  will  seem  to  proceed  from 
your  ill-will  or  your  ignorance,  and  contri 
bute  farther  to  produce   and  strengthen  an 
opinion  among  them,  that  you  are  no  longer 
fit  to  govern  them.f 

*  An  American  writer  affirmed,  "That  there  has 
not  been  a  single  instance  in  which  they  have  com 
plained,  without  being  rebuked,  or  in  which  they  have 
been  complained  against,  without  being  punished." — 
A  fundamental  mistake  in  the  minister  occasioned 
this.  Every  individual  in  New  England  (the  peccant 
country)  was  held  a  coward  or  a  knave,  and  the  disor 
ders,  which  spread  abroad  there,  were  treated  as  the 
the  result  of  the  too  great  lenity  of  Britain!  By  the  aid 
of  this  short  and  benevolent  rule,  judgment  was  ever 
wisely  pre-determined,  to  the  shutting  out  redress  on 
the  one  hand,  and  enforcing  every  rigour  of  punish 
ment  on  the  other. 

f  In  April,  1778,  the  assembled  chiefs  of  the  western 
nations  told  one  of  our  Indian  agents,  "  that  they  re 
membered  their  father,  the  king  of  Great.  Britain's  mes 
sage,  delivered  to  them  last  fall,  of  demolishing  Fort 
Pittsburg  and  removing  the  soldiers  with  their  sharp- 
edged  weapons  out  of  the  country :— this  gave  them 
srreat  pleasure,  as  it  was  a  strong  proof  of  his  paternal 
kindness  towards  them."  (See  Considerations  on  the 
Agreement  with  Mr.  T.  Walpole  for  Lands  upon  the 
Ohio,  p.  9.)  This  is  general  history  :  the  persons  con 
cerned  are  dead,  and  the  application  of  facts  would  be 
personally  invidious. 

$  As  some  readers  may  be  inclined  to  divide  their  be- 


XX.  Lastly,  invest  the  general  of  your 
army  in  the  provinces  with  great  and  uncon 
stitutional  powers,  and  free  him  from  the  con- 
troul  of  even  your  own  civil  governors.  Let 
him  have  troops  enow  under  his  command, 
with  all  the  fortresses  in  his  possession,  and 
who  knows  but  (like  some  provincial  generals 
in  the  Roman  empire,  and  encouraged  by  the 
universal  discontent  you  have  produced)  he 
may  take  it  into  his  head  to  set  up  for  him 
self?  If  he  should,  and  you  have  carefully 
practised  these  few  excellent  rules  of  mine, 
take  my  word  for  it,  all  the  provinces  will 
immediately  join  him — and  you  will  that  day 
(if  you  have  not  done  it  sooner)  get  rid  of  the 
trouble  of  governing  them,  and  all  the  plagues 
attending  their  commerce  and  connexion  from 
thenceforth  and  for  ever. 

Proposed   Vindication  and  Offer  from  Con' 
gress  to  Parliament,  in  1775.* 

Forasmuch  as  the  enemies  of  America,  in 
the  parliament  of  Great  Britain,  to  render  us 
odious  to  the  nation,  and  give  an  ill  impression 
of  us  in  the  minds  of  other  European  powers, 
have  represented  us  as  unjust  and  ungrateful 
in  the  highest  degree ;  asserting  on  every  oc 
casion,  that  the  colonies  were  settled  at  the 
expense  of  Britain ;  that  they  were,  at  the  ex 
pense  of  the  same,  protected  in  their  infancy; 
that  they  now  ungratefully  and  unjustly  refuse 
to  contribute  to  their  own  protection  and  the 
common  defence  of  the  nation ;  that  they  aim 
at  independence  ;  that  they  intend  an  abolition 
of  the  navigation  acts:  and  that  they  are 
fraudulent  in  their  commercial  dealings,  and 
purpose  to  cheat  their  creditors  in  Britain,  by 
avoiding  the  payment  of  their  just  debts : — 

And  as,  by  frequent  repetition,  these 
roundless  assertions  and  malicious  calumnies 
may,  if  not  contradicted  and  refuted,  obtain 
"arther  credit,  and  be  injurious  throughout 
Europe  to  the  reputation  and  interest  of  the 
confederate  colonies,  it  seems  proper  and  ne 
cessary  to  examine  them  in  our  own  just  vin 
dication. 

With  regard  to  the  first,  that  the  colonies 
were  settled  at  the  expense  of  Britain,  it  is  a 
tnown  fact,  that  none  of  the  twelve  united  co 
lonies  were  settled,  or  even  discovered,  at  the 

ief  between  the  wisdom  of  the  British  ministry  and 
.he  candour  and  veracity  of  Dr.  Franklin,  it  may  be 
ibserved  that  two  contrary  objections  might  be  made 
o  the  truth  of  this  representation.  The  first  is,  that 
he  conduct  of  Great  Bitain  is  made  too  absurd  for  pos 
sibility,  and  the  second,  that  it  is  not  made  absurd 
enough  for  fact.  If  we  consider  that  this  piece  does  not 
nclude  the  measures  subsequent  to  1773,  the  latter 
difficulty  is  easly  set  aside.  The  former  can  only  be 
solved  by  the  many  instances  in  history,  where  the  in- 
atuation  of  individuals  has  brought  the  heaviest  cala 
mities  upon  nations. 

*  This  paper  was  drawn  up  in  a  committee  of  con 
gress,  June  25,  1775,  but  does  not  appear  on  their  mi- 
mtes,  a  severe  act  of  parliament,  which  arrived  about 
hat  time,  having  determined  them  not  to  give  the  sum 
iroposed  in  it.— fit  was  first  printed  in  Woodfall's  Pub 
ic  Advertiser  for  July  18,  1777.] 


BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


231 


expense  of  England.     Henry  the  Vllth  indeed 
granted  a  commission  to  Sebastian  Cabot,  a 
Venetian,  and  his  sons,  to  sail  into  the  wes 
tern  seas  for  the  discovery  of  new  countries 
but  it  was  to  be  "  suiscorum  propriissumptibus 
et  expensis,"  at  their  own  costs  and  charges.* 
— They  discovered,   but  soon   slighted    and 
neglected,  these  northern  territories ;  which 
were,  after  more  than  a  hundred  years  dere 
liction,  purchased  of  the  natives,  and  settled 
at  the  charge  and  by  the  labour  of  private  men 
and  bodies  of  men,  our  ancestors,  who  came 
over  hither  for  that  purpose.     But  our  adver 
saries  have  never  been  able  to  produce  any  re 
cord,  that  ever  the  parliament  or  government 
of  England  was  at  the  smallest  expense  on 
these  accounts  :  on  the  contrary,  there  exists 
on  the  journals  of  parliament  a  solemn  decla 
ration  in  1642,  (only  twenty-two  years  after 
the    first  settlement  of  the    Massachusetts, 
when,  if  such  expense  had  ever  been  incurred, 
some  of  the  members  must  have  known  and 
remembered  it)    "That  these  colonies  had 
been  planted  and  established  ivithout  any  ex 
pense  to  the  statej     New  York  is  the  only 
colony  in  the  founding  of  which  England  can 
pretend  to  have  been  at  any  expense,  and  that 
was  only  the  charge  of  a  small  armament  to 
take  it  from  the  Dutch,  who  planted  it.     But 
to  retain  this  colony  at  peace,  another  at  that 
time,  full  as  valuable,  planted  by  private  coun 
trymen  of  ours,  was  ^iven  up  by  the  crown  to 
the  Dutch  in  exchange,  viz.  Surinam,  now  a 
wealthy  sugar-colony  in  Guiana,  and  which, 
but  for  that  cession,  might  still  have  remained 
in  our  possession.  Of  late,  indeed,  Britain  has 
been  at  some  expense  in  planting  two  colo 
nies,  Georgia],  and  Nova  Scotia;  but  those 
are  not  in  our  confederacy;  and  the  expense 
she  has  been  at  in  their  name,  has  chiefly  been 
in  grants  of  sums  unnecessarily  large,  by  way 
of  salaries  to  officers  sent  from  England,  and 
in  jobs  to  friends,  whereby  dependents  might 
be  provided  for;  those  excessive  grants  not 
being  requisite  to  the  welfare  and  good  go 
vernment  of  the  colonies ;  which  good  govern 
ment  (as  experience  in  many  instances  of  other 
colonies  has  taught  us)  may  be  much  more 
frugally,  and  full  as  effectually  provided  for, 
and  supported. 

With  regard  to  the  second  assertion,  that 
these  colonies  were  protected  in  their  infant 
state  by  England:  it  is  a  notorious  fact,  that 
in  none  of  the  many  wars  witli  the  Indian  na 
tives,  sustained  by  our  infant  settlements,  for 

*  See  the  Commission  in  the  Appendix  to  Pownall's 
Administration  of  the  Colonies.  Edit.  1775. 

fct  "  Veneris,  10th  March.  164-2.  Whereas  .the  planta 
tions  in  New  England  have,  by  the  blessing  of  the  Al 
mighty,  had  good  and  prosperous  success,  without  any 
public  charge  to  this  state,  and  are  now  likely  to  prove 
very  happy  for  the  propagation  of  the  gospel  in  those 
parts,  and  very  beneficial  and  commodious  to  this  king 
dom  and  nation  .  the  commons,  now  assembled  in  par 
liament,  &c."  See  Governor  Hutchinson's  History. 

I  Georgia  acceded  to  the  confederacy  afterwards,  that 
is  in  July,  1775. 


f  a  century  after  our  first  arrival,  were  ever 
any  troops  or  forces  of  any  kind  sent  from  En 
gland  to  assist  us;  nor  were  any  forts  built 
at  her  expense  to  secure  our  sea-ports  from 
foreign  invaders;  nor  any  ships  of  war  sent  to 
protect  our  trade,  till  many  years  after  our 
first  settlement,  when  our  commerce  became 
an  object  of  revenue,  or  of  advantage  to  Bri 
tish  merchants ;  and  then  it  was  thought  ne 
cessary  to  have  a  frigate  in  some  of  our  ports, 
during  peace,  to  give  weight  to  the  authority 
of  custom-house  officers,  who  were  to  restrain 
that  commerce  for  the  benefit  of  England.  Our 
own  arms,  with  our  poverty,  and  the  care  of 
a  kind  Providence,  were  all  this  time  our  only 
protection,  while  we  were  neglected  by  the 
English  government;   which  either  thought 
us  not  worth  its  care,  or,  having  no  good  will 
to  some  of  us  on  account  of  our  different  sen 
timents  in  religion  and  politics,  was  indifferent 
what  became  of  us.     On  the  other  hand,  the 
colonies  have  not  been  wanting  to  do  what 
they  could  in  every  war  for  annoying  the  ene 
mies  of  Britain.     They  formerly  assisted  her 
in  the  conquest  of  Nova  Scotia.     In  the  war 
before  last  they  took  Louisbourg,  and  put  it 
into  her  hands.     She  made  her  peace  with 
that  strong  fortress,  by  restoring  it  to  France, 
greatly  to  their  detriment.     In  the  last  war, 
it  is  true,  Britain  sent  a  fleet  and  army,  who 
acted  with  an  equal  army  of  ours,  in  the  re 
duction  of  Canada;  and  perhaps  thereby  did 
more  for  us,  than  we  in  the  preceding  wars 
had  done  for  her.   Let  it  be  remembered  how 
ever,  that  she  rejected  the  plan  we  formed  in 
the  congress  at  Albany,  in  1754,  for  our  own 
defence,  by  an  union  of  the  colonies ;  an  union 
she  was  jealous  of,  and  therefore  chose  to  send 
!ier  own  forces ;  otherwise  her  aid  to  protect 
us  was  not  wanted :  and  from  our  first  settle 
ment  to  that  time,  her  military  operations  in 
our  favour  were  small,  compared  with  the  ad 
vantages  she  drew  from  her  exclusive  com 
merce  with  us.     We  are  however  willing  to 
give  full  weight  to  this  obligation ;  and  as  we 
are  daily  growing  stronger,  and  our  assistance 
to  her  becomes  of  more  importance,  we  should 
with  pleasure  embrace  the  first  opportunity  of 
showing  our  gratitude,  by  returning  the  fa 
vour  in  kind;  but  when  Britain  values  herself 
as  affording  us  protection,  we  desire  it  may  be 
considered,  that  we  have  followed  her  in  all 
her  wars,  and  joined  with  her  at  our  own  ex 
pense  against  all  she  thought  fit  to  quarrel 
with.     This  she  has  required  of  us,  and  would 
never  permit  us  to  keep  peace  with  any  power 
she  declared  her  enemy,  though  by  separate 
treaties  we  might  well  have  done  it     Under 
such  circumstances,  when,  at  her  instance, 
we  made  nations  our  enemies,  whom  we  might 
otherwise  have  retained  our  friends;  we  sub 
mit  it  to  the  common  sense  of  mankind, 
whether  her  protection  of  us  in  these  wars  was 
not  our  just  due,  and  to  be  claimed  of  right, 


232 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


instead  of  being  received  as  a  favour  ?  And 
whether,  when  all  the  parts  of  an  empire 
exert  themselves  to  the  utmost  in  their  com 
mon  defence,  and  in  annoying  the  common 
enemy,  is  it  not  as  well  the  parts  that  protect 
the  whole,  as  the  whole  that  protects  the 
parts?  The  protection  then  has  been  pro- 
portionably  mutual.  And  whenever  the  time 
shall  come,  that  our  abilities  may  as  far  ex 
ceed  hers,  as  hers  have  exceeded  ours,  we  hope 
we  shall  be  reasonable  enough  to  rest  satisfied 
with  her  proportionable  exertions,  and  not 
think  we  do  too  much  for  a  part  of  the  empire, 
when  that  part  does  as  much  as  it  can  for  the 
whole. 

The  charge  against  us,  that  we  refuse  to 
contribute  to  our  own  protection,  appears  from 
the  above  to  be  groundless;  but  we  farther 
declare  it  to  be  absolutely  false;  for  it  is  well 
known,  that  we  ever  held  it  as  our  duty  to 
grant  aids  to  the  crown,  upon  requisition,  to 
wards  carrying  on  its  wars ;  which  duty  we 
have  cheerfully  complied  with,  to  the  utmost 
of  our  abilities;  insomuch  that  frequent  and 
grateful  acknowledgments  thereof  by  king 
and  parliament  appear  on  their  records.*  But 
as  Britain  has  enjoyed  a  most  gainful  mono 
poly  of  our  commerce,  the  same,  with  our 
maintaining  the  dignity  of  the  king's  repre 
sentative  in  each  colony,  and  all  our  own  se 
parate  establishments  of  government,  civil  and 
military,  has  ever  hitherto  been  deemed  an 
equivalent  for  such  aids,  as  might  otherwise 
be  expected  from  us  in  time  of  peace.  And 
we  hereby  declare,  that  on  a  reconciliation 
with  Britain,  we  shall  not  only  continue  to 
grant  aids  in  time  of  loar,  as  aforesaid ;  but, 
whenever  she  shall  think  fit  to  abolish  her 
monopoly,  and  give  us  the  same  privileges  of 
trade  as  Scotland  received  at  the  union,  and 
allow  us  a  free  commerce  with  all  the  rest  of 
the  world,  we  shall  willingly  agree  (and  we 
doubt  not  it  will  be  ratified  by  our  constitu 
ents)  to  give  and  pay  into  the  sinking  fund 
100,OOOZ.  sterling  per  annum  for  the  term  of 
one  hundred  years,  which,  duly,  faithfully,  and 
inviolably  applied  to  that  purpose,  is  demon- 
strably  more  than  sufficient  to  extinguish  all 

*  Alluding  to  passages  in  the  Journals  of  the  English 
house  of  commons  of  date  the  4th  of  April,  1748  ;  28th 
January,  1756;  3d  February,  1756;  16th  and  19th  of 
May,  1757;  1st  of  June,  1758;  26th  and  30th  of  April, 
1759;  26th  and  31st  of  March;  and  28th  of  April,  1760: 
9th  and  20th  January,  1761 ;  22d  and  26th  of  January, 
1762 :  and  14th  and  17th  March,  1763. 


her  present  national  debt,  since  it  will  in  that 
time  amount,  at  legal  British  interest,  to  more 
than  230,000,000/.* 

But  if  Britain  does  not  think  fit  to  accept 
this  proposition,  we,  in  order  to  remove  her 
groundless  jealousies,  that  ive  aim  at  indepen 
dence,  and  an  abolition  of  the  navigation  act, 
(which  hath  in  truth  never  been  our  intention,) 
and  to  avoid  all  future  disputes  about  the  right 
of  making  that  and  other  acts  for  regulating 
our  commerce,  do  hereby  declare  ourselves 
ready  and  willing  to  enter  into  a  covenant 
with  Britain,  that  she  shall  fully  possess,  en 
joy,  and  exercise  that  right,  for  a  hundred 
years  to  come,  the  same  being  bonafide  used 
for  the  common  benefit;  and  in  case  of  such 
agreement,  that  every  assembly  be  advised  by 
us,  to  confirm  it  solemnly,  by  laws  of  their 
own,  which,  once  made,  cannot  be  repealed 
without  the  assent  of  the  crown. 

The  last  charge,  that  we  are  dishonest 
traders,  and  aim  at  defrauding  our  credi 
tors  in  Britain,  is  sufficiently  and  authenti 
cally  refuted  by  the  solemn  declarations  of  the 
British  merchants  to  parliament,  (both  at  the 
time  of  the  stamp  act  and  in  the  last  session) 
who  bore  ample  testimony  to  the  general  good 
faith  and  fair  dealing  of  the  Americans,  and 
declared  their  confidence  in  our  integrity,  for 
which  we  refer  to  their  petitions  on  the  jour 
nals  of  the  house  of  commons.  And  we  pre 
sume  we  may  safely  call  on  the  body  of  the 
British  tradesmen,  who  have  had  experience 
of  both,  to  say,  whether  they  have  not  re 
ceived  much  more  punctual  payment  from  us 
than  they  generally  have  from  the  members  of 
their  own  two  houses  of  parliament. 

On  the  whole  of  the  above  it  appears,  that 
the  charge  of  ingratitude  towards  the  mother 
country,  brought  with  so  much  confidence 
against  the  colonies,  is  totally  without  founda 
tion  ;  and  that  there  is  much  more  reason  for 
retorting  that  charge  on  Britain,  who  not  only 
never  contributes  any  aid,  nor  affords,  by  an 
exclusive  commerce,  any  advantages  to  Sax 
ony,  her  mother  country ;  but  no  longer  since 
than  in  the  last  war,  without  the  least  provo 
cation,  subsidized  the  king  of  Prussia  while 
he  ravaged  that  mother  country,  and  carried 
fire  and  sword  into  its  capital,  the  fine  city  of 
Dresden :  an  example  we  hope  no  provocation 
will  induce  us  to  imitate. 

*  See  Dr.  Price's  Appeal  on  the  National  Debt. 


SOCIAL 


AND 


FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


"  Josias  Franklin,  Boston. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  April  13,  1738. 

"  HONOURED  FATHER, — I  have  your  favours 
of  the  51st  of  March,  in  which  you  both  seem 
concerned  lest  I  have  imbibed  some  erroneous 
opinions.  Doubtless  I  have  my  share,  and 
when  the  natural  weakness  and  imperfection 
of  human  understanding  is  considered,  the 
unavoidable  influence  of  education,  custom, 
books,  and  company  upon  our  ways  of 
thinking,  I  imagine  a  man  must  have  a  good 
deal  of  vanity,  who  believes,  and  a  good  deal 
of  boldness  who  affirms,  that  all  the  doc 
trines  he  holds  are  true ;  and  all  he  rejects  are 
false.  And  perhaps  the  same  may  be  justly 
said  of  every  sect,  church,  and  society  of  men, 
when  they  assume  to  themselves  that  infalli 
bility  which  they  deny  to  the  pope  and  coun 
cils. 

"  I  think  opinions  should  be  judged  of  by 
their  influences  and  effects,  and  if  man  holds 
none  that  tend  to  make  him  less  virtuous  or 
more  vicious,  it  may  be  concluded  he  holds 
none  that  are  dangerous ;  which  I  hope  is  the 
case  with  me. 

"  I  am  sorry  you  should  have  any  uneasi 
ness  on  my  account,  and  if  it  were  a  thing 
possible  for  one  to  alter  his  opinions  in  order 
to  please  anothers,  I  know  none  whom  I  ought 
more  willingly  to  oblige  in  that  respect  than 
yourselves.  But  since  it  is  no  more  in  a  man's 
power  to  think  than  to  look  like  another,  me- 
thinks  all  that  should  be  expected  from  me,  is 
to  keep  my  mind  open  to  conviction,  to  hear 
patiently,  and  examine  attentively,  whatever 
is  offered  me  for  that  end ;  and  if  after  all  I 
continue  in  the  same  errors,  I  believe  your 
usual  charity  will  induce  you  to  rather  pity 
and  excuse  than  blame  me :  in  the  mean  time 
your  care  and  concern  for  me  is  what  I  am 
very  thankful  for. 

"My  mother  grieves  that  one  of  her  sons  is 
an  Arian,  another  an  Arminian  ;  what  an  Ar- 
minian  or  an  Arian  is,  I  cannot  say  that  I 

VOL.  I. ...  2  G  20* 


very  well  know.  The  truth  is,  I  make  such 
distinctions  very  little  my  study.  I  think  vital 
religion  has  always  suffered  when  orthodoxy 
is  more  regarded  than  virtue ;  and  the  scrip 
tures  assures  me,  that  at  the  last  day  we  shall 
not  be  examined  what  we  thought,  but  what 
we  did ;  and  our  recommendation  will  not  be, 
that  we  said,  Lord!  Lord!  but  that  we  did 
good  to  our  fellow-creatures.  See  Matt.  xx. 

"  As  to  the  freemasons,  I  know  no  way  of 
giving  my  mother  a  better  account  of  them 
than  she  seems  to  have  at  present  (since  it  is 
not  allowed  that  women  should  be  admitted 
into  that  secret  society.)  She  has,  I  must  con 
fess,  on  that  account,  some  reason  to  be  dis 
pleased  with  it ;  but  for  any  thing  else,  I  must 
entreat  her  to  suspend  her  judgment  till  she 
is  better  informed,  unless  she  will  believe  me, 
when  I  assure  her,  that  they  are  in  general  a 
very  harmless  sort  of  people,  and  have  no  prin 
ciples  or  practices  that  are  inconsistent  with 
religion  and  good  manners. 

"  We  have  had  great  rains  here  lately,  which 
with  the  thawing  of  snow  in  the  mountains 
back  of  our  country,  has  made  vast  floods  in 
our  rivers,  and  by  carrying  away  bridges, 
boats,  &c.  made  travelling  almost  impractica 
ble  for  a  week  past ;  so  that  our  post  has  en 
tirely  missed  making  one  trip. 

"  I  hear  nothing  of  Dr.  Crook,  nor  can  I 
learn  any  such  person  has  ever  been  here. 

"  I  hope  my  sister  Jenney's  child  is  by  this 
time  recovered.  I  am  your  dutiful  son. 

"  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN." 


"Mrs.  Abiah  Franklin. 
"  PHILADELPHIA,  April,  (date  uncertain.) 

"  HONOURED  MOTHER, — We  received  your 
kind  letter  of  the  2d  instant,  by  which  we 
are  glad  to  hear  you  still  enjoy  such  a  measure 
of  health,  notwithstanding  your  great  age.  \YTe 
read  your  writings  very  easily.  I  never  met  with 
a  word  in  your  letter  but  what  I  could  easily 
understand,  for  though  the  hand  is  not  always 
233 


234 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


the  best,  the  sense  makes  every  thing  plain. 
My  leg,  which  you  inquire  after,  is  now  quite 
well.  I  shall  keep  these  servants:  but  the 
man  not  in  my  own  house.  I  have  hired  him 
out  to  the  man  that  takes  care  of  my  Dutch 
printing-office,  who  agrees  to  keep  him  in 
victuals  and  clothes,  and  to  pay  me  a  dollar  a 
week  for  his  work.  The  wife,  since  that  af 
fair,  behaves  exceeding  well :  but  we  conclude 
to  sell  them  both  the  first  good  opportunity, 
for  we  do  not  like  negro  servants.  We  got 
again  about  half  what  we  lost. 

"As  to  your  grandchildren,  Will  is  now 
19  years  of  age,  a  tall  proper  youth,  and  much 
of  a  beau.  He  acquired  a  habit  of  idleness  on 
the  expedition,  but  begins  of  late  to  apply 
himself  to  business,  and  I  hope  will  become 
an  industrious  man.  He  imagined  his  father 
had  got  enough  for  him,  but  I  have  assured 
him  that  I  intend  to  spend  what  little  I  have 
myself,  if  it  please  God  that  I  live  long  enough, 
and  as  he  by  no  means  wants  acuteness,  he 
can  see  by  my  going  on,  that  I  mean  to  be  as 
good  as  my  word. 

"  Sally  grows  a  fine  girl,  and  is  extremely 
industrious  with  her  needle,  and  delights  in 
her  work.  She  is  of  a  most  affectionate  tem 
per,  and  perfectly  dutiful  and  obliging  to  her 
parents,  and  to  all.  Perhaps  I  flatter  myself 
too  much,  but  I  have  hopes  that  she  will  prove 
an  ingenious,  sensible,  notable,  and  worthy 
woman,  like  her  aunt  Jenny — she  goes  now 
to  the  dancing  school. 

"  For  my  own  part,  at  present,  I  pass  my 
time  agreeably  enough;  I  enjoy  (through 
mercy)  a  tolerable  share  of  health.  I  read  a 
great  deal,  ride  a  little,  do  a  little  business  for 
myself,  (now  and  then  for  others,)  retire  when 
I  can,,  and  go  into  company  when  I  please,  so 
the  years  roll  round,  and  the  last  will  come, 
when  I  would  rather  have  it  said,  he  lived 
usefully,  than  he  died  rich. 

"  Cousins  Josiah  and  Sally  are  well,  and  I 
believe  will  do  well,  for  they  are  an  indus 
trious  loving  young  couple ;  but  they  want  a 
little  more  stock  to  go  on  smoothly  with  their 
business. 

"  My  love  to  brother  and  sister  Mecom  and 
their  children,  and  to  all  my  relations  in  ge 
neral.  I  am,  your  dutiful  son, 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


" Mm  Jane  Franklin* 

"  PHILADELPHIA.,  January  6, 1726-7. 

"  DEAR  SISTER, — I  am  highly  pleased  with 
the  account  captain  Free  man  gives  me  of  you. 
1  always  judged  by  your  behaviour  when  a 
child,  that  you  would  make  a  good,  agreeable 
woman,  and  you  know  you  were  ever  my  pe 
culiar  favourite.  I  have  been  thinking  what 
would  be  a  suitable  present  for  me  to  make, 
and  for  you  to  receive,  as  I  hear  you  are  grown 

*  His  sister  married  Mr.  Edward  Mecom,  July  27, 


a  celebrated  beauty.  I  had  almost  determined 
on  a  tea  table,  but  when  I  considered  that  the 
character  of  a  good  house-wife  was  far  pre 
ferable  to  that  of  being  only  a  pretty  gentle 
woman,  I  concluded  to  send  you  a  spinning 
wheel,  which  I  hope  you  will  accept  as  a 
small  token  of  my  sincere  love  and  affection. 
'  Sister,  farewell,  and  remember  that  mo 
desty,  as  it  makes  the  most  homely  virgin 
amiable  and  charming,  so  the  want  of  it  in 
fallibly  renders  the  most  perfect  beauty  dis 
agreeable  and  odious.  But  when  that  bright 
est  of  female  virtues  shines  among  other 
perfections  of  body  and  mind  in  the  same 
person,  it  makes  the  woman  more  lovely  than 
an  angel.  Excuse  this  freedom,  and  use  the 
same  with  me.  I  am,  dear  Jenny,  your  loving 
brother.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  same. 

"PHILADELPHIA,  June  19, 1730. 

4  DEAR  SISTER,— Yours  of  May  26th,  I  re 
ceived  with  the  melancholy  news  of  the  death 
of  sister  Deavenport,  a  loss,  without  doubt,  re- 
_  retted  by  all  that  knew  her,  for  she  was  a 
Sfood  woman.  Her  friends  ought,  however,  to 
be  comforted  that  they  have  enjoyed  her  so 
long,  and  that  she  had  passed  through  the 
world  happily,  having  never  had  any  extraor 
dinary  misfortune  or  notable  affliction,  and  that 
she  is  now  secure  in  rest,  in  the  place  pro 
vided  for  the  virtuous.  I  had  before  heard  of 
the  death  of  your  first  child,  and  am  pleased 
that  the  loss  is  in  some  measure  made  up  to 
you  by  the  birth  of  a  second. 

"  We  have  had  the  small  pox  here  lately, 
which  raged  violently  while  it  lasted ;  there 
have  been  about  fifty  persons  innoculated, 
who  all  recovered,  except  a  child  of  the  doc 
tor's,  upon  whom  the  small  pox  appeared 
within  a  day  or  two  after  the  operation,  and 
who  is  therefore  thought  to  have  been  cer 
tainly  infected  before.  In  one  family  in  my 
neighbourhood  there  appeared  a  great  mor 
tality,  Mr.  George  Claypole,  (a  descendant  of 
Oliver  Cromwell)  had,  by  industry,  acquired  a 
great  estate,  and  being  in  excellent  business, 
(a  merchant)  would  probably  have  doubled  it, 
had  he  lived  according  to  the  common  course 
of  years. 

"  He  died  first,  suddenly ;  within  a  short 
time  died  his  best  negro ;  then  one  of  his  chil 
dren  ;  then  a  negro  woman ;  then  two  children 
more,  buried  at  the  same  time;  then  two 
more ;  so  that  I  saw  two  double  buryings  come 
out  of  the  house  in  one  week.  None  were 
left  in  the  family,  but  the  mother  and  one 
child,  and  both  their  lives  till  lately  despaired 
of;  so  that  all  the  father's  wealth,  which 
every  body  thought,  a  little  while  ago,  had 
heirs  enough,  and  no  one  would  have  given 
six  pence  for  the  reversion,  was  in  a  few 
weeks  brought  to  the  greatest  probability  of 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


235 


being  divided  among  strangers:  so  uncertain 
are  all  human  affairs :  the  dissolution  of*  this 
family  is  generally  ascribed  to  an  imprudent 
use  of  quicksilver  in  the  cure  of  the  itch; 
Mr.  Claypole  applying  it  as  he  thought  pro 
per,  without  consulting  a  physician  for  fear 
of  charges,  and  the  small  pox  coming  upon 
them  at  the  same  time  made  their  case  des 
perate.  But  what  gives  me  the  greatest  con 
cern,  is  the  account  you  give  me  of  my  sis 
ter  Homes's,  misfortune :  I  know  a  cancer  in 
the  breast  is  often  thought  incurable :  yet  we 
have  here  in  town  a  kind  of  shell  made  of 
some  wood,  cut  at  a  proper  time,  by  some 
man  of  great  skill  (as  they  say,)  which  has 
done  wonders  in  that  disease  among  us,  be 
ing  worn  for  some  time  on  the  breast  I  am 
not  apt  to  be  superstitiously  fond  of  believing 
such  things,  but  the  instances  are  so  well  at 
tested  as  sufficiently  to  convince  the  most  in 
credulous. 

"  This  if  I  have  interest  enough  to  procure, 
as  I  think  I  have,  I  will  borrow  lor  a  time  and 
send  it  to  you,  and  hope  the  doctors  you  have 
will  at  least  allow  the  experiment  to  be  tried, 
and  shall  rejoice  to  hear  it  has  the  accustomed 
effect. 

"  You  have  mentioned  nothing  in  your  let 
ter  of  our  dear  parents,  but  I  conclude  they 
are  well  because  you  say  nothing  to  the  con 
trary.  I  want  to  hear  from  sister  Douse,  and 
to  know  of  her  welfare,  as  also  of  my  sister 
Lydia,  who  I  hear  is  lately  married.  I  in 
tended  to  have  visited  you  this  summer,  but 
printing  the  paper  money  here  has  hindered 
me  near  two  months,  and  our  assembly  will 
sit  the  3d  of  August  next,  at  which  time  I 
must  not  be  absent,  but  I  hope  to  see  you  this 
Fall.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  same. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  July  28,  1743. 

"  DEAREST  SISTER  JENNY, — I  took  your  ad 
monition  very  kindly,  and  was  far  from  being 
offended  at  you  for  it.  If  I  say  any  thing  about 
it  to  you,  'tis  only  to  rectify  some  wrong  opi 
nions  you  seem  to  have  entertained  of  me ; 
and  this  I  do  only  because  they  give  you  some 
uneasiness,  which  I  am  unwilling  to  be  the 
occasion  of.  You  express  yourself  as  if  you 
thought  I  was  against  worshipping  of  God,  and 
doubt  that  good  works  would  merit  heaven ; 
which  are  both  fancies  of  your  own,  I  think, 
without  foundation.  I  am  so  far  from  thinking 
that  God  is  not  to  be  worshipped,  that  1  have 
composed  and  wrote  a  whole  book  of  devotions 
for  my  own  use,  and  I  imagine  there  are  few 
if  any  in  the  world  so  weak  as  to  imagine, 
that  the  little  good  we  can  do  here  can  merit 
so  vast  a  reward  hereafter. 

"  There  are  some  things  in  your  New  En 
gland  doctrine  and  worship,  which  I  do  not 
agree  with:  but  I  do  not  therefore  condemn 


them,  or  desire  to  shake  your  belief  or  practice 
of  them.  We  may  dislike  things  that  are  ne 
vertheless  right  in  themselves  :  I  would  only 
have  you  make  me  the  same  allowance,  and 
have  a  better  opinion  both  of  morality  and 
your  brother.  Read  the  pages  of  Mr.  Ed- 
wards's  late  book,  entitled,  'Some  Thoughts 
concerning  the  present  Revival  of  Religion  in 
New  England,'  from  367  to  375,  and  when 
you  judge  of  others,  if  you  can  perceive  the 
fruit  to  be  good,  don't  terrify  yourself  that  the 
tree  may  be  evil ;  but  be  assured  it  is  not  so, 
for  you  know  who  has  said,  'Men  do  not 
gather  grapes  off  thorns,  and  figs  off  thistles.' 
I  have  not  time  to  add,  but  that  I  shall  always 
be,  your  affectionate  brother, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  P.  S.  It  was  not  kind  in  you,  when  your 
sister  commended  good  works,  to  suppose  she 
intended  it  a  reproach  to  you.  'Twas  very 
far  from  her  thoughts." 

"  Mr.  Josias  and  Mrs.  Abiah  Franklin. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  September  6, 1744 

"HONOURED  FATHER  AND  MOTHER, — I  ap 
prehend  I  am  too  busy  in  prescribing  and  med 
dling  in  the  doctor's  sphere,  when  any  of  you 
complain  of  ails  in  your  letters.  But  as  I  al 
ways  employ  a  physician  myself,  when  any 
disorder  arises  in  my  family,  and  submit  im 
plicitly  to  his  orders  in  every  thing,  so  I  hope 
you  consider  my  advice  when  I  give  any,  only 
as  a  mark  of  my  good  will,  and  put  no  more 
of  it  in  practice  than  happens  to  agree  with 
what  your  doctor  directs.  Your  notion  of  the 
use  of  strong  lye  I  suppose  may  have  a  good 
deal  in  it.  The  salt  of  tartar,  or  salt  of  worm 
wood,  frequently  prescribed  for  cutting,  open 
ing  and  cleansing,  is  nothing  more  than  the 
salt  of  lye  procured  by  evaporation.  Mrs. 
Steevens's  medicine  for  the  stone  and  gravel, 
the  secret  of  which  was  lately  purchased  at  a 
great  price  by  the  parliament,  had  for  its  prin 
cipal  ingredient  salt,  whicli  Boerhaave  calls 
the  most  universal  remedy.  The  same  salt 
intimately  mixed  with  oil  of  turpentine,  whicli 
you  also  mentioned,  make  the  sapor  philoso- 
phorum  wonderfully  extolled  by  some  chymists 
for  like  purposes.  It  is  highly  probable  (as 
your  doctor  says)  that  medicines  are  much  al 
tered  in  passing  between  the  stomach  and 
bladder ;  but  such  salts  seem  well  fitted  in 
their  nature  to  pass  with  the  least  alteration 
of  almost  any  thing  we  know ;  and  if  they 
will  not  dissolve  gravel  and  stone,  yet  I  am 
half  persuaded  that  a  moderate  use  of  them 
may  go  a  great  way  towards  preventing  these 
disorders,  as  they  assist  a  weaker  digestion  in 
the  stomach,  and  powerfully  dissolve  crudities 
such  as  those  which  I  have  frequently  expe 
rienced.  As  to  honey  and  molasses,  I  did  not 
maintain  them  merely  as  openers  and  loosen 
ers  but  also  from  conjecture,  that  as  they  are 
heavier  in  themselves  than  our  common  drink. 


236 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


they  might  when  dissolved  in  our  bodies  in 
crease  the  gravity  of  our  fluids,  the  urine  in 
particular,  and  by  that  means  keep  separate 
and  suspended  therein,  those  particles  which, 
when  unused  form  gravel,  &c.  I  will  inquire 
after  the  herb  you  mention ;  we  have  a  botan 
ist  here,  an  intimate  friend  of  mine,  who 
knows  all  the  plants  in  the  country  :  he  would 
be  glad  of  the  correspondence  of  some  gen 
tlemen  of  the  same  taste  with  you,  and  has 
twice,  through  my  hands,  sent  specimens  of 
the  famous  Chinese  Ginseng,  found  here,  to 
persons  who  desired  it  in  Boston,  neither  of 
whom,  have  had  the  civility  to  write  him  a 
word  in  answer,  or  even  to  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  it,  of  which,  please  to  give  a  hint  to 
brother  John. 

"  We  have  had  a  very  healthy  summer  and 
a  fine  harvest,  the 'country  is  filled  with  bread ; 
but  as  trade  declines,  since  the  war  began,  I 
know  not  what  our  farmers  will  do  for  a 
market.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Mrs.  Abiah  Franklin. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  October  10,  1747. 

"HONOURED  MOTHER, — This  has  been  a 
busy  day  with  your  daughter,  and  she  is  gone 
to  bed  much  fatigued  and  cannot  write. 

"  I  send  you  inclosed,  one  of  our  new  alma 
nacks  ;  we  print  them  early,  because  we  send 
them  to  many  places  far  distant.  I  send  you 
also,  a  moidore  inclosed,  which  please  to  ac 
cept  towards  chaise  hire,  that  you  may  ride 
warm  to  meetings  this  winter.  Pray  tell  us, 
what  kind  of  a  sickness  you  have  had  in  Bos 
ton  this  summer:  besides  the  measles  and 
flux,  which  have  carried  off  many  children, 
we  have  lost  some  grown  persons,  by  what  we 
call  the  Yellow  Fever ;  though  that  is  almost 
if  not  quite  over,  thanks  to  God  who  has  pre 
served  all  our  family,  in  perfect  health.  Here 
are  cousins  Coleman,  and  two  Folgers,  all 
well.  Your  granddaughter,  is  the  greatest 
lover  of  her  book  and  school,  of  any  child  I 
ever  knew,  and  is  very  dutiful  to  her  mistress 
as  well  as  to  us.  I  doubt  not  but  brother  Me- 
com  will  send  the  collar  as  soon  as  he  can 
conveniently.  My  love  to  him,  sister,  and  all 
the  children.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  George  Whitefield. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  June  6,  1753. 

"  SIR,— I  received  your  kind  letter  of  the 
2d  instant,  and  am  glad  to  hear  that  you  in 
crease  in  strength ;  I  hope  you  will  continue 
mending,  till  you  recover  your  former  health 
and  firmness.  Let  me  know  whether  you  still 
use  the  cold  bath,  and  what  effect  it  has. 

"  As  to  the  kindness  you  mention,  I  wish  it 
could  have  been  of  more  service  to  you.  But 
if  it  had,  the  only  thanks  I  should  desire  is, 
that  you  would  always  be  equally  ready  to 
serve  any  other  person  that  may  need  your  as 


sistance,  and  so  let  good  offices  go  round ;  for 
mankind  are  all  of  a  family. 

"  For  my  own  part,  when  I  am  employed  in 
serving  others,  I  do  not  look  upon  myself  as 
conferring  favours,  but  as  paying  debts.  In  my 
travels,  and  since  my  settlement,  I  have  re 
ceived  much  kindness  from  men,  to  whom  I 
shall  never  have  any  opportunity  of  making 
the  least  direct  return ;  and  numberless  mer 
cies  from  God,  who  is  infinitely  above  being 
benefited  by  our  services.  Those  kindnesses 
from  men,  I  can  therefore  only  return  on  their 
fellow  men,  and  I  can  only  show  my  gratitude 
for  these  mercies  from  God,  by  a  readiness  to 
help  his  other  children,  and  my  brethren.  For 
I  do  not  think  that  thanks  and  compliments, 
though  repeated  weekly,  can  discharge  our 
real  obligations  to  each  other,  and  much  less 
those  to  our  Creator.  You  will  see  in  this 
my  notion  of  good  works,  that  I  am  far  from 
expecting  to  merit  heaven  by  them.  By  hea 
ven  we  understand  a  state  of  happiness,  infi 
nite  in  degree,  and  eternal  in  duration :  I  can 
do  nothing  to  deserve  such  rewards.  He  that 
for  giving  a  draught  of  water  to  a  thirsty  per 
son,  should  expect  to  be  paid  with  a  good 
plantation,  would  be  modest  in  his  demands, 
compared  with  those  who  think  they  deserve 
heaven  for  the  little  good  they  do  on  earth. 
Even  the  mixt  imperfect  pleasures  we  enjoy 
in  this  world,  are  rather  from  God's  goodness 
than  our  merit :  how  much  more  such  happi 
ness  of  heaven  !  For  my  part  I  have  not  the 
vanity  to  think  I  deserve  it,  the  folly  to  expect 
it,  nor  the  ambition  to  desire  it;  but  content 
myself  in  submitting  to  the  will  and  disposal 
of  that  God  who  made  me,  who  has  hitherto 
preserved  and  blessed  me,  and  in  whose  father 
ly  goodness  I  may  well  confide,  that  he  will 
never  make  me  miserable ;  and  that  even  the 
afflictions  I  may  at  any  time  suffer  shall  tend 
to  my  benefit. 

"  The  faith  you  mention  has  certainly  its  use 
in  the  world :  I  do  not  desire  to  see  it  dimi 
nished,  nor  would  I  endeavour  to  lessen  it  in 
any  man.  But  I  wish  it  were  more  produc 
tive  of  good  works  than  I  have  generally  seen 
it :  I  mean  real  good  works ;  works  of  kind 
ness,  charity,  mercy,  and  public  spirit;  not 
holiday-keeping,  sermon-reading,  or  hearing ; 
performing  church  ceremonies,  or  making  long 
prayers,  filled  with  flatteries  and  compliments, 
despised  even  by  wise  men,  and  much  less  ca 
pable  of  pleasing  the  Deity.  The  worship  of 
God  is  a  duty;  the  hearing  and  reading  of 
sermons  may  be  useful ;  but  if  men  rest  in 
hearing  and  praying,  as  too  many  do,  it  is  as 
if  a  tree  should  value  itself  on  being  watered 
and  putting  forth  leaves,  though  it  never  pro 
duced  any  fruit. 

"•  Your  great  master  thought  much  less  of 
these  outward  appearances  and  professions, 
than  many  of  his  modern  disciples.  He  pre 
ferred  the  doers  of  the  word,  to  the  mere 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


237 


hearers;  the  son  that  seemingly  refused  to 
obey  his  father,  and  yet  performed  his  com 
mands,  to  him  that  professed  his  readiness, 
but  neglected  the  work;  the  heretical  but 
charitable  Samaritan,  to  the  uncharitable 
though  orthodox  priest,  and  sanctified  Levite ; 
and  those  who  gave  food  to  the  hungry,  drink 
to  the  thirsty,  raiment  to  the  naked,  entertain 
ment  to  the  stranger,  and  relief  to  the  sick, 
though  they  never  heard  of  his  name,  he  de 
clares  shall  in  the  last  day  be  accepted ;  when 
those  who  cry,  Lord  !  Lord  !  who  value  them 
selves  upon  their  faith,  though  great  enough 
to  perform  miracles,  but  have  neglected  good 
works,  shall  be  rejected.  He  professed  that 
he  came  not  to  call  the  righteous,  but  sinners 
to  repentance ;  which  implied  his  modest  opi 
nion,  that  there  were  some  in  his  time  who 
thought  themselves  so  good  that  they  need 
not  hear  even  him  for  improvement ;  but  now- 
a-days  we  have  scarce  a  little  parson  that  does 
not  think  it  the  duty  of  every  man  within  his 
reach  to  sit  under  his  petty  ministrations;  and 
that  whoever  omits  them,  offends  God.  I 
wish  to  such  more  humility,  and  to  you  health 
and  happiness ;  being 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  Mrs.  D.  Franklin. 

"  GUADENHATHEN,  January  25,  1756. 

'*  MY  DEAR  CHILD, — This  day  week  we 
arrived  here,  I  wrote  to  you  the  same  day,  and 
once  since.  We  all  continue  well,  thanks  be 
to  God.  We  have  been  hindered  with  bad 
weather,  yet  our  fort  is  in  a  good  defenceable 
condition,  and  we  have  every  day,  more  con 
venient  living.  Two  more  are  to  be  built,  one 
on  each  side  of  this,  at  about  fifteen  miles  dis 
tance.  I  hope  both  will  be  done  in  a  week 
or  ten  days,  and  then  I  purpose  to  bend  my 
course  homewards. 

"We  have  enjoyed  your  roast  beef,  and 
this  day  began  on  "the  roast  veal ;  all  agree 
that  they  are  both  the  best  that  ever  were  of 
the  kind.  Your  citizens,  that  have  their  din 
ners  hot  and  hot,  know  nothing  of  good  eat 
ing  ;  we  find  it  in  much  greater  perfection 
when  the  kitchen  is  four  score  miles  from  the 
dining  room. 

"The  apples  are  extremely  welcome,  and 
do  bravely  to  eat  after  our  salt  pork;  the 
minced  pies  are  not  yet'  come  to  hand,  but 
suppose  we  shall  find  them  among  the  things 
expected  up  from  Bethlehem,  on  Tuesday; 
the  capillaire  is  excellent,  but  none  of  us 
having  taken  cold  as  yet,  we  have  only  tasted 
it. 

"As  to  our  lodging,  'tis  on  deal  feather 
beds,«in  warm  blankets,  and  much  more  com 
fortable  than  when  we  lodged  at  our  inn,  the 
first  night  after  we  left  home,  for  the  woman 
being  about  to  put  very  damp  sheets  on  the 
bed  we  desired  her  to  air  them  first ;  half  an 
hour  afterwards,  she  told  us  the  bed  was  ready. 


and  the  sheets  well  aired.  I  got  into  bed,  but 
jumped  out  immediately,  finding  them  as  cold 
as  death,  and  partly  frozen.  She  had  aired 
them  indeed,  but  it  was  out  upon  the  hedge.  I 
was  forced  to  wrap  myself  up  in  my  great 
coat  and  woollen  trowsers,  every  thing  else 
about  the  bed  was  shockingly  dirty. 

"  As  I  hope  in  a  little  time  to  be  with  you 
and  my  family,  and  chat  things  over,  I  now 
only  add,  that  I  am,  dear  Debby,  your  affec 
tionate  husband,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  same. 
"  FORT  ALLEN,  at  Gnadenheutten,  Jan.  30, 1756. 

"  MY  DEAR  CHILD, — Every  other  day,  since 
we  have  been  here,  it  has  rained  more  or  less, 
to  our  no  small  hindrance.  It  rained  yester 
day,  and  now  again  to  day,  which  prevented 
our  marching:  so  I  will  sit  down  half  an  hour 
to  confer  a  little  with  you. 

"  All  the  things  you  sent  me,  from  time  to 
time,  are  safely  come  to  hand,  and  our  living 
grows  every  day  more  comfortable :  yet  there 
are  many  things  we  still  want,  but  do  not 
send  for  them,  as  we  hope  our  stay  here  will 
not  be  long. 

"  I  thought  to  have  wrote  you  a  long  let 
ter,  but  here  comes  in  a  number  of  people, 
from  different  parts,  that  have  business  with 
me,  and  interrupt  me ;  we  have  but  one  room, 
and  that  quite  public :  so  can  only  add,  that  I 
have  just  received  your's,  Sally's,  and  Grace's 
letters,  of  the  25th,  with  one  from  Mr.  Hughes, 
and  one  from  Mr.  Thomson :  present  my  res 
pects  to  those  gentlemen,  (and  excuse  rny 
not  writing,  as  I  have  nothing  material,  and 
much  hurried,)  and  love  to  all  our  friends  and 
neighbours.  Billy  presents  his  duty  to  you* 
and  love  to  his  sister :  all  the  gentlemen  their 
compliments,  they  drink  your  health  at  every 
meal,  having  always  something  on  the  table 
to  put  them  in  mind  of  you.  I  found  among 
the  newspapers,  Mr.  Shoen's  bills  of  exchange, 
which  should  not  have  been  sent  up  here ;  I 
suppose  it  was  by  mistake,  and  mention  it, 
that  you  need  not  be  troubled  to  look  more  for 
them.  I  am,  dear  girl,  B.  FRANKLIN." 

To  the  same. 

"FoRT  ALLEN,  Jan.  31,  1756. 

"MY  DEAR, — I  wrote  a  line  to  you  yes 
terday,  and  having  this  opportunity,  write 
another,  just  to  let  you  know  that  we  all  con 
tinue  well,  and  much  the  better  from  the  re 
freshments  you  have  sent  us :  in  short  we  do 
very  well ;  for  though  there  are  a  great  num 
ber  of  things,  besides  what  we  have,  that  used 
to  seem  necessary  to  comfortable  living,  yet 
we  have  learnt  to  do  without  them. 

"  Mr.  Beaty  is  a  very  useful  man  here,  and 
the  doctor  another ;  besides  their  services  to 
the  public,  they  are  very  agreeable  companions 


238 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


to  me ;  they,  with  captain  Clapham,  Mr.  Ed- 
rnond,  and  the  rest  of  our  company,  present 
their  hearty  respects  to  you  for  the  goodies. 
Billy  presents  his  duty  to  you  and  his  grand 
mother,  and  love  to  his  sister.  Distribute  my 
compliments  amono;  our  acquaintance,  and 
hearty  love  to  all  friends.  The  bearer  waits, 
that  I  cannot  write  to  my  dear  Sally.  I  am, 
dear  girl,  your  loving  husband, 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Mrs.  Jane  Mecom,  Boston. 

"  NEW  YORK,  June  28,  1756. 

"  DEAR  SISTER, — I  received  here  your  let 
ter  of  extravagant  thanks,  which  put  me  in 
mind  of  the  story  of  the  member  of  parliament, 
who  began  one  of  his  speeches  with  saying, 
he  thanked  God,  he  was  born  and  bred  a  pres- 
byterian;  on  which  another  took  leave  to  ob 
serve,  that  the  gentleman  must  needs  be  of  a 
most  grateful  disposition,  since  he  was  thank 
ful  for  such  very  small  matters. 

"  You  desire  me  to  tell  you  what  I  know 
about  Benny's  removal,  and  the  reasons  of  it. 
Sometime  last  year,  when  I  returned  from  a 
long  journey,  I  found  a  letter  from  him,  which 
had  been  sometime  unanswered,  and  it  was 
some  considerable  time  afterwards,  before  I 
knew  of  an  opportunity  to  send  an  answer.  I 
should  first  have  told  you,  that  when  I  set  him 
up  at  Antigua,  he  was  to  have  the  use  of  the 
printing  house  on  the  same  terms  with  his 
predecessor,  Mr.  Smith  :  that  is,  allowing  me 
one  third  part  of  the  profits.  After  this,  find 
ing  him  diligent  and  careful,  for  his  encourage 
ment,  I  relinquished  that  agreement,  and  let 
him  know,  that  as  you  were  removed  into  a 
dearer  house,  if  he  paid  you  yearly  a  certain 
sum,  I  forgot  what  it  was,  towards  discharging 
your  rent,  and  another  small  sum  to  me,  in 
sugar  and  rum,  for  my  family  use,  he  need 
keep  no  farther  accounts  of  the  profits,  but 
should  enjoy  all  the  rest  to  himself;  I  cannot 
remember  what  the  whole  of  both  payments 
amounted  to,  but  I  think  they  did  not  exceed 
2(W.  a-year.  The  truth  is,  I  intended,  from 
the  first,  to  give  him  that  printing  house :  but 
as  he  was  young  and  inexperienced  in  the 
world,  I  thought  "it  best  not  to  do  it  imme 
diately,  but  to  keep  him  a  little  dependent  for 
a  time,  to  check  the  flighty  unsteadiness  of 
temper,  which  on  several  occasions,  he  had 
discovered ;  and  what  I  received  from  him,  I 
concluded  to  lay  out  in  new  letters  (or  types,) 
that  when  I  give  it  him  entirely,  it  might  be 
worth  his  acceptance ;  and  if  I  should  die  first, 
I  put  it  in  my  will,  that  the  letters  should  be 
all  new  cast  for  him.  This  proposal  of  paying 
you  and  me  a  certain  annual  sum,  did  not 
please  him,  and  he  wrote  to  desire  I  would 
explicitly  tell  him  how  long  that  annual  pay 
ment  was  to  continue  1  whether,  on  payment 
of  that,  all  prior  demands,  I  had  against  him, 


for  the  arrears  of  our  first  agreement,  were 
likewise  cancelled,  and  finally  insisted  that  I 
would  name  a  certain  sum  that  I  would  take 
for  the  printing  house,  and  allow  him  to  pay  it 
off  in  parts,  as  he  could,  and  then  the  yearly 
payments  to  cease ;  for  though  he  had  a  high 
esteem  for  me,  yet  he  loved  freedom,  and  his 
spirit  could  not  bear  dependence  on  any  man, 
though  he  were  the  best  man  living.  This 
was  the  letter  wrhich  occasionally  remained, 
as  I  said,  so  long  unanswered :  at  which,  he 
took  farther  offence,  and  before  I  could  an 
swer  it,  I  received  another  from  him,  ac 
quainting  me  that  he  had  come  to  a  resolution 
to  move  from  this  island ;  that  his  resolution 
was  fixed,  and  nothing  that  could  be  said  to 
him  should  move  or  shake  it,  and  proposed 
another  person  to  me,  to  carry  on  the  business 
in  his  room.  This  was  immediately  followed 
by  another  and  a  third  letter,  to  the  same 
purpose,  all  declaring  the  inflexibility  of  his 
determination  to  leave  the  island,  but  with 
out  saying  where  he  proposed  to  go,  or  what 
were  his  motives.  So  I  wrote  him  that  I 
would  not  attempt  to  change  his  resolutions ; 
that  I  made  no  objections  to  his  quitting,  but 
wished  he  had  let  me  know  where  he  was 
going.  That,  as  to  the  person  he  recom 
mended  to  succeed,  I  had  kept  the  office  there 
after  Mr.  Smith's  decease,  in  hopes  it  might 
be  of  use  to  him  (Benny.)  I  did  not  incline 
to  be  concerned  with  any  other  there.  How 
ever  if  the  person  would  buy  it,  I  named  the 
price ;  if  not,  I  directed  it  to  be  packed  up  and 
sent  home ;  all  I  desired  of  him,  was  to  dis 
charge  what  he  owed  to  Mr.  Strahan,  book 
seller  in  London,  one  of  my  friends,  who  had 
credited  him,  on  my  recommendation. 

"  By  this  post  I  received  the  inclosed  letter, 
and  understand  the  things  are  all  arrived.  I 
shall  be  very  glad  to  hear  he  does  better  in 
another  place,  but  I  fear  he  will  not  for  some 
years  be  cured  of  his  fickleness  and  get  fixed 
to  any  purpose ;  however,  we  must  hope  for 
the  best,  as  with  this  fault  he  has  many  good 
qualities  and  virtues. 

"  My  love  to  brother  and  children,  and  to  all 
that  love  you.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  Mrs.  D.  Franklin. 

"  EASTON,  Saturday  Morning,  Nov.  13, 1756. 

MY  DEAR  CHILD, — I  wrote  to  you  a  few  days 
since,  by  a  special  messenger,  and  inclosed  let 
ters,  for  all  our  wives  and  sweethearts ;  expect- 
ng  to  hear  from  you  by  his  return,  and  to  have 
the  northern  newspapers  and  English  letters, 
per  the  packet ;  but  he  is  just  now  returned 
without  a  scrap  for  poor  us.  So  I  had  a  good 
mind  not  to  write  to  you  by  this  opportunity  ; 
but  I  never  can  be  ill-natured  enough,  even 
when  there  is  the  most  occasion.  The  mes 
senger  says  he  left  the  letters  at  your  house, 
and  saw  you  afterwards  at  Mr.  Dentie's  and 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


told  you  when  he  would  go,  and  that  he  lodg 
ed  at  Honey's,  next  door  to  you,  and  yet  you 
did  not  write ;  so  let  Goody  Smith  give  one 
more  just  judgment,  and  say  what  should  be 
done  to  you ;  I  think  I  wont  tell  you  that  we 
are  well,  nor  that  we  expect  to  return  about 
the  middle  of  the  week,  nor  will  I  send  you  a 
word  of  news;  that's  poz.  My  duty  to  mo 
ther,  love  to  the  children,  and  to  Miss  Betsey 
and  Gracey,  &c.  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  P.  S.  I  have  scratched  out  the  loving 
words,  being  writ  in  haste  by  mistake,  when 
I  forgot  I  was  angry" 


"  Mrs.  Jane  Mecom,  Boston. 

"  NEW  YORK,  April  19,  1757. 

"  Di: \R  SISTER, — I  wrote  a  few  lines  to 
you  yesterday,  but  omitted  to  answer  yours, 
relating  to  sister  Dowse.  As  having  their 
own  way,  is  one  of  the  greatest  comforts  of 
life,  to  old  people,  I  think  their  friends  should 
endeavour  to  accommodate  them  in  that  as 
well  as  any  thing  else.  When  they  have  long 
lived  in  a  house,  it  becomes  natural  to  them ; 
they  are  almost  as  closely  connected  with  it, 
as  the  tortoise  with  his  shell ;  they  die,  if  you 
tear  them  out  of  it ;  old  folks  and  old  trees,  if 
you  remove  them,  'tis  ten  to  one  that  you  kill 
them,  so  let  our  good  old  sister  be  no  more 
importuned  on  that  head:  we  are  growing 
old  fast  ourselves,  and  shall  expect  the  same 
kind  of  indulgencies ;  if  we  give  them,  we 
shall  have  a  right  to  receive  them  in  our 
turn. 

"  And  as  to  her  few  fine  things,  I  think  she 
is  in  the  right  not  to  sell  them,  and  for  the 
reason  she  gives,  that  they  will  fetch  but  lit 
tle,  when  that  little  is  spent,  they  would  be  of 
no  farther  use  to  her ;  but  perhaps  the  expec 
tation  of  possessing  them  at  her  death,  may 
make  that  person  tender  and  careful  of  her, 
and  helpful  to  her  to  the  amount  of  ten  times 
their  value.  If  so  they  are  put  to  the  best  use 
they  possibly  can  be. 

"  I  hope  you  visit  sister  as  often  as  your  af 
fairs  will  permit,  and  afford  her  what  assist 
ance  and  comfort  you  can  in  her  present  situ 
ation.  Old  age,  infirmities,  and  poverty, 
joined,  are  afflictions  enough.  The  neglect 
and  slights  of  friends  and  near  relations  should 
never  be  added — people  in  her  circumstances 
are  apt  to  suspect  this  sometimes  without 
cause;  appearances  should  therefore  be  at 
tended  to  in  our  conduct  towards  them  as  well 
as  relatives.  I  write  by  this  post  to  cousin 
William,  to  continue  his  care,  which  I  doubt 
not  he  will  do. 

"  We  expect  to  sail  in  about  a  week,  so  that 
I  can  hardly  hear  from  you  again  on  this  side 
the  water;  but  let  me  have  a  line  from  you 
now  and  then,  while  I  am  in  London — I  ex 
pect  to  stay  there  at  least  a  twelvemonth. 


Direct  your  letters  to  be  left  for  me  at  the 
Pennsylvania  Coffee-house,  in  Birchin-lane, 
London.  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"P.  S.  April  25.— We  are  still  here,  and 
perhaps  may  be  here  a  week  longer.  Once 
more  adieu,  my  dear  sister." 


"  To  the  same. 
"  WOODERIDGE,  East  New  Jersey,  May  21, 1757. 

"  DEAR  SISTER, — I  received  your  kind  let 
ter  of  the  9th  instant,  in  which  you  acquainted 
me  with  some  of  your  late  troubles.  Those 
are  troublesome  times  to  us  all ;  but  perhaps 
you  have  heard  more  than  you  should.  I  am 
glad  to  hear  that  Peter  is  at  a  place  where  he 
has  full  employ.  A  trade  is  a  valuable  thing  ; 
but  unless  a  habit  of  industry  be  acquired  with 
it,  it  turns  out  of  little  use :  if  he  gets  THAT 
in  his  new  place,  it  will  be  a  happy  exchange, 
and  the  occasion  not  an  unfortunate  one. 

"  It  is  very  agreeable  to  me  to  hear  so  good 
an  account  of  your  other  children — in  such  a 
number  to  have  no  bad  ones  is  a  great  happi 
ness. 

"  The  horse  sold  very  low  indeed :  if  I 
wanted  one  to-morrow,  knowing  his  goodness, 
old  as  he  is,  I  should  freely  give  more  than 
twice  the  money  for  him ;  but  you  did  the 
best  you  could,  and  I  will  take  of  Benny  no 
more  than  he  produced. 

"  I  don't  doubt  but  Benny  will  do  very  well 
when  he  gets  to  work ;  but  I  fear  his  things 
from  England  may  be  so  long  a-coming  as  to 
occasion  the  loss  of  the  rent.  Would  it  not 
be  better  for  you  to  move  into  the  house  T 
Perhaps  not,  if  he  is  near  being  married.  I 
know  nothing  of  that  affair  but  what  you 
write  me,  except  that  I  think  Miss  Betsey  a 
very  agreeable  sweet-tempered  good  girl,  who 
has  had  a  housewifery  education,  and  will 
make,  to  a  good  husband,  a  very  good  wife. 
Your  sister  and  I  have  a  great  esteem  for  her, 
and  if  she  will  be  kind  enough  to  accept  of 
our  nephew,  we  think  it  will  be  his  own  fault 
if  he  is  not  as  happy  as  the  married  state  can 
make  him ;  the  family  is  a  respectable  one, 
but  whether  there  be  any  fortune  I  know  not, 
and  as  you  do  not  inquire  about  this  particu 
lar,  I  suppose  you  think  with  me,  that  where 
every  thing  else  desirable  is  to  be  met  with, 
that  is  not  very  material.  If  she  does  not 
bring  a  fortune  she  will  have  to  make  one. 
Industry,  frugality,  and  prudent  economy,  in 
a  wife,  are  to  a  tradesman,  in  their  effects,  a 
fortune;  and  a  fortune  sufficient  for  Benja 
min,  if  his  expectations  are  reasonable.  We 
can  only  add,  that  if  the  young  lady  and  her 
friends  are  willing,  we  give  our  consent 
heartily,  and  our  blessing.  My  love  to  brother 
and  the  children,  concludes  with  me. 

«R  FRANKLIN." 


240 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


"  Mrs.  Jane  Mecom,  Boston. 

"  NEW  YORK,  May  26, 1757. 

"  DEAR  AND  HONOURED  AUNT, — To  find 
ourselves  affectionately  remembered  by  those 
for  whom  we  have  the  highest  esteem,  is  of 
all  things  most  agreeable :  this  pleasure  was 
afforded  me  in  the  greatest  degree,  when  I 
received  your  favour  of  the  9th  instant.  The 
many  kind  wishes  it  contains  for  my  welfare, 
lays  me  under  the  greatest  obligations.  I 
hope  my  conduct  will  ever  be  such  as  to 
merit  a  continuance  of  your  regard. 

"  Being  just  on  the  point  of  embarkation, 
prevents  my  adding  more  than  my  best  res 
pects  to  Mr.  Mecom,  cousin  Benny,  &c.  and 
to  desire  you  will  believe  me  to  be,  your  af 
fectionate  and  dutiful  nephew, 

"W.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  same. 

"  NEW  YORK,  May  30,  1757. 

"  DEAR  SISTER, — I  have  before  me  yours 
of  the  9th  and  16th  instant :  I  am  glad  you 
have  resolved  to  visit  sister  Dowse  oftener ; 
it  will  be  a  great  comfort  to  her,  to  find  she  is 
not  neglected  by  you,  and  your  example  may, 
perhaps,  be  followed  by  some  other  of  her  re 
lations. 

"  As  Neddy  is  yet  a  young  man,  I  hope  he 
may  get  over  the  disorder  he  complains  of,  and 
in  time  wear  it  out.  My  love  to  him  and  his 
wife  and  the  rest  of  your  children.  It  gives 
me  pleasure  to  hear  that  Eben  is  likely  to  get 
into  business  at  his  trade.  If  he  will  be  in 
dustrious  and  frugal,  'tis  ten  to  one  but  he 
gets  rich,  for  he  seems  to  have  spirit  and  ac 
tivity. 

"  I  am  glad  that  Peter  is  acquainted  with 
the  crown  soap  business,  so  as  to  make  what 
is  good  of  the  kind.  I  hope  he  will  always 
take  care  to  make  it  faithfully,  never  slight 
manufacture,  or  attempt  to  deceive  by  ap 
pearances.  Then  he  may  boldly  put  his  name 
and  mark,  and  in  a  little  time  it  will  acquire 
as  good  a  character  as  that  made  by  his  late 
uncle,  or  any  other  person  whatever.  I  be 
lieve  his  aunt  at  Philadelphia,  can  help  him 
to  sell  a  good  deal  of  it ;  and  I  doubt  not  of 
her  doing  every  thing  in  her  power  to  pro 
mote  his  interest  in  that  way.  Let  a  box  be 


original  maker,  but  put  his  own  mark  or  de- 
j  vice  on  the  papers,  or  any  thing  he  may  be 
advised  to  as  proper ;  only  on  the  soap,  as  it  is 
called  by  the  name  of  crown  soap,  it  seems 
necessary  to  use  a  stamp  of  that  sort,  and  per 
haps  no  soap  boiler  in  the  king's  dominions 
has  a  better  right  to  the  crown  than  himself. 

Nobody  has  wrote  a  syllable  to  me  con 
cerning  his  making  use  of  the  hammer,  or 
made  the  least  complaint  of  him  or  you.  I  am 
sorry  however  that  he  took  it  without  leave. 
It  was  irregular,  and  if  you  had  not  approved 
of  his  doing  it,  I  should  have  thought  it  in 
discreet.  Leave  they  say  is  light,  and  it 
seems  to  me  a  piece  of  respect  that  was  due 
to  his  aunt  to  ask  it,  and  I  can  scarce  think 
she  would  have  refused  him  the  favour. 

I  am  glad  to  hear  Jamey  is  so  good  and 
diligent  a  workman ;  if  he  ever  sets  up  at  the 
goldsmith's  business,  he  must  remember  that 
there  is  one  accomplishment  without  which 
he  cannot  possibly  thrive  in  that  trade,  (i.  e. 
to  be  perfectly  honest.}  It  is  a  business  that 
though  ever  so  uprightly  managed,  is  always 
liable  to  suspicion ;  and  if  a  man  is  once  de 
tected  in  the  smallest  fraud  it  soon  becomes 
public,  and  every  one  is  put  upon  their  guard 
against  him ;  no  one  will  venture  to  try  his 
hands,  or  trust  him  to  make  up  their  plate ; 


so  at  once  he  is  ruined, 
will  therefore   establish 


I  hope  my  nephew 
character  as  an 


honest  and  faithful,  as  well  as  skilful  work 
man,  and  then  he  need  not  fear  employment. 
"And  now  as  to  what  you  propose  for 
Benny  I  believe  he  may  be,  as  you  say,  well 
enough  qualified  for  it,  and  when  he  appears 
to  be  settled,  if  a  vacancy  should  happen,  it 
is  very  probable  he  may  be  thought  of  to  sup 
ply  it ;  but  it  is  a  rule  with  me,  not  to  remove 
any  officer  that  behaves  well,  keeps  regular 
accounts,  and  pays  duly ;  and  I  think  the  rule 
is  founded  on  reason  and  justice.  I  have  not 
shown  any  backwardness  to  assist  Benny, 
where  it  could  be  done  without  injuring  an 
other.  But  if  my  friends  require  of  me  to 
gratify  not  only  their  inclinations,  but  their 
resentments,  they  expect  too  much  of  me. 
Above  all  things  I  dislike  family  quarrels,  and 
when  they  happen  among  my  relations,  no 
thing  gives  me  more  pain.  If  I  were  to  set 
myself  up  as  a  judge  of  those  subsisting  be 
tween  you  and  brother's  widow  and  children, 


sent  to  her  (but  not  unless  it  be  right  good)  I  how  unqualified  must  I  be,  at  this  distance,  to 


and  she  will  immediately  return  the  ready 
money  for  it.  It  was  beginning  once  to  be  in 
vogue  in  Philadelphia,  but  brother  John  sent 
rne  one  box,  an  ordinary  sort,  which  checked 
its  process.  I  would  not  have  him  put  the 
Franklin  arms  on  it ;  but  the  soap  boilers  arms 
he  has  a  right  to  use,  if  he  thinks  fit.  The 
other  would  look  too  much  like  an  attempt  to 
counterfeit  In  his  advertisements,  he  may 
value  himself  on  serving  his  time  with  the 


determine 
but  one  side. 


j  rightly 
ide.     Th 


especially  having  heard 
ey  always  treated  me  with 


friendly  and  affectionate  regard;  you  have 
done  the  same.  What  can  I  say  between  you, 
but  that  I  wish  you  were  reconciled,  and  that 
I  will  love  that  side  best  that  is  most  ready  to 
forgive  and  oblige  the  other.  You  will  be 
angry  with  me  here,  for  putting  you  and  them 
too  much  upon  a  footing,  but  I  shall  neverthe 
less  be,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


241 


"Mrs,  D.  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  \ov.  -Jv!,  1737. 

w  MY  DEAR  CHILD, — During  my  illness, 
\vhich  continued  near  eight  weeks,  I  wrote 
you  several  little  letters,  as  I  was  able ;  the  last 
was  by  the  packet  which  sailed  from  Fal- 
mouth  above  a  week  since :  in  that  I  informed 
you  that  my  intermitting  fever  which  had  con 
tinued  to  harass  me,  by  frequent  relapses, 
was  gone  off,  and  1  have  ever  since  been 
gathering  strength  and  flesh.  My  doctor, 
Fothergill,  who  had  forbid  me  the  use  of  pen 
and  ink,  now  permits  me  to  write  as  much  as 
I  can  without  over  fatiguing  myself,  and 
therefore  I  sit  down  to  Write  more  fully  than 
I  have  hitherto  been  able  to  do. 

"Tha  2d  of  September  I  wrote  to  you  that 
I  had  had  a  violent  cold  and  something  of  a 
fever,  but  that  it  was  almost  gone.  How 
ever,  it  was  not  long  before  I  had  another  se 
vere  cold,  which  continued  longer  than  the 
first,  attended  by  great  pain  in  my  head,  the 
top  of  which  was  very  hot,  and  when  the  pain 
went  off,  very  sore  and  tender.  These  fits 
of  pain  continued  sometimes  longer  than  at 
others ;  seldom  less  than  12  hours,  and  ones 
36  hours.  I  was  now  and  then  a  little  deli 
rious:  they  cupped  me  on  the  back  of  the 
head,  when  seemed  to  ease  me  for  the  present; 
I  took  a  great  deal  of  bark,  both  in  substance 
and  infusion,  and  too  soon  thinking  myself 
well,  I  ventured  out  twice,  to  do  a  little  bu 
siness  and  forward  the  service  I  am  engaged 
in,  and  both  times  got  fresh  cold  and  fell  down 
again ;  my  good  doctor  grew  very  angry  with 
me,  for  acting  contrary  to  his  cautions  and  di 
rections,  and  obliged  me  to  promise  more  ob 
servance  for  the  future.  He  attended  me  very 
carefully  and  affectionately;  and  the  good 
lady  of  the  house  nursed  me  kindly ;  Billy  was 
also  of  great  service  to  me>  in  going  from 
place  to  place,  where  I  could  not  go  myself, 
and  Peter  was  very  diligent  and  attentive.  I 
took  so  much  bark  in  various  ways  that  I  be 
gan  to  abhor  it ;  I  durst  not  take*  a  vomit,  for 
tear  of  my  head ;  but  at  last  I  was  seized  one 
morning  with  a  vomiting  and  purging,  the  lat 
ter  of  which  continued  the  greater  part  of  the 
day,  and  I  believe  was  a  kind  of  crisis  to  the 
distemper,  carrying  it  clear  off;  for  ever  since 
1  feel  quite  lightsome,  and  am  every  day  ga 
thering  strength ;  so  I  hope  my  seasoning  is 
over,  and  that  I  shall  enjoy  better  health 
during  the  rest  of  my  stay  in  England. 

"  I  have  now  before  me,  your  letters  of  July 
17,  July  31,  August  11,  August  21,  Septem 
ber  4,  September  19,  October  1,  and  October  9. 
T  thank  you  for  writing  to  me  so  frequently  and 
fully  ;  I  believe  I  have  missed  none  of  your 
letters  yet,  but  those  by  Lyon,  who  was  taken. 

"  You  mention  Mr.  Scott's  being  robbed,  but 
do  not  say  to  what  value ;  was  it  considerable  ? 
I  have  seen  Mr.  Raton,  and  delivered  him 

VOL.  I.... 2  H  21 


Mrs.  Garrigues's  letter.  He  is  removed  from 
Turnham  Green ;  when  I  return  I'll  tell  you 
every  thing  relating  to  him,  in  the  mean  time 
1  must  advise  Mrs.  Garrigues  not  to  write  to 
him  again,  till  I  send  her  word  how  to  direct 
her  letters,  he  being  unwilling,  for  some  good 
reasons,  that  his  present  wile  should  know 
any  thing  of  his  having  any  connexions  in 
America.  He  expresses  great  affection  for 
his  daughter  and  grandchildren.  He  has  but 
one  child  here. 

"  I  have  found  David  Edwards,  and  send 
you  some  of  his  letters,  with  one  for  his  fa 
ther.  I  am  glad  to  hear  that  our  friends  at 
Newark  got  well  through  the  small  pox. 

"The  above  particulars  are  in  answer  to 
things  mentioned  in  your  letters,  and  so  are 
what  follow. 

"  Governor  Shirley's  affairs  are  still  in  an 
uncertain  state  ;  he  is  endeavouring  to  obtain 
an  inquiry  into  his  conduct,  but  the  confusion 
of  public  affairs  occasions  it  to  be  postponed. 
He  and  I  visit  frequently. 

"  I  make  no  doubt  but  reports  will  be  spread 
by  my  enemies  to  my  disadvantage,  but  let 
none  of  them  trouble  you.  If  I  find  I  can  do 
my  country  no  good,  I  will  take  care  at  least 
not  to  do  it  any  harm ;  I  will  neither  seek  nor 
expect  any  thing  for  myself;  and  though  I 
may  perhaps  not  be  able  to  obtain  for  the  peo 
ple  what  they  wish  and  expect,  no  interest 
shall  induce  me  to  betray  the  trust  they  have 
reposed  in  me ;  so  make  yourself  quite  easy 
with  regard  to  such  reports. 

"  Mr.  Hunter  is  better  than  he  has  been  for 
a  long  time,  he  and  his  sister  desire  to  be  re 
membered  to  you. 

"  I  believe  I  left  the  seal  with  Mr.  Parker. 

"  I  am  glad  to  hear  that  Mr.  Boudinot  has 
so  seasonable  a  supply ;  and  hope  he  will  not 
go  to  mining  again. 

"  I  am  obliged  to  all  my  friends  that  visit 
you  in  my  absence.  My  love  to  them. 

"  Mr.  Ralph  delivered  me  your  letters  very 
obligingly ;  he  is  well  respected  by  people  of 
value  here. 

"  I  thank  you  for  sending  me  brother  John- 
ny*s  journal ;  I  hope  he  is  well,  and  sister 
Read  and  the  children. 

"  I  am  sorry  to  hear  of  Mr.  Burt's  death. 
He  came  to  me  at  New  York,  with  a  propo 
sal  that  I  did  not  approve  of,  but  it  showed  his 
good  will  and  respect  for  me ;  when  I  return 
I'll  tell  you  what  it  was. 

"  I  shall  entertain  Mr.  Collinson  and  Dr. 
Fothergill  with  your  account  of  Tidyuskin's 
visit. 

"  I  should  have  read  Sally's  French  letter 
with  more  pleasure,  but  that  I  thought  the 
French  rather  too  good  to  be  all  her  own  com 
posing;  I  suppose  her  master  must  have  cor 
rected  it.  But  I  am  glad  she  is  improving 
in  that  and  her  music ;  I  send  her  a  French 
Pamela. 


242 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


"  You  were  very  lucky  in  not  insuring  the 
rum.  We  are  obliged  to  Mr.  Booth  for  his 
care  in  that  remittance.  I  suppose  you  have 
wrote  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  it  I 
have  not  yet  seen  Mr.  Burkett 

"  I  am  "not  much  surprised  at  Green's  be 
haviour  ;  he  has  not  an  honest  principle,  I 
fear.  I  have  not  yet  seen  Mr.  Walsteinholme, 
but  he  is  arrived. 

"  I  am  glad  you  sent  to  Elizabeth-town,  and 
that  Ben  has  got  that  good  girl.  I  hope  they 
will  do  well,  when  you  write  remember  my 
love  to  her. 

"  December  3.  I  write  by  little  and  little 
as  I  can  find  time ;  I  have  now  gone  through 
all  your  agreeable  letters,  which  give  me 
fresh  pleasure  every  time  I  read  them.  Last 
night  I  received  another,  dated  October  16, 
which  brings  me  the  good  news  that  you  and 
Sally  were  got  safe  home ;  your  last  of  the  9th, 
being  from  Elizabeth-town.  Sudden's  ship  is 
not  yet  come  up  to  London,  but  is  daily  ex 
pected,  having  been  some  time  at  Cowes.  Mr. 
Hall  has  sent  me  a  bill,  as  you  mention.  Mr. 
Walsteinholme  is  come  to  town  and  I  expect 
to  see  him  to-day.  When  I  have  inquired 
how  things  are  with  Green,  I  shall  write 
some  directions  to  you  what  to  do  in  the  af 
fair. 

"  I  am  glad  to  hear  that  Miss  Ray  is  well, 
and  that  you  correspond.  It  is  not  convenient 
to  be  forward  in  giving  advice  in  such  cases. 
She  has  prudence  enough  to  judge  for  her 
self,  and  I  hope  she  will  judge  and  act  for  the 
best. 

"  I  hear  there  is  a  miniature  painter  gone 
over  to  Philadelphia,  a  relation  to  John  Rey 
nolds.  If  Sally's  picture  is  not  done  to  your 
mind,  by  the  young  man,  and  the  other  gen 
tleman  is  a  good  hand  and  follows  the  busi 
ness,  suppose  you  get  Sally's  done  by  him, 
and  send  it  me  with  your  small  picture,  that 
I  may  here  get  all  our  little  family  drawn  in 
one  conversation  piece. 

"  I  am  sorry  to  hear  of  the  general  sick 
ness ;  I  hope  it  is  over  before  this  time,  and 
that  little  Franky  is  recovered. 

"  I  was  as  much  disappointed  in  my  inten 
tion  of  writing  by  that  packet  as  you  were  in 
not  receiving  letters  by  her,  and  it  has  since 
given  me  a  great  deal  of  vexation.  I  wrote 
to  you  by  way  of  New  York,  the  day  after  my 
arrival  in  London,  which  I  do  not  find  you 
have  received. 

"  I  do  not  use  to  be  a  backward  correspon 
dent  though  my  sickness  has  brought  me  be 
hind  hand  with  my  friends  in  that  respect. 

"  Had  I  been  well,  I  intended  to  have  gone 
round  among  the  shops,  and  bought  some 
pretty  things  for  you  and  my  dear  good  Sally, 
(whose  littfe  hands  you  say  eased  your  head 
ache)  to  send  by  this  ship,  but  I  must  now  de 
fer  it  to  the  next,  having  only  got  a  crimson 
satin  cloak  for  you,  the  newest  fashion,  and 


the  black  silk  for  Sally ;  but  Billy  sends  her  a 
scarlet  feather,  muff,  and  tippet,  and  a  box  of 
fashionable  linen  for  her  dress ;  in  the  box  is 
a  thermometer  for  Mr.  Taylor  and  one  for  Mr. 
Schlatter,  which  you  will  carefully  deliver ; 
as  also,  a  watch  for  Mr.  Schlatter.  I  shall 
write  to  them;  the  black  silk  was  sent  to  Mr. 
Neates,  who  undertook  to  forward  it  in  some 
package  of  his. 

"  It  is  now  twelve  days  since  I  began  to 
write  this  letter,  and  I  still  continue  well,  but 
have  not  yet  quite  recovered  my  strength, 
flesh,  or  spirits.  I  every  day  drink  a  glass  of 
infusion  of  bark  in  wine,  by  way  of  preven 
tion,  and  hope  my  fever  will  no  more  return  ; 
on  fair  days,  which  are  but  few,  I  venture  out 
about  noon. 

"  The  agreeable  conversation  I  meet  with 
among  men  of  learning,  and  the  notice  taken 
of  me  by  persons  of  distinction,  are  the  prin 
cipal  things  that  soothe  me  for  the  present, 
under  this  painful  absence  from  my  family  and 
friends.  Yet  those  would  not  keep  me  here  an 
other  week,  if  I  had  not  other  inducements ; 
duty  to  my  country,  and  hopes  of  being  able 
to  do  it  service. 

"  Pray  remember  me  kindly  to  all  that  love 
us,  and  to  all  that  we  love.  'Tis  endless  to 
name  names.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  same. 

"  LONDON,  December  13, 1757. 

"  DEAR  MADAM, — I  will  not  write  to  you,  for 
the  future,  as  a  stranger  whom  I  never  had 
the  happiness  of  seeing,  but  as  to  one  with 
whom  I  have  been  for  some  time  acquainted, 
for  having  had  the  pleasure  for  several  months 
past,  to  be  personally  known  to  what  you  will 
readily  allow,  to  be  your  better  half,  you'll 
permit  me  to  fancy,  I  am  by  no  means  ig 
norant  of  the  essential  qualities  of  the  other. 

"  I  had  for  many  years  conceived  a  very 
high,  and  now  find,  a  very  just  opinion  of  Mr. 
Franklin ;  this  I  was  naturally  led  to  by  the 
concurring  testimony  of  every  body  who  knew 
him,  (for  the  voice  of  his  enemies,  if  he  had 
any,  never  reached  me)  and  by  the  opportuni 
ties  I  have  had  of  judging  for  myself,  during 
my  correspondence  with  him  for  a  dozen  years. 
But  though  the  notion  I  had  formed  of  him,  in 
my  own  mind,  before  I  had  the  pleasure  of 
seeing  him,  was  really  as  far  as  it  went,  just 
enough ;  I  must  confess  it  was  very  unequal 
to  what  I  now  know  his  singular  merit  de 
serves. 

"  I  own  it  is  somewhat  odd,  to  entertain  a 
lady  with  the  character  of  her  husband,  who 
must  herself,  of  all  others,  be  the  least  ig 
norant  in  that  particular.  But  as  all  who 
know  me,  know  that  I  cannot  help  speaking  my 
sentiments  freely,  on  any  subject  that  strikes 
me  in  a  great  degree,  so  I  choose  to  write  my 
mind  in  regard  to  Mr.  Franklin,  before  all 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


243 


others  to  you,  because  you  are  the  most  un 
exceptionable  judge  of  the  truth  and  propriety 
of  what  I  say,  and  because  I  arn  persuaded 
you  will  listen  to  me,  not  only  with  patience 
but  with  pleasure;  and  indeed,  whatever 
your  own  personal  qualities  nuiy  be,  however 
amiable  and  engaging  in  my  mind,  your  be 
ing  the  choice  of  such  a  man,  must  add  great 
ly  to  your  honour,  to  be  the  wife  of  one  who 
has  so  much  ability,  inclination,  and  success, 
if  you  view  him  in  a  public  capacity,  in  being 
eminently  useful  to  his  country,  must  neces 
sarily  confer  on  you  great  reputation,  and  to 
be  the  bosom  friend  of  one  who  is  equally 
fitted  to  promote  any  kind  of  domestic  hap 
piness,  must  as  necessarily  be  the  con 
stant  spring  of  the  most  substantial  comfort  to 
you. 

"  For  my  own  part,  I  never  saw  a  man  who 
was,  in  every  respect,  so  perfectly  agreeable 
to  me.  Some  are  amiable  in  one  view,  some  in 
another,  he  in  all.  Now  madam,  as  I  know  the 
ladies  here  consider  him  in  exactly  the  same 
light  I  do,  upon  my  word  I  think  you  should 
come  over,  with  all  convenient  speed  to  look 
after  your  interest ;  not  but  that  I  think  him 
as  faithful  to  his  Joan,  as  any  man  breathing ; 
but  who  knows  what  repeated  and  strong  temp 
tation,  may  in  time,  and  while  he  is  at  so  great  a 
distance  from  you,  accomplish.  Besides,  what 
a  delightful  expedition  would  this  be  to  Miss 
Franklin,  and  how  much  must  it  amuse  and 
improve  her,  to  see  and  live  a  while  in  this 
great  city.  I  know  you  will  object  to  the 
length  of  the  voyage  and  the  danger  of  the 
seas,  but  truly  this  is  more  terrible  in  appre 
hension  than  in  reality ;  of  all  the  ways  'of 
travelling  if  is  the  easiest  and  most  expedi 
tious  ;  and  as  for  the  danger,  there  has  not  a 
soul  been  lost  between  Philadelphia  and  this, 
in  my  memory;  and  I  believe,  not  one  ship 
taken  by  the  enemy.  Is  the  trouble  and  risk 
then  of  such  a  voyage,  to  be  compared  in  any 
degree,  with  the  pleasure  it  will  afford  you 
and  your  best  friends?  By  no  means.  Instead 
of  being  afraid  of  the  sea,  we  ought  to  have  a 
particular  regard  for  it,  as  it  is  so  far  from  be 
ing  a  bar  to  the  communication  and  inter 
course  of  different  and  far  distant  countries, 
that  it  facilitates  their  correspondence  hi  a 
very  high  degree.  Nay  more,  it  conveys  in 
the  floating  castles  of  your  mother  country, 
that  protection  and  assistance  which  I  trust 
will  soon  give  peace  to  your  borders.  I 
might  urge  as  an  additional  inducement  for 
you  to  come  over  in  the  spring,  that  the  im 
portant  business  with  which  Mr.  Franklin  is 
charged,  in  the  service  of  his  country,  (which 
I  dare  say  you  would  wish  above  all  things 
may  be  brought  to  a  happy  conclusion)  may 
very  probably  detain  him  more  than  one  sea 
son,  which  will  exhaust  your  patience  to  such 
a  degree,  that  you  may  repent,  when  too  late, 
you  did  not  listen  to  my  advice. 


"  Your  son  I  really  think  one  of  the  pret 
tiest  young  gentlemen  1  ever  knew  from 
America.  He  seems  to  me  to  bave  a  solid  ity  of 
judgment,  riot  very  often  to  be  met  with  in 
one  of  his  years.  This  with  the  daily  oppor 
tunities  he  has  of  improving  himself  in  the 
company  of  his  father,  who  is  at  the  same 
time  his  friend,  his  brother,  his  intimate,  and 
easy  companion,  affords  an  agreeable  prospect, 
that  your  husband's  virtues  and  usefulness  to 
his  country,  may  be  prolonged  beyond  the  date 
of  his  own  life. 

"Your  daughter  (I  wish  I  could  call  her 
mine,)  I  find  by  the  rej)orts  of  all  who  know 
her,  is  a  very  amiable  girl  in  all  respects  ;  but 
of  her  I  shall  say  nothing,  till  I  have  the  plea 
sure  of  seeing  her.  Only  1  must  observe  to 
you,  that  being  the  mistress  of  such  a  family, 
is  a  degree  of  happiness  perhaps  the  greatest 
that  falls  to  the  lot  of  humanity.  I  sincerely 
wish  you,  very  long,  the  unabated  enjoyment 
of  them.  I  leave  it  to  your  friend,  to  write 
you  every  thing  from  this  place,  you  would  de 
sire  to  know.  But  I  cannot  take  my  leave  of 
you  without  informing  you  that  Mr.  F.  has  the 
good  fortune  to  lodge  with  a  very  discreet 
good  gentlewoman,  who  is  particularly  care 
ful  of  him,  who  attended  him  during  a  very 
severe  cold  he  was  some  time  ago  seized 
with,  with  an  assiduity,  concern,  and  ten 
derness,  which  perhaps,  only  yourself  could 
equal :  so  that  I  don't  think  you  could  have  a 
better  substitute  till  you  come  over,  to  take 
him  under  your  own  protection.  He  is  now 
perfectly  recovered. 

"  My  own  family  are,  I  thank  God,  just  now 
in  perfect  health.  My  wife  joins  me  in  kind 
est  compliments  to  you  and  dear  Miss,  not  for 
getting  her  honest  son  David  and  his  fire-side. 
I  wish  you  a  speedy  and  happy  meeting  with 
your  friends  on  this  side  of  the  water,  which 
will  give  great  pleasure  to, 

"WILLIAM  STRAHAN." 


To  the  same. 

"  LONDON,  January  II,  1758. 

"  DEAR  DEBBY, — I  wrote  a  very  long  let 
ter  to  you  lately,  two  whole  sheets  full,  con 
taining  answers  to  all  yours  received  during 
my  sickness.  I  have  since  received  you:  kind 
favours  of  November  13th  and  November  16th. 
It  has  given  me  great  concern  that  you  should 
be  so  disappointed  in  having  no  letters  by  cap 
tain  Luthwycke ;  you  know  by  this  time  how 
it  happened  ;  but  I  wonder  you  should  exptct. 
letters  from  me,  by  the  way  of  Ireland ;  it 
being  quite  out  of  my  knowledge,  when  ves 
sels  are  to  sail  from  thence. 

"I  am  thankful  to  God  for  sparing  my  lit 
tle  family  in  that  time  of  general  sickness, 
and  hope*  to  find  them  all  well,  at  my  return. 
The  New  York  paper  you  sent  me  was  the 


244 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


latest  that  came,  and  of  use  to  oar  friend, 
Strahan.  He  has  offered  to  lay  me  a  con 
siderable  wager,  that  a  letter  he  has  wrote  to 
you  will  bring  you  immediately  over  hither ; 
but  I  tell  him  I  will  not  pick  his  pocket ;  for 
I  am  sure  there  is  no  inducement  strong 
enough  to  prevail  with  you  to  cross  the  seas. 
I  would  be  glad  if  I  could  tell  you  when  I  ex 
pected  to  be  at  home,  but  that  is  still  in  the 
dark ;  it  is  possible  I  may  not  be  able  to  get 
away  this  summer ;  but  I  hope,  if  I  stay  an 
other  winter,  it  will  be  more  agreeable  'than 
the  greatest  part  of  the  time  I  have  hitherto 
spent  in  England.  But  however  I  must  bring 
my  business  to  some  conclusion. 

"  I  received  Sally's  letter  of  November  12th, 
but  cannot  now  write  to  her.  I  wrote  to  my 
friends  generally  by  last  packet,  and  shall 
write  to  them  again  by  a  ship  of  Mr.  Ralph's, 
to  sail  from  here  in  about  a  fortnight.  I  am 
not  yet  quite  so  hearty  as  before  my  illness ; 
but  1  think  I  am  daily  stronger  and  better,  so 
I  hope  I  have  had  my  seasoning ;  but  much 
writing  still  disorders  me. 

"My  duty  to  mother,  and  love  to  Sally, 
Debby,  Mr.  Dualap,  and  all  friends  that  in 
quire  after  me.  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  Billy  presents  his  duty  to  you  and  mother, 
and  love  to  his  sister." 


To  the  same. 

"  LONDON,  January  21,  1758. 

"  MY  DEAR  CHILD, — Mr.  Lorimer,  a  friend 
who  is  going  over  to  general  Abercromby,  to 
assist  him  as  a  secretary,  called  on  me  just 
now,  to  acquFtint  me  that  he  is  on  the  point 
of  setting  out.  I  seize  a  minute  or  two  just 
to  let  you  know  we  are  well,  that  is,  I  am 
well,  compared  to  what  I  have  been  during  a 
great  part  of  the  time  since  my  arrival,  and  I 
hope  with  the  spring  to  recover  my  full 
strength.  Billy  is  quite  hearty,  and  presents 
his  duty,  love,  &c. 

"  I  have  wrote  to  you  by  several  opportu 
nities,  lately,  and  particularly  one  long  letter 
of  two  sheets,  which  I  hope  will  come  to  hand, 
as  it  contained  a  full  answer  to  a  number  of 
yours  received  during  my  illness,  and  I  have 
no  co')y  of  it. 

"  I  begin  to  think  I  shall  hardly  be  able  to 
return  before  this  time  twelve  months.  I  am 
for  doing  effectually  what  I  came  about ;  and 
I  find  it  requires  both  time  and  patience.  You 
may  think  perhaps,  that  I  can  find  many 
amusements  here  to  pass  the  time  agreeably. 
'Tis  true,  the  regard  and  friendship  I  meet 
with  from  persons  of  worth,  and  the  conversa 
tion  of  ingenious  men,  give  me  no  small  plea 
sure  ;  but  at  this  time  of  life,  domestic  com 
forts  afford  the  most  solid  satisfaction,  and  my 
uneasiness  at  being  absent  from  my  family, 
cind  longing  desire  to  be  with  them,  make  me 
often  sigh  in  the  midst  of  cheerful  company. 


"  My  love  to  my  dear  Sally.  I  confide  in 
you  the  care  of  her  and  her  education ;  I  pro 
mise  myself  the  pleasure  of  finding  her  much 
improved  at  my  return. 

"  While  I  am  writing,  three  letters  came 
in,  one  from  Mr.  Hall,  one  from  Rhoads,  an 
other  from  Dr.  Bond,  but  none  from  you  :  they 
are  by  way  of  Bristol.  I  must  send  this  away 
immediately,  lest  Mr.  Lorimer  should  be  gone. 
My  respects  to  those  gentlemen,  to  whom  I 
shall  write,  and  to  my  other  friends,  by  Mr. 
Ralph's  vessel,  which  sails  next  week. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  P.  S.  When  you  write  to  Boston,  give 
my  love  to  sister  Jenney — as  I  have  not  often 
time  to  write  to  her.  If  you  please  you  may 
send  her  the  inclosed  little  picture. 

"B.F." 

To  the  same. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  May  1,  1758. 

"  MADAM, — By  favour  of  Miss  D.  Williams, 
I  had  the  pleasure  of  viewing  on  Wednesday 
the  effigies  in  miniature,  of  your  truly  worthy 
spouse ;  and  as  the  sight  of  that  valuable  lit 
tle  piece  revived  some  thoughts  of  a  desire 
which  I  have  been  meditating  for  some  years- 
past,  I  took  the  liberty  to  request  Miss  Wil 
liams  to  beg  in  my  name,  the  favour  of  you, 
madam,  not  to  suffer  it  to  go  entirely  out  of 
your  hands  so  suddenly  as  seemed  at  first  to 
be  proposed,,  that  so,  I  might  have  an  oppor 
tunity  of  explaining1  what  that  design  was, 
and  of  submitting  it  to  your  consideration, 
which  I  choose  to  do  in  writing ;  as  in  this 
way,  I  can  more  fully  make  it  known,  toge 
ther  with  my  real  motive,  which  I  trust  wilfbe 
understood,  as  I  am  myself  persuaded,  that 
they  are  with  the  utmost  sincerity  of  a  much 
nobler  kind  than  more  sordid  interested  ex 
pectations. 

"  Ever  since  I  have  been  resident  in  Phila 
delphia.  I  have  entertained  thoughts  of  per 
forming  a  piece  of  mezz9tinto,  which  I  have 
several  times  practised  in  Boston,  and  which., 
so  far  as  I  know,  has  never  yet  been  done  in 
this  city,  nor  have  I  ever  heard  of  any  person 
residing  here  beside  myself,  that  was  acquaint 
ed  with  that  business.  As  therefore  such  an 
attempt  of  mine  would  be  the  first  of  the  kind 
in  this  place,  I  supposed  that  that  considera 
tion  alone  would  add  some  value  to  the  per 
formance  ;  and  even  make  amends  for  any 
small  defects  of  workmanship  (I  hoped  there 
would  be  no  very  great  ones)  observable  in  it ; 
and  on  that  account  I  was  desirous  of  conse 
crating  it,  as  an  offering  of  first  fruits,  to  the 
memory  of  real  and  eminent  worth. 

"  And  when  I  considered  which  way  I 
should  direct  my  choice  for  such  a  subject,  "my 
grateful  sense  of  the  many  instances  of  Mr. 
Franklin's  goodness  to  myself,  his  benevolent 
endeavours  in  private  life,  to  promote  the  in- 
i  terest  of  any  person,  though  no  way  connected 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


245 


with  his  own,  and  to  advance  by  his  candk 
remarks  and  wise  advice  every  useful  art  in 
America ;  the  great  obligations  which  the 
whole  learned  world  confess  themselves  to  be 
under  to  him  for  his  important  philosophica 
discoveries ;  his  honest,  steady,  and  undauntet 
zeal  in  the  cause  of  liberty  ;  his  knowledge  of 
the  true  interests,  and  his  wise  counsels  am 
unwearied  labours  for  the  real  service  of  this 
province — of  America  in  general — of  his  na 
tion  and  his  king — manifesting  the  invaluable 
friend,  the  eminent  philosopher,  the  true 
patriot,  the  loyal  subject,  the  honest,  the  truly 
great  and  good  man — the  boast  of  Boston,  his 
native  place — the  blessing  of  Pennsylvania — 
the  admiration  of  the  world  !  all  these  consi 
derations  bursting  upon  my  mind  at  once  with 
irresistible  conviction,  left  me  no  room  to 
hesitate  before  I  fixed  my  choice ;  not  that  I 
imagine  that  any  poor  endeavours  of  mine  can 
add  to  or  help  to  perpetuate  the  fame  of  my 
proposed  subject ;  that  is  already  sufficiently 
extended,  and  will  never  be  forgotten  so  long 
as  the  lightning's  flash  and  thunder's  roar 
continue  to  remind  mankind  who  it  was  that 
explained  to  them  the  nature,  and  taught  them 
how  to  guard  against  the  effects  of  that  ter 
rifying  meteor.  My  prospect  was  rather  in 
the  first  place,  to  give  some  other  proof  than 
bare  words  (which  how  poor  soever  in  itself 
should  yet  be  the  best  in  my  power)  of  my 
gratitude,  and  the  humble  respect  I  bear  to 
such  conspicuous  merit ;  and  in  the  next  place 
I  hoped  to  preserve  my  own  name  from  obli 
vion  ;  partly  by  being  the  first  who  should 
make  such  an  attempt  in  this  place;  but 
chiefly  by  the  judiciousness  of  my  choice,  and 
by  fastening  my  name  to  one  that  is  already 
fixed  in  the  annals  of  fame. 

"  I  hope  I  shall  not  be  suspected,  as  guilty 
of  the  hated  sin  of  fulsome  adulation,  since 
the  most  I  can  say,  can  be  no  more  than  feint 
echo  of  the  united  voices  of  men  and  collect 
ive  bodies  of  men,  the  most  respectable  for 
learning  in  every  civilized  nation,  and  whose 
situations  and  circumstances  in  life,  compared 
with  Mr.  Franklin's,  sets  them  above  even 
the  bare  possibility  of  such  a  suspicion.  The 
truth  is,  that  when  I  began  to  write,  I  intend 
ed  only  a  few  lines,  but  being  once  engaged, 
the  gratitude  and  veneration  that  dilates  my 
heart,  whenever  I  think  or  speak  of  Mr. 
Franklin,  and  the  pride  also,  I  will  confess, 
springing  from  the  reflection  that  I  could  call 
such  a  man  my  countryman,  would  force  to 
themselves  utterance,  almost  whether  I  would 
or  not,  and  I  could  not  without  a  great  deal  of 
pain,  have  withheld  my  real  sentiments. 

"I  should  long  since  have  asked  of  Mr. 
Franklin  himself  his  permission,  to  carry  such 
a  design  into  execution,  had  it  not  been  for  a 
difficulty  which  I  foresaw  would  occur,  of  ob 
taining  a  good  likeness  :  for  though  I  profess 
myself  capable  of  imitating  a  good  draught, 
21* 


ready  made  to  my  hands,  yet  I  have  no  pre 
tensions  to  drawing  after  the  life;  and  despair 
ing  of  having  this  point  settled  to  my  satis 
faction,  I  suffered  the  thought  to  sleep;  and 
though  I  have  in  that  course  of  time  had  fre 
quent  opportunities  of  procuring  the  portraits 
of  other  persons  who  had  made  themselves  re 
markable,  and  perhaps  dear  enough  to  a  party 
to  answer  all  my  expectations  of  gain  ;  yet  as 
I  intended  that  my  first  essay  should  be  con 
strued  as  testifying  my  sense  of  the  merit  of 
the  person  represented ;  I  could  not  think  of 
wronging  my  consequence  by  making  an  offer 
ing  to  idols,  and  this  has  been  the  true  and 
only  reason  why  my  design  has  been  so  long 
dormant. 

"  Miss  Williams  has  assured  me  that  you, 
madam,  had  the  goodness  to  grant  my  first  re 
quest,  very  readily,  which  has  given  me  the 
opportunity  of  explaining  myself  thus  far,  and 
encouraged  me  to  make  the  other  and  princi 
pal  one,  which  is  no  less,  than  that  I  may  have 
your  permission  to  attempt  Mr.  Franklin's 
portrait  in  mezzotinto,  on  a  copperplate  of  the 
usual  size,  viz.  about  fourteen  inches  long 
and  ten  inches  broad ;  and  that  I  may  be  al 
lowed  so  much  use  of  the  little  piece,  above 
mentioned,  as  may  be  requisite  for  my  direc 
tion  in  the  performance. 

"  If  I  am  so  happy  as  to  obtain  this  suit,  no 
endeavours  in  my  power  shall  be  wanting,  to 
do  as  much  justice  as  possible  to  my  own  gra 
titude,  and  to  my  idea  of  the  superlative  merit 
of  the  original ;  that  so,  if  possible,  posterity 
may  not  be  mistaken  in  the  resemblance  of  a 
single  lineament  in  the  countenance  of  a  man, 
for  whose  memory  it  will  assuredly  for  ever 
have  the  highest  regard;  and  after  I  have 
done  my  utmost  to  this  end,  I  shall  cheerfully 
submit  it  to  the  examination  and  censure,  or 
approbation  of  yourself,  madam,  and  the  circle 
of  your  friends;  and  if  the  performance  should 
be  judged  as  imperfect  as  that  you  would  not. 
choose  to  have  it  made  public,  I  will  govern 
myself  entirely  by  your  directions,  and  either 
lay  aside  all  farther  thoughts  of  the  matter,  or 
?lse  with  your  permission  make  another  fresh 
attempt,  and  even  a  third,  rather  than  fail  of 
success  in  an  affair  which  I  am  so  heartily 
mbitious  of  accomplishing. 

"  If  you  please,  madam,  to  favour  me  with 
a  few  moments'  attention  to  this  matter,  I  shall 
;ake  the  liberty  after  a  few  days  of  waiting 
upon  you  for  your  determination,  to  which 
shall  be  paid  the  greatest  regard,  by 

"JAMES  TURNER." 


"  Mrs.  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  September  6,  1758. 

"  MY  DEAR  CHILD, — In  mine  of  June  10th, 
iy  the  Mercury,  captain  Robinson,  I  mention 
ed  our  having  been  at  Cambridge.  We  staid 
here  a  week,  being  entertained  with  great 


246 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


kindness  by  the  principal  people,  and  shown 
all  the  curiosities  of  the  place ;  and,  returning 
by  another  road  to  see  more  of  the  country, 
we  came  again  to  London.  I  found  the  jour 
ney  advantageous  to  my  health,  increasing 
both  my  health  and  spirits,  and  therefore,  as 
all  the  great  folks  were  out  of  town,  and  pub 
lic  business  at  a  stand,  I  the  more  easily  pre 
vailed  with  myself  to  take  another  journey  and 
accept  of  the  invitation.  We  had  to  be  again 
at  Cambridge  at  the  commencement,  the  be 
ginning  of  July,  We  went  accordingly,  were 
present  at  all  the  ceremonies,  dined  every  day 
in  their  halls,  and  my  vanity  was  not  a  little 
gratified  by  the  particular  regard  shown  me 
by  the  chancellor  and  vice-chancellor  of  the 
university,  and  the  heads  of  colleges.  After 
the  commencement,  we  went  from  Cambridge, 
through  Huntingdonshire  into  Northumber- 
landshire,  and  at  Wellingborough,  on  inquiry, 
we  found  still  living  Mary  Fisher,  whose 
maiden  name  was  Franklin,  daughter  and  only 
child  of  Thomas  Franklin,  my  father's  eldest 
brother:  she  is  five  years  older  than  sister 
Douse,  and  remembers  her  going  away  with 
my  father  and  his  then  wife,  and  two  other 
children  to  New  England,  about  the  year 
1833.  We  have  had  no  correspondence  with 
her  since  my  uucie  Benjamin's  death,  now 
near  30  years.  I  knew  she  had  lived  at  Wel- 
lingborougli,  and  had  married  there  to  one 
Mr.  Richard  Fisher,  a  grazier  and  tanner, 
about  fifty  years  ago,  but  did  not  expect  to  see 
either  of  them  alive,  so  inquired  for  their  pos 
terity;  I  was  directed  to  their  house,  and  we 
found  them  both  alive,  but  weak  with  age, 
very  glad  however  to  see  us;  she  seems  to 
have  been  a  very  smart,  sensible  woman. 
They  are  wealthy,  have  left  off  business,  and 
live  comfortably.  They  have  had  only  one 
child,  a  daughter,  who  died,  when  about  thirty 
years  of  age,  unmarried;  she  gave  me  several 
of  my  uncle  Benjamin's  letters  to  her,  and  ac 
quainted  me  where  the  other  remains  of  the 
family  lived,  of  which  I  have,  since  my  return 
to  London,  found  out  a  daughter  of  rny  fa 
ther's  only  sister,  very  old,  and  was  never  mar 
ried.  She  is  a  good  clever  woman,  but  poor, 
though  vastly  contented  with  her  situation,  and 
very  cheerful.  The  others  are  in  different 
parts  of  the  country  :  I  intend  to  visit  them, 
but  they  were  too  much  out  of  our  tour  in  that 
journey.  From  Wellincrborough  we  went  to 
Eaton,  about  three  or  four  miles,  being  the 
village  where  my  father  was  born,  and  where 
his  father,  grandfather,  and  great-grandfather 
had  lived,  and  how  many  of  the  family  before 
them  we  know  not.  We  went  first  to  see  the 
old  house  and  grounds;  they  came  to  Mr. 
Fisher  with  his  wife,  and  after  letting  them 
for  some  years,  finding  his  rent  something  ill- 
paid,  he  sold  them.  The  land  is  now  added 
to  another  farm,  and  a  school  kept  in  the 
house :  it  is  a  decayed  old  stone  building,  but 


still  known  by  the  name  of  Franklin  House. 

Thence  we  went  to  visit  the  rector  of  the  pa 
rish,  who  lives  close  by  the  church,  a  very 
ancient  building.  He  entertained  us  very 
kindly,  and  showed  us  the  old  church  register, 
in  which  were  the  births,  marriages,  and  bu 
rials  of  our  ancestors  for  200  years,  as  earlv 
as  his  book  began.  His  wife,  a  good-natured 
chatty  old  lady,  (granddaughter  of  the  famous 
archdeacon  Palmer,  who  formerly  had  that 
parish,  and  lived  there,)  remembered  a  great 
deal  about  the  family ;  carried  us  out  into  the 
church-yard,  and  showed  us  several  of  their 
grave-stones,  which  were  so  covered  with 
moss  that  we  could  not  read  the  letters  till  she 
ordered  a  hardbrush  and  basin  of  water,  witi; 
which  Peter  scoured  them  clean,  and  then 
Billy  copied  them.  Siie  entertained  and  di 
verted  us  highly  with  stories  of  Thomas 
Franklin,  Mrs.  Fisher's  father,  who  was  a 
conveyancer,  something  of  a  lawyer,  clerk  of 
the  county  courts,  and  clerk  to  the  archdea 
con,  in  his  visitations ;  a  very  leading  man  in 
all  county  affairs,  and  much  employed  in  pub 
lic  business.  He  set  on  foot  a  subscription  for 
erecting  chimes  in  their  steeple,  and  com 
pleted  it,  and  we  heard  them  play.  He  found 
out  an  easy  method  of  saving  their  village 
meadows  from  being  drowned,  as  they  used 
to  be  sometimes  by  the  river,  which  method 
is  still  in  being ;  but  when  first  proposed,  no 
body  could  conceive  how  it  could  be ;  but 
however  they  said  if  Franklin  says  he  knows 
how  to  do  it,  it  will  be  done.  His  advice  and 
opinion  was  sought  for  on  all  occasions,  by  all 
sorts  of  people,  and  he  was  looked  upon,  she 
said,  by  some,  as  something  of  a  conjurer.  He 
died  just  four  years  before  I  was  born,  on  the 
same  day  of  the  same  month. 

"Since  our  return  to  London  I  have  had  a 
kind  letter  from  cousin  Fisher,  and  another 
from  the  rector,  which  I  send  you. 

"From  Eaton  we  went  to  Northampton, 
where  we  staid  part  of  the  day  ;  then  went 
to  Coventry,  and  from  thence  to  Birmingham 
— here,  upon  inquiry,  we  soon  found  out 
yours,  and  cousin  Wilkinson's,  and  cousin 
Cash's  relations :  first  we  found  one  of  the 
Cash's,  and  he  went  with  us  to  Rebecca 
Flint's,  where  we  saw  her  and  her  husband  : 
she  is  a  turner  and  he  a  buttonmaker ;  they 
have  no  children ;  were  very  glad  to  see  any 
person  that  knew  their  sister  Williamson; 
told  us  what  letters  they  had  received,  and 
showed  us  some  of  them  ;  and  even  showed 
us  that  they  had,  out  of  respect,  preserved  a 
keg,  in  which  they  had  received  a  present  of 
some  sturgeon.  They  sent  for  their  brother 
Joshua  North,  who  came  with  his  wife  im 
mediately  to  see  us,  he  is  a  turner  also,  and 
has  six  children,  a  lively,  active  man.  Mrs. 
Flint  desired  me  to  tell  her  sister  that  they 
live  still  in  the  old  house  she  left  them  in, 
which  I  think  she  says  was  their  father's. 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


247 


From  thence  Mr.  North  wont  with  us  to  your 
cousin  Benjamin's." 

[The  leaf  of  the  manuscript  book  containing  the  re 
mainder  of  this  letter  torn  out.] 

"  Mrs.  Jane  Mecom,  Boston. 

"  LONDON,  September  1C,  J758. 
"DEAR  SISTER, — I  received  your  favour 
of  June  17th.  I  wonder  you  have  had  no  let 
ter  from  me  since  my  being  in  England;  I 
have  wrote  you  at  least  two,  and  I  think,  a 
third  before  this,  and  what  was  next  to  wait 
ing  on  you  in  person,  sent  you  my  picture. 
In  June  last  I  sent  Benny  a  trunk  of  books, 
and  wrote  to  him ;  I  hope  they  are  come  to 
hand,  and  that  he  meets  with  encouragement 
in  his  business.  I  congratulate  you  on  the 
conquest  of  Cape  Breton,  and  hope  as  your 
people  took  it  by  praying,  the  first  time,  you 
will  now  pray  that  it  may  never  be  given  up 
again,  which  you  then  forgot.  Billy  is  well, 
but  in  the  country.  I  left  him  at  Tunbridge 
Wells,  where  we  spent  a  fortnight,  and  he  is 
now  gone  with  some  company  to  see  Ports 
mouth.  We  have  been  together  over  a  great 
part  of  England  this  summer,  and  among 
other  places,  visited  the  town  our  father  was 
born  in,  and  found  some  relations  in  that  part 
of  the  country  still  living. 

"  Our  cousin  Jane  Franklin,  daughter  of 
our  uncle  John,  died  about  a  year  ago ;  we 
saw  her  husband,  Robert  Page,  who  gave  us 
some  old  letters  to  his  wife,  from  uncle  Ben 
jamin.  In  one  of  them,  dated  Boston,  July  4, 
1723,  he  writes,  your  uncle  Josiah  has  a 
daughter  Jane,  about  12  years  old,  a  good  hu 
moured  child.  So  keep  up  to  your  character, 
and  don't  be  angry  when  you  have  no  letters. 
In  a  little  book  he  sent  her,  called  "  None  but 
Christ,"  he  wrote  an  acrostick  on  her  name, 
which  for  namesakes  sake,  as  well  as  the  good 
advice  it  contains,  I  transcribe  and  send  you, 
viz. 

•  Illuminated  from  on  high, 
And  shining  brightly  in  your  sphere, 
Ne'er  feint,  but  keep  a  steady  eye, 
Expecting  endless  pleasure  there. 
Flee  vice  as  you'd  a  serpent  flee : 
Raise  faif.lt  and  hope  three  stories  higher, 
And  let  Christ's  endless  love  to  thee 
Ne'er  cease  to  make  thy  love  aspire. 
Kindness  of  heart  by  words  express, 
Let  your  obedience  be  sincere, 
In  prayer  and  praise  your  God  address. 
Nor  cease,  till  he  can'cease  to  hear.' 

"  After  professing  truly  that  I  had  a  great 
esteem  and  veneration  for  the  pious  author, 
permit  me  a  little  to  play  the  commentator 
and  critic  on  these  lines.  The  meaning  of 
three  stories  higher,  seems  somewhat  ob 
scure.  You  are  to  understand  then  timt  faith, 
hope,  and  charity  have  been  called  the  three 
steps  of  Jacob's  ladder,  reaching  from  earth 
to  heaven;  our  author  calls  them  stories, 
likening  religion  to  a  building,  and  these  are 


the  three  stories  of  the  Christian  edifice.  Thus 
improvement  in  religion  is  called  building 
up  and  edification.  Faith  is  then  the  ground 
floor,  hope  is  up  one  pair  of  stairs.  My  dear 
beloved  Jenny,  don't  delight  so  much  to  dwell 
in  those  lower  rooms,  but  get  as  fast  as  you 

|  can  into  the  garret,  for  in  truth  the  best  room 
in  the  house  is  charity.  For  my  part,  I  wish 
the  house  was  turned  upside  down;  'tis  so 
difficult  (when  one  is  fat)  to  go  up  stairs; 
and  not  only  so,  but  I  imagine  hope  and  faith 
may  be  more  firmly  built  upon  charity,  than 
charity  upon  faith  and  hope.  However  that 

j  may  be,  I  think  it  the  better  reading  to  say — 
Raise  faith  and  hope  one  s-tory  higher. 

Correct  it  boldly,  and  I'll  support  the  altera 
tion  ;  for  when  you  are  up  two  stories  already, 
if  you  raise  your  building  three  stories  higher 
you  will  make  five  in  all,  which  is  two  more 
than  there  should  be,  you  expose  your  upper 
rooms  more  to  the  winds  and  storms;  and, 
besides,  I  am  afraid  the  foundation  will  hardly 
bear  them,  unless  indeed  you  build  with  such 
light  stuff  as  straw  and  stubble,  and  that  you 
know  won't  stand  fire. 

"  Again,  where  the  author  says,  "  Kindness 
of  heart  by  words  express."  Strike  out  words 
and  put  in  deeds.  The  world  is  too  full  of 
compliments  already.  They  are  the  rank 
growth  of  every  soil,  and  choak  the  good 
plants  of  benevolence,  and  beneficence ;  nor 
do  I  pretend  to  be  the  first  in  this  comparison 
of  words  and  actions  to  plants ;  you  may  re 
member  an  ancient  poet,  whose  works  \ve 
have  all  studied  and  copied  at  school  long 
ago. 

A  man  of  words  and  not  of  deeds 

Is  like  a  garden  full  of  weeds. 

"  'Tis  pity  that  good  works,  among  some  sorts 
of  people,  are  so  little  valued,  and  good  words 
admired  in  their  stead:  I  mean  seemingly 
pious  discourses,  instead  of  humane  benevo 
lent  actions.  Those  they  almost  put  out  of 
countenance,  by  calling  morality  rotten  mo 
rality — righteousness  ragged  righteousness, 
and  even  filthy  rags — and  when  you  mention 
virtue,  pucker  up  their  nose?  as  if  they  smelt 
a  stink ;  at  the  same  time  that  they  eagerly 
snuff  up  an  empty  canting  harangue,  as  if  it 
was  a  poesy  of  the  choicest  flowers :  so  they 
have  inverted  the  good  old  verse,  and  say  no\v 

A  man  of  deeds  and  not  of  words 
Is  like  a  garden  full  of 

I  have  forgot  the  rhyme,  but  remember  'tis 
something  the  very  reverse  of  perfume.  So 
much  by  way  of  commentary.  My  \vife  will 
let  you  see  my  letter,  containing  an  account 

you  to 


of  our  travels,  which  I  would  have 
read  to  sister  Douse,  and  give  my  love  to  her. 
I  have  no  thoughts  of  returning  till  next  year, 
and  then  may  possibly  have  the  pleasure  of 
seeing  you  and  yours — take  Boston  in  my 
way  home. 


248 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


"  My  love  to  brother  and  all  your  children, 
concludes  at  this  time  from, 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  Lord  Kames* 

"  LONDON,  January  3,  1760. 

"  M\  DEAR  LORD, — You  have  been  pleased 
kindly  to  desire  to  have  all  my  publications. 
I  had  daily  expectations  of  procuring-  some  of 
them  from  a  friend  to  whom  I  formerly  sent 
them,  when  I  was  in  America,  and  postponed 
writing  to  you,  till  I  should  obtain  them ;  but 
at  length  he  tells  me  he  cannot  find  them : 
very  mortifying  this  to  an  author,  that  his 
works  should  so  soon  be  lost !  So  I  can  only 
send  you  my  Observations  on  the  Peopling 
of  Countries,  which  happens  to  have  been  re 
printed  here ;  The  Description  of  the  Penn 
sylvania  Fire-place,  a  machine  of  my  con 
triving;  and  some  little  sketches  that  have 
been  printed  in  the  Grand  Magazine,  which 
I  should  hardly  own,  did  I  not  know  that  your 
friendly  partiality  would  make  them  seem  at 
least  tolerable. 

"How  unfortunate  I  was,  that  I  did  not 
press  you  and  lady  Kames  more  strongly  to 
favour  us  with  your  company  farther.  How 
much  more  agreeable  would  our  journey  have 
been,  if  we  could  have  enjoyed  you  as  far  as 
York — we  could  have  beguiled  the  way,  by 
discoursing  on  a  thousand  things,  that  now  we 
may  never  have  an  opportunity  of  considering 
together;  for  conversation  warms  the  mind, 
enlivens  the  imagination,  and  is  continually 
starting  fresh  game,  that  is  immediately  pur 
sued  and  taken,  and  which  would  never  have 
occurred  in  the  duller  intercourse  of  epistolary 
correspondence.  So  that  whenever  I  reflect 
on  the  great  pleasure  and  advantage  I  re 
ceived  from  the  free  communication  of  sen 
timent,  in  the  conversation  we  had  at  Kames, 
and  in  the  agreeable  little  rides  to  the  Tweed 
side,  I  shall  for  ever  regret  our  premature 
parting. 

"  No  one  can  more  sincerely  rejoice  than  I 
do,  on  the  reduction  of  Canada;  and  this  is  not 

*  Henry  Home,  better  known  by  his  title  of  lord 
Kames,  which  he  assumed,  according  to  the  custom  of 
Scotland,  on  being  appointed  in  1752  a  judge  of  the 
court  of  Session.  He  was  born  in  Berwick  county  in 
J696,  and  was  educated  to  the  profession  of  the  law,  in 
which  he  became  distinguished  as  an  advocate  and  a 
judge.  But  his  greatest  eminence  was  derived  from 
his  literary  productions,  which  were  numerous,  and 
some  of  them  very  celebrated,  particularly  his  Elements 
of  Criticism,  published  in  1762 ;  his  Sketches  of  the  His 
tory  of  Man,  in  1773;  a  small  work  published  in  1761, 
entitled,  An  Introduction  to  the  Art  of  Thinking,  which 
was  originally  compiled  for  the  use  of  his  own  chil 
dren  :  it  is  in  two  parts,  the  first  a  series  of  moral 
maxims,  the  second  illustrations  by  little  apologues, 
invented  for  the  purpose ;  and  anecdotes  of  different 
kinds,  many  of  them  however  are  but  little  adapted  to 
the  end.  Dr.  Franklin,  in  a  visit  to  Scotland  in  1759, 
with  his  son  William,  passed  some  time  with  lord 
Kames,  and  a  friendship  grew  out  of  their  intimacy 
which  lasted  during  their  lives.  Lord  Kames  died  in 
1782. 


merely  as  I  am  a  colonist,  but  as  I  am  a  Briton 
I  have  long  been  of  opinion,  that  the  founda 
tions  of  the  future  grandeur  and  stability 
of  the  British  empire  lie  in  America ;  and 
though  like  other  foundations,  they  are  low 
and  little  now,  they  are,  nevertheless,  broad 
and  strong  enough  to  support  the  greatest  po 
litical  structure  human  wisdom  ever  yet  erect 
ed.  I  am  therefore  by  no  means  for  restoring 
Canada.  If  we  keep  it,  all  the  country  from 
Saint  Lawrence  to  Mississippi,  will  in  another 
century  be  filled  with  British  people ;  Britain 
itself,  will  become  vastly  more  populous,  by 
the  immense  increase  of  its  commerce ;  the 
Atlantic  sea  will  be  covered  with  your  trading 
ships ;  and  your  naval  power,  thence  con 
tinually  increasing,  will  extend  your  influence 
round  the  whole  globe,  and  awe  the  world  ! — 
If  the  French  remain  in  Canada,  they  will 
continually  harass  our  colonies  by  the  Indians, 
impede,  if  not  prevent  their  growth ;  your  pro 
gress  to  greatness  will  at  best  be  slow,  and 
give  room  for  many  accidents  that  may  for 
ever  prevent  it.  But  I  refrain,  for  I  see  you 
begin  to  think  my  notions  extravagant,  and 
look  upon  them  as  the  ravings  of  a  mad  pro 
phet.  Your  lordship's  kind  offer  of  Penn's 
picture  is  extremely  obliging.  But  were  it 
certainly  his  picture,  it  would  be  too  valuable 
a  curiosity  for  me  to  think  of  accepting  it.  I 
should  only  desire  the  favour  of  leave  to  take 
a  copy  of  it.  I  could  wish  to  know  the  history 
of  the  picture  before  it  came  into  your  hands, 
and  the  grounds  for  supposing  it  his.  I  have 
at  present  some  doubts  about  it ;  first,  because 
the  primitive  quakers  declare  against  pictures 
as  a  vain  expense ;  a  man's  suffering  his  por 
trait  to  be  taken  was  conceived  as  pride ;  and 
I  think  to  this  day  it  is  very  little  practised 
among  them.  Then,  it  is  on  a  board ;  and  1 
imagine  the  practice  of  painting  portraits  on 
boards  did  not  come  down  so  low  as  Penn's 
time ;  but  of  this  I  am  not  certain.  My  other 
reason  is  an  anecdote  I  have  heard,  viz.  That 
when  old  lord  Hobhouse,  was  adorning  his 
gardens  at  Stowe,  with  busts  of  famous  men, 
he  made  inquiry  of  the  family,  for  the  picture 
of  William  Penn,  in  order  to  get  a  bust 
formed  from  it,  but  could  find  none:  that 
Sylvanus  Bevan,  an  old  quaker  apothecary, 
remarkable  for  the  notice  he  takes  of  coun 
tenances,  and  a  knack  he  has  of  cutting  in 
ivory  strong  likenesses  of  persons  he  has  once 
seen,  hearing  of  lord  Hobhouse's  desire,  set 
himself  to  recollect  Penn's  face,  writh  which 
he  had  been  well  acquainted  ;  and  cut  a  little 
bust  of  him  in  ivory,  which  he  sent  to  lord 
Cobham,  without  any  letter  or  notice  that  it 
was  Penn's.  But  my  lord,  who  had  personally 
known  Penn,  on  seeing  it,  immediately  cried 
out,  "Whence  comes  this  1  It  is  William 
Penn  himself!"  and  from  this  little  bust,  they 
say,  the  large  one  in  the  gardens  was  formed. 
I  doubt,  too,  whether  the  whisker  was  not 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


249 


quite  out  of  use  at  the  time  when  Perm  must 
have  been  of  an  age  appearing  in  the  face  of 
that  picture.  And  yet,  notwithstanding  these 
reasons,  I  am  not  without  some  hope  that  it 
may  be  his;  because  I  know  some  eminent 
quakers  have  had  their  pictures  privately 
drawn  and  deposited  with  trusty  friends ;  and 
I  know  also  that  there  is  extant  at  Philadel 
phia,  a  very  good  picture  of  Mrs.  Penn,  his 
last  wife.  After  all,  I  own  I  have  a  strong 
desire  to  be  satisfied  concerning  this  picture ; 
and  as  Bevan  is  yet  living  here,  and  some 
other  old  quakers  that  remember  William 
Penn,  who  died  but  in  1718,  I  would  wish  to 
have  it  sent  to  me  carefully  packed  up  in  a 
box  by  the  wagon,  (for  I  would  not  trust  it  by 
sea,)  that  I  may  obtain  their  opinion.  The 
charges  I  shall  very  cheerfully  pay  ;  and  if  it 
proves  to  be  Penn's  picture,  I  shall  be  greatly 
obliged  to  your  lordship  for  leave  to  take  a 
copy  of  it,  and  will  carefully  return  the  ori 
ginal. 

"  My  son  joins  with  me  in  the  most  respect 
ful  compliments  to  you  and  lady  Kames.  Our 
conversation  till  we  came  to  York,  was  chiefly 
a  recollection  of  what  we  had  seen  and  heard, 
the  pleasure  we  had  enjoyed,  and  the  kind 
nesses  we  had  received  in  Scotland,  and  how 
far  that  country  had  exceeded  our  expecta 
tions.  On  the  whole,  I  must  say,  I  think  the 
time  we  spent  there,  was  six  weeks  of  the 
densest  happiness  I  have  met  with  in  any  part 
of  my  life :  and  the  agreeable  and  instructive 
society  we  found  there  in  such  plenty,  has  left 
so  pleasing  an  impression  on  my  memory,  that 
did  not  strong  connexions  draw  me  elsewhere, 
I  believe  Scotland  would  be  the  country  I 
should  choose  to  spend  the  remainder  of  my 
days  in.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  same. 

"  LONDON,  May  3,  1760. 

"  MY  DEAR  LORD, — I  have  endeavoured  to 
comply  with  your  request  in  writing  some 
thing  on  the  present  situation  of  our  affairs 
in  America,  in  order  to  give  more  correct  no 
tions  of  the  British  interest  with  regard  to  the 
colonies,  than  those  I  found  many  sensible 
men  possessed  of.  Inclosed  you  have  the  pro 
duction,  such  as  it  is.  I  wish  it  may,  in  any 
degree,  be  of  service  to  the  public.  I  shall  at 
least  hope  this  from  it,  for  my  own  part,  that 
vou  will  consider  it  as  a  letter  from  me  to 
you,  and  take  its  length  as  some  excuse  for 
being  so  long  a-coming. 

"I  am  now  reading  with  great  pleasure 
and  improvement  your  excellent  work,  The 
Principles  of  Equity.  It  will  be  of  the 
greatest  advantage  to  the  judges  in  our  colo 
nies,  not  only  in  those  which  have  courts  of 
chancery,  but  also  in  those  which,  having  no 
such  courts,  are  obliged  to  mix  equity  with 
common  law.  It  will  be  of  more  service  to 

VOL.  I.,. .2  I 


the  colony  judges,-  as  few  of  tnem  have  been 
bred  to  the  law.  I  have  sent  a  book  to  a  par 
ticular  friend,  one  of  the  judges  of  the  Su 
preme  Court  in  Pennsylvania. 

"I  will  shortly  send  you  a  copy  of  the 
chapter  you  are  pleased  to  mention  in  so 
obliging  a  manner;  and  shall  be  extremely 
obliged  hi  receiving  a  copy  of  the  collection 
of  Maxims  for  the  Conduct  of  Life,  which 
you  are  preparing  for  the  use  of  your  chil 
dren.  I  purpose  likewise  a  little  work  for  the 
benefit  of  youth,  to  be  called  the  Art  of  Vir 
tue.  From  the  title  I  think  you  will  hardly 
conjecture  what  the  nature  of  such  a  book 
may  be.  I  must  therefore  explain  it  a  little. 
Many  people  lead  bad  lives  that  would  gladly 
lead  good  ones,  but  know  not  how  to  make 
the  change.  They  have  frequently  resolved 
and  endeavoured  it ;  but  in  vain,  because  their 
endeavours  have  not  been  properly  conducted. 
To  expect  people  to  be  good,  to  be  just,  to  be 
temperate,  &c.  without  showing  them  how 
they  should  become  so,  seems  like  the  ineffec 
tual  charity  mentioned  by  the  apostle,  which 
consisted  in  saying  to  the  hungry,  the  cold, 
and  the  naked*  be  ye  fed,  be  ye  warmed,  be 
ye  clothed,  without  showing  them  how  they 
should  get  food,  fire,  or  clothing.  Most  peo 
ple  have  naturally  some  virtues,  but  none 
have  naturally  all  the  virtues.  To  acquire 
those  that  are  wanting,  and  secure  what  we 
acquire,  as  well  as  those  we  have  naturally, 
is  the  subject  of  an  art.  It  is  as  properly  an 
art  as  painting,  navigation,  or  architecture. — 
If  a  man  would  become  a  painter,  navigator, 
or  architect,  it  is  not  enough  that  he  is  ad 
vised  to  be  one,  that  he  is  convinced  by  the 
arguments  of  his  adviser,  that  it  would  be  for 
his  advantage  to  be  one,  and  that  he  resolves 
to  be  one,  but  he  must  also  be  taught  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  art,  be  shown  all  the  methods  of 
working,  and  how  to  acquire  the  habits  of 
using  properly  all  the  instruments ;  and  thus 
regularly  and  gradually  he  arrives  by  prac 
tice  at  some  perfection  in  the  art.  If  he  does 
not  proceed  thus,  he  is  apt  to  meet  with  dif 
ficulties  that  discourage  him,  and  make  him 
drop  the  pursuit.  My  Art  of  Virtue  has  also 
its  instruments,  and  teaches  the  manner  of 
using  them.  Christians  are  directed  to  have 
faith  in  Christ,  as  the  effectual  means  of  ob 
taining  the  change  they  desire.  It  may,  when 
sufficiently  strong,  be  effectual  with  many: 
for  a  full  opinion,  that  a  teacher  is  infinitely 
wise,  good,  and  powerful,  and  that  he  will 
certainly  reward  and  punish  the  obedient  and 
disobedient,  must  give  great  weight  to  his 
precepts,  and  make  them  much  more  attended 
to  by  his  disciples.  But  many  have  this  faith 
in  so  weak  a  degree,  that  it  does  not  produce 
the  effect.  Our  Art  of  Virtue  may,  therefore, 
be  of  great  service  to  those  whose  faith  is  un 
happily  not  so  strong,  and  may  come  in  aid  of 
its  weakness.  Such  as  are  naturally  well- 


250 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


disposed,  and  have  been  carefully  educated,  as 
that  good  habits  have  been  early  established, 
and  bad  ones  prevented,  have  less  need  of  this 
art ;  but  all  may  be  more  or  less  benefited  by 
it  It  is,  in  short,  to  be  adopted  for  universal 
use.  I  imagine  what  I  have  now  been  writing 
will  seem  to  savour  of  great  presumption  :  I 
must  therefore  speedily  finish  my  little  piece, 
and  communicate  the  manuscript  to  you,  that 
you  may  judge  whether  it  is  possible  to  make 
good  such  pretensions.  I  shall  at  the  same 
time  hope  for  the  benefit  of  your  corrections. 
"  B.  FRANKLIN. 


"  Miss  Stevenson,  Wanstead. 

"  CRAVEN  STREET,  May  10,  1760. 

"  I  SEND  my  good  girl  the  books  I  men 
tioned  to  her  last  night.  I  beg  her  to  accept 
of  them  as  a  small  mark  of  rny  esteem  and 
friendship.  They  are  written  in  the  familiar 
easy  manner  for  which  the  French  are  so  re 
markable  ;  and  afford  a  good  deal  of  philoso 
phic  and  practical  knowledge,  unembarrassed 
with  the  dry  mathematics  used  by  more  ex 
act  reason  ers,  but  which  is  apt  to  discourage 
young  beginners. 

"  I  would  advise  you  to  read  with  a  pen  in 
your  hand,  and  enter  in  a  little  book  short 
hints  of  what  you  find  that  is  curious,  or  that 
may  be  useful ;  for  this  will  be  the  best  me 
thod  of  imprinting  such  particulars  in  your 
memory,  where  they  will  be  ready,  either  for 
practice  on  some  future  occasion,  if  they  are 
matters  of  utility  ;  or  at  least  to  adorn  and  im 
prove  your  conversation,  if  they  are  rather 
points  of  curiosity.  And  as  many  of  the  terms 
of  science  are  such  as  you  cannot  have  met 
with  in  your  common  reading,  and  may  there 
fore  be  unacquainted  with,  I  think  it  would 
be  well  for  you  to  have  a  good  dictionary  at 
hand,  to  consult  immediately  when  you  meet 
with  a  word  you  do  not  comprehend  the  pre 
cise  meaning  of  This  may  at  first  seem  trou 
blesome  and  interrupting;  but  it  is  a  trouble 
that  will  daily  diminish,  as  you  will  daily  find 
less  and  less  occasion  for  your  dictionary,  as 
you  become  more  acquainted  with  the  terms; 
and  in  the  mean  time  you  will  read  with 
more  satisfaction,  because  with  more  under 
standing.  When  any  point  occurs,  in  which 
you  would  be  glad  to  have  farther  information 
than  your  book  affords  you,  I  beg  you  would 
not  in  the  least  apprehend,  that  I  should  think 
it  a  trouble  to  receive  and  answer  your  ques 
tions.  It  will  be  a  pleasure,  and  no  trouble. 
For  though  I  may  not  be  able,  out  of  my  own 
little  stock  of  knowledge,  to  afford  you'  what 
you  require,  I  can  easily  direct  you  to  the 
books,  where  it  may  most  readily  be  found. 
Adieu,  and  believe  me  ever,  my  dear  friend, 
«B,  FRANKLIN." 


"  John  Baskcrville* 

"  CRAVEN  STREET,  London,  1760. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — Let  me  give  you  a  pleasant 
instance  of  the  prejudice  some  have  enter 
tained  against  your  work.  Soon  after  I  re 
turned,  discoursing  with  a  gentleman  con 
cerning  the  artists  of  Birmingham,  he  said 
you  would  be  a  means  of  blinding  all  the 
readers  in  the  nation ;  for  the  strokes  of  your 
letters  being  too  thin  and  narrow,  hurt  the 
eye,  and  he  could  never  read  a  line  of  them, 
without  pain.  I  thought,  said  I,  you  were 
going  to  complain  of  the  gloss  of  the  paper, 
which  some  object  to.  "  No,  no,"  said  he,  "  I 
have  heard  that  mentioned,  but  it  is  not  that ; 
it  is  in  the  form  and  cut  of  the  letters  them 
selves:  they  have  not  that  height  and  thick 
ness  of  the  stroke,  which  makes  the  common 
printing  so  much  the  more  comfortable  to  the 
eye :"  You  see  this  gentleman  was  a  con 
noisseur.  In  vain  I  endeavoured  to  support 
your  character  against  the  charge ;  he  knew 
what  he  felt,  and  could  see  the  reason  of  it, 
and  several  other  gentlemen  among  his  friends 
had  made  the  same  observation,  &c.  Yester 
day  he  called  to  visit  me,  when,  mischievously 
bent  to  try  his  judgment,  I  stepped  into  my 
closet,  tore  off  the  top  of  Mr.  Caslon's  speci 
men,  and  produced  it  to  him  as  yours,  brought 
with  me  from  Birmingham ;  saying,  I  had 
been  examining  it,  since  he  spoke  to  me,  and 
could  not  for  my  life  perceive  the  dispropor 
tion  he  mentioned,  desiring  him  to  point  it  out 
to  me.  He  readily  undertook  it,  and  went  over 
the  several  founts,  showing  me  every  where 
what  he  thought  instances  of  that  dispropor 
tion;  and  declared,  that  he  could  not  then 
read  the  specimen,  without  feeling  very 
strongly  the  pain  he  had  mentioned  to  me.  I 
spared  him  that  time,  the  confusion  of  being 
told,  that  these  were  the  types  he  had  been 
reading  all  his  life,  with  so  much  ease  to  his 
eyes ;  the  types  his  adored  Newton  is  printed 
with,  on  which  he  has  pored  not  a  little  ;  nay, 

*  John  Baskerville,  a  celebrated  type-founder  and 
printer,  was  born  in  1706,  at  Wolverley,  in  the  county 
of  Worcester.  Having  a  small  estate  of  about  sixty 
pounds  a-year,  but  not  bred  to  any  profession  ;  in  172(5 
he  became  a  schoolmaster  at  Birmingham,  which  he 
continued  many  years.  Afterwards  he  entered  upon 
the  japanning  business,  which  succeeded  so  well,  as  to 
enable  him  to  purchase  a  country  house  arid  set  up  his 
carriage  ;  each  pannel  of  which  was  a  distinct  picture, 
and  the  whole  might  be  considered  as  a  pattern  card  of 
his  trade.  In  1750,  lie  began  business  as  a  type-foundor, 
on  which  he  spent  many  hundreds  before  he  could  pro 
duce  a  letter  to  please  himself.  By  perseverance  he 
succeeded,  and  in  175(5  published  an  edition  of  Virgil  in 
quarto,  which  was  followed  by  Paradise  Lost,  the  Bi 
ble,  Common  Prayer,  and  several  other  works.  In  1765, 
li<;  applied  to  Dr.  Franklin,  then  at  Paris,  to  sound  the 
literati  there,  respecting  the  purchase  of  his  types,  but 
the  proposal  was  not  accepted.  They  were  many  years 
after  purchased  by  the  celebrated  M.  de  Beaumarchais, 
and  employed  in  printing  his  edition  of  the  works  of 
Voltaire.  Baskerville  died  at  Birmingham,  in  1775;  and 
as  he  had  an  aversion  to  churchyards,  he  was  by  his 
own  direction  buried  jn  a  mausoleum  erected  on  his 
own  grounds. 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


251 


the  very  types  his  own  book  is  printed  with ; 
(for  he  is  himself  an  author)  and  yet  never 
discovered  this  painful  disproportion  in  them, 
till  he  thought  they  were  yours. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Lord  Kames. 

"  PORTSMOUTH,  August  17,  1761. 

"  MY  DEAR  LORD, — I  am  now  waiting 
here  only  lor  a  wind  to  waft  me  to  America, 
but  cannot  leave  this  happy  island  and  my 
friends  in  it,  without  extreme  regret,  though 
I  am  going  to  a  country  and  a  people  that  I 
love.  I  am  going  from  the  old  world  to  the 
new ;  and  I  fancy  I  feel  like  those  who  are 
leaving  this  world  for  the  next ;  grief  at  the 
parting ;  fear  of  the  passage ;  hope  of  the  fu 
ture:  these  different  passions  all  affect  their 
minds  at  once ;  and  these  have  tendered  me 
down  exceedingly.  It  is  usual  for  the  dying 
to  beg  forgiveness  of  their  surviving  friends, 
if  they  have  ever  offended  them.  Can  you, 
my  lord,  forgive  my  long  silence,  and  my  not 
acknowledging  till  now  the  favour  you  did  me 
in  sending  me  your  excellent  book  ]  Can  you 
make  some  allowance  for  a  fault  in  others 
which  you  have  never  experienced  in  your 
self;  for  the  bad  habit  of  postponing  from  day 
to  day,  what  one  every  day  resolves  to  do  to 
morrow]  A  habit  that  grows  upon  us  with 
years,  and  whose  only  excuse  is  we  know  not 
how  to  mend  it.  If  you  are  disposed  to  favour 
me,  you  will  also  consider  how  much  one's 
mind  is  taken  up  and  distracted,  by  the  many 
little  affairs  one  has  to  settle,  before  the  un 
dertaking  such  a  voyage,  after  so  long  a  re 
sidence  in  a  country ;  ami  how  little,  in  such 
a  situation,  one's  mind  is  fitted  for  serious  and 
attentive  reading,  which  with  regard  to  the 
elements  of  criticism,  I  intended  before  I 
should  write.  I  can  now  only  confess  and  en 
deavour  to  amend.  In  packing  up  my  books, 
I  have  reserved  yours,  to  read  on  the  passage. 
I  hope  I  shall  therefore  be  able  to  write  to 
you  upon  it  soon  after  my  arrival.  At  present 
I  can  only  return  my  thanks,  and  say  that  the 
parts  I  have  read  gave  me  both  pleasure  and 
instruction ;  that  I  am  convinced  of  your  po 
sition,  new  as  it  was  to  me,  that  a  good  taste 
in  the  arts  contributes  to  the  improvement  of 
morals ;  and  that  I  have  had  the  satisfaction 
of  hearing  the  work  universally  commended 
by  those  who  have  read  it. 

"  And  now,  my  dear  sir,  accept  my  sincere 
thanks  for  the  kindness  you  have  shown  me, 
and  my  best  wishes  of  happiness  to  you  and 
yours.  Wherever  I  am,  I  shall  esteem  the 
friendship  you  honour  me  with  as  one  of  the 
felicities  of  my  life;  I  shall  endeavour  to  cul 
tivate  it  by  a  more  punctual  correspondence ; 
and  I  hope  frequently  to  hear  of  your  welfare 
and  prosperity.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  same. 


"CRAVEN  STREET,  London,  June 2,  1765. 

"  MY  DEAR  LORD, — I  received  with  great 
pleasure  your  friendly  letter,  by  Mr.  Alexan 
der,  which  I  should  have  answered  sooner, 
by  some  other  conveyance,  if  I  had  not  un 
derstood  that  his  stay  here  was  like  to  be  so 
long.  I  value  myself  extremely  on  the  con 
tinuance  of  your  regard,  which  I  hope  here 
after  better  to  deserve,  by  more  punctual  re 
turns  in  the  correspondence  you  honour  me 
with. 

"  You  require  my  history  from  the  time  I 
set  sail  for  America.  I  left  England  about  the 
end  of  August,  1762,  in  company  with  ten  sail 
of  merchant  ships,  under  a  convoy  of  a  man 
of  war.  We  had  a  pleasant  passage  to  Ma 
deira,  where  we  were  kindly  received  and 
entertained;  our  nation  being  then  in  high 
honour  with  the  Portuguese,  on  account  of 
the  protection  we  were  then  affording  them 
against  the  united  invasions  of  France  and 
Spain.  'Tis  a  fertile  island,  and  the  different 
heights  and  situations  among  its  mountains, 
afford  such  temperaments  of  air,  that  all  the 
fruits  of  northern  and  southern  countries  are 
produced  there :  corn,  grapes,  apples,  peaches, 
oranges,  lemons,  plantains,  bananas,  &c.  Here 
we  furnished  ourselves  with  fresh  provisions, 
and  refreshments  of  all  kinds ;  and  after  a  few 
days  proceeded  on  our  voyage,  running  south 
ward  until  we  got  into  the  trade  winds,  and 
then  with  them  westward,  till  we  drew  near 
the  coast  of  America.  The  weather  was  so 
favourable  that  there  were  few  days  in  which 
we  could  not  visit  from  ship  to  ship,  diriinp; 
with  each  other,  and  on  board  of  the  man  of 
war;  which  made  the  time  pass  agreeably, 
much  more  so  than  when  one  goes  in  a  single 
ship;  for  this  was  like  travelling  in  a  moving 
village,  with  all  one's  neighbours  about  one. 
On  the  first  of  November,  I  arrived  safe  and 
well  at  my  own  home,  after  an  absence  of 
near  six  years;  found  my  wife  and  daughter 
well ;  the  latter  grown  quite  a  woman,  with 
many  amiable  accomplishments  acquired  in 
my  absence,  and  my  friends  as  hearty  and  af 
fectionate  as  ever :  with  whom  my  house  was 
filled  for  many  days,  to  congratulate  me  on 
my  return.  I  had  been  chose  yearly  during 
my  absence  to  represent  the  city  of  Philadel 
phia  in  our  provincial  assembly ;  and  on  my 
appearance  in  the  house,  they  voted  me  three 
thousand  pounds  sterling  for  my  services  in 
England,  and  their  thanks  delivered  by  the 
speaker.  In  February  following  my  son  ar 
rived  with  my  new  daughter ;  for  with  my 
consent  and  approbation  he  married,  soon  after 
I  left  England,  a  very  agreeable  West  India 
lady,  with  whom  he  is  very  happy.  I  accom 
panied  him  to  his  government,  where  he  met 
with  the  kindest  reception  from  the  people  of 
all  ranks,  and  has  lived  with  them  ever  since 


252 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


in  the  greatest  harmony.  A  river  only  parts 
that  province  and  ours,  and  his  residence  is 
within  seventeen  miles  of  me,  so  that  we  fre 
quently  see  each  other.  In  the  spring  of  1763, 
I  set  out  on  a  tour  through  all  the  northern 
colonies  to  inspect  and  regulate  the  post  of 
fices  in  the  several  provinces.  In  this  jour 
ney  I  spent  the  summer,  travelled  about  1600 
miles,  and  did  not  get  home  till  the  beginning 
of  November.  The  assembly  sitting  through 
the  following  winter,  and  warm  disputes 
arising  between  them  and  the  governor,  I  be 
came  wholly  engaged  in  public  affairs;  for 
besides  my  duty  as  an  assemblyman,  I  had 
another  trust  to  execute,  that  of  being  one  of 
the  commissioners  appointed  by  law  to  dis- 
nose  of  the  public  money  appropriated  to  the 
raising  and  paying  an  army  to  act  against  the 
[ndians,  and  defend  the  frontiers.  And  then 
in  December,  we  had  two  insurrections  of  the 
back  inhabitants  of  our  province,  by  whom 
twenty  poor  Indians  were  murdered,  that  had, 
from  the  first  settlement  of  this  province, 
lived  among  us,  under  the  protection  of  our 
government.  This  gave  me  a  good  deal  of 
employment;  for  as  the  rioters  threatened 
further  mischief,  and  their  actions  seemed  to 
be  approved  by  an  ever-acting  party ;  I  wrote 
a  pamphlet  entitled  "A  Narrative,  &c." 
(which  I  think  I  sent  you)  to  strengthen  the 
hands  of  our  weak  government,  by  render 
ing  the  proceedings  of  the  rioters  unpopular 
and  odious.  This  had  a  good  effect:  and 
afterwards,  when  a  great  body  of  them  with 
arms  marched  towards  the  capital,  in  defiance 
of  the  government,  with  an  avowed  resolution 
to  put  to  death  one  hundred  and  forty  Indian 
converts  then  under  its  protection,  I  formed 
an  association  at  the  governor's  request,  for 
his  and  their  defence,  we  having  no  militia. 
Near  1000  of  the  citizens  accordingly  took 
arms;  governor  Penn  made  my  house  for 
some  time  his  head-quarters,  and  did  every 
thing  by  my  advice ;  so  that  for  about  forty- 
eight  hours,  I  was  a  very  great  man ;  as  I  had 
been  once  some  years  before,  in  a  time  of 
public  danger.  "  But  the  fighting-face  we  put 
on,  and  the  reasonings  we  used  with  the  in 
surgents,  (for  I  went  at  the  request  of  the  go 
vernor  and  council,  with  three  others,  to  meet 
and  discourse  them)  having  turned  them  back 
and  restored  quiet  to  the  city,  I  became  a  less 
man  than  ever  :  for  I  had  by  this  transaction 
made  myself  many  enemies  among  the  popu- 
.ace ;  and  the  governor  (with  whose  family 
our  public  disputes  had  long  placed  me  in  an 
unfriendly  light,  and  the  services  I  had  lately 
rendered  him  not  being  of  the  kind  that  make 
a  man  acceptable)  thinking  it  a  favourable  op 
portunity,  joined  the  whole  weight  of  the  pro- 
S-ietary  interest  to  get  me  out  of  the  assem- 
y;  which  was  accordingly  effected  at  the 
last  election,  by  a  majority  of  about  twenty- 
five  in  4000  voters,  The  house,  however, 


when  they  met  in  October,  approved  of  the 
resolutions  taken,  while  I  was  speaker,  of 
petitioning  the  crown  for  a  change  of  govern 
ment,  and  requested  me  to  return  to  England, 
to  prosecute  that  petition;  which  service  I 
accordingly  undertook,  and  embarked  the  be 
ginning  of  November  last,  being  accompanied 
to  the  ship,  sixteen  miles,  by  a  cavalcade  of 
three  hundred  of  my  friends,  who  filled  our 
sails  with  their  good  wishes,  and  I  arrived  in 
thirty  days  at  London.  Here  I  have  been  ever 
since,  engaged  in  that  and  other  public  affairs 
relating  to  America,  which  are  like  to  con 
tinue  some  time  longer  upon  my  hands ;  but  I 
promise  you  that  when  I  am  quit  of  these,  I 
will  engage  in  no  other;  and  that  as  soon  as 
I  have  recovered  the  ease  and  leisure  I  hope 
for,  the  task  you  require  of  rne,  of  finishing 
my  Art  of  Virtue,  shall  be  performed.  In  the 
mean  time,  I  must  request  you  would  excuse 
me  on  this  consideration,  that  the  powers  of 
the  mind  are  possessed  by  different  men  in 
different  degrees,  and  that  every  one  cannot, 
like  lord  Kames,  intermix  literary  pursuits 
and  important  business  without  prejudice  to 
either. 

"  I  send  you  herewith  two  or  three  other 
pamphlets  of  my  writing  on  our  political  af 
fairs,  during  my  short  residence  in  America; 
but  I  do  not  insist  on  your  reading  them ;  for  I 
know  you  employ  all  your  time  to  some  use 
ful  purpose. 

"  In  my  passage  to  America,  I  read  your 
excellent  work  The  Elements  of  Criticism, 
in  which  I  found  great  entertainment:  much 
to  admire  and  nothing  to  reprove.  I  only 
wished  you  had  examined  more  fully  the  sub 
ject  of  music,  and  demonstrated  that  the  plea 
sure  which  artists  feel,  in  hearing  much  of 
that  compiled  in  the  modern  taste,  is  not  the 
natural  pleasure  arising  from  melody  or  har 
mony  of  sounds,  but  of  the  same  kind  with  the 
pleasure  we  feel  on  seeing  the  surprising 
feats  of  tumblers  and  rope  dancers  who  ex 
ecute  difficult  things.  For  my  part,  I  take 
this  to  be  really  the  case,  and  suppose  it  the 
reason  why  those,  who  being  unpractised  in 
music,  and  therefore  unacquainted  with  those 
difficulties,  have  little  or  no  pleasure  in  hear 
ing  this  music.  Many  pieces  of  it  are  mere 
compositions  of  tricks.  I  have  sometimes  at  a 
concert,  attended  by  a  common  audience, 
placed  myself  so  as  to  see  all  their  faces,  and 
observed  no  signs  of  pleasure  during  the  per 
formance  of  much  that  was  admired  by  the 
performers  themselves;  while  a  plain  old 
Scottish  tune,  which  they  disdained,  and  could 
scarcely  be  prevailed  upon  to  play,  gave  ma 
nifest  and  general  delight.  Give  me  leave  on 
this  occasion  ta  extend  a  little  the  sense  of 
your  position,  that  "  Melody  and  harmony  are 
separately  a.greeable,  and  in  union  delightful," 
and  to  give  it  as  my  opinion  that  the  reason 
why  the  Scottish  tunes  have  lived  so  long 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


253 


and  will  probably  live  for  ever  (if  they  escape 
being  stifled  in  modern  affected  ornament,)  is 
merely  this,  that  they  are  really  compositions 
of  melody  and  harmony  united,  or  rather  that 
their  melody  is  harmony,  I  mean  the  simple 
tunes,  sung  by  a  single  voice.  As  this  will 
appear  paradoxical,  I  must  explain  my  mean 
ing.  In  common  acceptation  indeed,  only  an 
agreeable  succession  of  sounds  is  called  melo 
dy  ;  and  only  the  co-existence  of  agreeable 
sounds,  harmony.  But  since  the  memory  is 
capable  of  retaining  for  some  moments  a  per 
fect  idea  of  the  pitch  of  a  past  sound,  so  as  to 
compare  with  it  the  pitch  of  a  preceding  sound, 
and  judge  truly  of  their  agreement  or  disagree 
ment,  there  may  and  does  from  thence  arise 
a  sense  of  harmony  between  present  and  past 
sounds,  equally  pleasing  with  that  between 
two  present  sounds.  Now  the  construction 
of  the  old  Scotch  tunes  is  this,  that  almost 
every  preceding  emphatical  note,  is  a  third,  a 
fifth,  an  octave,  or  in  short  some  note  that  is 
in  concord  with  the  preceding  note.  Thirds 
are  chiefly  used,  which  are  very  pleasing  con 
cords.  I  use  the  word  emphatical,  to  distin 
guish  those  notes,  which  have  a  stress  laid  on 
them  in  singing  the  tune,  from  the  lighter 
connecting  notes,  that  serve  merely  like 
grammar  articles  to  tack  the  others  together. 
That  we  have  a  most  perfect  idea  of  sounds 
just  past,  I  might  appeal  to  all  unacquainted 
with  music,  who  know  how  easy  it  is  to  re 
peat  a  sound  in  the  same  pitch  with  one  just 
heard.  In  tuning  an  instrument,  a  good  ear 
can  as  easily  determine  that  two  strings  are 
in  unison,  by  sounding  them  separately,  as  by 
sounding  them  together  ;  their  disagreement 
is  also  as  easily  perceived.  I  believe  I  may 
say,  more  easily  and  better  distinguished  when 
sounded  separately :  for  when  sounded  to 
gether,  though  you  know  by  the  beating,  that 
one  is  higher  than  the  other,  you  cannot  tell 
which  it  is.  Farther,  when  we  consider  by 
whom  these  ancient  tunes  were  composed,  and 
how  they  were  first  performed,  we  shall  see 
that  such  harmonical  succession  of  sounds  was 
natural  and  even  necessary  in  their  construc 
tion.  They  were  composed  by  the  minstrels 
of  those  days,  to  be  played  on  the  harp  ac 
companied  by  the  voice.  The  harp  was  strung 
with  wire,  and  had  no  contrivance,  like  that 
in  the  modern  harpsichord,  by  which  the 
sound  of  a  preceding  note  could  be  stopt  the 
moment  a  succeeding  note  began;  to  avoid 
actual  discord,  it  was  therefore  necessary,  that 
the  preceding  emphatic  note  should  be  a 
chord  with  the  preceding,  as  those  sounds 
must  exist  at  the  same  time.  Hence  arose 
that  beauty  in  those  tunes  that  has  so  long 
pleased,  and  will  please  for  ever,  though  men 
scarce  know  why.  That  they  were  originally 
composed  for  the  harp,  and  of  the  most  simple 
kind, — I  mean  a  harp  without  any  half  notes, 
but  those  in  the  natural  scale,  and  with  no 
22 


more  than  two  octaves  of  strings  from  C  to 
C,  I  conjecture,  from  another  circumstance, 
which  is,  that  not  one  of  those  tunes  really  an- 
cienthas  a  single  artificial  half  note  in  it;  and 
that  in  tunes,  where  it  was  most  convenient 
for  the  voice  to  use  the  middle  note  of  the 
harp,  and  place  the  key  in  F,  there  the  B, 
which  if  used  should  be  a  B  flat,  is  always 
omitted  by  passing  over  it  with  a  third.  The 
connoisseurs  in  modern  music,  will  say, — I 
have  no  taste ;  but  I  cannot  help  adding,  that 
I  believe  our  ancestors  in  hearing  a  good  song 
distinctly  articulated,  sung  to  one  of  those 
tunes,  and  accompanied  by  the  harp,  felt  more 
real  pleasure  than  is  communicated  by  the 
generality  of  modern  operas,  exclusive  of  that 
arising  from  the  scenery  and  dancing.  Most 
tunes  of  late  composition,  not  having  the  natu 
ral  harmony  united  with  their  melody,  have 
recourse  to  the  artificial  harmony  of  a  bass, 
and  other  accompanying  parts.  This  support, 
in  my  opinion,  the  old  tunes  do  not  need,  and 
are  rather  confused  than  aided  by  it.  Who 
ever  has  heard  James  Oswald  play  them  on 
his  violincello,  will  be  less  inclined  to  dispute 
this  with  me.  I  have  more  than  once  seen 
tears  of  pleasure  in  the  eyes  of  his  auditors ; 
and  yet  I  think,  even  his  playing  those  tunes 
would  please  more,  if,  he  gave  them  less  mo 
dem  ornament 

"  My  son,  when  we  parted,  desired  me  to 
present  his  affectionate  respects  to  you,  lady 
Kames,  and  your  amiable  children ;  be  so 
good,  with  those,  to  accept  mine,  and  believe 
me  with  the  sincerest  esteem,  my  dear  lord, 
&c.  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  P.  S.  I  promise  myself  the  pleasure  of 
seeing  you  and  my  other  friends  in  Scotland 
before  I  return  to  America." 

To  the  same.* 

"  LONDON,  April  11,  1767. 

"  MY  DEAR  LORD, — I  received  your  oblig 
ing  favour  of  January  the  19th.  You  have 
kindly  relieved  me  from  the  pain  I  had  long 
been  under.  You  are  goodness  itself.  I 
ought  to  have  answered  yours  of  December 
25, 1765.  I  never  received  a  letter  that  con 
tained  sentiments  more  suitable  to  my  own. 
It  found  me  under  much  agitation  of  mind  on 
the  very  important  subject  it  treated.  It  for 
tified  me  greatly  in  the  judgment  I  was  in 
clined  to  form  (though  contrary  to  the  gene 
ral  vogue)  on  the  then  delicate  and  critical 
situation  of  affairs  between  Great  Britain  and 
the  colonies,  and  on  that  weighty  point,  their 
union.  You  guessed  aright  in  supposing  that 
I  would  not  be  a  mute  in  that  play.  I  was 

*  Lord  Kames  had  written  to  Dr.  Franklin  as  early 
as  1765,  when  the  first  advices  reached  England  of  the 
disorders  occasioned  by  the  attempts  to  carry  the 
stamp  act  into  execution  ;  and  he  had  written  a  se 
cond  letter  to  him  on  the  same  subject  in  the  beginning 
of  1767.  This  is  a  copy  of  Dr.  Franklin's  answer  to 
these  letters. 


254 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


extremely  busy,  attending  members  of  both 
houses,  informing,  explaining,  consulting,  dis 
puting,  in  a  continual  hurry  from  morning  to 
night,  till  the  affair  was  happily  ended.  Dur 
ing  the  course  of  its  being  called  before  the 
house  of  commons,  I  spoke  my  rnind  pretty 
freely.  Inclosed,  I  send  you  the  imperfect 
account  that  was  taken  of  that  examination : 
you  will  there  see  how  entirely  we  agree, 
except  in  a  point  of  fact,  of  which  you  could 
not  but  be  misinformed ;  the  papers  at  that 
time  being  foil  of  mistaken  assertions,  that 
the  colonies  had  been  the  cause  of  the  war, 
and  hid  ungratefully  refused  to  bear  any  part 
of  the  expense  of  it.  I  send  it  you  now,  be 
cause  I  apprehend  some  late  accidents  are 
likely  to  revive  the  contest  between  the  two 
countries.  I  fear  it  will  be  a  mischievous  one. 
It  becomes  a  matter  of  great  importance,  that 
clear  ideas  should  be  formed  on  solid  princi 
ples,  both  in  Britain  and  America,  of  the  true 
political  relation  between  them,  and  the  mu 
tual  duties  belonging  to  that  relation.  Till 
this  is  done,  they  will  be  often  jarring.  I 
know  none  whose  knowledge,  sagacity,  and 
impartiality  qualify  him  so  thoroughly  for  such 
a  service  as  yours  do  you.  I  wish  therefore 
you  would  consider  it  You  may  thereby  be 
the  happy  instrument  of  great  good  to  the  na 
tion,  and  of  preventing  much  mischief  and 
bloodshed.  I  am  fully  persuaded  with  you, 
that  a  consolidating  union,  by  a  fair  and  equal 
representation  of  all  the  parts  of  this  empire 
in  parliament,  is  the  only  firm  basis  on  which 
its  political  grandeur  and  prosperity  can  be 
founded.  Ireland  once  wished  it,  but  now  re 
jects  it.  The  time  has  been,  when  the  colo 
nies  might  have  been  pleased  with  it :  they 
are  now  indifferent  about  it ;  and  if  it  is  much 
longer  delayed  they  too  will  refuse  it.  But 
the  pride  of  this  people  cannot  bear  the  thought 
of  it,  and  therefore  it  will  be  delayed.  Every 
man  in  England  seems  to  consider  himself  as 
a  piece  of  a  sovereign  over  America ;  seems 
to  jostle  himself  into  the  throne  with  the  king, 
and  talks  of  our  subjects  in  the  colonies.  The 
parliament  cannot  well  and  wisely  make  laws 
suited  to  the  colonies,  without  being  properly 
and  truly  informed  of  their  circumstances, 
abilities,  temper,  &c.  This  it  cannot  be  with 
out  representatives  from  thence  ;  and  yet  it  is 
"bnl  of  this  power,  and  averse  to  the  only 
meins  of  acquiring  the  necessary  knowledge 
for  exercising  it ;  which  is  desiring  to  be  om 
nipotent  without  being  omniscient. 

"  I  have  mentioned  that  the  contest  is  likely 
to  be  revived.  It  is  on  this  occasion  :  in  the 
same  session  with  the  stamp  act,  an  act  was 
passed  to  regulate  the  quartering  of  soldiers 
in  America:  when  the  bill  was  first  brought 
in,  it  contained  a  clause,  empowering  the  of 
ficers  to  quarter  their  soldiers  in  private 
houses;  this  we  warmly  opposed,  and  got  it 
omitted.  The  bill  passed,  however,  with  a 


clause,  that  empty  houses,  barns,  &c.  should 
be  hired  for  them;  and  that  the  respective 
provinces,  where  they  were,  should  pay  the 
expense  and  furnish  firing,  bedding,  drink,  and 
some  other  articles  to  the  soldiers,  gratis. 
There  is  no  way  for  any  province  to  do  this 
but  by  the  assembly's  making  a  law  to  raise 
the  money.  Pennsylvania  assembly  has  made 
such  a  law ;  New  York  assembly  has  refused 
to  do  it :  and  now  all  the  talk  here  is,  of  send 
ing  a  force  to  compel  them. 

"  The  reasons  given  by  the  assembly  to  the 
governor  for  the  refusal,  are,  that  they  under 
stand  the  act  to  mean  the  furnishing  such 
things  to  soldiers  only  while  on  their  march 
through  the  country,  and  not  to  great  bodies 
of  soldiers,  to  be  fixed,  as  at  present,  in  the 
province ;  the  burden  in  the  latter  case  being 
greater  than  the  inhabitants  can  bear :  that  it 
would  put  it  in  the  power  of  the  captain-ge 
neral  to  oppress  the  province  at  pleasure,  &c. 
But  there  is  supposed  to  be  another  reason  at 
bottom,  which  they  intimate,  though  they  do 
not  plainly  express  it,  to  wit,  that  it  is  of  the 
nature  of  an  internal  tax  laid  on  them  by  par 
liament,  which  has  no  right  so  to  do.  Their 
refusal  is  here  called  rebellion,  and  punish 
ment  is  thought  of. 

"  Now  waving  that  point  of  right,  and  sup 
posing  the  legislatures  in  America  subordinate 
to  the  legislature  of  Great  Britain,  one  might 
conceive,  I  think,  a  power  in  the  superior  le 
gislature  to  forbid  the  inferior  legislatures 
making  particular  laws;  but  to  enjoin  it  to 
make  a  particular  law,  contrary  to  its  own 
judgment,  seems  improper;  an  assembly  or 
parliament  not  being  an  executive  officer  of 
government,  whose  duty  it  is,  in  law  making, 
to  obey  orders,  but  a  deliberative  body,  who  are 
to  consider  what  comes  before  them,  its  pro 
priety,  practicability,  or  possibility,  and  to  de 
termine  accordingly ;  the  very  nature  of  a 
parliament  seems  to  be  destroyed,  by  suppos 
ing  it  may  be  bound  and  compelled  by  a  lav/ 
of  a  superior  parliament,  to  make  a  law  con 
trary  to  its  own  judgment. 

"  Indeed  the  act  of  parliament  in  question 
has  not,  as  in  other  acts,  when  a  duty  is  en 
joined,  directed  a  penalty  on  neglect  or  re 
fusal,  and  a  mode  of  recovering  that  penalty. 
It  seems,  therefore,  to  the  people  in  America 
as  a  mere  requisition,  which  they  are  at  liber 
ty  to  comply  with  or  not,  as  it  may  suit  or  not 
suit  the  different  circumstances  of  the  differ 
ent  provinces.  Pennsylvania  has  therefore 
voluntarily  complied.  New  York,  as  I  said 
before,  has  refused.  The  ministry  that  made 
the  act,  and  all  their  adherents,  call  for  ven 
geance.  The  present  ministry  are  perplexed, 
and  the  measures  they  will  finally  take  on  the 
occasion  are  yet  unknown.  But  sure  I  am 
that  if  force  is  used,  great  mischief  will  en 
sue;  the  affections  of  the  people  of  America 
to  this  country  will  be  alienated ;  your  com- 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


255 


merce  will  be  diminished  ;  and  a  total  separa 
tion  of  interests  be  the  final  consequence. 

"  It  is  a  common,  but  mistaken  notion  here, 
that  the  colonies  were  planted  at  the  expense 
of  parliament,  and  that  therefore  the  parlia 
ment  has  a  right  to  tax  them,  &c.  The  truth 
is,  they  were  planted  at  the  expense  of  pri 
vate  adventurers,  who  went  over  there  to  set 
tle,  with  leave  of  the  kino-,  given  by  charter. 
On  receiving  this  leave,  and  those  charters, 
the  adventurers  voluntarily  engaged  to  re 
main  the  king's  subjects,  though  in  a  foreign 
country ;  a  country  which  had  not  been  con 
quered  by  either  king  or  parliament,  but  was 
possessed  by  a  free  people. 

"When  our  planters  arrived,  they  pur 
chased  the  lands  of  the  natives,  without  put 
ting  king  or  parliament  to  any  expense.  Par 
liament  had  no  hand  in  their  settlement,  was 
never  so  much  as  consulted  about  their  consti 
tution,  and  took  no  kind  of  notice  of  them,  till 
many  years  after  they  were  established.  I 
except  only  the  two  modern  colonies,  or  rather 
attempts  to  make  colonies,  (for  they  succeed 
but  poorly,  and  as  yet  hardly  deserve  the  name 
of  colonies,)  I  mean  Georgia  and  Nova  Scotia, 
which  have  hitherto  been  little  better  than 
parliamentary  jobs.  Thus  all  the  colonies 
acknowledge  the  king  as  their  sovereign;  his 
governors  there  represent  his  person :  laws  are 
made  by  their  assemblies  or  little  parliaments, 
with  the  governor's  assent,  subject  still  to  the 
Icing's  pleasure  to  affirm  or  annul  them.  Suits 
firising  in  the  colonies,  and  between  colony 
rind  colony,  are  determined  by  the  king  in 
'Council.  In  this  view  they  seem  so  many 
.separate  little  states,  subject  to  the  same 
prince.  The  sovereignty  of  the  king  is  there 
fore  easily  understood.  But  nothing  is  more 
common  here  than  to  talk  of  the  sovereignty 
of  PARLIAMENT,  and  the  sovereignty  of  this 
mation  over  the  colonies;  a  kind  of  sovereignty, 
the  idea  of  which  is  not  so  clear,  nor  does  it 
clearly  appear  on  what  foundation  it  is  esta 
blished.  On  the  other  hand  it  seems  neces 
sary  for  the  common  good  of  .the  empire,  that 
a  power  be  lodged  somewhere,  to  regulate  its 
general  commerce ;  this  can  be  placed  no 
where  so  properly  as  in  the  parliament  of 
Great  Britain;  and  therefore,  though  that 
power  has  in  some  instances  been  executed 
with  great  partiality  to  Britain,  and  prejudice 
to  the  colonies,  they  have  nevertheless  always 
submitted  to  it.  Custom  houses  are  establish 
ed  in  all  of  them,  by  virtue  of  laws  made  here, 
and  the  duties  instantly  paid,  except  by  a  few 
smugglers,  such  as  are  here  and  in  all  coun 
tries  ;  but  internal  taxes  laid  on  them  by  par 
liament,  are  still  and  ever  will  be  objected  to, 
for  the  reason  that  you  will  see  in  the  men 
tioned  examination. 

"  Upon  the  whole,  I  have  lived  so  great  a 
part  of  my  life  in  Britain,  and  have  formed  so 
many  friendships  in  it,  that  I  love  it,  and  sin 


cerely  wish  it  prosperity;  and  therefore  wish 
to  see  that  union,  on  which  alone  I  think  it 
can  be  secured  and  established.  As  to  Ame 
rica,  the  advantages  of  such  an  union  to  her 
are  not  so  apparent.  She  may  suffer  at  pre 
sent  under  the  arbitrary  power  of  this  country ; 
she  may  suffer  for  a  while  in  a  separation 
from  it;  but  these  are  temporary  evils  which 
she  will  outgrow.  Scotland  and  Ireland  are  dif 
ferently  circumstanced.  Confined  by  the  sea, 
they  can  scarcely  increase  in  numbers,  wealth 
and  strength,  so  as  to  overbalance  England. 
But  America,  an  immense  territory,  favoured 
by  nature,  with  all  advantages  of  climate,  soils, 
great  navigable  rivers,  lakes,  &c.  must  be 
come  a  great  country,  populous  and  mighty  ; 
and  will,  in  a  less  time  than  is  generally  con 
ceived,  be  able  to  shake  off  any  shackles  that 
may  be  imposed  upon  her,  and  perhaps  place 
them  on  the  imposers.  In  the  mean  time  every 
act  of  oppression  will  sour  their  tempers,  les 
sen  greatly  if  not  annihilate  the  profits  of  your 
commerce  with  them,  and  hasten  their  final 
revolt ;  for  the  seeds  of  liberty  are  universally 
found  there,  and  nothing  can  eradicate  them. 
And  yet  there  remains  among  that  people,  so 
much  respect,  veneration,  and  affection  for 
Britain,  that  if  cultivated  prudently,  with  a 
kind  usage  and  tenderness  for  their  privileges, 
they  might  be  easily  governed  still  for  ages, 
without  force  or  any  considerable  expense. 
But  I  do  not  see  here  a  sufficient  quantity  of 
the  wisdom  that  is  necessary  to  produce  such 
a  conduct,  and  I  lament  the  want  of  it. 

"  I  borrowed  at  Millar's  the  new  edition  of 
your  Principles  of  Equity,  and  have  read  with 
great  pleasure  the  preliminary  discourse  on  the 
principles  of  morality.  I  have  never  before  met 
with  any  thing  so  satisfactory  on  the  subject. 
While  reading  it,  I  made  a  few  remarks  as  I 
went  along.  They  are  not  of  much  import 
ance,  but  I  send  you  the  paper. 

"  I  know  the  lady  you  mention  (Mrs.  Mon 
tague  ;)  having,  when  in  England  before,  met 
her  once  or  twice  at  lord  Bath's.  I  remem 
ber  I  then  entertained  the  same  opinion  of  her 
that  you  express.  On  the  strength  of  your 
recommendation,  I  purpose  soon  to  wait  on 
her. 

"  This  is  unexpectedly  grown  a  long  letter. 
The  visit  to  Scotland,  and  the  Art  of  Virtue 
we  will  talk  of  hereafter.  It  is  now  time  to 
say,  that  I  am,  with  increasing  esteem  and 
affection,  B.  FRANKLIN."* 

"  Lord  Kamcs. 

"  LONDON,  February  21,  17G9. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  received  your  ex 
cellent  paper  on  the  preferable  use  of  oxen  in 

*This  letter  was  intercepted  by  the  British  ministry  ; 
Dr.  F.  had  preserved  a  copy  of  it,  which  was  afterwards 
transmitted  to  lord  Kames  ;  but  the  wisdom  that  com 
posed  and  conveyed  it  was  thrown  away  upon  the  men 
at  that  time  in  power. 


256 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


agriculture,  and  have  put  it  in  the  way  of  be 
ing  communicated  to  the  public  here.  I  have 
observed  in  America,  that  the  farmers  are 
more  thriving  in  those  parts  of  the  country 
where  horned  cattle  are  used,  than  in  those 
where  the  labour  is  done  by  horses.  The  lat 
ter  are  said  to  require  tw"ice  the  quantity  of 
land  to  maintain  them ;  and  after  all  are  not 
good  to  eat — at  least  we  don't  think  them  so. 
Here  is  a  waste  of  land  that  might  afford  sub 
sistence  for  so  many  of  the  human  species. 
Perhaps  it  was  for  this  reason  that  the  He 
brew  lawgiver  having  promised  that  the  chil 
dren  of  Israel  should  be  as  numerous  as  the 
sands  of  the  sea,  not  only  took  care  to  secure 
the  health  of  individuals,  by  regulating  their 
diet,  that  they  might  be  fitter  for  producing 
children,  but  also  forbid  their  using  horses,  as 
those  animals  would  lessen  the  quantity  of 
subsistence  for  men.  Thus  we  find,  when 
they  took  any  horses  from  their  enemies,  they 
destroyed  them ;  and  in  the  commandments, 
where  the  labour  of  the  ox  and  ass  is  men 
tioned,  and  forbidden  on  the  sabbath,  there  is 
no  mention  of  the  horse,  probably  because 
they  were  to  have  none.  And  by  the  great 
armies  suddenly  raised  in  that  small  territory 
they  inhabited,  it  appears  to  have  been  very 
full  of  people.* 

"  Food  is  always  necessary  to  all,  and  much 
the  greatest  part  of  the  labour  of  mankind  is 
employed  in  raising  provisions  for  the  mouth. 
Is  not  this  kind  of  labour  then,  the  fittest  to  be 
the  standard  by  which  to  measure  the  values 
of  all  other  labour,  and  consequently  of  all 
other  things  whose  value  depends  on  the  la 
bour  of  making  or  procuring  them  1  may  not 
even  gold  and  silver  be  thus  valued !  if  the 
labour  of  the  farmer  in  producing  a  bushel  of 
wheat,  be  equal  to  the  labour  of  the  miner  in 
producing  an  ounce  of  silver,  will  not  the 
bushel  of  wheat  just  measure  the  value  of  the 
ounce  of  silver.  The  miner  must  eat ;  the 
farmer  indeed  can  live  without  the  ounce  of 
silver,  and  so  perhaps  will  have  some  advan 
tage  in  settling  the  price.  But  these  discus 
sions  I  leave  to  you,  as  being  more  able  to 
manage  them  :  only,  I  will  send  you  a  little 
scrap  I  wrote  some  time  since  on  the  laws 
Drohibiting  foreign  commodities. 

"I  congratulate  you  on  your  election  as 
president  of  your  Edinburgh  Society.  I  think 
I  formerly  took  notice  to  you  in  conversation, 
that  I  thought  there  had  been  some  similarity 
in  our  fortunes,  and  the  circumstances  of  our 

*  There  is  not  in  the  Jewish  law  any  express  prohibi 
tion  against  the  use  of  horses:  it  is  only  enjoined,  that 
the  king-i  should  not  multiply  the  breed,  or  carry  on 
trade  with  Egypt  for  the  purchase  of  horses.  Deut.  xvii. 
16.  Solomon  was  the  first  of  the  kings  of  Judah  who 
disregarded  this  ordinance.  He  had  40,000  stalls  of 
horses,  which  he  brought  out  of  Egypt.  1  Kings  iv.  26. 
and  x.  28.  From  this  time  downwards,  horses  were 
in  constant  use  in  the  Jewish  armies.  It  is  true  that 
the  country,  from  its  rocky  surface  and  unfertile  soil, 
was  extremely  unfit  for  the  maintenance  of  those  ani 
mals.—  Note  by  lord  Kamcs. 


lives.  This  is  a  fresh  instance,  for  by  letters 
just  received,  I  find  that  I  was  about  the  same 
time  chosen  president  of  our  American  Philo 
sophical  Society,  established  at  Philadelphia.* 

"  I  have  sent  by  sea,  to  the  care  of  Mr. 
Alexander,  a  little  box,  containing  a  few  co 
pies  of  the  late  edition  of  my  books,  for  my 
friends  in  Scotland.  One  is  directed  for  you, 
and  one  for  your  society,  which  I  beg  that  you 
and  they  would  accept  as  a  small  mark  of  my 
respect.  With  the  sincerest  esteem  and  re 
gard,  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  P.  S.  I  am  sorry  my  letter  of  1767,  con 
cerning  the  American  disputes  miscarried.  1 
now  send  you  a  copy  of  it  from  my  book.  The 
examination  mentioned  in  it  you  have  proba 
bly  seen.  Things  daily  wear  a  worse  aspect, 
and  tend  more  and  more  to  a  breach  and  final 
separation." 


"  John  Alleyne. 

"  CRAVEN  STREET,  August  9,  1768. 

"DEAR  JACK, — You  desire,  you  say,  my 
impartial  thoughts  on  the  subject  of  an  early 
marriage,  by  way  of  answer  to  the  number 
less  objections  that  have  been  made  by 
numerous  persons  to  your  own.  You  may 
remember,  when  you  consulted  me  on  the  oc 
casion,  that  I  thought  youth  on  both  sides  to 
be  no  objection.  Indeed,  from  the  marriages 
that  have  fallen  under  my  observation,  I  am 
rather  inclined  to  think,  that  early  ones  stand 
the  best  chance  of  happiness.  The  temper 
and  habits  of  the  young  are  not  yet  become 
so  stiff  and  uncomplying,  as  when  more  ad 
vanced  in  life ;  they  form  more  easily  to  each 
other,  and  hence  many  occasions  of  disgust  are 
removed.  And  if  youth  has  less  of  that  pru 
dence  which  is  necessary  to  manage  a  family, 
yet  the  parents  and  elder  friends  of  young 
married  persons  are  generally  at  hand  to  afford 
their  advice,  which  amply  supplies  that  de 
fect  ;  and  by  early  marriage,  youth  is  sooner 
formed  to  regular  and  useful  life ;  and  possibly 
some  of  those  accidents  or  connexions,  that 
might  have  injured  the  constitution,  or  repu 
tation,  or  both,  are  thereby  happily  prevented. 
Particular  circumstances  of  particular  per 
sons,  may  possibly  sometimes  make  it  prudent 
to  delay  entering  into  that  state ;  but  in  ge 
neral  when  nature  has  rendered  our  bodies  fit 

*  The  American  Philosophical  Society  was  instituted 
in  1769,  and  was  formed  by  the  union  of  two  societies 
which  had  formerly  subsisted  at  Philadelphia,  whose 
views  and  objects  were  of  a  similar  nature.  Its  mem 
bers  were  classed  in  the  following  committees: 

1.  Geography,  Mathematics,  Natural  Philosophy,  and 
Astronomy. 

2.  Medicine  and  Anatomy. 

3.  Natural  History  and  Chemistry. 

4.  Trade  and  Commerce. 

5.  Mechanics  arid  Architecture. 

6.  Husbandry,  and  American  Improvements. 

Several  volumes  have  been  published  of  the  transac 
tions  of  this  American  Society,  in  which  are  many  pa 
pers  by  Dr.  Franklin. — Note  by  lord  Kames. 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


257 


for  it,  the  presumption  is  in  nature's  favour, 
that  she  has  not  judged  amiss  in  making  us 
desire  it  Late  marriages  are  often  attend 
ed,  too,  with  this  further  inconvenience, 
that  there  is  not  the  same  chance  that  the 
parents  shall  live  to  see  their  offspring  edu 
cated.  "Late  children"  says  the  Spanish 
proverb,  "are  early  orphans."  A  melan 
choly  reflection  to  those  whose  case  it  may 
be!  With  us  in  America,  marriages  are 
generally  in  the  morning  of  life ;  our  chil 
dren  are  therefore  educated  and  settled  in  the 
world  by  noon ;  and  thus,  our  business  being 
done,  we  have  an  afternoon  and  evening  of 
cheerful  leisure  to  ourselves;  such  as  our 
friend  at  present  enjoys.  By  these  early  mar 
riages  we  are  blessed  with  more  children; 
and  from  the  mode  among  us,  founded  by  na 
ture,  of  every  mother  suckling  and  nursing 
her  own  child,  more  of  them  are  raised. 
Thence  the  swift  progress  of  population  among 
us,  unparalleled  in  Europe.  In  fine,  I  am  glad 
you  are  married,  and  congratulate  you  most 
cordially  upon  it.  You  are  now  in  the  way 
of  becoming  a  useful  citizen ;  and  you  have 
escaped  the  unnatural  state  of  celibacy  for 
life — the  fate  of  many  here,  who  never  in 
tended  it,  but  who  having  too  long  postponed 
the  change  of  their  condition,  find  at  length, 
that  it  is  too  late  to  think  of  it,  and  so  live  all 
their  lives  in  a  situation  that  greatly  lessens 
a  man's  value.  An  odd  volume  of  a  set  of 
books,  bears  not  the  value  of  its  proportion  to 
the  set :  what  think  you  of  the  odd  half  of 
a  pair  of  scissors]  it  can't  well  cut  any 
thing;  it  may  possibly  serve  to  scrape  a 
trencher. 

"  Pray  make  my  compliments  and  best 
wishes  acceptable  to  your  bride.  I  am  old  and 
heavy,  or  I  should  ere  this  have  presented  them 
in  person.  I  shall  make  but  small  use  of  the  old 
man's  privilege,  that  of  giving  advice  to 
younger  friends.  Treat  your  wife  always 
with  respect ;  it  will  procure  respect  to  you, 
not  only  from  her,  but  from  all  that  observe 
it.  Never  use  a  slighting  expression  to  her, 
even  in  jest,  for  slights  in  jest,  after  frequent 
bandyings,  are  apt  to  end  in  angry  earnest. 
Be  studious  in  your  profession,  and  you  will 
be  learned.  Be  industrious  and  frugal,  and 
you  will  be  rich.  Be  sober  and  temperate,  and 
you  will  be  healthy.  Be  in  general  virtuous, 
and  you  will  be  happy.  At  least,  you  will, 
by  such  conduct,  stand  the  best  chance  for 
such  consequences. 

"  I  pray  God  to  bless  you  both ;  being  ever 
your  affectionate  friend, 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Joseph  Galloway,  Speaker  of  the.  Assem 
bly,  Pennsylvania. 

"  LONDON,  June  13,  1767. 

"  DEAR  SIR,— In  my  last  of  May  2()th,  I 
mentioned  my  hopes  that  we  should  at  length 
VOL.  I. ...  2  K  22* 


get  over  all  obstructions  to  the  repeal  of  the 
act  restraining  the  legal  tender  of  paper  mo 
ney;  but  those  hopes  are  now  greatly  les 
sened. 

"The  ministry  had  agreed  to  the  repeal, 
and  the  notion  that  had  possessed  them,  that 
they  might  make  a  revenue  from  paper  money 
in  appropriating  the  interest  by  parliament, 
was  pretty  well  removed  by  my  assuring  them, 
that  it  was  my  opinion  no  colony  would  make 
money  on  those  terms,  and  that  the  benefits 
arising  to  the  commerce  of  this  country  in 
America  from  a  plentiful  currency,  would 
therefore  be  lost,  and  the  repeal  answer  no 
end,  if  the  assemblies  were  not  allowed  to  ap 
propriate  the  interest  themselves ;  that  the 
crown  might  get  a  great  share  upon  occasion 
al  requisitions,  I  made  no  doubt,  by  voluntary 
appropriations  of  the  assemblies;  but  they 
would  never  establish  such  funds  as  to  make 
themselves  unnecessary  to  government,  &c. 
Those  and  other  reasons  that  were  urged 
seemed  to  satisfy  them,  and  we  began  to  think 
all  would  go  on  smoothly,  and  the  merchants 
prepared  their  petition,  on  which  the  repeal 
was  to  be  founded.  But  in  the  house,  when 
the  chancellor  of  the  Exch«3quer  had  gone 
through  his  proposed  American  revenue,  viz. 
by  duties  on  glass,  china  ware,  paper,  paste 
board,  colours,  tea,  &c.  Grenville  stood  up  and 
undervalued  them  all  as  trifles ;  and,  says  he, 
'  I'll  tell  the  honourable  gentleman  of  a  re 
venue,  what  will  produce  something  valuable 
in  America :  make  paper  money  for  the  colo 
nies,  issue  it  upon  loan  there,  take  the  interest, 
and  apply  it  as  you  think  proper.'  Mr.  Town- 
send  finding  the  house  listened  to  this,  and 
seemed  to  like  it,  stood  up  again,  and  said  '  that 
was  a  proposition  of  his  own  which  he  had  in 
tended  to  make  with  the  rest,  but  it  had  slipt 
his  memory,  and  the  gentleman,  who  must 
have  heard  of  it,  now  unfairly  would  take  ad 
vantage  of  that  slip  and  make  a  merit  to  him 
self  of  a  proposition  that  was  another's,  and 
as  a  proof  of  it,  assured  the  house  a  bill  was 
prepared  for  the  purpose,  and  would  be  laid 
before  them.'  This  startled  all  our  friends  ; 
and  the  merchants  concluded  to  keep  back 
their  petition  for  a  while,  till  things  appear 
ed  a  little  clearer,  lest  their  friends  in  Ame 
rica  should  blame  them,  as  having  furnished 
foundation  for  an  act  that  must  have  been  dis 
agreeable  to  the  colonies.  I  found  the  rest  of 
the  ministry  did  not  like  this  proceeding  of 
the  chancellor's,  but  there  was  no  going  on 
with  our  scheme  against  his  declaration,  and 
as  he  daily  talked  of  resigning,  there  being  no 
good  agreement  between  him  and  the  rest ; 
and  as  we  found  the  general  prejudice  against, 
the  colonies  so  strong  in  the  house,  that  any 
thing  in  the  shape  of  a  favour  to  them  all  was 
like  to  meet  with  great  opposition,  whether 
he  was  out  or  in,  I  proposed  to  Mr.  Jackson, 
the  putting  our  colony  foremost,  as  we  stood 


258 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


in  a  pretty  good  light,  and  asking  the  favour 
for  us  alone.     This  he  agreed  might  be  pro 
per,  in  case  the  chancellor  should  go  out,  and 
undertook  to  bring  in  a  bill  for  that  purpose, 
provided  the  Philadelphia  merchants  woulc 
petition  for  it,  and  he  wished  to  have  such  pe 
tition  ready  to  present,  if  an  opening  for  it 
should  offer.     Accordingly  I  applied  to  them, 
and  prepared  a  draft  of  a  petition  for  them  to 
sign,  a  copy  of  which  I  send  you  inclosed. 
They  seemed  generally  for  the  measure ;  but 
apprehending  the  merchants  of  the  other  co 
lonies,  who  had  hitherto  gone  hand  in  hand 
with  us  in  all  American  affairs,  might  take 
umbrage  if  we  now  separated  from  them,  it 
was  thought  right  to  call  a  meeting  of  the 
whole  to  consult  upon  this  proposal.     At  this 
meeting  I  represented  to  them,  as  the  ground 
of  this  measure,  that  the  colonies  being  ge 
nerally  out  of  favour  at  present,  any  hard  clause 
relating  to  paper  money  in  the  repealing  bill, 
will  be  more  easily  received  in  parliament,  if 
the  bill  related  to  all  the  colonies :  that  Penn 
sylvania  being  in   some   degree  of  favour, 
might  possibly  alone  obtain  a  better  act  than 
the  whole  could  do,  as  it  might  by  govern 
ment  be  thought  as  good  policy  to  show  fa 
vour  where  there  had  been  the  reverse.    That 
a  good  act  obtained  by  Pennsylvania,  might 
another  year,  when  the  resentment  against 
the  colonies  should  be  abated,  be  made  use  of 
as  a  precedent,  &c.  &c.     But  after  a  good 
deal  of  debate,  it  was  finally  concluded  not  to 
precipitate  matters,  it  being  very  dangerous 
by  any  kind  of  petition  to  furnish  the  chan 
cellor  with  a  horse  on  which  he  could  put 
what  saddle  he  thought  fit:  the  other  mer 
chants  seemed  rather  averse  to  the  Pennsyl 
vania  merchants  proceeding  alone,  but  said 
they  were  certainly  at  liberty  to  do  as  they 
thought  proper.     The  conclusion  of  the  Penn 
sylvania  merchants  was  to  wait  a  while,  hold 
ing  the  separate  petition  ready  to  sign,  and 
present  if  a  proper  opening  should  appear  this 
session,  but  otherwise  to  reserve  it  to  the  next, 
when  the  complexion  of  ministers  and  mea 
sures  mo.y  probably  be  changed.     And  as  this 
session  now  draws  to  a  conclusion,  I  begin  to 
think  nothing  will  be  farther  done  in  it  this 
year. 

"  Mentioning  the  merchants,  puts  me  in 
mind  of  some  discourse  I  heard  among  them, 
that  was  by  no  means  agreeable.  It  was  said 
that  in  the  opposition  they  gave  the  stamp  act, 
and  their  endeavours  to  obtain  the  repeal,  they 
had  spent  at  their  meetings,  and  in  expresses 
to  all  parts  of  this  country,  and  for  a  vessel  to 
carry  the  joyful  news  to  North  America,  and 
in  the  entertainments  given  our  friends  of  both 
houses,  &c.  near  fifteen  hundred  pounds ;  that 
for  all  this,  except  from  the  little  colony  of 
Rhode  Island,  they  had  not  received  as  much 
as  a  thank  ye.  That  on  the  contrary  the  cir 
cular  letters  they  had  written  with  the  best  in 


tentions  to  the  merchants  of  the  several  colo 
nies,  containing  their  best  and  most  friendly 
advice,  were  either  answered  with  unkind  re 
flections,  or  contemptuously  left  without  an 
swer.  And  that  the  captain  of  the  vessel,  they 
sent  express  with  the  news,  having  met  with 
misfortunes,  that  obliged  him  to  travel  by  land 
through  all  the  colonies  from  New  Hampshire 
to  Pennsylvania,  was  every  where  treated 
with  neglect  and  contempt,  instead  of  civility 
and  hospitality ;  and  no  where  with  more  than 
at  Philadelphia,  where,  though  he  delivered 
letters  to  the  merchants,  that  must  make  him 
and  his  errand  known  to  them,  no  one  took 
the  least  notice  of  him.  I  own  I  was  ashamed 
to  hear  all  this,  but  hope  there  is  some  mistake 
in  it.  I  should  not  have  troubled  you  with 
this  account,  but  that  I  think  we  stand  in  truth 
greatly  obliged  to  the  merchants,  who  are  a 
very  respectable  body,  and  whose  friendship 
is  worth  preserving,  as  it  may  greatly  help 
us  on  future  occasions ;  and  therefore  I  wish 
some  decent  acknowledgments  or  thanks  were 
sent  from  the  assemblies  of  the  colonies,  since 
their  correspondents  have  omitted  it. 

"  I  have  said  the  less  of  late  in  my  letters 
concerning  the  petitions,  because  I  hoped  this 
summer  to  have  an  opportunity  of  communi 
cating  every  thing  viva  voce,  and  there  are 
particulars  that  cannot  safely  be  trusted  to 
paper.  Perhaps  I  may  be  more  determined, 
as  to  returning  or  staying  another  winter, 
when  I  receive  my  next  letters  from  you  and 
my  other  friends  in  Philadelphia. 

•'  We  got  the  chancellor  to  drop  his  salt 
duty.  And  the  merchants  trading  to  Portugal 
and  Spain,  he  says,  have  made  such  a  clamour 
about  the  intention  of  suffering  ships  to  go  di 
rectly  with  wine,  fruit,  and  oil,  from  those 
countries  to  America,  that  he  has  dropped  that 
scheme,  and  we  are,  it  seems,  to  labour  a  lit- 
le  longer  under  the  inconveniences  of  the 
restraint 

'  It  is  said  the  bill  to  suspend  the  legisla- 
;ures  of  New  York  and  Georgia,  till  they 
comply  with  the  act  of  parliament  for  quarter- 
ng  soldiers,  will  pass  this  session.  I  fear  that 
mprudences  on  both  sides  may,  step  by  step, 
)ring  on  the  most  mischievous  consequences. 
Tt  islmagined  here,  that  this  act  will  enforce 
mmediate  compliance ;  and  if  the  people 
should  be  quiet,  content  themselves  with  the 
aws  they  have,  and  let  the  matter  rest,  till 
h  some  future  war  the  king  wanting  aids 
rom  them,  and  finding  himself  restrained  in 
his  legislation  by  the  act  as  much  as  the  peo- 
)le,  shall  think  fit  by  his  ministers  to  propose 
he  repeal,  the  parliament  will  be  greatly  dis- 
.ppointed  ;  and  perhaps  it  may  take  this  turn, 
wish  nothing  worse  may  happen. 
"  The  present  ministry  will  probably  con- 
inue  through  this  session.  But  their  disagree- 
nent,  with  the  total  inability  of  lord  Chatham, 
hrough  sickness,  to  do  any  business,  must 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


259 


bring  on  some  change  before  next  winter.  I 
wish5  it  may  be  for  the  better,  but  fear  the 
contrary. 

"  Please  to  present  my  dutiful  respects  to  the 
assembly,  and  believe  me  ever,  dear  sir,  yours 
and  the  committee's  most  obedient  and  faith 
ful  humble  servant, 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  Joseph  Galloway. 

"  LONDON,  August  8,  1767. 

"DEA.R  SIR, — I  have  before  me  your  fa 
vours  of  April  23,  May  21  and  26.  The  con 
fusion  among  our  great  men  still  continues  as 
much  as  ever,  and  a  melancholy  thing  it  is  to 
consider,  that  instead  of  employing  the  present 
leisure  of  peace  in  such  measures  as  might  ex 
tend  our  commerce,  pay  off  our  debts,  secure 
allies,  and  increase  the  strength  and  ability  of 
the  nation  to  support  a  future  war,  the  whole 
seems  to  be  wasted  in  party  contentions,  about 
places  of  power  and  profit,  in  court  intrigues 
and  cabals,  and  in  abusing  one  another. 

"  There  has  lately  been  an  attempt  to  make 
a  kind  of  coalition  of  parties  in  a  new  minis 
try,  but  it  fell  through,  and  the  present  set  is 
likely  to  continue  for  some  time  longer,  which 
I  am  rather  pleased  with,  as  some  of  those 
who  were  proposed  to  be  introduced  are  pro 
fessed  adversaries  to  America,  which  is  now 
made  one  of  the  distinctions  of  party  here ; 
those  who  have  in  the  two  last  sessions  shown 
a  disposition  to  favour  us,  being  called  by  way 
of  reproach,  Americans ;  while  the  others,  ad 
herents  to  Grenville  and  Bedford,  value  them 
selves  on  being  true  to  the  interests  of  Britain, 
and  zealous  for  maintaining  its  dignity  and 
sovereignty  over  the  colonies.     This  distinc 
tion  will,  it  is  apprehended,  be  carried  much 
higher  in  the  next  session,  for  the  political 
purpose  of  influencing  the  ensuing  election. 
It  is  already  given  out  that  the  compliance  of 
New   York,   in  providing  for  the  quarters, 
without  taking  notice  of  its  being  done  in 
obedience  to  the  act  of  parliament,  is  evasive 
and  unsatisfactory.     That  it  is  high  time  to 
put  the  right  and  power  of  this  country  to  tax 
the  colonies  out  of  dispute,  by  an  act  of  taxa 
tion,  effectually  carried  into  execution,  and 
that  all  the  colonies  should  be  obliged  explicit 
ly  to  acknowledge  that  right.     Every  step  is 
taking  to  render  the  taxing  America  a  popular 
measure  here,  by  continually  insisting  on  the 
topics  of  our  wealth  and  flourishing  circum 
stances,  while  this  country   is  loaded  with 
debt,  great  part  of  it  incurred  on  our  account, 
the  distress  of  the  poor  here  by  the  multitude 
and  weight  of  taxes,  &c.  &c.  and  though  the 
traders  and  manufacturers  may  possibly  be 
kept  in  our  interest,  the  idea  of  an  American 
tax  is  very  pleasing  to  the  landed  men,  who 
therefore  readily  receive  and  propagate  these 
sentiments  wherever  they  have  influence. — 


If  such  a  bill  should  be  brought  in,,  it  is  hard 
to  say  what  would  be  the  event  of  it,  or  what 
would  be  the  effects.  Those  who  oppose  it, 
though  they  should  be  strong  enough  to  throw 
it  out,  would  be  stigmatised  as  Americans,  be 
trayers  of  Old  England,  &c.  and  perhaps  our 
friends  by  this  means  being  excluded,  a  ma 
jority  of  our  adversaries  may  get  in,  and  then 
;he  act  infallibly  passes  the  following  session. 
To  avoid  the  danger  of  such  exclusion,  per- 
mps  little  opposition  will  be  given,  and  then 
it  passes  immediately.  I  know  not  what  to 
advise  on  this  occasion,  but  that  we  should  all 
do  our  endeavours  on  both  sides  the  water  to 
essen  the  present  unpopularity  of  the  Ameri 
can  cause,  conciliate  the  affections  of  people 
lere  towards  us,  increase  by  all  possible 
means  the  number  of  our  friends,  and  be  care 
ful  not  to  weaken  their  hands  and  strengthen 
those  of  our  enemies,  by  rash  proceedings  on 
our  side,  the  mischiefs  of  which  are  inconceiv 
able.  Some  of  our  friends  have  thought  that 
a  publication  of  my  examination  here,  might 
answer  some  of  the  above  purposes,  by  re 
moving  prejudices  and  refuting  falsehoods,  and 
demonstrating  our  merits  with  regard  to  this 
country.  It  is  accordingly  printed,  and  has  a 
great  run.  I  have  another  piece  in  hand, 
which  I  intend  to  put  out  about  the  time  of 
the  meeting  of  parliament,  if  those  I  consult 
with  shall  judge  that  it  may  be  of  service. 

"  The  next  session  of  parliament  will  pro 
bably  be  a  short  one,  on  account  of  the  fol 
lowing  election.  And  I  am  now  advised  by 
some  of  our  great  friends  here  to  see  that  out, 
not  returning  to  America  till  the  spring.  My 
presence  indeed  is  necessary  there  to  settle 
some  private  affairs.  Unforeseen  and  una 
voidable  difficulties  have  hitherto  obstructed 
our  proceedings  in  the  main  intent  of  my 
coming  over,  and  perhaps  (though  I  think  my 
being  here  has  not  been  altogether  unser 
viceable)  our  friends  in  the  assembly  may  be 
gin  to  be  discouraged  and  tired  of  the  expense. 
If  that  should  be  the  case  I  would  not  have 
you  propose  to  continue  me  as  agent  at  the 
meeting  of  the  new  assembly :  my  endeavours 
to  serve  the  province  in  what  I  may  while  I 
remain  here,  shall  not  be  lessened  by  that 
omission. 

"  I  am  glad  you  have  made  a  trial  of  paper 
money,  not  a  legal  tender.  The  quantity 
being  small,  may  perhaps  be  kept  in  mil 
credit  notwithstanding ;  and  if  that  can  be 
avoided,  I  am  not  for  applying  here  again 
very  soon  for  a  repeal  of  the  restraining  act. 
I  am  afraid  an  ill  use  will  be  made  of  it.  The 
plan  of  our  adversaries  is  to  render  assemblies 
in  America  useless;  and  to  have  a  revenue 
independent  of  their  grants,  for  all  the  pur 
poses  of  their  defence,  and  supporting  govern 
ments  among  them.  It  is  our  interest  to  pre 
vent  this.  And  that  they  may  not  lay  hold  of 
our  necessities  for  paper  money,  to  draw  a 


260 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


revenue  from  that  article,  whenever  they  j  the  various  advantages,  viz.  furnishing  pro- 
grant  us  the  liberty  we  want,  of  making  it  a  j  visions  cheaper  to  the  garrisons,  securing  the 


legal  tender,  I  wish  some  other  method  may 
be  fallen  upon  of  supporting  its  credit.  What 
think  you  of  getting  all  the  merchants,  traders, 
and  principal  people  of  all  sorts,  to  join  in 
petitions  to  the  assembly  for  a  moderate  emis 
sion,  the  petition  being  accompanied  with  a 
mutual  engagement  to  take  it  in  all  dealings 
at  the  rates  fixed  by  law  1  Such  an  engage 
ment  had  a  great  effect  in  fixing  the  value 
and  rates  of  our  gold  and  silver.  Or,  perhaps, 
a  bank  might  be  established  that  would  an 
swer  all  purposes.  Indeed  I  think  with  you 
that  those  merchants  here,  who  have  made 
difficulties  on  the  subject  of  the  legal  tender, 
have  not  understood  their  own  interests.  For 
there  can  be  no  doubt,  that  should  a  scarcity 
of  money  continue  among  us,  we  shall  take 
off  less  of  their  merchandise,  and  attend  more 
to  manufacturing,  and  raising  the  necessaries 
and  superfluities  of  life  among  ourselves, 
which  we  now  receive  from  them.  And 
perhaps  this  consequence  would  attend  our 
making  no  paper  money  at  all  of  any  sort, 
that  being  thus  by  a  want  of  cash  driven  to 
industry  and  frugality,  we  should  gradually 
become  more  rich  without  their  trade,  than 
we  can  possibly  be  with  it,  and  by  keeping  in 
the  country  the  real  cash  that  comes  into  it, 
have  in  time  a  quantity  sufficient  for  all  our 
occasions.  But  I  suppose  our  people  will 
scarce  have  patience  to  wait  for  this. 

"  I  have  received  the  printed  votes,  but  not 
the  laws.  I  hear  nothing  yet  of  any  objection 
made  by  the  proprietaries  to  any  of  them  at 
the  board  of  trade. 

"  Please  to  present  my  duty  to  the  assem 
bly,  with  thanks  for  their  care  of  me,  and  as 
sure  them  of  my  most  faithful  services. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Governor  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  August  28,  !7f>7. 
"  DEAR  SON, — I  have  no  letter  of  yours 
since  my  last,  in  which  I  answered  all  pre 
ceding  ones. 

"  Last  week  I  dined  at  lord  Shelburne's, 
and  had  a  long  conversation  with  him  and  Mr. 


Conway  (there  being  no  other  company,)  on 
the  subject  of  reducing  American  expense. 
They  have  it  in  contemplation  to  return  the 
management  of  Indian  affairs  into  the  hands 
of  the  several  provinces  on  which  the  nations 
border,  that  the  colonies  may  bear  the  charge 
of  treaties,  &c.  which  they  think  will  then 


country,  retaining  the  trade,  raising  a  strength 
there  which,  on  occasion  of  a  future  war, 
might  easily  be  poured  down  the  Mississippi 
upon  the  lower  country,  and  into  the  bay  of 
Mexico,  to  be  used  against  Cuba  or  Mexico 
itself,  &c.  I  mentioned  your  plan,  its  being  ap 
proved  by  sir  William  Johnson,  the  readiness 
and  ability  of  the  gentlemen  concerned  to 
carry  the  settlement  into  execution,  with  very 
little  expense  to  the  crown,  &c.  The  secreta 
ries  appeared  finally  to  be  fully  convinced,  and 
there  remained  no  obstacle  but  the  board  of 
trade,  which  was  to  be  brought  over  privately, 
before  the  matter  should  be  referred  to  them 
officially.  In  case  of  laying  aside  the  super 
intendents,  a  provision  was  thought  of  for  sir 
William  Johnson,  &c.  We  had  a  good  deal 
of  farther  discourse  on  American  affairs,  par 
ticularly  on  paper  money :  lord  Shelburne  de 
clared  himself  fully  convinced  of  the  utility 
of  taking  off  the  restraint,  by  my  answer  ta 
the  report  of  the  board  of  trade.  General 
Conway  had  not  seen  it,  and  desired  me  to 
send  it  to  him,  which  I  did  next  morning. 
They  gave  me  expectation  of  a  repeal  next 
session,  lord  Clare  being  come  over :  but  they 
said  there  was  some  difficulty  with  others  at 
the  board,  who  had  signed  that  report:  for 
there  was  a  good  deal  in  what  Soame  Jenyns 
had  laughingly  said,  when  asked  to  concur  in 
some  measure,  I  have  no  kind  of  objection  to 
it,  provided  we  have  heretofore  signed  no 
thing  to  the  contrary.  In  this  conversation  I 
did  not  forget  our  main  Pennsylvania  business, 
and  I  think  made  some  farther  progress,  though 
but  little.  The  two  secretaries  seemed  intent 
upon  preparing  business  for  next  parliament, 
which  makes  me  think,  that  the  late  projects 
of  changes  are  now  quite  over,  and  that  they 
expect  to  continue  in  place.  But  whether 
they  will  do  much  or  little  I  cannot  say. 

Du  Guerchy  the  French  ambassador  is 
gone  home,  and  Monsieur  Durand  is  left 
minister  plenipotentiary.  He  is  extremely 
curious  to  inform  himself  in  the  affairs  of 
America ;  pretends  to  have  a  great  esteem  for 
me,  on  account  of  the  abilities  shown  in  my 
examination ;  has  desired  to  have  all  my  po- 
itical  writings,  invited  me  to  dine  with  him, 
was  very  inquisitive,  treated  me  with  great 


|  civility,  makes  me  visits,  &c.  I  fancy  that 
intriguing  nation  would  like  very  well  to 
meddle  on  occasion,  and  blow  up  the  coals  be 
tween  Britain  and  her  colonies ;  but  I  hope 
we  shall  give  them  no  opportunity. 

I  write  this  in  a  great  hurry,  being  setting  out 


be  managed  more  frugally,  the  treasury  being  ,  in  an  hour  on  another  journey  with  my  steady 
tired  with  the  immense  drafts  of  the  superin-  good  friend  sir  John  Pringle.  We  propose  to 
tendents,  &c.  I  took  the  opportunity  of  urging  visit  Paris.  Durand  has  given  me  letters  of 
it  as  one  means  of  saving  expense  in  support- 1  recommendation  to  the  Lord  knows  who.  I 
ing  the  outposts,  that  a  settlement  should  be  am  told  I  shall  meet  with  great  respect  there ; 
made  in  the  Illinois  country ;  expatiated  on  but  winds  change,  and  perhaps  it  will  be  full 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


261 


as  well  if  I  do  not.  We  shall  be  gone  six 
weeks.  I  have  a  little  private  commission  to 
transact,  of  which  more  another  time.  Com 
municate  nothing  of  this  letter  but  privately 
to  our  friend  Galloway.  B.  FRANKLIN."  ' 

To  the  same. 

"  LONDON,  Nov.  25,  1767. 

"  DEAR  SON, — I  think  the  New  Yorkers 
have  been  very  discreet  in  forbearing  to  write 
and  publish  against  the  late  act  of  parliament. 
I  wish  the  Boston  people  had  been  as  quiet, 
since  governor  Bernard  has  sent  over  all  their 
violent  papers  to  the  ministry,  and  wrote  them 
word  that  he  daily  expected  a  rebellion.  He 
did  indeed  afterwards  correct  this  extrava 
gance,  by  writing  again,  that  he  now  under 
stood  those  papers  were  approved  but  by  few, 
and  disliked  by  all  the  sober  sensible  people 
of  the  province.  A  certain  noble  lord  ex 
pressed  himself  to  me  with  some  disgust  and 
contempt  of  Bernard,  on  this  occasion,  saying 
he  ought  to  have  known  his  people  better, 
than  to  impute  to  the  whole  country  senti 
ments,  that  perhaps  are  only  scribbled  by  some 
madman  in  a  garret ;  that  he  appeared  to  be 
too  fond  of  contention,  and  mistook  the  mat 
ter  greatly,  in  supposing  such  letters  as  he 
wrote  were  acceptable  to  the  ministry.  I 
have  heard  nothing  of  the  appointment  of  ge 
neral  Clark  to  New  York :  but  I  know  he  is 
a  friend  of  lord  Shelburne's,  and  the  same 
that  recommended  Mr.  M'Lean  to  be  his  se 
cretary.  Perhaps  it  might  be  talked  of  in  my 
absence. 

"  The  commissioners  for  the  American 
Board,  went  hence  while  I  was  in  France ; 
you  know  before  this  time  who  they  are  and 
how  are  they  are  received,  which  I  want  to 
hear.  Mr.  Williams,  who  is  gone  in  some 
office  with  them,  is  brother  to  our  cousin 
Williams  of  Boston ;  but  I  assure  you  I  had 
not  the  least  share  in  his  appointment ;  having, 
as  I  told  you  before,  carefully  kept  out  of  the 
way  of  that  whole  affair. 

"As  soon  as  I  received  Mr.  Galloway's, 
Mr.  T.  Wharton's,  and  Mr.  Croghan's  letters 
on  the  subject  of  the  boundary,  I  communi 
cated  them  immediately  to  lord  Shelburne. 
He  invited  me  the  next  day  to  dine  with  him. 
Lord  Clare  was  to  have  been  there  but  did 
not  come.  There  was  nobody  but  Mr.  M'Lean. 
My  lord  knew  nothing  of  the  boundary's 
having  ever  been  agreed  on  by  sir  William, 
had  sent  the  letters  to  the  board  of  trade,  de 
siring  search  to  be  made  there  for  sir  Wil 
liam's  letters,  and  ordered  Mr.  M'Lean  to 
search  the  secretary's  office,  who  found  no 
thing.  We  had  much  discourse  about  it,  and 
I  pressed  the  importance  of  despatching  or 
ders  immediately  to  sir  William  to  complete 
the  affair.  His  lordship  asked  who  was  to 
make  the  purchase,  i.  e.  be  at  the  expense] 
I  said  that  if  the  line  included  any  lands 


within  the  grants  of  the  charter  colonies, 
they  should  pay  the  purchase  money  of  such 
proportion.  If  any  within  the  proprietary 
grants  they  should  pay  their  proportion,  but 
that  what  was  within  royal  governments 
where  the  king  granted  the  lands,  the  crown 
should  pay  for  that  proportion.  His  lordship 
was  pleased  to  say  he  thought  this  reasonable. 
He  finally  desired  me  to  go  to  lord  Clare,  as 
from  him,  and  urge  the  business  there,  which 
I  undertook  to  do.  Among  other  things,  at 
this  conversation,  we  talked  of  the  new  set 
tlement  ;  his  lordship  told  me  he  had  himself 
drawn  up  a  paper  of  reasons  for  those  settle 
ments,  which  he  laid  before  the  king  in  coun 
cil,  acquainting  them  that  he  did  not  offer 
them  merely  as  his  own  sentiments,  they  were 
what  he  had  collected  from  general  Amherst. 
Dr.  Franklin,  and  Mr.  Jackson,  three  gentle 
men  that  were  allowed  to  be  the  best  authori 
ties  for  any  thing  that  related  to  America.  I 
think  he  added  that  the  council  seemed  to  ap 
prove  of  the  design :  I  know  it  was  referred 
to  the  board  of  trade,  who  I  believe  have  not 
yet  reported  on  it,  arid  I  doubt  will  report 
against  it.  My  lord  told  me  one  pleasant 
circumstance,  viz.,  that  he  had  shown  his  pa 
per  to  the  dean  of  Gloucester  (Tucker,)  to 
hear  his  opinion  of  the  matter ;  who  very  sa 
gaciously  remarked  that  he  was  sure  that 
paper  was  drawn  up  by  Dr.  Franklin,  he  saw 
him  in  every  paragraph;  adding,  that  Dr. 
Franklin  wanted  to  remove  the  seat  of  go 
vernment  to  America;  that,  says  he,  is  his 
constant  plan. 

"  I  waited  next  morning  upon  lord  Clare, 
and  pressed  the  matter  of  the  boundary  closely 
upon  him.  He  said  they  could  not  find  they 
had  ever  received  any  letters  from  sir  Wil 
liam  concerning  this  boundary,  but  were 
searching  farther :  agreed  to  the  necessity  of 
settling  it ;  but  thought  there  would  be  some 
difficulty  about  who  should  pay  the  purchase 
money;  for  that  this  country  was  already  so 
loaded  it  could  bear  no  more.  We  then  talked 
of  the  new  colonies.  I  found  he  was  inclined 
to  think  one  near  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio  might, 
be  of  use,  in  securing  the  country,  but  did  not 
much  approve  that  at  Detroit.  And  as  to  the 
trade,  he  imagined  it  would  be  of  little  conse 
quence  if  we  had  all  the  peltry  to  be  pur 
chased  there,  but  supposed  our  traders  would 
sell  it  chiefly  to  the  French  and  Spaniards,  at. 
New  Orleans,  as  he  heard  they  had  hitherto 
done. 

"  At  the  same  time  that  we  Americans  wish 
not  to  be  judged  of,  in  the  gross,  by  particular 
papers  written  by  anonymous  scribblers  and 
published  in  the  colonies,  it  would  be  well  if 
we  could  avoid  falling  into  the  same  mistake 
in  America,  in  judging  of  ministers  here  by 
the  libels  printed  against  them.  The  inclosed 
is  a  very  abusive  one,  in  which  if  there  is  anv 
foundation  of  truth,  it  can  only  be  in  the  insi- 


262 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


filiation  contained  in  the  words,  "  after  eleven 
adjournments"  that  they  are  too  apt  to  post 
pone  business:  but  if  they  have  given  any 
occasion  for  this  reflection,  there  are  reasons 
and  circumstances  that  may  be  urged  in  their 
excuse. 

"  It  gives  me  pleasure  to  hear  that  the  peo 
ple  of  the  other  colonies  are  not  insensible  of 
the  zeal  with  which  I  occasionally  espouse 
their  respective  interests,  as  well  as  the  inter 
ests  of  the  whole.  I  shall  continue  to  do  so 
as  long  as  I  reside  here  and  am  able. 

"  The  present  ministry  seem  now  likely  to 
continue  through  this  session  of  parliament ; 
and  perhaps  if  the  new  parliament  should  not 
differ  greatly  in  complexion  from  this,  they 
may  be  fixed  for  a  number  of  years,  which  I 
earnestly  wish,  as  we  have  no  chance  for  a 
tetter. 


"  Joseph  Galloway. 

"LONDON,  Dec.  1,  1767. 

**  DEAR  SIR, — I  duly  received  your  favours 
of  August  22,  September  20,  and  October  8, 
and  within  these  few  days  one  of  February  14, 
recommending  Mr.  Morgan  Edwards  and  his 
affair  of  the  Rhode  Island  college,  which  I 
shall  endeavour  to  promote,  deeming  the  in 
stitution  one  of  the  most  catholic  and  gener 
ous  of  the  kind. 

"  I  am  inclined  to  think  with  you,  that  the 
small  sum  you  have  issued  to  discharge  the 
public  debts  only  will  not  be  materially  af 
fected  in  its  credit  for  want  of  the  legal  ten 
der,  considering  especially  the  present  extreme 
want  of  money  in  the  province.  You  appear 
to  me  to  point  out  the  true  cause  of  the  ge 
neral  distress,  viz.  the  late  luxurious  mode  of 
living  introduced  by  a  too  great  plenty  of 
cash.  It  is  indeed  amazing  to  consider,  that 
we  had  a  quantity  sufficient  before  the  war 
began,  and  that  the  war  added  immensely  to 
that  quantity,  by  the  sums  spent  among  us  by 
the  crown,  and  the  paper  struck  and  issued  in 
the  province ;  and  now  in  so  few  years  all  the 
money  spent  by  the  crown  is  gone  away,  and 
has  carried  with  it  all  the  gold  and  silver  we 
had  before,  leaving  us  bare  and  empty,  and  at 
the  same  time  more  in  debt  to  England  than 
ever  we  were !  But  I  am  inclined  to  think, 
that  the  mere  making  more  money  will  not 
mend  our  circumstances,  if  we  do  not  return 
to  that  industry  and  frugality  which  were  the 
fundamental  causes  of  our  former  prosperity. 
I  shall  nevertheless  do  my  utmost  this  winter 
to  obtain  the  repeal  of  the  act  restraining  the 
legal  tender,  if  our  friends,  the  merchants, 
think  it  practicable,  and  will  heartily  espouse 
the  cause ;  and  in  truth  they  have  full  as 
much  interest  in  the  event  as  we  have. 

"  The  present  ministry,  it  is  now  thought, 
are  likely  to  continue  at  least  till  a  new  par 


liament,  so  that  our  apprehensions  of  a  change, 
and  that  Mr.  Grenville  would  come  in  again, 
seern  over  for  the  present.  He  behaves  as  if 
a  little  out  of  his  head  on  the  article  of  Ame 
rica,  which  he  brings  into  every  debate  with 
out  rhyme  or  reason,  when  the  matter  has  not 
the  least  connexion  with  it ;  thus  at  the  be 
ginning  of  this  session,  on  the  debate  upon  the 
king's  speech,  he  tired  every  body,  even  his 
friends,  with  a  long  harangue  about  and  against 
America,  of  which  there  was  not  a  word  in 
the  speech.  Last  Friday  he  produced  in  the 
house  a  late  Boston  Gazette,  which,  he  said, 
denied  the  legislative  authority  of  parliament, 
was  treasonable,  rebellious,  &c.  and  moved  it 
might  be  read,  and  that  the  house  would  take 
cognizance  of  it,  but  it  being  moved  on  the 
other  hand  that  Mr.  G.'s  motion  should  be  post 
poned  to  that  day  six  months,  it  was  carried 
without  a  division  :  and  as  it  is  known  that 
this  parliament  will  expire  before  that  time,  it 
was  equivalent  to  a  total  rejection  of  the  mo 
tion.  The  duke  of  Bedford  too,  it  seems, 
moved  in  vain  for  a  consideration  of  this  paper 
in  the  house  of  lords.  These  are  favourable 
symptoms  of  the  present  disposition  of  parlia 
ment  towards  America,  which  I  hope  no  con 
duct  of  the  Americans  will  give  just  cause  of 
altering. 

"  Be  so  good  as  to  present  my  best  respects 
to  the  house,  and  believe  me  with  sincere  es 
teem  and  regard,  dear  sir,  your  affectionate 
friend  and  most  obedient  servant, 

«  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Mr.  Ross,  Philadelphia. 

"  LONDON,  Dec.  13, 1767. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  kind  letter 
of  October  18.  I  had  before  seen  with  great 
pleasure  your  name  in  the  papers  as  chosen 
for  the  city  of  Philadelphia. 

"  The  instruction  you  mention,  as  proposed 
by  a  certain  great  man,  was  really  a  wild 
one.  The  reasons  you  made  use  of  against 
it,  were  clear  and  strong,  and  could  not  but 
prevail.  It  will  be  time  enough  to  show  a 
dislike  to  the  coalition  when  it  is  proposed  to 
us.  Meanwhile  we  have  all  the  advantage 
in  the  agreement  of  taxation,  which  our  not 
being  represented  will  continue  to  give  us.  I 
think  indeed  that  such  an  event  is  very  re 
mote.  This  nation  is  indeed  too  proud  to  pro 
pose  admitting  American  representatives  into 
their  parliament ;  and  America  is  not  so  hum 
ble  or  so  fond  of  the  honour  as  to  petition  for 
it.  In  matrimonial  matches  'tis  said,  when 
one  party  is  willing  the  matcli  is  half  made, 
but  where  neither  party  is  willing,  there  is  no 
great  danger  of  their  coming  together.  And  to 
be  sure  such  an  important  business  would  never 
be  treated  of  by  agents  unempowered  and  un- 
instructed;  nor  would  government  here  act 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


upon  the  private  opinion  of  agents  which  might 
be  disowned  by  their  constituents. 

"  The  present  ministry  seem  now  likely  to 
continue  through  this  session  ;  and  this,  as  a 
new  election  approaches,  gives  them  the  ad 
vantage  of  getting  so  many  of  their  friends 
chosen  as  may  give  a  stability  to  their  admin 
istration.  I  heartily  wish  it,  because  they  are 
all  well  disposed  towards  America. 

"  With  sincere  esteem,  I  am,  dear  sir,  your 
affectionate  friend  and  most  obedient  servant, 
"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Governor  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  Dec.  19, 1767. 

"  DEAR  SIR,— The  resolutions  of  the  Bos 
ton  people  concerning  trade,  make  a  great 
noise  here.  Parliament  has  not  yet  taken  no 
tice  of  them,  but  the  newspapers  are  in  full 
cry  against  America.  Colonel  Onslow  told 
me  at  court  last  Sunday,  that  I  could  not  con 
ceive  how  much  the  friends  of  America  were 
run  upon  and  hurt  by  them,  and  how  much 
the  Grenvillians  triumphed.  I  have  just  writ 
ten  a  paper  for  next  Tuesday's  Chronicle,  to 
extenuate  matters  a  little. 

"  Mentioning  colonel  Onslow,  reminds  me 
of  something  that  passed  at  the  beginning  of 
this  session  in  the  house  between  him  and 
Mr.  Grenville.  The  latter  had  been  raving 
against  America,  as  traitorous,  rebellious,  &c. 
when  the  former,  who  has  always  been  its 
firm  friend,  stood  up  and  gravely  said,  that  in 
reading  the  Roman  history  he  found  it  was  a 
custom  among  that  wise  and  magnanimous 
people,  whenever  the  senate  was  informed  of 
any  discontent  in  the  provinces,  to  send  two 
or  three  of  their  body  into  the  discontented 
provinces,  to  inquire  into  the  grievances  com 
plained  of,  and  report  to  the  senate,  that  mild 
measures  might  be  used  to  remedy  what  was 
amiss,  before  any  severe  steps  were  taken  to 
enforce  obedience.  That  this  example  he 
thought  worthy  our  imitation  in  the  present 
state  of  our  colonies,  for  he  did  so  far  agree 
with  the  honourable  gentleman  that  spoke  just 
before  him,  as  to  allow  there  were  great  dis 
contents  among  them.  He  should  therefore 
beg  leave  to  move,  that  two  or  three  members 
of  parliament  be  appointed  to  go  over  to  New 
England  on  this  service.  And  that  it  might 
not  be  supposed  he  was  for  imposing  burdens 
on  others  that  he  would  not  be  willing  to  bear 
himself,  he  did  at  the  same  time  declare  his 
own  willingness,  if  the  house  should  think  fit 
to  appoint  them,  to  go  over  thither  with  that 
honourable  gentleman.  Upon  this  there  was 


report  V  As  soon  as  the  laugh  was  so  far  sub 
sided  as  that  Mr.  Onslow  could  be  heard  again, 
he  added,  4 1  cannot  absolutely  engage  for  the 
honourable  gentleman's  safe  return,  but  if  he 
goes  thither  upon  this  service,  I  am  strongly 
of  opinion  the  event  will  contribute  greatly 
to  the  future  quiet  of  both  countries.'  On 
which  the  laugh  was  renewed  and  redoubled. 
"  If  our  people  should  follow  the  Boston  ex 
ample  in  entering  into  resolutions  of  frugality 
and  industry,  full  as  necessary  for  us  as  for 
them,  I  hope  they  will,  among  other  things, 
give  this  reason,  that  'tis  to  enable  them 
more  speedily  and  effectually  to  discharge 
their  debts  to  Great  Britain  ;  this  will  soften 
a  Jittle,  and  at  the  same  time  appear  honoura 
ble,  and  like  ourselves.  Yours,  &c. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


a  great  laugh  which  continued  some  time,  and 
was  rather  increased  by  Mr.  Grenville's  ask 
ing,  « will  the  gentleman  engage  that  I  shall 
be  safe  there  ?  Can  I  be  assured  that  I  shall 
be  allowed  to  come  back  again  to  make  the 


To  the  same. 

"  LONDON,  Jan.  9,  J7(W. 

DEAR  SON, — We  have  had  so  many 
alarms  of  changes,  which  did  not  take  place, 
that  just  when  I  wrote  it  was  thought  the 
ministry  would  stand  their  ground.  How 
ever,  immediately  after  the  talk  was  renewed, 
and  it  soon  appeared  that  the  Sunday  changes 
were  actually  settled,  Mr.  Con  way  resigns 
and  lord  Weymouth  takes  his  place.  Lord 
Gower  is  made  president  of  the  council  in  the 
room  of  lord  Northington.  Lord  Shelburne 
is  stript  of  the  American  business,  which  is 
given  to  lord  Hillsborough,  as  secretary  of 
state  for  America,  a  new  distinct  department. 
Lord  Sandwich  'tis  said  comes  into  the  post 
office  in  his  place.  Several  of  the  Bedford 
party  are  now  to  come  in.  How  these  changes 
may  affect  us  a  little  time  will  show.  Little 
at  present  is  thought  of  but  elections,  which 
gives  me  hopes  that  nothing  will  be  done 
against  America  this  session,  though  the  Bos 
ton  Gazette  had  occasioned  some  heats,  and 
the  Boston  resolutions  a  prodigious  clamour. 
I  have  endeavoured  to  palliate  matters  for 
them  as  well  as  I  can:  I  send  you  my  manu 
script  of  one  paper,  though  J  think  you  take 
the  Chronicle.  The  editor  of  that  paper,  one 
Jones,  seems  a  Grenvillian,  or  is  very  cautious, 
as  you  will  see  by  his  corrections  and  omis 
sions.  He  has  drawn  the  teeth  and  pared  the 
per,  so  that  it  can  neither  scratch 
ft  seems  only  to  paw  and  mumble. 
I  send  you  also  two  other  late  pieces  of  mine. 
There  is  another  which  I  cannot  find. 

'  I  am  told  there  has  been  a  talk  of  getting 
me  appointed  under  secretary  to  lord  Hills- 
borough  ;  but  with  little  likelihood,  as  it  is  a 
settled  point  here  that  I  am  too  much  of  an 
American. 

"I  am  in  very  good  health,  thanks  to  God: 
your  affectionate  father, 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


264 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


"Joseph  Galloway. 

"  LONDON,  Jan.  9,  1768. 

"  DEAR  SIR,-*— I  wrote  to  you  via  Boston, 
and  have  little  to  add,  except  to  acquaint  you, 
that  some  changes  have  taken  place  since  my 
.last,  which  have  not  the  most  promising  aspect 
lor  America,  several  of  the  Bedford  party  be 
ing  come  into  employment  again ;  a  party  that 
has  distinguished  itself  by  exclaiming  against 
us  on  alHate  occasions.  Mr.  Conway,  one 
of  our  friends,  has  resigned,  and  lord  Wey- 
mouth  takes  his  place.  Lord  Shelburne, 
another  friend,  is  stripped  of  the  American 
part  of  the  business  of  his  office,  which  now 
makes  a  distinct  department,  in  which  lord 
Hillsborough  is  placed.  I  do  not  think  this 
nobleman  in  general  an  enemy  to  America ; 
but  in  the  aifair  of  paper  money  he  was  last 
whiter  strongly  against  us.  I  did  hope  I  had 
removed  some  of  his  prejudices  on  that  head, 
but  am  not  certain.  We  have  however  in 
creased  the  cry  for  it  here,  and  believe  shall 
attempt  to  obtain  the  repeal  of  the  act,  though 
the  Boston  Gazette  and  their  resolutions  about 
manufactures  have  hurt  us  much,  having  oc 
casioned  an  immense  clamour  here.  I  have 
endeavoured  to  palliate  matters  for  them  as 
well  as  I  can,  and  hope  with  some  success. 
For  having,  in  a  large  company  in  which 
were  some  members  of  parliament,  given  sa 
tisfaction  to  all,  by  what  I  alleged  in  explana 
tion  of  the  conduct  of  the  Americans,  and  to 
show  that  they  were  not  quite  so  unreasonable 
as  they  appeared  to  be,  I  was  advised  by  se 
veral  present  to  make  my  sentiments  public,  not 
only  for  the  sake  of  America,  but  as  it  would 
be  some  ease  to  our  friends  here,  who  are  tri 
umphed  over  a  good  deal  by  our  adversaries 
on  the  occasion.  I  have  accordingly  done  it  in 
the  inclosed  paper. 

''  I  shall  write  you  fully  on  other  subjects 
very  soon ;  at  present  can  only  add  my  res 
pects  to  the  committee,  and  that  I  am,  dear 
sir,  your  faithful  humble  servant, 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 

To  the  same. 

"  LONDON,  Feb.  17,  1768. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — In  mine  of  January  9th,  I 
wrote  to  you  that  I  believed,  notwithstanding 
the  clamour  against  America  had  been  greatly 
increased  by  the  Boston  proceedings,  we  should 
attempt  this  session  to  obtain  the  repeal  of  the 
restraining  act  relating  to  paper  money.  The 
change  of  the  administration  with  regard  to 
American  affairs,  which  was  agreed  on  some 
time  before  the  new  secretary  kissed  hands 
and  entered  upon  business,  made  it  impossible 
to  go  forward  with  that  affair,  as  the  minister 
quitting  that  department  would  not,  and  his 
successor  could  not  engage  in  it ;  but  now  our 
friends  the  merchants  have  been  moving  in  it, 


and  some  of  them  have  conceived  hopes,  from 
the  manner  in  which  lord  Hillsborough  at 
tended  to  their  representations.  It  had  been 
previously  concluded  among  us,  that  if  the  re 
peal  was  to  be  obtained  at  all,  it  must  be  pro 
posed  in  the  light  of  a  favour  to  the  merchants 
of  this  country,  and  asked  for  by  them,  not  by 
the  agents  as  a  favour  to  America.  But  as  my 
lord  had,  at  sundry  times  before  he  came  into 
his  present  station,  discoursed  with  me  on  the 
subject,  and  got  from  me  a  copy  of  my  an 
swer  to  his  report,  when  at  the  head  of  the 
board  of  trade,  which  some  time  since  he 
thanked  me  for,  and  said  he  would  read  again 
and  consider  carefully,  I  waited  upon  him  this 
morning,  partly  with  intent  to  learn  if  he  had 
changed  his  sentiments.  We  entered  into 
the  subject  and  had  a  long  conversation  upon 
it,  in  which  all  the  arguments  he  used,  against 
the  legal  tender  of  paper  money,  were  intend 
ed  to  demonstrate  that  it  was  for  the  benefit  of 
the  people  themselves  to  have  no  such  money 
current  among  them ;  and  it  was  strongly  his 
opinion,  that  after  the  experience  of  being 
without  it  a  few  years  we  should  all  be  con 
vinced  of  this  truth,  as  he  said,  the  New 
England  colonies  now  were;  they  having 
lately,  on  the  rumour  of  an  intended  applica 
tion  for  taking  off  the  restraint,  petitioned 
here  that  it  might  be  continued  as  to  them. 
However,  his  lordship  was  pleased  to  say, 
that  if  such  application  was  made  for  the 
three  colonies  of  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey, 
and  New  York,  as  I  proposed,  it  should  have 
fair  play ;  he  would  himself  give  it  no  sort  of 
opposition,  but  he  was  sure  it  would  meet 
with  a  great  deal,  and  he  thought  it  could  not 
succeed.  He  was  pleased  to  make  me  com 
pliments  upon  my  paper,  assuring  me  he  had 
read  it  with  a  great  deal  of  attention,  that  I  had 
said  much  more  in  favour  of  such  a  currency 
than  he  thought  could  be  said,  and  all  he  be 
lieved  that  the  subject  would  admit  of;  but 
that  it  had  not  on  the  whole  changed  his 
opinion,  any  further  than  to  induce  him  to 
leave  the  matter  now  to  the  judgment  of 
others,  and  let  it  take  its  course,  without  op 
posing  it  as  last  year  he  had  determined  to 
have  done.  I  go  into  the  city  to-rnorrow,  to 
confer  with  the  merchants  again  upon  it ;  that 
if  they  see  any  hopes,  we  may  at  least  try  the 
event :  but  I  own  my  expectations  are  now 
very  slender,  knowing  as  I  do,  that  nothing  is 
to  be  done  in  parliament  that  is  not  a  measure 
adopted  by  ministry  and  supported  by  their 
strength,  much  less  any  thing  they  are  averse 
to  or  indifferent  about 

"  I  took  the  opportunity  of  discoursing  with 
his  lordship  concerning  our  particular  affair 
of  the  change  of  government,  gave  him  a 
detail  of  all  proceedings  hitherto,  the  delays 
it  had  met  with,  and  its  present  situation.  He 
was  pleased  to  say  he  would  inquire  into  the 
matter,  and  would  talk  with  me  farther  upon 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


265 


it  He  expressed  great  satisfaction  in  the 
good  disposition  that  lie  said  appeared  now  to 
be  general  in  America,  with  regard  to  go 
vernment  here,  according  to  the  latest  ad 
vices  :  and  informed  me  that  he  had  by  his 
majesty's  order  wrote  the  most  healing  let 
ters  to  the  several  governors,  which  if  shown 
to  the  assemblies,  as  he  supposed  they  would 
be,  could  not  but  confirm  that  good  disposi 
tion.  As  to  the  permission  we  want  to  bring 
wine,  fruit,  and  oil  directly  from  Spain  and 
Portugal,  and  to  carry  iron  direct  to  foreign 
markets,  'tis  agreed  on  all  hands,  that  this  is 
an  unfavourable  time  to  move  in  those  mat 
ters  ;  G.  Grenville  and  those  in  the  opposition, 
on  every  hint  of  the  kind,  making  a  great 
noise  about  the  Act  of  Navigation,  that  pal 
ladium  of  England  as  they  call  it,  to  be 
given  up  to  rebellious  America,  &c.  &c.,  so 
that  the  ministry  would  not  venture  to  pro 
pose  it  if  they  approved.  I  am  to  wait  on  the 
secretary  again  next  Wednesday,  and  shall 
write  you  farther  what  passes,  that  is  mate- 


ruption  is?'  which  occasioned  only  a  roar  of 
laughter,  for  they  are  so  hardened  in  the 
practice,  that  they  are  very  little  ashamed  of 
it  This  between  ourselves. 

"  I  am  with  sincerest  esteem,  dear  sir,  your 
most  obedient  humble  servant 


"B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  T.  Wharton,  Philadelphia. 

"  LONDON,  Feb.  20,  1768. 

"  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  received  your  favours 
of  November  17th  and  18th,  with  another 
dozen  of  excellent  wine,  the  manufacture  of 
our  friend  Lievezy.  I  thank  you  for  the  care 
you  have  taken  in  forwarding  them,  and  for 
your  kind  good  wishes  that  accompany  them. 
"  The  story  you  mention  of  secretary  Con- 
way's  wondering  what  I  could  be  doing  in 
England,  and  that  he  had  not  set  n  me  for  a 
considerable  time,  savours  strongly  of  the 
channel  through  which  it  came,  an  1  deserves 
no  notice.  But  since  his  name  is  n  mentioned, 
it  gives  me  occasion  to  relate  whit  passed 
between  us  the  last  time  I  had  the  i  lonour  of 
conversing  with  him.  It  was  at  coi  rt,  when 
the  late  changes  were  first  rumoured,  and  it 
was  reported  he  was  to  resign  the  secretary's 
office.  Talking  of  America,  I  said  I  was  sorry 
to  find  that  our  friends  were  one  after  another 
quitting  the  administration,  that  I  was  ap 
prehensive  of  the  consequences,  and  hoped 
what  I  heard  of  his  going  out  was  not  true. 
He  said  it  was  really  true,  the  employment 
had  not  been  of  his  choice,  he  had  never  any 
taste  for  it,  but  had  submitted  to  engage  in  it 
for  a  time,  at  the  instance  of  his  friends,  and 
he  believed  his  removal  could  not  be  attended 

couragement  of  borough  jobbing,  now  that  j  with  any  ill  consequences  to  America :  that 
their  owrn  elections  are  all  coining  on.  The  j  he  was  a  sincere  well  wisher  to  the  prosperity 
price  indeed  is  grown  exorbitant,  no  less  than  of  that  country  as  well  as  this,  and  hoped  the 


rial. 

"  The  parliament  have  of  late  been  acting 
an  egregious  farce,  calling  before  them  the 
mayor  and  aldermen  of  Oxford,  for  proposing 
a  sum  to  be  paid  by  their  old  members  on  be 
ing  rechosen  at  the  next  election ;  and  sundry 
printers  and  brokers,  for  advertising  and  deal 
ing  in  boroughs,  &c.  The  Oxford  people 
were  sent  to  Newgate,  and  discharged  after 
some  days  on  humble  petition,  and  receiving 
the  speaker's  reprimand  upon  their  knees. 
The  house  could  scarcely  keep  countenances, 
knowing  as  they  all  do,  that  the  practice  is  ge 
neral.  People  say,  they  mean  nothing  more 
than  to  beat  down  the  price  by  a  little  dis- 


four  thousand  pounds  for  a  member.  Mr. 
Beckford  has  brought  in  a  bill  for  preventing 
bribery  and  corruption  in  elections,  wherein 
was  a  clause  to  oblige  every  member  to 
swear,  on  their  admission  into  the  house,  that 
he  had  not  directly  or  indirectly  given  any 


imprudencies  of  either  side  would  never  be 
carried  to  such  a  height  as  to  create  a  breach 
of  the  union,  so  essentially  necessary  to  the 
welfare  of  both :  that  as  long  as  his  majesty 
continued  to  honour  him  with  a  share  in  his 
councils,  America  should  always  find  in  him 


bribe  to  any  elector,  &c. ;  but  this  was  so  I  a  friend,  &c.  This  I  write,  as  it  was  agree- 
universally  exclaimed  against,  as  answering  able  to  me  to  hear,  and  I  suppose  will  be  so 
no  end  but  perjuring  the  members,  that  he  j  to  you  to  read.  For  his  character  has  more  in 
has  been  obliged  to  withdraw  that  clause.  It  j  it  of  the  frank  honesty  of  the  soldier,  than  of 
was  indeed  a  cruel  contrivance  of  his,  worse  !  the  plausible  insincerity  of  the  courtier ;  and 
than  the  gunpowder  plot ;  for  that  was  only  to  therefore,  what  he  says  is  more  to  be  depend- 


blow  the  parliament  up  to  heaven,  this  to  sink 

them  all  down  to .  Mr.  Thurlow  opposed 

his  bill  by  a  long  speech.  Beckford,  in  reply, 
gave  a  dry  hit  to  the  house,  that  is  repeated 
•ivery  where,  '  the  honourable  gentleman 
says  he,  in  his  learned  discourse,  gave  us  first 
one  definition  of  corruption,  then  he  gave  us 
another  definition  of  corruption,  and  1  think 
he  was  about  to  give  us  a  third.  Pray  does 
that  gentleman  imagine  there  is  any  member 
of  this  house  that  does  not  KNOW  what  cor- 
VOL.  I. ...  2  L  23 


ed  on.  The  proprietor's  dislike  to  my  con 
tinuing  in  England,  to  be  sure  is  very  natural ; 
as  well  as  to  the  repeated  choice  of  assembly 
men,  not  his  friends ;  and  probably  he  would, 
as  they  so  little  answer  his  purposes,  wish  to 
see  elections  as  well  as  agencies  abolished. 
They  make  him  very  unhappy,  but  it  cannot 
be  helped. 

"  The  proceeding?  in  Boston,  as  the  news 
came  just  upon  the  meeting  of  parliament,  and 
occasioned  great  clamour  here,  gave  me  much 


266 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


concern.  And  as  every  offensive  thing  done 
in  America  is  charged  upon  all,  and  every 
province  though  unconcerned  in  it,  suffers  in 
its  interests  through  the  general  disgust  given, 
and  the  little  distinction  here  made,  it  became 
necessary  I  thought  to  palliate  the  matter  a 
little  for  our  own  sakes,  and  therefore  I  wrote 
the  paper  which  probably  you  have  seen  print 
ed  in  the  Chronicle  of  January  7,  and  signed 
F-j-S.  Yours  affectionately, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Governor  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  March  13,  J768. 

"  DEAH  SON, — I  have  received  all  together 
your  letters  of  January  6,  21,  and  22 :  it  had 
been  a  great  while  that  I  had  not  heard  from 
you. 

"  The  purpose  of  settling  the  new  colonies 
seem  at  present  to  be  dropped,  the  change  of 
American  administration  not  appearing  favour 
able  to  it.  There  seems  rather  to  be  an  in 
clination  to  abandon  the  posts  in  the  back 
country  as  more  expensive  than  useful ;  but 
counsels  are  so  continually  fluctuating  here 
that  nothing  can  be  depended  on.  The  new 
secretary,  my  lord  Hillsborough,  is,  I  find,  of 
opinion,  that  the  troops  should  be  placed,  the 
chief  part  of  them  in  Canada  and  Florida, 
only  three  battalions  to  be  quartered  in  New 
York,  New  Jersey,  and  Pennsylvania;  and 
that  torts  Pitt,  Oswego,  Niagara,  &c.  should 
be  left  to  the  colonies  to  garrison  and  keep  up, 
if  they  think  it  necessary,  for  the  protection 
of  their  trade,  &c.  Probably  his  opinion  may 
be  followed  if  the  new  changes  do  not  produce 
other  ideas.  As  to  my  own  sentiments,  I  am 
weary  of  suggesting  them  to  so  many  differ 
ent  inattentive  heads,  though  I  must  continue 
to  do  it  while  I  stay  among  them.  The  let 
ters  from  sir  William  Johnson,  relating  to  the 
boundary,  were  at  last  found,  and  orders  were 
sent  over  about  Christmas  for  completing  the 
purchase  and  settlement  of  it.  My  lord  H. 
has  promised  me  to  send  duplicates  by  this 
packet,  and  urge  the  speedy  execution,  as  we" 
represented  to  him  the  danger  that  these  dis- 
satisfications  of  the  Indians  might  produce  a 
war.  But  I  can  tell  you  there  are  many  here 
to  whom  the  news  of  such  a  war  would  give 
pleasure  ;  who  speak  of  it  as  a  thing  to  be 
wished ;  partly  as  a  chastisement  to  the  colo 
nies,  and  partly  to  make  them  feel  the  want 
of  protection  from  this  country,  and  pray  for 
it.  For  it  is  imagined  that  we  could  not  pos 
sibly  defend  ourselves  against  the  Indians 
without  such  assistance ;  so  little  is  the  state 
of  America  understood  here. 

"  My  lord  H.  mentioned  the  Farmer's  let 
ter's  to  me,  said  he  had  read  them,  that  they 
were  well  written,  and  he  believed  he  could 
guess  who  was  the  author,  looking  in  my  face 
at  the  same  time,  as  if  he  thought  it  was  me. 


He  censured  the  doctrines  as  extremely  wild, 
&c.     I  have  read  them  as  far  as  No.  8.     I 
know  not  if  any  more  have  been  published.    I 
should  have  thought  they  had  been  written  by 
Mr.  Delancey,  not  having  heard  any  mention 
of  the  others  you  point  out  as  joint  authors.    I 
am  not  yet  master  of  the  idea  these  and  the 
New  England  writers  have  of  the  relation  be 
tween  Britain  and  her  colonies.     I  know  not 
what  the  Boston  people  mean  by  the   'sub 
ordination'  they  acknowledge  in  their  assem 
bly  to  parliament,  while  they  deny  its  power 
to  make  laws  for  them,  nor  what  bounds  the 
Farmer  sets  to  the  power  he  acknowledges 
in  parliament  to  'regulate  the  trade  of  the 
colonies,'  it  being  difficult  to  draw  lines  be 
tween  duties  for  regulation  and  those  for  re 
venue;  and  if  the  parliament  is  to  be  the 
judge,  it  seems  to  me  that  establishing  such 
principles  of  distinction  will  amount  to  little. 
The  more  I  have  thought  and  read  on  the 
subject,  the  more  I  find  myself  confirmed  in 
opinion,  that  no  middle  doctrine  can  be  well 
maintained,  I  mean  not  clearly  with  intelli 
gible  arguments.     Something  might  be  made 
of  either  of  the  extremes ;  that  parliament  has 
a  power  to  make  all  laws  for  us,  or  that  it  has 
a  power  to  make  no  laws  for  us ;  and  1  think 
the  arguments  for  the  latter  more  numerous 
and  weighty  than  those  for  the  former.     Sup 
posing  that  doctrine  established,  the  colonies 
would  then  be  so  many  separate  states,  only 
subject  to  the  same  king,  as  England  and 
Scotland  were  before  the  union.     And  then 
the  question  would  be,  whether  a  union  like 
that  with  Scotland  would  or  would  not  be  ad 
vantageous  to  the  whole.     I  should  have  no 
doubt  of  the  affirmative,  being  fully  persuad 
ed  that  it  would  be  best  for  the  whole,  and 
that  though  particular  parts  might  find  par 
ticular  disadvantages  in  it,  they  would  find 
greater  advantages  in  the  security  arising  to 
every  part  from  the  increased  strength  of  the 
whole.     But  such  union  is  not  likely  to  take 
place  while  the  nature  of  our  present  relation 
is  so  little  understood  on  both  sides  the  water, 
and  sentiments  concerning  it  remain  so  wide 
ly  different.  As  to  the  Farmers'  combating,  as 
you  say  they  intend  to  do,  my  opinion,  that 
the  parliament  might  lay  duties,  though  not 
impose  internal  taxes,  I  shall  not  give  myself 
the  trouble  to  defend  it.     Only  to  you,  I  may 
say,  that  not  only  the  parliament  of  Britain, 
but  every  state  in  Europe  claims  and  exer 
cises  a  right  of  laying  duties  on  the  exporta 
tion  of  its  own  commodities  to  foreign  coun 
tries.     A  duty  is  paid  here  on  coals  exported 
to  Holland,  and  yet  England  has  no  right  to 
lay  an  internal  tax  on  Holland.     All  goods 
brought  out   of  France  to  England,  or  any 
other  country,  are  charged  with  a  small  duty 
in  France,  which  the  consumers  pay,  and  yet 
France  has  no  right  to  tax  other  countries. 
And  in  my  opinion  the  grievance  is  not  that 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


267 


Britain  puts  duties  upon  her  own  manufac 
tures  exported  to  us,  but  that  she  forbids  us  to 
buy  the  like  manufactures  from  any  other 
country.  This  she  does,  however,  in  virtue 
of  her  allowed  right  to  regulate  the  commerce 
of  the  whole  empire,  allowed  I  mean  by  the 
Farmer,  though  I  think  whoever  would  dis 
pute  that  right,  might  stand  upon  firmer  ground 
and  make  much  more  of  the  argument :  but 
my  reasons  are  too  many  and  too  long  for  a 
letter. 

"  Mr.  Grenville  complained  in  the  house 
that  the  governors  of  New  Jersey,  New 
Hampshire,  East  and  West  Florida,  had  none 
of  them  obeyed  the  orders  sent  them,  to  give 
an  account  of  the  manufactures  carried  on  in 
their  respective  provinces.  Upon  hearing 
this,  I  went  after  the  house  was  up,  and  got  a 
sight  of  the  reports  made  by  the  other  gover 
nors.  They  are  all  much  in  the  same  strain,  that 
there  are  no  manufactures  of  any  consequence ; 
in  Massachusetts  a  little  coarse  woollen  only, 
made  in  families  for  their  own  wear :  glass  and 
linen  have  been  tried  and  failed.  Rhode  Is 
land,  Connecticut,  and  New  York  much  the 
same.  Pennsylvania  has  tried  a  linen  manu 
factory,  but  it  is  dropped,  it  being  imported 
cheaper ;  there  is  a  glass-house  in  Lancaster 
county,  but  it  makes  only  a  little  coarse  ware 
for  the  country  neighbours.  Maryland  is 
clothed  all  with  English  manufactures.  Vir 
ginia  the  same,  except  that  in  their  families 
they  spin  a  little  cotton  of  thoir  own  growing. 
South  Carolina  and  Georgia  none.  All  speak 
of  the  dearness  of  labour  that  makes  manufac 
tures  impracticable.  Only  the  governor  of 
North  Carolina  parades  with  a  large  manu 
facture  in  his  country,  that  may  be  useful  to 
Britain,  of  pine  boards ;  they  having  fifty 
saw  mills  on  one  river.  These  accounts  are 
very  satisfactory  here,  and  induce  the  parlia 
ment  to  despise  and  take  no  notice  of  the 
Boston  resolutions.  I  wish  you  would  send 
your  account  before  the  meeting  of  next 
parliament.  You  have  only  to  report  a  glass 
house  for  coarse  window  glass  and  bottles,  and 
some  domestic  manufactures  of  linen  and 
woollen  for  family  use,  that  do  not  half  clothe 
the  inhabitants,  all  the  finer  goods  coming 
from  England  and  the  like.  I  believe  you 
will  be  puzzled  to  find  any  other,  though  I 
see  great  puffs  in  the  papers. 

"  The  parliament  is  up  and  the  nation  in  a 
ferment  with  the  new  elections.  Great  com 
plaints  are  made  that  the  natural  interests  of 
country  gentlemen  in  their  neighbouring  bo 
roughs,  is  overborne  by  the  monied  interest  of 
the  new  people  who  have  got  sudden  fortunes 
in  the  Indies,  or  as  contractors,  &c.  four  thou 
sand  pounds  is  now  the  market  price  for  a  j 
borough.  In  short  this  whole  venal  nation  is  ! 
now  at  market,  will  be  sold  for  about  two  mil 
lions  ;  and  might  be  bought  out  of  the  hands 
of  the  present  bidders  (if  he  would  offer 


half  a  million  more)  by  the  very  devil  him 
self! 

"I  shall  wait  on  lord  H.  again  next  Wed 
nesday,  on  behalf  of  the  suticrers  by  Indian 
and  French  depredations,  to  have  an  allow 
ance  of  lands  out  of  any  new  grant  made  by 
the  Indians,  so  long  solicited^  (and  perhaps 
still  to  be  solicited)  in  vain. 

"  I  am  your  affectionate  father, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  I  dined  yesterday  with  general  Monckton, 
major  Gates,  colonel  Lee,  and  other  officers 
who  have  served  in  and  are  friends  of  Ame 
rica.  Monckton  inquired  kindly  after  your 
welfare." 

"  To  the  Committee  of  Correspondence, 
Pennsylvania. 

"  LONDON,  March  13.  1768. 

"  GENTLEMEN, — On  receipt  of  your  letter  of 
January  20,  Mr.  Jackson  and  myself  waited 
on  lord  Hillsborough,  the  new  secretary  of 
state  for  American  affairs,  and  communicated 
to  him  the  contents,  pressing  the  neces 
sity  of  enforcing  the  orders  already  sent  to 
sir  William  Johnson,  for  immediately  settling 
the  affairs  of  the  boundary  line  with  the  In 
dians.  His  lordship  was  pleased  to  assure  us, 
that  he  would  cause  duplicates  of  the  orders 
to  be  forwarded  by  this  packet,  and  urge  the 
completion  of  them. 

•'  We  communicated  also  the  copy  of  gen 
eral  Gage's  letter,  and  the  messages  that  had 
passed  between  the  governor  and  the  house 
thereupon.  His  lordship  acquainted  us  that  a 
letter  from  governor  Penn  had  been  shown 
him  by  the  proprietor,  importing  that  a  hor 
rid  murder  had  lately  been  committed  on  the 
Indians,  upon  which  the  governor  had  issued 
a  proclamation  for  apprehending  the  murder 
er  ;  and  that  a  bill  was  under  his  and  the 
council's  consideration  to  prevent  future  set 
tlements  on  Indian  lands.  But  his  lordship 
remarked  that  these  messages  had  not  been 
communicated  to  him  by  the  proprietor. 

'  Government  here  begins  to  grow  tired  of 
the  enormous  expense  of  Indian  affairs,  and  of 
maintaining  posts  in  the  Indian  country,  and 
it  is  now  talked  of  as  a  proper  measure  to 
abandon  these  posts,  demolishing  all  but  such  as 
the  colonies  may  think  fit  to  keep  up  at  their 
own  expense ;  and  also  to  return  the  manage 
ment  of  their  own  Indian  affairs  into  the  hands 
>f  the  respective  provinces  as  formerly.  What 
he  result  will  be,  is  uncertain,  counsels  here 
>eing  so  continually  fluctuating.  But  I  have 
urged  often,  that  after  taking  those  affairs  out 
)f  our  hands,  it  seems  highly  incumbent  on 
he  ministry  not  to  neglect  them,  but  to  see 
that  they  are  well  managed,  and  the  Indians 
kept  in  peace.  I  think,  however,  that  we 
should  not  too  much  depend  on  their  doing 
this,  but  look  to  the  matter  a  little  ourselves, 
taking  every  opportunity  of  conciliating  the 


263 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


affections  of  the  Indians,  by  seeing  that  they 
alvvays  have  justice  done  them,  and  sometimes 
kindness.  For  I  can  assure  you  that  here  are 
not  wanting1  people,  who  though  not  now  in 
the  ministry,  no  one  knows  how  soon  they 
may  be ;  and  if  they  were  ministers,  would 
take  no  step  to  prevent  an  Indian  war  in  the 
colonies ;  being  of  opinion,  which  they  express 
openly,  that  it  would  be  a  very  good  thing,  in 
the  first  place  to  chastise  the  colonists  for 
their  undutifulness,  and  then  to  make  them 
sensible  of  the  necessity  of  protection  by  the 
troops  of  this  country. 

"  Mr.  Jackson  being  now  taken  up  with  his 
election  business,  will  hardly  have  time  to 
write  by  this  opportunity.  But  he  joins  with 
me  in  respects  to  you  and  the  assembly,  and 
assurances  of  our  most  faithful  services. 

"  I  am,  gentlemen,  your  most  obedient  and 
most  humble  servant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"Joseph  Galloway. 

"  LONDON,  March  13, 1768. 

"  I  WROTE  to  you  very  fully  per  Falconer, 
of  February  17th,  and  have  since  received 
yours  of  January  21st,  together  with  one  from 
the  committee,  and  the  messages  which,  as  you 
will  see  by  my  answer  to  the  committee,  I 
communicated  to  lord  Hillsborough.  His 
lordship  read  them  deliberately,  and  took  no 
tice  that  the  message  of  the  assembly  seemed 
to  insinuate  that  the  governor  had  been  tardy 
in  bringing  the  former  murderers  to  justice, 
which  gave  me  an  opportunity  of  explaining 
that  matter  to  him ;  whereby  he  might  also 
understand  why  the  proprietor  had  not  shown 
him  the  messages  when  he  communicated  the 
governor's  letter  concerning  the  Indian  un 
easinesses,  the  law  under  his  consideration 
ibr  removing  them,  the  late  murder,  and  his 
proclamation.  I  shall  wait  on  his  lordship 
again  next  Wednesday,  on  our  affairs,  and 
show  him  moreover  your  letter  with  some 
other  papers. 

"  The  old  parliament  is  gone,  and  its  ene 
mies  now  find  themselves  at  liberty  to  abuse 
it.  I  inclose  you  a  pamphlet,  published  the 
very  hour  of  its  prorogation.  All  the  members 
are  now  in  their  counties  and  boroughs  among 
their  drunken  electors ;  much  confusion  and 
disorder  in  many  places,  and  such  profusion 
of  money  as  never  was  known  before  on  any 
similar  occasion.  The  first  instance  of  bri 
bery  to  be  chosen  a  member,  taken  notice  of 
on  the  Journals,  is  no  longer  ago  than  queen 
Elizabeth's  time,  when  the  being  sent  to  par 
liament  was  looked  upon  as  a  troublesome 
service,  and  therefore  not  sought  after,  it  is 
said  that  such  a  one,  «  being  a  simple  man, 
and  conceiving  it  might  be  of  some  advantage 
to  him,  had  given  four  pounds  to  the  mayor 
and  corporation  that  they  might  choose  him  to 
serve  them  in  parliament.' 


"  The  price  is  monstrously  risen  since  that, 
time,  for  it  is  now  no  less  than^/bwr  thousand 
pounds !  It  is  thought  that  near  two  millions 
will  be  spent  this  election;  but  those  who 
understand  figures  and  act  by  computation, 
say  the  crown  has  two  millions  a-year,  in 
places  and  pensions  to  dispose  of,  and  it  is 
well  worth  while  to  engage  in  such  a  seven 
years'  lottery,  though  all  that  have  tickets 
should  not  get  prizes.  I  am,  my  dear  friend, 
yours  affectionately,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  The  Committee  of  Correspondence, 
Pennsylvania. 

"  LONDON,  April  16,  1768. 

"  GENTLEMEN, — I  have  just  received  your 
favour  of  February  20th,  directed  to  Mr.  Jack 
son  and  myself,  containing  instructions  for  our 
conduct  relating  to  the  application  fora  repeal 
of  the  duty  act,  to  the  change  of  government, 
and  to  the  legal  tender  of  paper  money; 
which  instructions  we  shall  observe  to  the 
best  of  our  abilities.  Mr.  Jackson  has  read 
your  letter,  and  is  now  reading  the  messages 
and  other  papers  transmitted  to  us,  which  we 
shall  lay  before  the  secretaries  of  state  on 
Monday,  and  thereupon  press  the  necessity 
of  a  change  in  the  administration  of  our  pro 
vince.  The  parliament  will  have  a  short  ses 
sion,  it  is  said,  in  May,  when  if  any  applica 
tion  is  made  for  the  repeal  of  that  act,  by  the 
agents  of  the  other  colonies,  we  shall  join 
them  heartily,  and  do  what  we  can  likewise 
in  the  affair  of  paper  money.  In  the  mean 
time  should  an  Indian  war  make  it  necessary 
to  emit  paper  money  with  a  legal  tender,  it 
may  be  considered  how  far  the  fourth  clause 
in  the  act  of  the  24  Geo.  II.  might  give  coun 
tenance  to  your  providing  in  that  way  for  the 
emergency ;  that  act  not  being  altered  or  re 
pealed  by  any  later,  it  seems  as  if  the  parlia 
ment  thought  that  clause  not  improper,  though 
they  have  not  expressly  made  the  same  pro 
vision  for  the  other  colonies.  The  mail  be 
ing  to  go  this  evening,  I  can  only  add,  that  I 
am  with  the  utmost  respect  for  you  and  the 
assembly,  gentlemen,  your  most  obedient  and 
most  humble  servant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Governor  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  April  16,  1768. 

"  DEAR  SON, — Since  my  last,  a  long  one, 
of  March  13th,  nothing  has  been  talked  or 
thought  of  here  but  elections.  There  have 
been  amazing  contests  all  over  the  kingdom, 
twenty  or  thirty  thousand  pounds  of  a  side 
spent  in  several  places,  and  inconceivable 
mischief  done  by  debauching  the  people  and 
making  them  idle,  besides  the  immediate  ac 
tual  mischief  done  by  drunken  mad  mobs,  to 
houses,  windows,  &c.  The  scenes  have  been 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


Horrible.    London  was  illuminated  two  nights 
running  at  the  command  of  the  mob  for  the 
success  of  Wilkes,  in  the  Middlesex  election 
the  second  night  exceeded  any  thing  of  the 
kind  ever  seen  here  on  the  greatest  occasion 
of  rejoicing,  as  even  the  small  cross  streets 
lanes,  courts,  and  other  out-of-the-way  places 
were  all  in  a  blaze  with  lights,  and  the  prin 
cipal  streets  all  night  long,  as  the  mobs  wen 
round  again  after  two  o'clock,  and  obligee 
people  who  had  extinguished  their  candles  to 
light  them  again.    Those  who  refused  had  al 
their  windows  destroyed.     The  damage  done 
and  expense  of  candles  has  been  computed  a 
fifty  thousand  pounds ;  it  must  have  been 
great,  though  probably  not  so  much.     The 
ferment  is  riot  yet  over,  for  he  has  promised  to 
surrender  himself  to  the  court  next  Wednes 
day,  and  another  tumult  is  then  expected ;  and 
what  the  upshot  will  be  no  one  can  yet  fore 
see.    'Tis  really  an  extraordinary  event  to  see 
an  outlaw  and  an  exile,  of  bad  personal  cha 
racter,  not  worth  a  farthing,  come  over  from 
France,  set  himself  up  as  candidate  for  the 
capital  of  the  kingdom,  miss  his  election  only 
by  being  too  late  in  his  application,  and  im 
mediately  carrying  it  for  the  principal  county. 
The  mob,  (spirited  up  by  numbers  of  dif 
ferent  ballads  sung  or  roared  in  every  street) 
requiring  gentlemen  and  ladies  of  all  ranks  as 
they  passed  in  their  carriages  to  shout  for 
Wilkes  and  liberty,  marking  the  same  words 
on  all  their  coaches  with  chalk,  and  No.  45 
on  every  door:   which  extends  a  vast  way 
along  the  roads  into  the  country.    I  went  last 
week  to  Winchester,  and  observed  that  for 
fifteen  miles  out  of  town,  there  was  scarce  a 
door  or  window  shutter  next  the  road  un 
marked;  and  this  continued  here  and  there 
quite    to    Winchester,  which    is   sixty-four 
miles.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Mr.  Ross,  Philadelphia. 

"  LONDON,  May  14,  1768. 

"DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favour  of 
March  13th,  and  am  extremely  concerned  at 
the  disorders  on  our  frontiers,  and  at  the  de 
bility  or  wicked  connivance  of  our  govern 
ment  and  magistrates,  which  must  make 
property  and  even  life  more  and  more  inse 
cure  amon?;  us,  if  some  effectual  remedy  is 
not  speedily  applied.  I  have  laid  all  the  ac 
counts  before  the  ministry  here.  I  wish  I 
could  procure  more  attention  to  them.  I  have 
urged  over  and  over  the  necessity  of  the 
change  we  desire ;  but  this  country  itself  be 
ing  at  present  in  a  situation  very  little  better, 
weakens  our  argument  that  a  royal  govern 
ment  would  be  better  managed  and  safer  to 
live  under  than  that  of  a  proprietary.  Even 
this  capital,  the  residence  of  the  king,  is  now 
a  daily  scene  of  lawless  riot  and  confusion. 
Mobs  patrolling  the  streets  at  noon-day,  some 
23* 


j  knocking  all  down  that  will  not  roar  for 
I  Wilkes  and  liberty  ;  courts  of  justice  afraid 
to  give  judgment  against  him  ;  coal  heavers 
and  porters  pulling  down  the  nouses  of  coal 
merchants,  that  refuse  to  give  them  more 
wages;  sawyers  destroying  saw  mills;  sailors 
unrigging  all  the  outward  bound  ships,  and 
suffering  none  to  sail  till  merchants  agree  to 
raise  their  pay;  watermen  destroying  private 
boats  and  threatening  bridges;  soldiers  firing 
among  the  mobs  and  killing  men,  women,  and 
children,  which  seems  only  to  have  produced 
an  universal  sullenness,  that  looks  like  a  great 
black  cloud  coming  on,  ready  to  burst  in  a 
general  tempest.  What  the  event  will  be 
God  only  knows.  But  some  punishment  seems 
preparing  for  a  people  who  are  ungratefully 
abusing  the  best  constitution  and  the  best  king 
any  nation  was  ever  blessed  with,  intent  on 
nothing  but  luxury,  licentiousness,  power, 
places,  pensions,  and  plunder;  while  the 
ministry  divided  in  their  councils,  with  little 
regard  for  each  other,  worried  by  perpetual  op 
positions,  in  continual  apprehension  of  changes, 
intent  on  securing  popularity  in  case  they 
should  lose  favour,  have  for  some  years  past 
had  little  time  or  inclination  to  attend  to  our 
small  affairs,  whose  remoteness  makes  them 
appear  still  smaller. 

"  The  bishops  here  are  very  desirous  of 
securing  the  Church  of  England  in  America, 
and  promoting  its  interest  and  enlargement  by 
sending  one  of  their  order  thither :  but  though 
they  have  long  solicited  this  point  with  go 
vernment  here,  they  have  not  as  yet  been  able 
to  obtain  it.  So  apprehensive  are  ministers  of 
engaging  in  any  novel  measure. 

"  I  hope  soon  to  have  an  opportunity  of  con 
ferring  with  you,  and*  therefore  say  no  more 
at  present  on  this  subject. 

-B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Joseph  Galloway. 

"  LONDON,  May  14, 1768. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favour  of 
March  31st.  It  is  now  with  the  messages, 
&c.  in  the  hands  of  the  minister,  so  that  I 
cannot  be  more  particular  at  present  in  an 
swering  it  than  to  say,  I  should  have  a  melan 
choly  prospect  in  going  home  to  such  public 
xmfusion,  if  I  did  not  leave  greater  confusion 
>ehind  me.  The  newspapers,  and  my  letter 

f  this  day  to  Mr.  Ross,  will  inform  you  of  the 
miserable  situation  this  country  is  in.  While 

am  writing,  a  great  mob  of  coal  porters  fill 
he  street,  carrying  a  wretch  of  their  business 
ipon  poles  to  be  ducked,  and  otherwise  punish 
ed  at  their  pleasure  for  working  at  the  old 
vages.  All  respect  to  law  and  government 
seems  to  be  lost  among  the  common  people, 
vho  are  moreover  continually  inflamed  by  se- 

itious  scribblers,  to  trample  on  authority  and 

very  thing  that  used  to  keep  them  in  order. 


270 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


"  The  parliament  is  now  sitting,  but  will 
not  continue  long  together,  nor  undertake  any 
material  business.  The  court  of  king's  bench 
postponed  giving  sentence  against  Wilkes  on 
his  outlawry  till  the  next  term,  intimidated  as 
some  say  by  his  popularity,  and  willing  to  get 
rid  of  the  affair  for  a  time,  till  it  should  be 
seen  what  the  parliament  would  conclude  as 
to  his  membership.  The  commons,  at  least 
some  of  them,  resent  that  conduct,  which  has 
thrown  a  burden  on  them  it  might  have  eased 
them  of,  by  pillorying  or  punishing  him  in 
some  infamous  manner,  that  would  have  given 
better  ground  for  expelling  him  the  house. 
His  friends  complain  of  it  as  a  delay  of  jus 
tice,  say  the  court  knew  the  outlawry  to  be 
defective,  and  that  they  must  finally  pro 
nounce  it  void,  but  would  punish  him  by  long 
confinement.  Great  mobs  of  his  adherents 
have  assembled  before  the  prison,  the  guards 
have  fired  on  them :  it  is  said  five  or  six  are 
killed,  and  sixteen  or  seventeen  wounded,  and 
some  circumstances  have  attended  this  mili 
tary  execution,  such  as  its  being  done  by  the 
Scotch  regiment,  the  pursuing  a  lad,  and  kil 
ling  him  at  his  father's  house,  &c.  &c.  that 
exasperate  people  exceedingly,  and  more  mis 
chief  seems  brewing.  Several  of  the  soldiers 
are  imprisoned.  If  they  are  not  hanged,  it  is 
feared  there  will  be  more  and  greater  mobs ; 
and  if  they  are,  that  no  soldier  will  assist  in 
suppressing  any  mob  hereafter.  The  prospect 
either  way  is  gloomy.  It  is  said  the  English 
soldiers  cannot  be  confided  in  to  act  against 
these  mobs,  being  suspected  as  rather  inclined 
to  favour  and  join  them. 

"  I  am  preparing  for  my  return,  and  hope 
ibr  the  pleasure  of  finding  you  well,  when  I 
shall  have  an  opportunity  of  communicating  to 
you  more  particularly  the  state  of  things  here 
relating  to  our  American  affairs,  which  I  can 
not  so  well  do  by  letter.  I  inclose  you  a  re 
port  of  sir  M.  L.  counsel  to  the  board  of  trade, 
on  one  of  your  late  acts.  I  suppose  it  has  had 
its  effect,  so  that  the  repeal  will  be  of  little 
consequence. 

"  In  the  mean  time  I  am,  with  sincere  es 
teem  and  affection,  sir,  your  most  obedient 
and  most  humble  servant,* 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Governor  Franklin. 

41  LONDON,  July  2,  1768. 

"  DEAR  SON, — Since  my  last  I  have  receiv 
ed  yours  of  May  10,  dated  at  Amboy,  which 
I  shall  answer  particularly  by  next  week's 
packet.  I  purpose  now  to  take  notice  of  that 
part  wherein  you  say  it  was  reported  at  Phila 
delphia  I  was  to  be  appointed  to  a  certain  of 
fice  here,  which  my  friends  all  wished,  but 
you  did  not  believe  it  for  the  reason  I  had 
mentioned.  Instead  of  my  being  appointed 


to  a  new  office,  there  has  been  a  motion 
made  to  deprive  me  of  that  I  now  hold,  and 
I  believe  for  the  same  reason,  though  that 
was  not  the  reason  given  out,  viz.  my  being 
too  much  of  an  American ;  but,  as  it  came 
from  lord  Sandwich,  our  new  post-master-ge 
neral,  who  is  of  the  Bedford  party,  and  a  friend 
of  Mr.  Grenville,  I  have  no  doubt  that  the 
reason  he  gave  out,  viz.  my  non-residence, 
was  only  the  pretence,  and  that  the  other  was 
the  true  reason ;  especially  as  it  is  the  prac 
tice  in  many  other  instances  to  allow  the  non- 
residence  of  American  officers  who  spend 
their  salaries  here,  provided  care  is  taken  that 
the  business  be  done  by  deputy  or  otherwise. 
"  The  first  notice  I  had  of  this  was  from  my 
fast  friend,  Mr.  Cooper,  secretary  of  the  trea 
sury.  He  desired  me  by  a  little  note,  to  call 
upon  him  there,  which  I  did,  when  he  told 
me  that  the  duke  of  Grafton  had  mentioned 
to  him  some  discourse  of  lord  Sandwich's,  as 
if  the  office  suffered  by  my  absence,  and  that 
it  would  be  fit  to  appoint  another,  as  I  seemed 
constantly  to  reside  in  England:  that  Mr. 
Todd,  secretary  of  the  post  office,  had  also 
been  with  the  duke,  talking  to  the  same  pur 
pose,  &c.  That  the  duke  had  wished  him, 
(Mr.  Cooper)  to  mention  this  to  me,  and  to 
say  to  me  at  the  same  time,  that  though  my 
going  to  my  post  might  remove  the  objection, 
yet  if  I  chose  rather  to  reside  in  England,  my 
merit  was  such  in  his  opinion,  as  to  entitle 
me  to  something  better  here,  and  it  should  not 
be  his  fault  if  I  was  not  well  provided  for.  I 
told  Mr.  Cooper,  that  without  having  heard 
any  exception  had  been  taken  to  my  residence 
here,  I  was  really  preparing  to  return  home, 
and  expected  to  be  gone  in  a  few  weeks. 
That,  however,  I  was  extremely  sensible  of 
the  duke's  goodness,  in  giving  me  this  inti 
mation,  and  very  thankful  for  his  favourable 
disposition  towards  me;  that  having  lived 
long  in  England,  and  contracted  a  friendship 
and  affection  for  many  persons  here,  it  could 
not  but  be  agreeable  to  me  to  remain  among 
them  some  time  longer,  if  not  for  the  rest  of 
my  life  ;  and  that  there  was  no  nobleman  to 
whom  I  could  from  sincere  respect  for  his 
great  abilities,  and  amiable  qualities,  so  cor 
dially  attach  myself,  or  to  whom  I  should  so 
willingly  be  obliged  for  the  provision  he  men 
tioned,  as  to  the  duke  of  Grafton,  if  his  grace 
should  think  I  could,  in  any  station  where  he 
might  place  me,  be  serviceable  to  him  and  to 
the  public.  Mr.  Cooper  said  he  was  very  glad 
to  hear  I  was  still  willing  to  remain  in  En 
gland,  as  it  agreed  so  perfectly  with  his  in 
clinations  to  keep  me  here.  Wished  me  to 
leave  my  name  at  the  duke  of  Grafton's  as 
soon  as  possible,  and  to  be  at  the  treasury 
again  the  next  board  day.  I  accordingly  call 
ed  at  the  duke's,  and  left  my  card ;  and  when 
I  went  next  to  the  treasury,  his  grace  not  be 
ing  there,  Mr.  Cooper  carried  me  to  lord 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


271 


North,  chancellor  of  the  exchequer,  who  said 
very  obligingly,  after  talking  of  some  Ame 
rican  affairs,  I  am  told  by  Mr.  Cooper  that 
you  are  not  unwilling  to  stay  with  us,  I  hope 
we  shall  find  some  way  of  making  it  worth 
your  while.  I  thanked  his  lordship,  and  said 
1  should  stay  with  pleasure  if  I  could  any  ways 
be  useful  to  government.  He  made  me  a 
compliment,  and  I  took  my  leave,  Mr.  Cooper 
carrying  me  away  with  him  to  his  country 
house  at  Richmond  to  dine  and  stay  all  night. 
He  then  told  me  that  Mr.  Todd  had  been  again 
at  the  duke  of  Grafton's,  and  that  upon  his 
(Mr.  Cooper's)  speaking  in  my  behalf,  Mr.  Todd 
had  changed  his  style,  and  said  I  had  to  be 
sure  a  great  deal  of  merit  with  the  office, 
having  by  my  good  management  regulated 
the  posts  in  America,  so  as  greatly  to  increase 
the  revenue  :  that  he  had  had  great  satisfac 
tion  in  corresponding  with  me  while  I  was 
there,  and  he  believed  they  never  had  a  better 
officer,  &c.  The  Thursday  following,  being 
the  birth-day,  I  met  with  Mr.  Todd  at  court ; 
he  was  very  civil,  took  me  with  him  in  his 
coach  to  the  king's  arms  in  the  city,  where  I 
had  been  invited  to  dine  by  Mr.  Trevor,  with 
the  gentlemen  of  the  post  office ;  we  had  a 
good  deal  of  chat  after  dinner  between  us  two, 
in  which  he  told  me,  lord  Sandwich  (who  was 
very  sharp)  had  taken  notice  of  my  stay  in 
England,  and  said  if  one  could  do  the  business, 
why  should  there  be  two,  &c.  On  my  telling 
Mr.  Todd  that  I  was  going  home,  (which  I 
still  say  to  every  body,  not  knowing  but  that 
what  is  intimated  above  may  fail  of  taking  ef 
fect)  he  looked  blank,  and  seemed  disconcerted 
a  little,  which  makes  me  think  some  friend  of  his 
was  to  have  been  vested  with  my  place ;  but  this 
is  surmise  only.  We  parted  very  good  friends. 
That  day  I  received  another  note  from  Mr. 
Cooper,  directing  me  to  be  at  the  duke  of 
Grafton's  next  morning,  whose  porter  had 
orders  to  let  me  in.  I  went  accordingly,  and 
was  immediately  admitted.  But  his  grace 
being  then  engaged  in  some  unexpected  busi 
ness,  with  much  condescension  and  politeness 
made  that  apology  for  his  not  discoursing  with 
me  then,  but  wished  me  to  be  at  the  treasury 
at  twelve  the  next  Tuesday.  I  went  accord 
ingly,  when  Mr.  Cooper  told  me  something 
had  called  the  duke  into  the  country,  and  the 
board  was  put  ofi^  which  was  not  known  till 
it  was  too  late  to  send  me  word ;  but  was  glad 
I  was  come,  as  he  might  then  fix  another  day 
for  me  to  go  again  with  him  into  the  country ; 
the  day  fixed  was  Thursday.  I  returned  yes 
terday,  should  have  stayed  till  Monday,  but 
for  writing  by  these  vessels.  He  assures  me 
the  duke  has  it  at  heart  to  do  something  hand 
some  for  me.  Sir  John  Pringle,  who  is  anxious 
for  my  stay,  says,  Mr.  Cooper  is  the  honestest 
man  of  a  courtier  that  he  ever  knew,  and  he 
is  persuaded  they  are  in  earnest  to  keep  me. 
The  piece  I  wrote  against  smuggling,  in  the 


Chronicle  of  November  last,  and  one  in  April, 
on  the  labouring  poor  (you  will  find  in  the  Gen 
tleman's  Magazine  for  that  month)  have  been 
lately  shown  by  Mr.  Cooper  to  the  chancellor 
of  the  exchequer,  and  to  the  duke,  who  have 
expressed  themselves  much  pleased  with 
them.  I  am  to  be  again  at  the  treasury  on 
Tuesday  next,  by  appointment  of  Mr.  Cooper. 
Thus  particular  I  have  been,  that  you  may 
judge  of  this  affair.  For  my  own  thoughts,  I 
must  tell  you,  that  though  I  did  not  think 
fit  to  decline  any  favonr  so  great  a  man  ex 
pressed  an  inclination  to  do  me,  because  at 
court  if  one  shows  an  unwillingness  to  be 
obliged  it  is  often  construed  as  a  mark  of  men 
tal  hostility,  and  one  makes  an  enemy ;  yet  so 
great  is  my  inclination  to  be  at  home,  and  at 
rest,  that  I  shall  not  be  sorry  if  this  business 
falls  through,  and  I  am  suffered  to  retire  with 
my  old  post;  nor  indeed  very  sorry  if  they 
take  that  from  me  too  on  account  of  my  zeal 
for  America,  in  which  some  of  my  friends  have 
hinted  to  me  that  I  have  been  too  open.  1 
shall  soon  be  able,  I  hope,  by  the  next  packet, 
to  give  you  farther  light  In  the  mean  time, 
as  no  one  but  sir  J.  knows  of  the  treaty,  I 
talk  daily  of  going  in  the  August  packet  at 
farthest.  And  when  the  late  Georgia  appoint 
ment  of  me  to  be  their  agent  is  mentioned  as 
what  may  detain  me,  I  say,  I  have  yet  re 
ceived  no  letters  from  that  assembly,  acquaint 
ing  me  what  their  business  may  be ;  that  I 
shall  probably  hear  from  them  before  that 
packet  sails.  That  if  it  is  extraordinary,  and 
of  such  a  nature  as  to  make  my  stay  another 
winter  necessary,  I  may  possibly  stay,  because 
there  would  not  be  time  for  them  to  choose 
another;  but  if  it  is  common  business,  I  shall 
leave  it  with  Mr.  Jackson,  and  proceed.  I  do 
not,  by  the  way,  know  how  that  appointment 
came  about,  having  no  acquaintance  that  I  can 
recollect  in  that  country.  It  has  been  men 
tioned  in  the  papers  some  time,  but  I  have 
only  just  now  received  a  letter  from  governor 
Wright,  informing  me  that  he  had  that  day 
given  his  assent  to  it,  and  expressing  his  de 
sire  to  correspond  with  me  on  all  occasions, 
saying  the  committee,  as  soon  as  they  could 
get  their  papers  ready,  would  write  to  me  and 
acquaint  me  with  their  business.  We  have 
lost  lord  Clare  from  the  board  of  trade.  He 
took  me  home  from  court,  the  Sunday  before 
his  removal,  that  I  might  dine  with  him,  as  he 
said,  alone,  and  talk  over  American  affairs. 
He  seemed  as  attentive  to  them  as  if  he  was 
to  continue  ever  so  long.  He  gave  me  a  great 
deal  of  flummery  ;  saying,  that  though  at  my 
examination  I  answered  some  of  his  questions 
a  little  pertly,  yet  he  liked  me  from  that  day, 
for  the  spirit  I  showed  in  defence  of  my  coun 
try;  and  at  parting,  after  we  had  drank  a 
bottle  and  a  half  of  claret  each,  he  hugged 
and  kissed  me,  protesting  he  never  in  his  life 
met  with  a  man  he  was  so  much  in  love  with. 


272 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


This  I  write  for  your  amusement.  You  see 
by  the  nature  of  this  whole  letter  that  it  is  to 
yourself  only.  It  may  serve  to  prepare  your 
mind  for  any  event  that  shall  happen.  If  Mr. 
Grenville  comes  into  power  again,  in  any  de 
partment  respecting  America,  I  must  refuse 
to  accept  of  any  thing  that  may  seem  to  put 
me  in  his  power,  because  I  apprehend  a 
breach  between  the  two  countries ;  and  that 
refusal  might  give  offence.  So  that  you  see 
a  turn  of  a  die  may  make  a  great  difference 
in  our  affairs.  We  may  be  either  promoted, 
or  discarded ;  one  or  the  other  seems  likely 
soon  to  be  the  case,  but  it  is  hard  to  divine 
which.  I  am  myself  grown  so  old  as  to  feel 
much  less  than  formerly  the  spur  of  ambition, 
and  if  it  were  not  for  the  nattering  expecta 
tion,  that  by  being  fixed  here  I  might  more 
effectually  serve  my  country,  I  should  cer 
tainly  determine  for  retirement,  without  a 
moment's  hesitation. 
"  I  am,  as  ever,  your  affectionate  father, 
»B.  FRANKLIN." 


"Joseph  Galloway. 

"  LONDON,  July  2, 1768. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — Since  my  last  nothing  mate 
rial  has  occurred  here,  relating  to  American 
affairs,  except  the  removal  of  lord  Clare  from 
the  head  of  the  board  of  trade  to  the  treasury 
of  Ireland,  and  the  return  of  lord  Hillsborough 
to  the  board  of  trade  as  first  commissioner,  re 
taining  the  title  and  powers  of  secretary  of 
state  for  the  colonies.  This  change  was  very 
sudden  and  unexpected.  My  lord  Clare  took 
me  home  from  court  to  dine  with  him  but 
two  days  before,  saying  he  should  be  without 
other  company,  and  wanted  to  talk  with  me 
on  sundry  American  businesses.  We  had  ac 
cordingly  a  good  deal  of  conversation  on  our 
affairs,  in  which  he  seemed  to  interest  him 
self  with  all  the  attention  that  could  be  sup 
posed  in  a  minister  who  expected  to  continue 
in  the  management  of  them.  This  was  on 
Sunday,  and  on  the  Tuesday  following  he  was 
removed.  Whether  my  lord  Hillsborough's 
administration  will  be  more  stable  than  others 
have  been  for  a  long  time,  is  quite  uncertain; 
but  as  his  inclinations  are  rather  favourable 
towards  us  (so  far  as  he  thinks  consistent  with 
what  he  supposes  the  unquestionable  rights 
of  Britain,)  I  cannot  but  wish  it  may  continue, 
especially  as  these  perpetual  mutations  pre 
vent  the  progress  of  all  business. 

"But  another  change  is  now  talked  of  that 
gives  me  great  uneasiness.  Several  of  the 
Bedford  party  being  now  got  in,  it  has  been 
for  some  time  apprehended  that  they  would 
sooner  or  later  draw  their  friend  Mr.  Gren 
ville  in  after  them.  It  is  now  said,  he  is  to  be 
secretary  of  state,  in  the  room  of  lord  Shel- 
burne.  If  this  should  take  place,  or  if  in  any 


other  shape  he  comes  again  into  power,  I  fear 
his  sentiments  of  the  Americans,  and  theirs  of 
him,  will  occasion  such  clashings  as  may  be 
attended  with  fatal  consequences.  The  last 
accounts  from  your  part  of  the  world,  of  the 
combinations  relating  to  commerce  with  this 
country,  and  resolutions  concerning  the  duties 
here  laid  upon  it,  occasion  much  serious  re 
flection,  and  'tis  thought  the  points  in  dispute  be 
tween  the  two  countries  will  not  fail  to  come 
under  the  consideration  of  parliament  early 
in  next  session.  Our  friends  wonder  that  I 
persist  in  my  intention  of  returning  this  sum 
mer,  alleging  that  I  might  be  of  much  more 
service  to  my  country  here  than  I  can  be 
there,  and  wishing  me  by  all  means  to  stay 
the  ensuing  winter,  as  the  presence  of  persons 
well  acquainted  with  America,  and  of  ability 
to  represent  these  affairs  in  a  proper  light, 
will  then  be  highly  necessary.  My  private 
concerns,  however,  so  much  require  my  pre 
sence  at  home,  that  I  have  not  yet  suffered 
myself  to  be  persuaded  by  their  partial  opinion 
of  me. 

"  The  tumults  and  disorders  that  prevailed 
here  lately,  have  now  pretty  well  subsided. 
Wilkes's  outlawry  is  reversed,  but  he  is  sen 
tenced  to  twenty-two  months  imprisonment, 
and  one  thousand  pounds  fine,  which  his 
friends,  who  feared  he  would  be  pilloried, 
seem  rather  satisfied  with.  The  importation 
of  corn,  a  pretty  good  hay  harvest,  now  near 
over,  and  the  prospect  of  plenty  from  a  fine 
crop  of  wheat,  makes  the  poor  more  patient, 
in  hopes  of  an  abatement  in  the  price  of  pro 
visions  ;  so  that  unless  want  of  employment, 
by  the  failure  of  American  orders,  should  dis 
tress  them,  they  are  like  to  be  tolerably 
quiet. 

"  I  purpose  writing  to  you  again  by  the 
packet  that  goes  next  Saturday,  and  therefore 
now  only  add  that  I  am,  with  sincere  esteem, 
dear  sir,  your  most  obedient  and  most  humble 
servant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


To* 


"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  obliging  fa 
vour  of  the  12th  instant.  Your  sentiments  of 
the  importance  of  the  present  dispute  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  colonies,  appear  to  me 
extremely  just.  There  is  nothing  I  wish  for 
more  than  to  see  it  amicably  and  equitably 
settled. 

"But  Providence  will  bring  about  its  own 
ends  by  its  own  means ;  and  if  it  intends  the 
downfall  of  a  nation,  that  nation  will  be  so 
blinded  by  its  pride,  and  other  passions,  as  not 
to  see  its  danger,  or  how  its  fall  may  be  pre 
vented. 

"  Being  born  and  bred  in  one  of  the  coun 
tries,  and  having  lived  long  and  made  many 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


273 


agreeable  connexions  of  friendship  in  the 
other,  I  wish  all  prosperity  to  both ;  but  I  have 
talked,  and  written  so  much  and  so  long  on 
the  subject,  that  my  acquaintance  are  weary 
of  hearing,  and  the  public  of  reading  any 
more  of  it,  which  begins  to  make  me  weary 
of  talking  and  writing ;  especially  as  I  do  not 
find  that  I  have  gained  any  point,  in  either 
country,  except  that  of  rendering  myself  sus 
pected,  by  my  impartiality;  in  England,  of 
being  too  much  an  American,  and  in  America, 
of  being  too  much  an  Englishman.  Your 
opinion,  however,  weighs  with  me,  and  en 
courages  me  to  try  one  effort  more,  hi  a  full, 
though  concise  statement  pf  facts,  accom 
panied  with  arguments  drawn  from  those 
facts ;  to  be  published  about  the  meeting  of 
parliament,  after  the  holidays. 

"  If  any  good  may  be  done  I  shall  rejoice ; 
but  at  present  I  almost  despair. 

"  Have  you  ever  seen  the  barometer  so  low 
as  of  late]  The  22d  instant  it  was  at  28 
deg.  41  min.,  and  yet  the  weather  fine  and 
fair.  B.  FRANKLIN.'* 


W.  Strahan  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  Nov.  21,  1769. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — In  the  many  conversations 
we  have  had  together  about  our  present  dis 
putes  with  North  America,  we  perfectly 
agreed  in  wishing  they  may  be  brought  to  a 
speedy  and  happy  conclusion.  How  this  is 
to  be  done,  is  not  so  easily  ascertained. 

"  Two  objects,  I  humbly  apprehend,  his 
majesty's  servants  have  now  in  contempla 
tion.  1st.  To  relieve  the  colonies  from  the 
taxes  complained  of,  which  they  certainly 
had  no  hand  in  imposing.  2dly.  To  preserve 
the  honour,  the  dignity,  and  the  supremacy 
of  the  British  legislature  over  all  his  majes 
ty's  dominions. 

"  As  I  know  your  singular  knowledge  of 
the  subject  in  question,  and  am  as  fully  con 
vinced  of  your  cordial  attachment  to  his  ma 
jesty,  and  your  sincere  desire  to  promote  the 
happiness  equally  of  all  his  subjects,  I  beg 
you  would  in  your  own  clear,  brief,  and  ex 
plicit  manner,  send  me  an  answer  to  the  fol 
lowing  questions :  I  make  this  request  now, 
because  this  matter  is  of  the  utmost  im 
portance,  and  must  very  quickly  be  agitated ; 
and  I  do  it  with  the  more  freedom,  as  you 
know  me  and  my  motives  too  well  to  entertain 
the  most  remote  suspicion  that  I  will  make 
an  improper  use  of  any  information  you  shall 
hereby  convey  to  me. 

"1st.  Will  not  a  repeal  of  all  the  duties 
(that  on  tea  excepted,  which  was  before  paid 
here  on  exportation,  and  of  course  no  new 
imposition)  fully  satisfy  the  colonies  !*  If  you 
answer  in  the  negative, 

*  In  the  year  1767,  for  the  express  purpose  of  raising 
a  revenue  in  America,  glass,  red  lead,  white  lead,  paint- 

VOL.  I. . .  2  M 


"  2d.  Your  reasons  for  that  opinion  ? 

"  3d.  Do  you  think  the  only  effectual  way 
of  composing  the  present  differences  is  to  put 
the  Americans  precisely  in  the  situation  they 
were  in  before  the  passing  of  the  late  stamp 
act! — If  that  is  your  opinion, 

"4th.  Your  reasons  for  that  opinion? 

"  5th.  If  this  last  method  is  deemed  by  the 
legislature,  and  his  majesty's  ministers,  to  be 
repugnant  to  their  duty,  as  guardians  of  the 
just  rights  of  the  crown  and  of  their  fellow 
subjects;  can  you  suggest  any  other  way  of 
terminating  these  disputes,  consistent  with 
the  ideas  of  justice  and  propriety  conceived 
by  the  king's  subjects  on  both  sides  of  the 
Atlantic? 

"  6th.  And  if  this  method  was  actually  fol 
lowed,  do  you  not  think  it  would  actually  en 
courage  the  violent  and  factious  part  of  the 
colonies  to  aim  at  still  farther  concessions 
from  the  mother  country  1 

"  7th.  If  they  are  relieved  in  part  only, 
what  do  you,  as  a  reasonable  and  dispas 
sionate  man,  and  an  equal  friend  to  both  sides, 
imagine  will  be  the  probable  consequences? 

"  The  answers  to  these  questions,  I  humbly 
conceive,  will  include  all  the  information  1 
want ;  and  I  beg  you  will  favour  me  with  them 
as  soon  as  may  be.  Every  well  wisher  to  the 
peace  and  prosperity  of  the  British  empire,  and 
every  friend  to  our  truly  happy  constitution, 
must  be  desirous  of  seeing  even  the  most  trivial 
causes  of  dissention  among  our  fellow  sub 
jects  removed.  Our  domestic  squabbles,  in 
my  mind,  are  nothing  to  what  I  am  speaking 
of.  This  you  know  much  better  than  I  do, 
and  therefore  I  need  add  nothing  farther  to 
recommend  this  subject  to  your  serious  con 
sideration.  W.  STRAHAN." 


Answer  to  the  preceding  Queries. 

"  CRAVEN  STREET,  Nov.  29,  1769. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — Being  just  returned  to  town 
from  a  little  excursion,  I  find  yours  of  the 
21st,  containing  a  number  of  queries,  that 
would  require  a  pamphlet  to  answer  them 
fully.  You,  however,  desire  only  brief  an 
swers,  which  I  shall  endeavour  to  give. 

ers'  colours,  paper,  and  tea  (which  last  article  was  sub 
ject  to  various  home  impositions)  became  charged  by  act 
of  parliament,  with  new  permanent  duties  payable  in 
the  American  ports.  Soon  after,  in  the  same  sessions, 
(the  English  East  India  Company  promising  indemni 
fication  for  the  experiment)  a  temporary  alteration  was 
made  with  respect  to  the  home  customs,  or  excise  upon 
certain  teas,  in  the  hope  that  a  deduction  in  the  noini 
nal  imposition,  by  producing  a  more  extended  con 
sumption,  would  give  an  increased  sum  to  the  British 
exchequer.  Mr.  Strahan,  comparing  only  the  amounts 
of  the  imposed  American  duty,  and  the  deducted  home 
duty,  determines  that  the  Americans  had  suffered  no 
new  imposition.  The  people  of  America  however 
thought  otherwise.  Had  the  British  established  this 
precedent  for  a  revenue,  they  would,  as  they  thought, 
have  every  thing  to  hope;  yet  they  affected  surprise, 
when  the  colonies  avoided  an  acquiescence  in  mea 
sures,  which  by  parity  of  reasoning  gave  tAe  Americans 
every  thing  to  fear. 


274 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


"Previous  to  your  queries,  you  tell  me, 
that  'you  apprehend  his  majesty's  servants 
have  now  in  contemplation,  1st,  To  relieve 
the  colonists  from  the  taxes  complained  of; 
2d,  To  preserve  the  honour,  the  dignity,  and 
the  supremacy  of  the  British  legislature  over 
all  his  majesty's  dominions.'  I  hope  your 
information  is  good ;  and  that  what  you  sup 
pose  to  be  in  contemplation  will  be  carried 
into  execution,  by  repealing  all  the  laws, 
that  have  been  made  for  raising  a  revenue  in 
America  by  authority  of  parliament  without 
the  consent  of  the  people  there.  The  honour 
and  the  dignity  of  the  British  legislature  will 
not  be  hurt  by  such  an  act  of  justice  and  wis 
dom.  The  wisest  councils  are  liable  to  be 
misled,  especially  in  matters  remote  from 
their  inspection.  It  is  the  persisting  in  an 
error,  not  the  correcting  it,  that  lessens  the 
honour  of  any  man  or  body  of  men.  The  su 
premacy  of  that  legislature,  I  believe,  will  be 
best  preserved  by  making  a  very  sparing  use 
of  it ;  never  but  for  the  evident  good  of  the 
colonies  themselves,  or  of  the  whole  British 
empire ;  never  for  the  partial  advantage  of 
Britain  to  their  prejudice.  By  such  prudent 
conduct,  I  imagine,  that  supremacy  may  be 
gradually  strengthened,  and  in  time  fully  es 
tablished;  but  otherwise,  I  apprehend  it  will 
be  disputed,  and  lost  in  the  dispute.  At 
present  the  colonies  consent  and  submit  to  it, 
for  the  regulations  of  general  commerce ;  but 
a  submission  to  acts  of  parliament  was  no 
part  of  their  original  constitution.  Our  former 
kings  governed  their  colonies,  as  they  had  go 
verned  their  dominions  in  France,  without 
the  participation  of  British  parliaments.  The 
parliament  of  England  never  presumed  to  in 
terfere  in  that  prerogative,  till  the  time  of  the 
great  rebellion,  when  they  usurped  the  go 
vernment  of  all  the  king's  other  dominions, 
Ireland,  Scotland,  &c.  The  colonies  that 
held  for  the  king,  they  conquered  by  force  of 
arms,  and  governed  afterwards  as  conquered 
countries :  but  New  England,  having  not  op 
posed  the  parliament,  was  considered  and 
treated  as  a  sister  kingdom,  in  amity  with 
England  (as  appears  by  the  Journals,  "March 
10,  1642.) 

'  1st.  Will  not  a  repeal  of  all  the  duties 
(that  on  tea  excepted,  which  was  before  paid 
here  on  exportation,  and  of  course  no  new 
imposition)  fully  satisfy  the  colonists  V 

"  Answer,  I  think  not. 

4  2d.  Your  reasons  for  that  opinion  1' 

"  A.  Because  it  is  not  the  sum  paid  in  that 
duty  on  tea  that  is  complained  of  as  a  bur 
den,  but  the  principle  of  the  act,  expressed 
in  the  preamble,  viz.  That  those  duties  were 
laid  for  the  better  support  of  government,  and 
the  administration  of  justice  in  the  colonies.* 


*  "  Men  may  lose  little  property  by  an  act  which 
takes  away  al!  their  freedom.    When  a  man  is  robbed 


This  the  colonists  think  unnecessary,  unjust, 
and  dangerous  to  their  most  important  rights. 
Unnecessary,  because  in  all  the  colonies  (two 
or  three  new  ones  excepted*)  government 
and  the  administration  of  justice  were,  and 
always  had  been,  well  supported  without  any 
charge  to  Britain  :  unjust,  as  it  has  made 
such  colonies  liable  to  pay  such  charge  for 
others,  in  which  they  had  no  concern  or  in 
terest  :  dangerous,  as  such  mode  of  raising 
money  for  those  purposes  tended  to  render 
their  assemblies  useless;  for  if  a  revenue 
could  be  raised  in  the  colonies  for  all  the  pur 
poses  of  government  by  act  of  parliament, 
without  grants  from  the  people  there,  govern 
ors,  who  do  not  generally  love  assemblies, 
would  never  call  them ;  they  would  be  laid 
aside ;  and  when  nothing  should  depend  on 
the  people's  good  will  to  government,  their 
rights  would  be  trampled  on ;  they  would  be 
treated  with  contempt.  Another  reason,  why 
I  think  they  would  not  be  satisfied  with  such 
a  partial  repeal,  is  that  their  agreements,  not 
to  import  till  the  repeal  takes  place,  include 
the  whole ;  which  shows,  that  they  object  to 
the  whole ;  and  those  agreements  will  con 
tinue  binding  on  them,  if  the  whole  is  not  re 
pealed. 

'  3d.  Do  you  think  the  only  effectual  way 
of  composing  the  present  differences  is  to  put 
the  Americans  precisely  in  the  situation  they 
were  in  before  the  passing  of  the  late  stamp 
act]' 

"  A.  I  think  so. 

*  4th.  Your  reasons  for  that  opinion  T 

"  A.  Other  methods  have  been  tried.  They 
have  been  refused  or  rebuked  in  angry  letters. 
Their  petitions  have  been  refused  or  rejected 
by  parliament.  They  have  been  threatened 
with  the  punishments  of  treason  by  resolves 
of  both  houses.  Their  assemblies  have  been 
dissolved,  and  troops  have  been  sent  among 
them  :  but  all  these  ways  have  only  exasper 
ated  their  minds  and  widened  the  breach. 
Their  agreements  to  use  no  more  British 
manufactures  have  been  strengthened ;  and 
these  measures,  instead  of  composing  differ 
ences,  and  promoting  a  good  correspondence, 
have  almost  annihilated  your  commerce  with 
those  countries,  and  greatly  endanger  the  na 
tional  peace  and  general  welfare. 

'  5th.  If  this  last  method  is  deemed  by  the 
legislature,  and  his  majesty's  ministers,  to  be 
repugnant  to  their  duty  as  guardians  of  the 
just  rights  of  the  crown,  and  of  their  fellow- 
subjects  ;  can  you  suggest  any  other  way  of 
terminating  these  disputes,  consistent  with 
the  ideas  of  justice  and  propriety  conceived 

of  a  trifle  on  the  highway,  it  is  not  the  two  pence  lost 
that  makes  the  capital  outrage."  "Would  twenty 
shillings  have  ruined  Mr.  Hampden's  fortune?  No! 
but  the  payment  of  half  twenty  shillings,  on  the  prin- 
ciple  it  was  demanded,  would  h;ive  made  him  a  slave." 
See  Mr.  Burke's  speeches  in  1774  and  1775. 
*  Nova  Scotia,  Canada,  Georgia,  and  Florida. 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


275 


by  the  king's  subjects  on  both  sides  the  At 
lantic  ?' 

"  A.  I  do  not  see  how  that  method  can  be 
deemed  repugnant  to  the  rights  of  the  crown. 
If  the  Americans  are  put  into  their  former 
situation,  it  must  be  by  an  act  of  parliament ; 
in  the  passing  of  which  by  the  king,  the  rights 
of  the  crown  are  exercised,  not  infringed.  It 
is  indifferent  to  the  crown  whether  the  aids 
received  from  America  are  granted  by  parlia 
ment  here,  or  by  the  assemblies  there,  provid 
ed  the  quantum  be  the  same ;  and  it  is  my 
opinion,  that  more  will  be  generally  granted 
there  voluntarily,  than  can  ever  be  exacted 
or  collected  from  thence  by  authority  of  par 
liament.  As  to  the  rights  of  fellow-subjects 
(I  suppose  you  mean  the  people  of  Britain)  I 
cannot  conceive  how  those  will  be  infringed 
by  that  method.  They  will  still  enjoy  the 
right  of  granting  their  own  money,  and  may 
still,  if  it  pleases  them,  keep  up  their  claim  to 
the  right  of  granting  ours;  a  right  they  can 
never  exercise  properly,  for  want  of  a  suf 
ficient  knowledge  of  us,  our  circumstances  and 
abilities  (to  say  nothing  of  the  little  likelihood 
there  is  that  we  should  ever  submit  to  it) 
therefore  a  right  that  can  be  of  no  good  use  to 
them ;  and  we  shall  continue  to  enjoy  in  tact 
the  right  of  granting  our  money,  with  the 
opinion,  now  universally  prevailing  among  us, 
that  we  are  free  subjects  of  the  king,  and  that 
fellow-subjects  of  one  part  of  his  dominions 
are  not  sovereigns  over  fellow-subjects  in  any 
other  part.  If  the  subjects  on  the  different 
sides  of  the  Atlantic  have  different  and  oppo 
site  ideas  of  "justice  and  propriety,"  no  one 
"method"  can  possibly  be  consistent  with 
both.  The  best  will  be,  to  let  each  enjoy 
their  own  opinions,  without  disturbing  them, 
when  they  do  not  interfere  with  the  common 
good. 

'  6th.  And  if  this  method  were  actually  al 
lowed,  do  you  not  think  it  would  encourage 
the  violent  and  factious  part  of  the  colonists, 
to  aim  at  still  farther  concessions  from  the 
mother  country  ]' 

"  A.  I  do  not  think  it  would.  There  may  be 
a  few  among  them  that  deserve  the  name  of 
factious  and  violent,  as  there  are  in  all  coun 
tries;  but  these  would  have  little  influence, 
if  the  great  majority  of  sober  reasonable  peo 
ple  were  satisfied.  If  any  colony  should  hap 
pen  to  think,  that  some  of  your  regulations  of 
trade  are  inconvenient  to  the  general  interests 
of  the  empire,  or  prejudicial  to  them  without 
being  beneficial  to  you,  they  will  state  these 
matters  to  parliament  in  petitions  as  hereto 
fore  ;  but  will,  I  believe,  take  no  violent  steps 
to  obtain  what  they  may  hope  for  in  time  from 
the  wisdom  of  government  here.  I  know  of 
nothing  else  they  can  have  in  view :  the  no 
tion  that  prevails  here,  of  their  being  desirous 
to  set  up  a  kingdom  or  commonwealth  of  their 
own,  is  to  my  certain  knowledge  entirely 


groundless.  I  therefore  think,  that  on  a  total 
repeal  of  all  duties,  laid  expressly  for  the  pur 
pose  of  raising  a  revenue  on  the  people  of 
America  without  their  consent,  the  present 
uneasiness  would  subside ;  the  agreements  not 
to  import  would  be  dissolved ;  and  the  com 
merce  flourish  as  heretofore ;  and  I  am  con 
firmed  in  this  sentiment  by  all  the  letters  I 
have  received  from  America,  and  by  the  opi 
nions  of  all  the  sensible  people  who  have 
lately  come  from  thence, — crown  officers  ex- 
cepted.  I  know,  indeed,  that  the  people  of 
Boston  are  grievously  offended  by  the  quarter 
ing  of  troops  among  them,  as  they  think,  con 
trary  to  law,  and  are  very  angry  with  the 
board  of  commissioners,  who  have  calumniat 
ed  them  to  government;  but  as  I  suppose  the 
I  withdrawing  of  those  troops  may  be  a  conse- 
'  quence  of  reconciliating  measures  taking 
place ;  and  that  the  commission  also  will  be 
either  dissolved,  if  found  useless,  or  filled  with 
more  temperate  and  prudent  men,  if  still 
deemed  useful  and  necessary ;  I  do  not  ima 
gine  these  particulars  would  prevent  a  return 
of  the  harmony  so  much  to  be  wished."* 

'  7th.  If  they  are  relieved  in  part  only,  what 
do  you,  as  a  reasonable  and  dispassionate  man, 
and  an  equal  friend  to  both  sides,  imagine  will 
be  the  probable  consequences  V 

"  A.  I  imagine,  that  repealing  the  offensive 
duties  in  part  will  answer  no  end  to  this  coun 
try:  the  commerce  will  remain  obstructed, 
and  the  Americans  go  on  with  their  schemes 
of  frugality,  industry,  and  manufactures,  to  their 
own  great  advantage.  How  much  they  may 
tend  to  the  prejudice  of  Britain,  I  cannot  say ; 
perhaps  not  so  much  as  some  apprehend,  since 
she  may  in  time  find  new  markets.  But  I 
think,  if  the  union  of  the  two  countries  con 
tinues  to  subsist,  it  will  not  hurt  the  general 
interest;  for  whatever  wealth  Britain  loses  by 
the  failing  of  its  trade  with  the  colonies,  Ame 
rica  will  gain ;  and  the  crown  will  receive 
equal  aids  from  its,  subjects  upon  the  whole,  if 
not  greater. 

"  And  now  I  have  answered  your  questions, 
as  to  what  may  be,  in  my  opinion,  the  conse 
quences  of  this  or  that  supposed  measure,  I  will 
go  a  little  farther,  and  tell  you,  what  I  fear  is 


"  The  opposition  [to  lord  Rockingham's  adminis 
tration"]  says  lord  Chesterfield,  "are  for  taking  vigor 
ous,  as  they  call  them,  but  I  call  them  violent  measures  ; 
not  less  than  les  dragonades ;  and  to  have  the  tax  collect 
ed  by  the  troops  we  have  there.  For  my  part,  I  never  saw 
a  froward  child  mended  by  whipping:  and  I  would 
not  have  the  mother  become  a  step  mother."  Letter, 
No.  360. 

"  It  is  a  certain  maxim,"  pleads  Mr.  Burke,  "  that 
the  fewer  causes  of  dissatisfaction  are  left  by  govern 
ment,  the  more  the  subject  will  be  disinclined  to  resist 
and  rebel!"  "I  confess  I  do  not  feel  the  least  alarm 
from  the  discontents  which  are  to  arise  from  putting 
people  at  their  ease.  Nor  do  I  apprehend  the  destruc 
tion  of  this  empire,  from  giving,  by  an  act  of  free  grace 
and  indulgence,  to  two  millions  of  my  fellow-citizens, 
some  share  of  those  rights,  upon  which  I  have  always 
been  taught  to  value  mvself.'1  Burke's  Speeches  in 
1774  and  1775. 


276 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


more  likely  to  come  to  pass  in  reality.  I  ap 
prehend,  that  the  ministry,  at  least  the  Ame 
rican  part  of  it,  being  fully  persuaded  of  the 
right  of  parliament,  think  it  ought  to  be  en 
forced,  whatever  may  be  the  consequences ; 
and  at  the  same  time  do  not  believe,  there  is 
even  now  any  abatement  of  the  trade  between 
the  two  countries  on  account  of  these  disputes ; 
or,  that  if  there  is,  it  is  small,  and  cannot  long 
continue.  They  are  assured  by  the  crown- 
officers  in  America,  that  manufactures  are  im 
possible  there ;  that  the  discontented  are  few, 
and  persons  of  little  consequence ;  that  almost 
all  the  people  of  property  and  importance  are 
satisfied,  and  disposed  to  submit  quietly  to  the 
taxing  power  of  parliament ;  and  that  if  the 
revenue-acts  are  continued,  and  those  duties 
only  that  are  called  anti-commercial  be  re 
pealed,  and  others  perhaps  laid  in  their  stead, 
the  power  ere  long  will  be  patiently  submit 
ted  to,  and  the  agreements  not  to  import  be 
broken,  when  they  are  found  to  produce  no 
change  of  measures  here.  From  these  and 
similar  misinformations,  which  seem  to  be 
credited,  I  think  it  likely,  that  no  thorough  re 
dress  of  grievances  will  be  afforded  to  Ameri 
ca  this  session.  This  may  inflame  matters 
still  more  in  that  country  ;  farther  rash  mea 
sures  there  may  create  more  resentment  here, 
that  may  produce  not  merely  ill-advised  dis 
solutions  of  their  assemblies,  as  last  year,  but 
attempts  to  dissolve  their  constitution  ;*  more 
troops  may  be  sent  over,  which  will  create 
more  uneasiness ;  to  justify  the  measures  of 
government,  your  writers  will  revile  the 
Americans  in  your  newspapers,  as  they  have 
already  begun  to  do,  treating  them  as  miscre 
ants,  rogues,  dastards,  rebels,  &c.  to  alienate 
the  minds  of  the  people  here  from  them,  and 
which  will  tend  farther  to  diminish  their  af 
fections  to  this  country.  Possibly,  too,  some 
of  their  warm  patriots  may  be  distracted 
enough  to  expose  themselves  by  some  mad 
action  to  be  sent  for  hither,  and  government 
here  may  be  indiscreet  enough  to  hang  them, 
on  the  act  of  Henry  Vlll.f  Mutual  provoca 
tions  will  thus  go  on  to  complete  the  separa 
tion  ;  and  instead  of  that  cordial  affection,  that 
once  and  so  long  existed,  and  that  harmony, 
so  suitable  to  the  circumstances,  and  so  neces 
sary  to  the  happiness,  strength,  safety,  and 
welfare  of  both  countries,  an  implacable  malice 
and  mutual  hatred,  such  as  we  now  see  sub 
sisting  between  the  Spaniards  and  Portuguese, 
the  Genoese  and  Corsicans,  from  the  same 
original  misconduct  in  the  superior  govern 
ments,  will  take  place :  the  sameness  of  nation, 
the  similarity  of  religion,  manners,  and  lan 
guage,  not  in  the  least  preventing  in  our  case, 

*  This  was  afterwards  attempted  by  the  British  le 
gislature,  in  the  case  of  the  province  of  Massachusetts 
Bay. 

t  The  lords  and  commons  very  prudently  concurred  in 
an  address  for  this  purpose,  and  the  king  very  gracious- 
ly  assured  them  of  his  compliance  with  their  wishes. 


more  than  it  did  in  theirs. — I  hope,  however, 
that  this  may  all  prove  false  prophecy,  and 
that  you  and  I  may  live  to  see  as  sincere  and 
perfect  a  friendship  established  between  our 
respective  countries,  as  has  so  many  years 
subsisted  between  Mr.  Strahan,  and  his  truly 
affectionate  old  friend, 

«  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  M.  Dubourg,*  Paris. 

"  LONDON,  October  2,  1770. 

;4 1  SEE  with  pleasure,  that  we  think  pretty 
much  alike  on  the  subjects  of  English  Ame 
rica.  We  of  the  colonies  have  never  insisted 
that  we  ought  to  be  exempt  from  contributing 
to  the  common  expenses  necessary  to  support 
the  prosperity  of  the  empire.  We  only  assert, 
that  having  parliaments  of  our  own,  and  not 
having  representatives  in  that  of  Great  Britain, 
our  parliaments  are  the  only  judges  of  what 
we  can  and  what  we  ought  to  contribute  in 
this  case;  and  that  the  English  parliament  has 
no  right  to  take  our  money  without  our  consent. 
In  fact,  the  British  empire  is  not  a  single  state, 
it  comprehends  many ;  and  though  the  parlia 
ment  of  Great  Britain  has  arrogated  to  itself 
the  power  of  taxing  the  colonies,  it  has  no 
more  right  to  do  so,  than  it  has  to  tax  Han 
over.  We  have  the  same  king,  but  not  the 
same  legislatures. 

"  The  dispute  between  the  two  countries 
has  already  lost  England  many  millions  ster 
ling,  which  it  has  lost  in  its  commerce,  and 
America  has  in  this  respect  been  a  propor 
tionable  gainer.  This  commerce  consisted 
principally  of  superfluities ;  objects  of  luxury 
and  fashion,  which  we  can  well  do  without ; 
and  the  resolution  we  have  formed  of  import 
ing  no  more  till  our  grievances  are  redressed, 
has  enabled  many  of  our  infant  manufactures  to 
take  root ;  and  it  will  not  be  easy  to  make  our 
people  abandon  them  in  future,  even  should  a 
connexion  more  cordial  than  ever  succeed  the 
present  troubles.  I  have  indeed,  no  doubt 
that  the  parliament  of  England  will  finally 
abandon  its  present  pretensions,  and  leave  us 
to  the  peaceable  enjoyment  of  our  rights  and 
privileges.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  Governor  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  August  17,  1772. 

"  DEAR  SON, — At  length  we  have  got  rid 
of  lord  Hillsborough,  aid  lord  Dartmouth 
takes  his  place,  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  all 
the  friends  of  America.  You  wil]  hear  it  said 
among  you  (I  suppose)  that  the  interest  of  the 
Ohio  planters  has  ousted  him,  but  the  truth 
is,  what  I  wrote  you  long  since,  that  all  his 
brother  ministers  disliked  him  extremely,  and 

*  Translator  of  Dr.  Franklin's  Philosophical  Works, 
into  French. 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


277 


wished  for  a  fair  occasion  of  tripping1  up  his 
heels ;  so  seeing  that  lie  made  a  point  of  de 
feating  our  scheme,  they  made  another  of  sup 
porting  it,  on  purpose  to  mortify  him,  which 
they  knew  his  pride  could  not  bear.  I  do  not 
mean  they  would  have  done  this  if  they  had 
thought  our  proposal  bad  in  itself,  or  his  op 
position  well  founded;  but  I  believe  if  he  had 
been  on  good  terms  with  them,  they  would 
not  have  differed  with  him  for  so  small  a  mat 
ter.  The  king  too  was  tired  of  him  and  of  his 
administration,  which  had  weakened  the  af 
fection  and  respect  of  the  colonies  for  a  royal 
government,  with  which  (I  may  say  it  to  you) 
I  used  proper  means  from  time  to  time  that 
his  majesty  should  have  due  information  and 
convincing  proofs.  More  of  this  when  I  see 
you.  The  king's  dislike  made  the  others 
more  h'rrnly  united  in  the  resolution  of  dis 
gracing  H.,  by  setting  at  nought  his  famous 
report.  But  now  that  business  is  done,  per 
haps  our  affair  may  be  less  regarded  in  the 
cabinet  and  suffered  to  linger,  and  possibly 
may  yet  miscarry.  Therefore  let  us  beware 
of  every  word  and  action,  that  may  betray  a 
confidence  in  its  success,  lest  we  render  our 
selves  ridiculous  in  case  of  disappointment. 
We  are  now  pushing  for  a  completion  of  the 
business,  but  the  time  is  unfavourable,  every 
body  gone  or  going  into  the  country,  which 
gives  room  for  accidents. 

"  I  am  writing  by  Falconer,  and  therefore 
in  this  only  add  that  I  am  ever  your  affection 
ate  father,  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  P.  S.  The  regard  lord  Dartmouth  has  al 
ways  done  me  the  honour  to  express  for  me, 
gives  me  room  to  hope  being  able  to  obtain 
more  in  favour  of  our  colonies  upon  occasion, 
than  I  could  for  some  time  past." 


To  the  same. 

"  LONDON,  August  19,  1772. 

"  DEAR  Sox, — I  received  yours  of  June  30. 
I  am  vexed  that  my  letter  to  you,  written  at 
Glasgow,  miscarried ;  not  so  much  that  you 
did  not  receive  it,  as  that  it  is  probably  in 
other  hands.  It  contained  some  accounts  of 
what  passed  in  Ireland,  which  were  for  you 
only. 

"  As  lord  Hillsborough  in  fact  got  nothing 
out  of  me,  I  should  rather  suppose  he  threw 
me  away  as  an  orange  that  would  yield  no 
juice,  and  therefore  not  worth  more  squeez 
ing.  When  I  had  been  a  little  while  return 
ed  to  London,  I  waited  on  him  to  thank  him 
for  his  civilities  in  Ireland,  and  to  discourse 
with  him  on  a  Georgia  affair.  The  porter 
told  me  he  was  not  at  home.  I  left  my  card, 
went  another  time,  and  received  the  same  an 
swer,  though  I  knew  he  was  at  home,  a  friend 
of  mine  being  with  him.  After  intermissions  of 
24 


a  week  each,  I  made  two  more  visits,  and  re 
ceived  the  same  answer.  The  last  time  was 
on  a  levee  day,  when  a  number  of  carriages 
were  at  his  door.  My  coachman  driving  up, 
alighted  and  was  opening  the  coach  door, 
when  the  porter,  seeing  me,  came  out,  and 
surlily  chid  the  coachman  for  opening  the 
door  before  he  had  inquired  whether  my  lord 
was  at  home ;  and  then  turning  to  me,  said, 
"  My  lord  is  not  at  home."  1  have  never 
since  been  nigh  him,  and  we  have  only 
abused  one  another  at  a  distance.  The  con 
trast,  as  you  observe,  is  very  striking  between 
his  conversation  with  the  chief  justice,  and  his 
letter  to  you  concerning  your  province.  I 
know  him  to  be  as  double  and  deceitful  as  any 
man  I  ever  met  with.  But  we  have  done 

I  with  him,  I  hope,  for  ever.     His  removal  has 

I 1  believe  been  meditated  ever  since  the  death 
of  the   princess  dowager.     For  I  recollect, 
that  on  my  complaining  of  him  about  that 

I  time  to  a  friend  at  court,  whom  you  may 
guess,  he  told  me,  we  Americans  were  repre 
sented  by  Hillsborough  as  an  unquiet  people, 
not  easily  satisfied  with  any  ministry,  that 
however  it  was  thought  too  much  occasion 
had  been  given  us  to  dislike  the  present :  and 
asked  me,  whether,  if  he  should  be  removed 
I  could  name  another  likely  to  be  more  ac 
ceptable  to  us.  I  said,  yes,  there  is  lord  Dart 
mouth  :  we  liked  him  very  well  when  he  was 
at  the  head  of  the  board  formerly,  and  proba 
bly  should  like  him  again.  This  I  heard  no 
more  of,  but  I  am  pretty  sure  it  was  reported 
where  I  could  wish  it,  though  I  know  not  that 
it  had  any  effect. 

"  As  to  my  situation  here,  nothing  can  be 
more  agreeable,  especially  as  I  hope  for  less 
embarrassment  from  the  new  minister.  A 
general  respect  paid  me  by  the  learned,  a 
number  of  friends  and  acquaintance  among 
them  with  whom  I  have  a  pleasing  inter 
course  ;  a  character  of  so  much  weight  that 
it  has  protected  me  when  some  in  power  would 
have  done  me  injury,  and  continued  me  in  an 
office  they  would  have  deprived  me  of;  my 
company  is  so  much  desired  that  I  seldom 
dine  at  home  in  winter,  and  could  spend  the 
whole  summer  in  the  country  houses  of  inviting 

j  friends  if  I  chose  it  Learned  and  ingenious 
foreigners  that  come  to  England,  almost  all 
make  a  point  of  visiting  me,  for  my  reputation 
is  still  higher  abroad  than  here ;  several  of  the 
foreign  ambassadors  have  assiduously  culti 
vated  my  acquaintance,  treating  me  as  one 
of  their  corps,  partly  I  believe  from  the  de 
sire  they  have  from 'time  to  time  of  hearing 
something  of  American  affairs,  an  object  be 
come  of  importance  in  foreign  courts,  who 
begin  to  hope  Britain's  alarming  power  will 
be  diminished  by  the  defection  of  her  colonies ; 
and  partly  that  they  may  have  an  opportunity 
of  introducing  me  to  the  gentlemen  of  their 
country  who  desire  it.  The  king  too  has 


273 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN. 


lately  been  heard  to  speak  of  me  with  great 
regard.  These  are  flattering-  circumstances, 
but  a  violent  longing  for  home  sometimes 
seizes  me,  which  I  can  no  otherways  subdue 
but  by  promising  myself  a  return  next  spring 
or  next  fall,  and  so  forth.  As  to  returning 
hither,  if  I  once  go  back  I  have  no  thoughts 
of  it.  I  am  too  far  advanced  in  life  to  pro 
pose  three  voyages  more.  I  have  some  im 
portant  affairs  to  settle  at  home,  and  consider 
ing  my  double  expenses  here  and  there,  I 
hardly  think  my  salaries  fully  compensate  the 
disadvantages.  The  late  change  however  be 
ing  thrown  into  the  balance  determines  me  to 
stay  another  winter. 

"  P.  S.  August  22.  I  find  I  omitted  con 
gratulating  you  on  the  honour  of  your  elec 
tion  into  the  Society  for  propagating  the  Gos 
pel.  There  you  match  indeed  my  Dutch 
honour.  But  you  are  again  behind,  for  last 
night  I  received  a  letter  from  Paris  of  which 
the  inclosed  is  an  extract,  acquainting  me 
that  I  am  chosen  Associe  etranger  (foreign 
member)  of  the  Royal  Academy  there.  There 
are  but  eight  of  these  Associes  etrangers  in 
all  Europe,  and  those  of  the  most  distinguish 
ed  names  for  science.  The  vacancy  I  have 
the  honour  of  filling,  was  made  by  the  death 
of  the  late  celebrated  M.  Van  Swieten  of  Vi 
enna.  This  mark  of  respect  from  the  first 
academy  in  the  world,  which  abbe  Nolet,  one 
of  its  members,  took  so  much  pains  to  preju 
dice  against  my  doctrines,  I  consider  as  a 
kind  of  victory  without  ink  shed,  since  I  never 
answered  him.  I  am  told  he  has  but  one  of 
his  sect  now  remaining  in  the  academy.  All 
the  rest  who  have  in  any  degree  acquainted 
themselves  with  electricity,  are,  as  he  calls 
them,  Franklinists.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Joseph  Galloway. 

"  LONDON,  August  22,  1772. 

"DEAR  FRIEND, — I  acknowledged  before 
the  receipt  of  your  favour  of  May  14,  since 
which  I  have  no  line  from  you.  It  will  be  a 
pleasure  to  render  any  service  to  Mr.  Tilgh- 
man  whom  you  recommended. 

"  The  acts  passed  in  your  winter  and  spring 
sessions  I  have  not  yet  received,  nor  have  1 
heard  from  Mr.  Wilraot  that  they  have  been 
presented. 

"  Lord  Hillsborough,  mortified  by  the  com 
mittee  of  council's  approbation  of  our  grant,  in 
opposition  to  his  report,  has  resigned.  I  be 
lieve  when  he  offered  to  do  so,  he  had  such  an 
opinion  of  his  importance  that  he  did  not  think 
it  would  be  accepted;  and  that  it  would  be 
thought  prudent  rather  to  set  our  grant  aside 
than  part  with  him.  His  colleagues'  in  the 
ministry  were  all  glad  to  get  rid  of  him,  and 
perhaps  for  this  reason  joined  more  readily  in 
giving  him  that  mortification.  Lord  Dart 


mouth  succeeds  him,  who  has  much  more  fa 
vourable  dispositions  towards  the  colonies. 
He  has  heretofore  expressed  some  personal 
regard  for  me,  and  I  hope  now  to  find  our  bu 
siness  with  the  board  more  easy  to  transact. 

"Your  observations  on  the  state  of  the 
Islands  did  riot  come  to  hand  till  after  lord 
Rochford  had  withdrawn  his  petition.  His 
lordship  and  the  promoters  of  it  were  so  roast 
ed  on  the  occasion,  that  I  believe  another  of 
the  kind  will  not  very  soon  be  thought  of! 
The  proprietor  was  at  the  expense  of  the  op 
position,  and  as  I  knew  it  would  not  be  neces 
sary,  and  thought  it  might  be  inconvenient  to 
our  affairs,  I  did  not  openly  engage  in  it,  but  I 
gave  some  private  assistance  that  I  believe 
was  not  without  effect ;  I  think  too  that  Mr. 
Jackson's  opinion  was  of  great  service.  I 
would  lodge  a  copy  of  your  paper  in  the  plant 
ation  office  against  any  similar  future  applica 
tions  if  you  approve  of  it.  1  only  think  the 
Island  holders  make  too  great  a  concession  to 
the  crown,  when  they  suppose  it  may  have  a 
right  to  quit-rent.  It  can  have  none  in  my 
opinion  on  the  old  grants  from  Indians, 
Swedes,  and  Dutch,  where  none  was  reserved. 
And  I  think  those  grants  so  clearly  good  as  to 
need  no  confirmation :  to  obtain  which  I  sup 
pose  is  the  only  motive  for  offering  such  quit- 
rent  I  imagine  too,  that  it  may  not  be  amiss 
to  affix  a  caveat  in  the  plantation  office  in  the 
behalf  of  holders  of  property  in  those  Islands, 
against  any  grant  of  them  that  may  be  ap 
plied  for,  till  they  have  had  timely  notice,  and 
an  opportunity  of  being  fully  heard.  Mr. 
Jackson  is  out  of  town,  but  I  shall  confer  with 
him  on  the  subject  as  soon  as  he  returns. 

"  I  am  ever,  my  dear  friend,  yours  most  af 
fectionately,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  same. 

"  LONDON,  Dec.  2,  1772. 

"DEAR  FRIEND, — I  am  glad  you  are  re 
turned  again  to  a  seat  in  the  assembly,  where 
your  abilities  are  so  useful  and  necessary  in 
the  service  of  your  country.  We  must  not  in 
the  course  of  public  life  expect  immediate  ap 
probation  and  immediate  grateful  acknow 
ledgment  of  our  services.  But  let  us  persevere 
through  abuse  and  even  injury.  The  internal 
satisfaction  of  a  good  conscience  is  always 
present,  and  time  will  do  us  justice  in  the  minds 
of  the  people,  even  those  at  present  the  most 
prejudiced  against  us. 

"  I  have  given  Dr.  Denormandie  a  recom 
mendation  to  a  friend  in  Geneva,  for  which 
place  he  set  out  this  morning ;  and  I  shall  be 
glad  of  any  opportunity  of  serving  him  when 
he  returns  to  London.  I  see  by  the  Pennsyl 
vania  Gazette,  of  October  21,  that  you  are 
continued  speaker,  and  myself  agent,  but  I 
have  no  line  from  you  or  the  committee  rela- 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


279 


tive  to  instructions.  Perhaps  I  shall  hear  from 
you  by  Falconer.  I  find  myself  upon  very 
good  terms  with  our  new  minister,  lord  Dart 
mouth,  who  we  have  reason  to  think  means 
well  to  the  colonies.  I  believe  all  are  now 
sensible  that  nothing  is  to  be  got  by  contest 
ing  with  or  oppressing  us.  Two  circum 
stances  have  diverted  me  lately.  One  was, 
that  being  at  the  court  of  exchequer  on  some 
business  of  my  own,  I  there  met  with  one  of 
the  commissioners  of  the  stamp  office,  who 
told  me  he  attended  with  a  memorial  from 
that  board,  to  be  allowed  in  their  accounts 
the  difference  between  their  expense  in  en 
deavouring  to  establish  those  offices  in  Ameri 
ca,  and  the  amount  of  what  they  received, 
which  from  Canada  and  the  West  India 
islands  was  but  about  fifteen  hundred  pout  id. .v, 
while  the  expense,  if  I  remember  right,  was 
above  twelve  thousand  pounds,  being  for 
stamps  and  stamping,  with  paper  and  parch 
ment  returned  upon  their  hands,  freight,  &c. 
The  other  is  the  present  difficulties  of  the 
India  company  and  of  government  on  their 
account.  The  company  have  accepted  bills 
which  they  find  themselves-  unable  to  pay, 
though  they  have  the  value  of  two  millions  in 
tea  and  other  India  goods  in  their  stores, 
perishing  under  a  want  of  demand.  Their 
credit  thus  suffering,  and  their  stock  falling 
one  hundred  and  twenty  per  cent.,  whereby 
the  government  will  lose  the  four  hundred 
thousand  pounds  per  annum,  it  having  been 
stipulated  that  it  should  no  longer  be  paid  if 
the  dividend  fell  to  that  mark.  And  although 
it  is  known  that  the  American  market  is  lost 
by  continuing  the  duty  on  tea,  and  that  we 
are  supplied  by  the  Dutch,  who  doubtless  take 
the  opportunity  of  smuggling  other  India 
goods  among  us  with  the  tea,  so  that  for  the 
five  years  past  we  might  probably  have  other 
wise  taken  off  the  greatest  part  of  what  the 
company  have  on  hand,  and  so  have  prevented 
their  present  embarrassment,  yet  the  honour 
of  government  is  supposed  to  forbid  the  repeal 
of  the  American  tea  duty ;  while  the  amount 
of  all  the  duties  goes  on  decreasing,  so  that 
the  balance  of  this  year  does  not  (as  I  have  it 
from  good  authority)  exceed  eighty  pounds, 
after  paying  the  collection ;  not  reckoning  the 
immense  expense  of  guarda  costas,  &c.  Can 
an  American  help  smiling  at  these  blunders  ? — 
though  in  a  national  light  they  are  truly  de 
plorable. 

"  With  the  sincerest  esteem  and  inviolable 
attachment,  I  am,  my  dear  friend,  ever  most 
affectionately  yours,  *  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Thomas  Gushing. 


LONDON,  Dec.  2,  1772. 


"  SIR, — The  above  is  a  copy  of  my  last.    A 
few  days  after  my  leaving  your  petition  with 


|  lord  Dartmouth,  his  lordship  sent  for  me  to 
|  discourse  with  me  upon  it.     After  a  long  au- 
I  dience,  lie  was  pleased  to  say,  that  notwith- 
I  standing  all  I  had  said  or  could  say,  in  support 
I  and  justification  of  the  petition,  he  was  sure 
i  the  presenting  it  at  this  time  could  not  pos 
sibly  produce  any  good :  that  the  king  would 
be  exceedingly  ofiended,  but  what  steps  his 
majesty  would  take  upon  it  was  uncertain ; 
perhaps  he  would  require  the  opinion  of  the 
judges  or  government  lawyers,  which  would 
surely  be  against  us ;  perhaps  he  might  lay  it 
before  parliament,  and  so  the  censure  of  both 
houses  would  be  drawn  down  upon  us:  the 
most  favourable  thing  to  be  expected  was,  a 
severe  reprimand  to  the  assembly,  by  order 
of  his  majesty,  the  natural   consequence  of 
which  must  be  more  discontent  and  uneasi 
ness  in  the  province.  That  possessed  as  he  was 
with  great  good  will  for  New  England,  he  was 
extremely  unwilling  that  one  of  the  first  acts 
of  his  administration,  with  regard  to  the  Massa 
chusetts,  should  be  of  so  unpleasant  a  nature. 
That  minds  had  been  heated  and  irritated  on 
both  sides  the  water,  but  he  hoped  those  heats 
were  now  cooling,  and  he  was  averse  to  the 
addition  of  fresh  fuel ;  that  as  I  had  delivered 
the  petition  to  him  officially,  he  must  present 
it  if  I  insisted  upon  it ;  but  he  wished  I  would 
first  consult  my  constituents,  who  might  pos 
sibly,  on  reconsideration,  think  fit  to  order  its 
being  deierred.     I  answered  that  the  great 
majority  with  which  the  petition  and  the  re 
solves  on  which  it  was  founded  were  carried 
through  the  house,  made  it  scarce  expectable 
that  their  order  would   be  countermanded; 
that  the  slighting,  evading,  or  refusing  to  re 
ceive  petitions  from  the  colonies,  on  some  late 
occasions  by  the  parliament,  had  occasioned  a 
total  loss  of  the  respect  for  and  confidence  in 
that  body,  formerly  subsisting  so  strongly  in 
America,  and   brought  on  a  questioning  of 
their  authority :  that  his  lordship  might  ob 
serve  that  petitions  came  no  more  from  thence 
to  parliament,  but  to  the  king  only  :  that  the 
king  appeared  now  to  be  the  only  connexion 
between  the  two  countries;  and   that  as  a 
continued  union  was  essentially  necessary  to 
the  well  being  of  the  whole  empire,  I  should 
be  sorry  to  see  that  link  weakened,  as  the 
other  had  been ;  that  I  thought  it  a  dangerous 
thinof  for  any  government  to  refuse  receiving 
petitions,  and  thereby  prevent  the  subjects 
from  giving  vent  to  their  griefs.  His  lordship 
interrupted  me  by  replying,  that  he  did  not 
refuse  to  deliver  the  petition ;  that  it  should 
never  justly  be   said  of  him,  that  he   inter 
rupted  the  complaints  of  his  majesty's  sub 
jects  ;  and  that  he  must  and  would  present  it. 
as  he  had   said  before,   whenever  I  should 
absolutely  require  it ;  but  for  motives  of  pure 
good  will  to  the  province,  he  wished  me  not 
to  insist  on  it  till  I  should  receive  fresh  or 
ders.     Finally,  considering  that  since  the  pe- 


289 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


tition  was  ordered,  there  had  been  a  change  j  bly  he  might  not  always  think  with  them  as 
in  the  American  administration,  that  the  pre- 1  to  the  means  of  obtaining  that  end.  That  the 
sent  minister  was  our  friend  in  the  repeal  of  j  heads  of  complaint  in  your  letter  were  many, 


the  stamp  act,  and  seems  still  to  have  good 
dispositions  towards  us ;  that  you  had  mention 
ed  to  me  the  probability  that  the  house  would 
have  remonstrated  on  all  their  other  griev 
ances,  had  not  their  time  been  taken  up  with 
the  difficult  business  of  a  general  valuation  ; 
and  since  the  complaint  of  this  petition  was 
likely  alone  to  give  offence,  it  might  perhaps 
be  judged  advisable  to  give  the  substance  of 
all  our  complaints  at  once,  rather  than  in 
parts,  and  after  a  reprimand  received ;  I  say, 
upon  the  whole,  I  thought  it  best  not  to  dis 
oblige  him  in  the  beginning  of  his  adminis 
tration,  by  refusing  him  what  he  seemed  so 
desirous  of,  a  delay  at  least  in  presenting  the 
petition,  till  farther  directions  should  be  re 
ceived  from  my  constituents.  If  after  delibera 
tion  they  should  send  me  fresh  orders  I  shall 
immediately  obey  them,  and  the  application  to 
the  crown  itself  may  possibly  derive  greater 
weight,  from  the  reconsideration  given  it, 
while  the  temper  of  the  house  may  be  some 
what  calmed  by  the  removal  of  a  minister 
who  had  rendered  himself  so  obnoxious  to 
them.  Accordingly  I  consented  to  the  delay 
desired,  wherein  I  hope  my  conduct  will  not 
be  disapproved. 

"  With  the  greatest  esteem  and  respect,  I 
have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  your  and  the  com 
mittee's  most  obedient  and  most  humble  ser 
vant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


some  of  them  requiring  much  consideration, 
and  therefore  it  could  scarce  be  expected 
that  a  sudden  change  should  be  made  in  so 
many  measures,  supposing  them  all  improper 
to  be  continued,  which  perhaps  might  not  be 
the  case.  It  was  however  his  opinion,  that  if 
the  Americans  continued  quiet,  and  gave  no 
fresh  offence  to  government,  those  measures 
would  be  reconsidered,  and  such  relief  given 
as  upon  consideration  should  be  thought  rea 
sonable.  I  need  not  remark  that  there  is  not 
much  in  such  general  discourse,  but  I  could 
then  obtain  nothing  more  particular,  except 
that  his  lordship  expressed  in  direct  terms  his 
disapprobation  of  the  instruction  for  exempt 
ing  the  colonies  from  taxation:  which  how 
ever  was,  as  he  said,  in  confidence  to  me,  re 
lying  that  no  public  mention  should  be  made 
of  his  opinion  on  that  head. 

"  In  the  mean  time,  some  circumstances  arc 
working  in  our  favour  with  regard  to  the  du 
ties.  It  is  found  by  the  last  year's  accounts 
transmitted  by  the  commissioners,  that  the 
balance  in  favour  of  Britain  is  but  about 
eight-five  pounds,  after  payment  of  salaries, 
&c.  exclusive  of  the  charge  of  a  fleet  to  en 
force  the  collection.  Then  it  is  observed,  that 
the  India  company  is  so  out  of  cash,  that  it 
cannot  pay  the  bills  drawn  upon  it,  and  its 
other  debts,  and  at  the  same  time  so  out  of 
credit,  that  the  bank  does  not  care  to  assist 
them,  whence  they  find  themselves  obliged  to 
lower  their  dividend ;  the  apprehension  of 
which  has  sunk  their  stock  from  two  hundred 
and  eighty  to  one  hundred  and  sixty,  whereby 
several  millions  of  property  are  annihilated, 
occasioning  private  bankruptcies  and  other 
distress,  besides  a  loss  to  the  public  treasury 
of  four  hundred  thousand  pounds  per  annum, 
which  the  company  are  not  to  pay  into  it  as 
heretofore,  if  they  are  not  able  to  keep  up 
their  dividend  at  twelve  and  a-half.  And  as 
they  have  at  the  same  time  tea,  and  other  In 
dia  goods  in  their  warehouses,  to  the  amount 
of  four  millions,  as  some  say,  for  which  they 
want  a  market,  and  which,  if  it  had  been  sold, 
would  have  kept  up  their  credit,  I  take  the 
opportunity  of  remarking  in  all  companies  the 
great  imprudence  of  losing  the  American 
market,  by  keeping  up  the  duty  on  tea,  which 
has  thrown  that  trade  into  the  hands  of  the 
Dutch,  Danes,  Swedes,  and  French,  who  ac 
cording  to  the  reports  and  letters  of  some  cus 
tom-house  officers  in  America,  now  supply  by 
smuggling  the  whole  continent,  not  with  tea 
only,  but  accompany  that  article  with  other 
India  goods,  amounting  as  supposed  in  the 
whole  to  five  hundred  thousand  pounds  ster 
ling  per  annum.  This  gives  some  alarm,  and 

had  the  best  disposition  towards  them,  for  he  |  begins  to  convince  people  more  and  more  of 
wished  sincerely  their  welfare,  though  possi-  ]  the  impropriety  of  quarrelling  with  America, 


To  the  same.  {Private.} 

"  LONDON,  Jan.  5,  1773. 

';Sm, — I  did  myself  the  honour  of  writing  to 
you  on  the  2d  of  December  past,  inclosing 
some  original  letters  from  persons  in  Boston, 
which  I  hope  got  safe  to  hand.  I  have  since 
received  your  favour  of  October  27,  which 
containing  in  a  small  compass  so  full  an  enu 
meration  of  our  grievances,  the  steps  neces 
sary  to  remove  them,  and  the  happy  effects 
that  must  follow,  I  thought  that  though  mark 
ed  private,  it  might  be  of  use  to  communicate 
it  to  lord  Dartmouth,  the  rather  too,  as  he 
would  there  find  himself  occasionally  men 
tioned  with  proper  respect,  and  learn  that  his 
character  was  esteemed  in  the  colonies.  Ac 
cordingly  I  wrote  him  a  few  lines,  and  in 
closed  it  a  day  or  two  before  I  was  to  wait  on 
his  lordship,  that  he  might  have  a  little  time 
to  consider  the  contents.  When  I  next  at 
tended  him,  he  returned  me  the  letter  with 
great  complaisance  in  his  countenance,  said 
he  was  glad  to  find  that  people  in  America 
were  disposed  to  think  so  favourably  of  him ; 
that  they  did  him  but  justice  in  believing  he 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


281 


who  at  that  rate  might  have  taken  off  two 
millions  and  a  half  of  those  goods  within  these 
five  years  that  the  combination  has  subsisted, 
if  the  duty  had  not  been  laid,  or  had  been 
speedily  repealed. 

"  But  our  great  security  lies,  I  think,  in  our 
growing  strength,  both  in  numbers  and  wealth, 
that  creates  an  increasing  ability  of  assisting 
this  nation  in  its  wars,  which  will  make  us 
more  respectable,  our  friendship  more  valued, 
and  our  enmity  feared,  thence  it  will  soon  be 
thought  proper  to  treat  us  riot  with  justice 
only,  but  with  kindness,  and  thence  we  may 
expect  in  a  few  years  a  total  change  of  mea 
sures  with  regard  to  us ;  unless  by  a  neglect 
of  military  discipline  we  should  lose  all  mar 
tial  spirit,  and  our  western  people  become  as 
tame  as  those  in  the  eastern  dominions  of  Bri 
tain,  when  we  may  expect  the  same  oppres 
sions,  for  there  is  much  truth  in  the  Italian 
saying,  Make  yourselves  sheep  and  the  wolves 
will  eat  you.  In  confidence  of  this  coming 
change  in  our  favour,  I  think  our  prudence  is 
meanwhile  to  be  quiet,  only  holding  up  our 
rights  and  claims  on  all  occasions  in  resolu 
tions,  memorials,  and  remonstrances ;  but  bear 
ing  patiently  the  little  present  notice  that  is 
taken  of  them.  They  will  all  have  their 
weight  in  time,  and  that  time  is  at  no  great 
distance. 

"  With  the  greatest  esteem,  I  have  the  ho 
nour  to  be,  sir,  your  most  obedient  and  most 
humble  servant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Governor  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  February  14,  1773. 

"  DEAR  SON, — The  opposition  are  now  at 
tacking  the  ministry  on  the  St.  Vincent's  af 
fair,  which  is  generally  condemned  here,  and 
some  think  lord  Hillsborough  will  be  given 
up,  as  the  adviser  of  that  expedition.  But  if 
it  succeeds  perhaps  all  will  blow  over.  The 
ministry  are  more  embarrassed  with  the  India 
affairs ;  the  continued  refusal  of  North  Ameri 
ca  to  take  tea  from  hence,  has  brought  infinite 
distress  on  the  company :  they  imported  great 
quantities  in  faith  that  the  agreement  could 
not  hold;  and  now  they  can  neither  pay 
their  debts  nor  dividends,  their  stock  has  sunk 
to  the  annihilating  near  three  millions  of  their 
property,  and  government  will  lose  its  four  hun 
dred  thousand  pounds  a-year  ;  while  their  teas 
lie  on  hand :  the  bankruptcies  brought  on  partly 
by  this  means  have  given  such  a  shock  to 
credit  as  has  not  been  experienced  here  since 
the  South  Sea  year.  And  this  has  affected 
the  great  manufactures  so  much,  as  to  oblige 
them  to  discharge  their  hands,  and  thousands 
of  Spitalfields  and  Manchester  weavers  are 
now  starving,  or  subsisting  on  charity.  Bless 
ed  effects  of  pride,  pique,  and  passion  in  go 
vernment,  which  should  have  no  passions. 
"Yours,  B.  FRANKLIN." 

VOL.  I. ...  2  N  24* 


Thomas  Gushing. 


"  LONDON,  March  9,  1773. 

"  SIR,— I  did  myself  the  honour  of  writing 
to  you  the  2d  of  December  and  the  5th  Janu 
ary  past.  Since  which  I  have  received  your 
favour  of  November  28,  inclosing  the  votes 
and  proceedings  of  the  town  of  Boston,  which 
I  have  reprinted  here,  with  a  preface.  Here 
with  I  send  you  a  few  copies. 

"  Governor  Hutchinson's  speech  at  the  open 
ing  of  your  January  session,  has  been  printed 
and  industriously  circulated  here  by  (as  I 
think)  the  ministerial  people,  which  I  take  to 
be  no  good  sign.  The  assembly's  answer  to 
it  is  not  yet  arrived,  and  in  the  mean  while  it 
seems  to  make  impression  on  the  minds  of 
many  not  well  acquainted  with  the  dispute. 
The*  tea  duty  however  is  under  the  consider 
ation  of  parliament,  for  a  repeal  on  the  peti 
tion  from  the  East  India  company,  and  no  new 
measures  have  been  talked  of  against  America, 
is  likely  to  be  taken  during  the  present  ses 
sion;  I  was  therefore  preparing  to  return 
home  by  the  spring  ships,  but  have  been  ad 
vised  by  our  friends  to  stay  till  the  session  is 
over :  as  the  commission  sent  to  Rhode  Island, 
and  discontents  in  your  province,  with  the 
correspondence  of  the  towns,  may  possibly 
give  rise  to  something  here,  when  my  being 
on  the  spot  may  be  of  use  to  our  country.  I 
conclude  to  stay  a  little  longer.  In  the  mean 
time  I  must  hope  that  great  care  will  be  taken 
to  keep  our  people  quiet,  since  nothing  is 
more  wished  for  by  our  enemies  than  that  by 
insurrections  we  should  give  a  good  pretence 
for  increasing  the  military  among  us,  and  put 
ting  us  under  more  severe  restraints.  And  it 
must  be  as  evident  that  by  our  rapidly  increas 
ing  strength  we  shall  soon  become  of  so  much 
importance,  that  none  of  our  just  claims  of 
privilege  will  be  as  heretofore  unattended  to, 
nor  any  security  we  can  wish  for  our  rights 
be  denied  us. 

"  With  great  respect  I  have  the  honour  to 
be,  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 
"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  same.     (Private.) 

"  LONDON,  April  3,  1773. 

"  SIR, — My  last  was  of  the  9th  past,  since 
which  nothing  material  has  occurred  relating 
to  the  colonies.  The  assembly's  answer  to 
governor  Hutchinson's  speech  is  not  yet  come 
over,  but  I  find  that  even  his  friends  here  are 
apprehensive  of  some  ill  consequences,  from 
his  forcing  the  assembly  into  that  dispute; 
and  begin  to  say  it  was  not  prudently  done, 
though  they  believe  it  meant  well.  I  inclose 
you  two  newspapers  in  which  it  is  mentioned. 
Lord  Dartmouth  the  other  day  expressed  his 
wish  to  me,  that  some  means  could  be  fallen 
upon  to  heal  the  breach.  I  took  the  freedom 


282 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


to  tell  him,  that  he  could  do  much  in  it  if  he 
would  exert  himself;  I  think  I  see  signs  of 
relenting-  in  some  others.  The  bishop  of  St. 
Asaph's  sermon  before  the  society  for  propa 
gating  the  gospel  is  much  talked  of,  for  its 
catholic  spirit  and  favourable  sentiments  re 
lating  to  the  colonies.  I  will  endeavour  to  get 
a  copy  to  send  you. 

"  With  great  esteem  and  respect,  I  have 
the  honour  to  be,  sir,  your  most  obedient  and 
most  humble  servant, 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


Governor  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  April  6,  1773. 


gone  from  New  Jersey  to  the  more  southern 
colonies. 

"  The  parliament  is  like  to  sit  till  the  end 
of  June,  as  Mr.  Cooper  tells  me.  I  had 
thoughts  of  returning  home  about  that  time. 
The  Boston  assembly's  answer  to  the  gover 
nor's  speech,  which  I  have  just  received,  may 
possibly  produce  something  here  to  occasion 
my  longer  stay. 

"  I  am  your  affectionate  father, 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


Thomas  Gushing.     (Private.} 

"  LONDON,  May  6, 1773. 


SIR, — I  have  received  none  of  your  favours 
"  DEAR  SON, — I  received  yours  of  Febru- 1  since  that  of  November  28.      I  have  since 
ary  2,  with  the  papers  of  information  that  ac-   written  to  you  of  the  following  dates,  Decem- 
company  it.  {  ber  2,  January  5,  March  9,  and  April  3,  which 

"  I  have  sent  to  Mr.  Galloway  one  of  the  j  I  hope  got  safe  to  hand. 

bishop  of  St.  Asaph's  sermons  for  your  society  ;  »  The  council  and  assembly's  answer  to 
for  propogating  the  gospel.  I  would  have  '  governor  Hutchinson's  speech  I  caused  to  be 
sent  you  one,  but  you  will  receive  it  of  course  |  printed  here  as  soon  as  I  received  them.  His 
as  a  member.  It  contains  such  liberal  and  '  reply  I  see  since  printed  also,  but  their  re- 
generous  sentiments  relating  to  the  conduct  j  joinder  is  not  yet  come.  If  he  intended  by 
of  government  here  towards  America,  that  reviving  that  dispute  to  recommend  himself, 
sir  J.  P.  says  it  was  written  in  compliment  to  j  he  has  greatly  missed  his  aim ;  for  the  admi- 
me.  But  from  the  intimacy  of  friendship  in  nistration  are  chagrined  with  his  officiousness, 
which  I  live  with  the  author,  I  know  he  has  j  their  intention  having  been  to  let  all  conten- 
expressed  nothing  but  what  he  thinks  and  j  tion  subside,  and  by  degrees  suffer  matters  to 
feels ;  and  I  honour  him  the  more,  that  through  |  return  to  the  old  channel.  They  are  now 
the  mere  hope  of  doing  good  he  has  hazarded  ;  embarrassed  by  his  proceedings ;  for  if  they 
the  displeasure  of  the  court,  and  of  course  the  j  lay  the  governor's  despatches,  containing  the 
prospect  of  further  preferment.  Possibly  in- 1  declaration  of  the  general  court  before  parlia- 
deed  the  ideas  of  the  court  may  change ;  lor  >  ment,  they  apprehend  measures  may  be  taken 
I  think  I  see  some  alarms  at  the  discontents  in  j  that  will  widen  the  breach ;  which  would  be 
New  England,  and  some  appearance  of  soft-  i  more  particularly  inconvenient  at  this  time, 
ening  in  the  disposition  of  government,  on  the  !  when  the  disturbed  state  of  Europe  gives 
idea  that  matters  have  been  carried  too  far  !  some  apprehensions  of  a  general  war  ;  on  the 
there.  But  all  depends  upon  circumstances  I  other  hand,  if  they  do  not  lay  them  before 
and  events.  We  govern  from  hand  to  mouth,  parliament  they  give  advantage  to  opposition 
There  seems  to  be  no  wise  regular  plan.  j  against  themselves  on  some  future  occasion. 
"  I  saw  lord  Dartmouth  about  two  weeks  :  in  a  charge  of  criminal  neglect.  Some  say 
since.  He  mentioned  nothing  to  me  of  your  j  he  must  be  a  fool,  others  that  through  some 
application  for  additional  salary,  nor  did  I  to  ;  misinformation  he  really  supposed  lord  Hills- 
him,  for  I  do  not  like  it.  I  fear  it  will  embroil  \  borough  to  be  again  in  office, 
you  with  your  people.  ';  Yesterday  I  had  a  conversation  with  lord 

"  While  I  am  writing  comes  to  hand  yours  '  D.  of  which  I  think  it  right  to  give  you  some 
of  March  2.  My  letter  by  the  October  packet  |  account.  On  my  saying  that  I  had  no  late 
must  have  been  sent  as  usual  to  the  office  by  advices  from  Boston,  and  asking  if  his  lord- 
the  bell-man.  That  being,  as  you  inform  me,  shin  had  any,  he  said,  none  since  the  gover- 


rubbed  open  as  some  of  yours  to  me  have 
been,  gives  an  additional  circumstance  of  pro 
bability  to  the  conjecture  made  in  mine  of  De 
cember  2.  For  the  future  I  shall  send  letters 
of  consequence  to  the  office  (when  I  use  the 
packet  conveyance)  by  my  clerk. 

"  Your  accounts  of  the  numbers  of  people, 
births,  burials,  &c.  in  your  province,  will  be 
very  agreeable  to  me,  and  particularly  so  to 
Dr.  Price.  Compared  with  former  accounts, 
they  will  show  the  increase  of  your  people, 
but  not  perfectly,  as  I  think  a  great  many  have 


nor's  second  speech ;  but  what  difficulties  that 
gentleman  has  brought  us  all  into  by  his  im 
prudence  !  though  I  suppose  he  meant  well : 
— yet  what  can  now  be  done  1  It  is  impossible 
that  parliament  can  suffer  such  a  declaration 
of  the  general  assembly,  asserting  its  inde 
pendency,  to  pass  unnoticed.  In  my  opinion, 
said  I,  it  would  be  better  and  more  prudent  to 
take  no  notice  of  it.  It  is  words  only.  Acts 
of  parliament  are  still  submitted  to  there.  No 
force  is  used  to  obstruct  their  execution.  And 
while  that  is  the  case,  parliament  would  do 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


283 


well  to  turn  a  deaf  ear,  and  seem  not  to  know 
that  such  declarations  had  ever  been  made. 
Violent  measures  against  the  province  will 
not  change  the  opinion  cf  the  people.  Force 
could  do  no  good.  I  do  not  know,  said  he, 
that  force  would  be  thought  of;  but  perhaps 
an  act  may  pass  to  lay  them  under  some  in 
conveniences  till  they  rescind  that  declaration. 
Can  they  not  withdraw  it?  I  wish  they  could 
be  persuaded  to  reconsider  the  matter,  and  do 
it  of  themselves  voluntarily,  and  thus  leave 
things  between  us  on  the  old  footing,  the 
points  undiscussed.  Don't  you  think  (con 
tinued  his  lordship)  such  a  thing  possible  ? 
No,  my  lord,  said  I,  I  think  it  is  impossible.  If 
they  were  even  to  wish  matters  back  in  the 
situation  before  the  governor's  speech,  and  the 
dispute  obliterated,  they  cannot  withdraw 
their  answers  till  he  first  withdraws  his 
speech,  which  methinks  would  be  an  awk 
ward  operation,  that  perhaps  he  will  hardly 
be  directed  to  perform.  As  to  an  act  of  par 
liament,  laying  that  country  under  inconveni 
ences,  it  is  likely  that  it  will  only  put  them 
as  heretofore  on  some  method  of  incommoding 
this  country  till  the  act  is  repealed ;  and  so 
we  shall  go  on  injuring  and  provoking  each 
other,  instead  of  cultivating  that  good  will  and 
harmony,  so  necessary  to  the  general  welfare. 
He  said,  that  might  be,  and  he  was  sensible 
our  divisions  must  weaken  the  whole ;  for  we 
are  yet  one  empire,  said  he,  whatever  may  be 
the  sentiments  of  the  Massachusetts  assembly, 
but  he  did  not  see  how  that  could  be  avoided, 
He  wondered,  as  the  dispute  was  now  of  pub 
lic  notoriety,  parliament  had  not  already  called 
for  the  despatches ;  and  he  thought  he  could 
not  omit  much  longer  the  communicating 
them,  however  unwilling  he  was  to  do  it,  from 
his  apprehension  of  the  consequences.  But 
what  (his  lordship  was  pleased  to  say)  if  you 
were  in  my  place,  would  or  could  you  do  ? 
Would  you  hazard  the  being  called  to  account 
in  some  future  session  of  parliament,  for  keep 
ing  back  the  communication  of  despatches  of 
such  importance  ?  I  said,  his  lordship  could 
best  judge,  what  in  his  situation  was  fittest  for 
him  to  do ;  I  could  only  give  my  poor  opinion 
with  regard  to  parliament,  that  supposing  the 
despatches  laid  before  them,  they  would  act 
most  prudently  in  ordering  them  to  lie  on  the 
table,  and  take  no  farther  notice  of  them.  For 
were  I  as  much  an  Englishman  as  I  am  an 
American,  and  ever  so  desirous  of  establish 
ing  the  authority  of  parliament,  I  protest  to 
your  lordship,  I  "cannot  conceive  of  a  single 
step  the  parliament  can  take  to  increase  it, 
that  will  not  tend  to  diminish  it;  and  after 
abundance  of  mischief  they  must  finally  lose 
it.  The  loss  in  itself  perhaps  would  not  be  of 
much  consequence,  because  it  is  an  authority 
they  can  never  well  exercise  for  want  of  due 
information  and  knowledge,  and  therefore  it  is 
not  worth  hazarding  the  mischief  to  preserve 


it.  Then  adding  my  wishes  that  I  could  bo 
of  any  service  in  healing  our  differences,  his 
lordship  said,  I  do  not  see  any  thing  of  more 
service  than  prevailing  on  the  general  assem 
bly,  if  you  can  do  it,  to  withdraw  their  an 
swers  to  the  governor's  speech.  There  is  not, 
says  I,  the  least  probability  they  will  ever  do 
that ;  for  the  country  is  all  of  one  mind  upon 
the  subject.  Perhaps  the  governor  may  have 
represented  to  your  lordship,  that  these  are 
the  opinions  of  a  party  only,  and  that  great 
numbers  are  of  different  sentiments  which 
may  in  time  prevail.  But  if  he  does  not  de 
ceive  himself  he  deceives  your  lordship :  for 
in  both  houses,  notwithstanding  the  influence 
appertaining  to  his  office,  there  was  not,  in 
sending  up  those  answers,  a  single  dissenting 
voice.  I  do  not  recollect,  says  his  lordship, 
that  the  governor  has  written  any  thing  of 
that  kind.  I  am  told,  however,  by  gentlemen 
from  that  country,  who  pretend  to  know  it, 
that  there  are  many  of  the  governor's  opinion, 
but  they  dare  not  show  their  sentiments.  I 
never  heard,  said  I,  that  any  one  has  suffered 
violence  for  siding  with  the  governor.  Not 
violence  perhaps,  said  his  lordship,  but  they 
are  reviled  and  held  in  contempt,  and  people 
do  not  care  to  incur  the  disesteem  and  dis 
pleasure  of  their  neighbours.  As  I  knew  go 
vernor  Bernard  had  been  in  with  his  lordship 
just  before  me,  I  thought  he  was  probably 
one  of  these  gentlemen  informants,  and  there 
fore  said,  people  who  are  engaged  in  any  party 
or  have  advised  any  measures  are  apt  to  mag 
nify  the  numbers  of  those  they  would  have 
understood  as  approving  their  measures.  His 
lordship  said  that  was  natural  to  suppose 
might  be  the  present  case ;  for  whoever  ob 
served  the  conduct  of  parties  here,  must  have 
seen  it  a  constant  practice:  and  he  agreed 
with  me,  that  though  a  ncmine  contradicente 
did  not  prove  the  absolute  agreement  of  every 
man  in  the  opinion  voted,  it  at  least  demon 
strated  the  great  prevalence  of  that  opi 
nion. 

"  Thus  ended  our  conference.  I  shall  watch 
this  business  till  the  parliament  rises,  and  en 
deavour  to  make  people  in  general  as  sensible 
of  the  inconveniences  to  this  country  that  may 
attend  a  continuance  of  the  contest,  as  the 
Spitalfields  weavers  seem  already  to  be  in 
their  petition  to  the  king,  which  I  herewith 
send  you.  I  have  already  the  pleasure  to  find 
that  my  friend,  the  bishop  of  St.  Asaph's  ser 
mon,  is  universally  approved  and  applauded, 
which  I  take  to  be  no  bad  symptom. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 

To  the  same. 

"  LONDON,  June  2,  1773. 

"  SIR,— Since  my  last  of  the  6th  past,  I 
have  been  honoured  with  yours  of  March  6 
and  24,  inclosing  a  petition  to  the  king,  and 


284 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


a  letter  to  lord  Dartmouth.  On  considering 
the  whole,  I  concluded  that  a  longer  delay  of 
presenting  the  first  petition  and  remonstrance 
was  not  likely  to  answer  any  good  purpose, 
and  therefore  immediately  waited  on  lord 
Dartmouth,  and  delivered  to  him  the  letter, 
and  the  second  petition,  at  the  same  time  re- 
delivering  the  first,  and  pressed  his  lordship 
to  present  them  to  his  majesty,  which  he  pro 
mised  to  do.  Inclosed  I  send  you  the  answer 
I  have  just  received  from  him,  as  this  day's 
packet  (the  mail  for  which  is  to  be  made  up 
and  despatched  in  a  few  hours)  is  the  earliest 
opportunity,  the  ships  for  Boston  not  being  to 
sail  till  the  beginning  of  next  week.  By  one 
of  them  I  shall  send  a  copy,  with  what  obser 
vations  occur  to  me  on  the  occasion,  which 
the  time  will  not  now  permit  me  to  write.  In 
the  mean  while  I  would  just  beg  leave  to  say, 
that  I  hope  the  house  will  come  to  no  hasty 
resolves  upon  it.  The  longer  they  deliberate, 
the  more  maturely  they  consider,  the  greater 
weight  will  attend  their  resolutions. 

«  B.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  same. 

"  LONDON,  June  4, 1773. 

"  SIR, — The  above  is  a  copy  of  mine,  per 
packet,  which  inclosed  the  original  of  his  ma 
jesty's  answer  to  our  petitions  and  remon 
strance.  I  now  send  an  exact  copy  of  the 
same,  which  I  did  intend  to  accompany  with 
some  observations,  and  my  sentiments  on  the 
general  state  of  our  affairs  in  this  country, 
and  the  conduct  proper  for  us  to  hold  on  this 
occasion.  But  beginning  to  write,  I  find  the 
matter  too  copious,  and  the  subject  (on  reflec 
tion)  too  important  to  be  treated  of  in  an  hasty 
letter ;  and  being  told  the  ships  sail  to-mor 
row,  I  must  postpone  it  to  another  opportu 
nity. 

"  It  was  thought  at  the  beginning  of  the 
session,  that  the  American  duty  on  tea  would 
be  taken  off.  But  now  the  wise  scheme  is  to 
take  off  so  much  duty  here,  as  will  make  tea 
cheaper  in  America  than  foreigners  can  sup 
ply  us,  and  to  confine  the  duty  there  to  keep 
up  the  exercise  of  the  right.  They  have  no 
idea  that  any  people  can  act  from  any  other 
principle  but  that  of  interest ;  and  they  believe 
that  three  pence  in  a  pound  of  tea,  of  which 
one  does  not  perhaps  drink  ten  pounds  in  a 
year,  is  sufficient  to  overcome  all  the  patriot 
ism  of  an  American. 

"  I  purpose  soon  to  write  to  you  very  fully. 
As  to  the  letters  I  communicated  to  you, 
though  I  have  not  been  able  to  obtain  leave  to 
take  copies  or  publish  them,  I  have  permis 
sion  to  let  the  originals  remain  with  you  as 
long  as  you  may  think  it  of  any  use  to  have 
them  in  possession. 

«  B.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  same. 

"  LONDON,  July  7,  1773. 

"  SIR, — I  thank  you  for  the  pamphlets  you 
have  sent  me,  containing  the  controversy  be 
tween  the  governor  and  the  two  houses.  I 
have  distributed  them  where  I  thought  they 
might  be  of  use.  He  makes  perhaps  as  much 
of  his  argument  as  it  will  bear ;  but  has  the 
misfortune  of  being  on  the  weak  side,  and  so 
is  put  to  shifts  and  quibbles,  and  the  use  of 
much  sophistry  and  artifice,  to  give  plausibi 
lity  to  his  reasonings.  The  council  and  the 
assembly  have  greatly  the  advantage  in  point 
of  fairness,  perspicuity,  and  force.  His  pre 
cedents  of  acts  of  parliament  binding  the  co 
lonies,  and  our  tacit  consent  to  those  acts  are 
all  frivolous.  Shall  a  guardian  who  has  im 
posed  upon,  cheated,  and  plundered  a  minor 
under  his  care,  who  was  unable  to  prevent  it, 
plead  those  impositions  after  his  ward  has  dis 
covered  them,  as  precedents  arid  authorities 
for  continuing  them.  There  have  been  pre 
cedents  time  out  of  mind  for  robbing  on 
Hounslow  heath,  but  the  highwayman  who 
robbed  there  yesterday,  does  nevertheless  de 
serve  hanging. 

"  I  am  glad  to  see  the  resolves  of  the  Vir 
ginia  house  of  burgesses.  There  are  brave 
spirits  among  that  people.  I  hope  their  pro 
posal  will  be  readily  complied  with  by  all  the 
colonies.  It  is  natural  to  suppose  as  you  do, 
that  if  the  oppressions  continue,  a  congress 
may  grow  out  of  that  correspondence.  No 
thing  would  more  alarm  our  ministers ;  but 
if  the  colonies  agree  to  hold  a  congress,  I  do 
not  see  how  it  can  be  prevented. 

"  The  instruction  relating  to  the  exemption 
of  the  commissioners  I  imagine  is  withdrawn; 
perhaps  the  other  also  relating  to  the  agents, 
but  of  that  I  have  heard  nothing.  I  only 
wonder  that  the  governor  should  make  such  a 
declaration  of  his  readiness  to  comply  with  an 
intimation  in  acting  contrary  to  any  instruc 
tions,  if  he  had  not  already,  or  did  not  soon 
expect  a  repeal  of  those  instructions.  I  have 
not  and  shall  never  use  your  name  on  this  or 
any  similar  occasion. 

"  I  note  your  directions  relating  to  public 
and  private  letters,  and  shall  not  fail  to  ob 
serve  them.  At  the  same  time  I  think  all  the 
correspondence  should  be  in  the  speaker's 
power,  to  communicate  such  extracts  only  as 
he  should  think  proper  for  the  house.  It  is 
extremely  embarrassing  to  an  agent,  to  write 
letters  concerning  his  transactions  with  minis 
ters,  which  letters  he  knows  are  to  be  read 
in  the  house  where  there  may  be  governor's 
spies,  who  carry  away  parts,  or  perhaps  take 
copies  that  are  echoed  back  hither  privately ; 
if  they  should  not  be,  as  sometimes  they  are, 
printed  in  the  votes.  It  is  impossible  to  write 
freely  in  such  circumstances,  unless  he  would 
hazard  his  usefulness,  and  put  it  out  of  his 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


285 


power  to  do  his  country  any  farther  service. 
I  speak  this  now,  not  upon  rny  own  account, 
being  about  to  decline  all  public  business,  but 
for  your  consideration  with  regard  to  future 
agents. 

"  And  now  we  speak  of  agents,  I  must 
mention  my  concern  that  I  should  fall  under 
so  severe  a  censure  of  the  house,  as  that  of 
neglect  in  their  business.  1  have  submitted 
to  the  reproof  without  reply  in  my  public 
letter,  out  of  pure  respect.  It  is  not  decent  to 
dispute  a  father's  admonitions.  But  to  you  in 
private,  permit  me  to  observe,  that  as  to  the 
two  things  I  am  blamed  for  not  giving  the 
earliest  notice  of,  viz.  the  clause  in  the  act 
relating  to  dock  yards,  and  the  appointment 
of  salaries  for  the  governor  and  judges;  the 
first  only  seems  to  have  some  foundation.  I 
did  not  know,  but  perhaps  I  ought  to  have 
known,  that  such  a  clause  was  intended. 
And  yet  in  a  parliament,  that  during  the 
whole  session  refused  admission  to  strangers, 
wherein  near  two  hundred  acts  were  passed, 
it  is  not  so  easy  a  matter  to  come  at  the 
knowledge  of  every  clause  in  every  act,  and 
to  give  opposition  to  what  may  affect  one's  con 
stituents  ;  especially  when  it  is  not  uncommon 
to  smuggle  clauses  into  a  bill  whose  title  shall 
give  no  suspicion,  when  an  opposition  to  such 
clauses  is  apprehended.  I  say  this  is  no  easy 
matter.  But  had  I  known  of  this  clause,  it  is 
not  likely  I  could  have  prevented  its  passing 
in  the  present  disposition  of  government  to 
wards  America,  nor  do  I  see  that  my  giving 
earlier  notice  of  its  having  passed  could  have 
been  of  much  service.  As  to  the  other,  con 
cerning  the  governor  and  judges,  I  should 
hardly  have  thought  of  sending  the  house  an 
account  of  it,  if  the  minister  had  mentioned 
it  to  me,  as  I  understood  from  their  first  letter 
to  me,  that  they  had  already  the  best  intelli 
gence  "  of  its  being  determined  by  adminis 
tration  to  bestow  large  salaries  on  the  attor 
ney-general,  judges,  and  governor  of  the  pro 
vince."  I  could  not  therefore  possibly  "  give 
the  first  notice  of  this  impending  evil."  I  an 
swered  however  "  that  there  was  no  doubt  of 
the  intention  of  making  governors,  and  some 
other  officers,  independent  of  the  people  for 
their  support,  and  that  this  purpose  will  be 
persisted  in,  if  the  American  revenue  is  found 
sufficient  to  defray  the  salaries."  This  cen 
sure,  though  grievous,  does  not  so  much  sur 
prise  me,  as  I  apprehended  all  along  from  the 
beginning,  that  between  the  friends  of  an  old 
agent,  my  predecessor,  who  thought  himself 
hardly  used  in  his  dismission,  and  those  of  a 
young  one  impatient  for  the  succession,  my 
situation  was  likely  to  be  a  very  comfortable 
one,  as  my  faults  could  scarce  pass  unob 
served. 

"  I  think  of  leaving  England  in  Septem 
ber.  As  soon  as  possible  after  my  arrival  in 
America,  I  purpose  (God  willing)  to  visit 


Boston,  when  I  hope  to  have  the  pleasure  of 
paying  my  respects  to  you.  I  shall  then  give 
every  information  in  my  power,  and  offer 
every  advice  relating  to  our  affairs,  (not  so 
convenient  to  be  written)  that  my  situation 
here  for  so  many  years  may  enable  me  to  sug 
gest  for  the  benefit  of  our  country.  Some 
time  before  my  departure,  I  shall  put  your 
papers  into  the  hands  of  Mr.  Lee,  and  assist 
him  with  my  counsel  while  I  stay,  where 
there  may  be  any  occasion  for  it.  He  is  a 
gentleman  of  parts  and  ability,  and  though  he 
cannot  exceed  me  in  sincere  zeal  for  the  in 
terest  and  prosperity  of  the  province,  his 
youth  will  easily  enable  him  to  serve  it  with 
more  activity.  '  B.  FRANKLIN." 

To  the  same. 

"  LONDON,  July  7, 1773. 

"Sm, — The  parliament  is  at  length  pro 
rogued,  without  meddling  with  the  state  of 
America.  Their  time  was  much  employed 
in  the  East  India  business:  and  perhaps  it 
was  not  thought  prudent  to  lay  before  them 
the  advices  from  New  England,  though  some 
threatening  intimations  had  been  given  of 
such  an  intention.  The  king's  firm  answer 
(as  it  is  called)  to  our  petitions,  and  remon 
strances,  has  probably  been  judged  sufficient 
for  the  present.  I  forwarded  that  answer  to 
you  by  the  last  packet,  and  sent  a  copy  of  it 
by  a  Boston  ship  the  beginning  of  last  month. 
Therein  we  are  told  '  that  his  majesty  has 
well  weighed  the  subject  matter,  and  the  ex 
pressions  contained  in  those  petitions;  and 
that  as  he  will  ever  attend  to  the  humble  pe 
titions  of  his  subjects,  and  be  forward  to  re 
dress  every  real  grievance,  so  he  is  deter 
mined  to  support  the  constitution,  and  resist 
with  firmness  every  attempt  to  derogate  from 
the  authority  of  the  supreme  legislature.* 

"  By  this  it  seems  that  some  exception  is 
taken  to  the  expressions  of  the  petitions,  as 
not  sufficiently  humble,  that  the  grievances 
complained  of  are  not  thought  real  grievances, 
that  parliament  is  deemed  the  supreme  legis 
lature,  and  its  authority  over  the  colonies 
supposed  to  be  the  constitution.  Indeed  the 
last  idea  is  expressed  more  fully  in  the  next 
paragraph,  where  the  words  of  the  act  are 
used,  declaring  the  right  of  the  crown,  with 
the  advice  of  parliament,  to  make  laws  of  suf 
ficient  force  and  validity  to  bind  its  subjects 
in  America  in  all  cases  whatsoever. 

"  When  one  considers  the  king's  situation, 
surrounded  by  ministers,  counsellors,  and 
judges,  learned  in  the  law,  who  are  all  of  this 
opinion,  and  reflect  how  necessary  it  is  for 
him  to  be  well  with  his  parliament,  from 
whose  yearly  grants  his  fleets  and  armies  are 
to  be  supported,  and  the  deficiencies  of  his 
civil  list  supplied,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at, 
that  he  should  be  firm  in  an  opinion  establish- 


286 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


ed,  as  far  as  an  act  of  parliament  could  esta 
blish  it,  by  even  the  friends  of  America  at  the 
time  they  repealed  the  stamp  act ;  and  which 
is  so  generally  thought  right,  by  his  lords  and 
commons,  that  any  act  of  his,  countenancing 
the  contrary,  would  hazard  his  embroiling 
himself  with  those  powerful  bodies.  And 
from  hence  it  seems  hardly  to  be  expected 
from  him,  that  he  should  take  any  step  of  that 
kind.  The  grievous  instructions  indeed  might 
be  withdrawn  without  their  observing  it,  if 
his  majesty  thought  fit  so  to  do ;  but  under 
the  present  prejudices  of  all  about  him,  it 
seems  that  this  is  not  yet  likely  to  be  ad 
vised. 

"  The  question  then  arises,  how  are  we  to  ob 
tain  redress?  If  we  look  back  into  the  parlia 
mentary  history  of  this  country,  we  shall  find, 
that  in  similar  situations  of  the  subjects  here, 
redress  would  seldom  be  obtained  but  by 
withholding  aids  when  the  sovereign  was  in 
distress,  till  the  grievances  were  removed. 
Hence  the  rooted  custom  of  the  commons  to 
keep  money  bills  in  their  own  disposition,  not 
suffering  even  the  lords  to  meddle  in  grants, 
either  as  to  quantity,  manner  of  raising,  or 
even  in  the  smallest  circumstance.  This 
country  pretends  to  be  collectively  our  sove 
reign.  It  is  now  deeply  in  debt.  Its  funds 
are  far  short  of  recovering  their  par  since  the 
last  war :  another  would  distress  it  still  more. 
Its  people  diminish,  as  well  as  its  credit. 
Men  will  be  wanted  as  well  as  money.  The 
colonies  are  rapidly  increasing  in  wealth  and 
numbers.  In  the  last  war  they  maintained  an 
army  of  twenty-five  thousand.  A  country 
able  to  do  that,  is  no  contemptible  ally.  In 
another  war  they  may  perhaps  do  twice  as 
much  with  equal  ease.  Whenever  a  war 
happens  our  aid  will  be  wished  for,  our  friend 
ship  desired  and  cultivated,  our  good  will 
courted :  then  is  the  time  to  say,  redress  our 
grievances.  You  take  money  from  us  by 
force,  and  now  you  ask  it  of  voluntary  grant. 
You  cannot  have  it  both  ways.  If  you  choose 
to  have  it  without  our  consent,  you  must  go 
on  taking  it  that  way,  and  be  content  with 
what  little  you  can  so  obtain.  If  you  would 
have  our  free  gifts,  desist  from  your  compul 
sive  methods,  and  acknowledge  our  rights, 
and  secure  our  future  enjoyment  of  them. 
Our  claims  will  then  be  attended  to,  and  our 
complaints  regarded.  By  what  I  perceived 
not  long  since,  when  a  war  was  apprehended 
with  Spain,  the  different  countenance  put  on 
by  some  great  men  here,  towards  those  who 
were  thought  to  have  a  little  influence  in 
America,  and  the  language,  that  began  to  be 
held  with  regard  to  the  then  minister  for  the 
colonies,  I  am  confident  that  if  that  war  had 
taken  place  lie  would  have  been  immediately 
dismissed,  all  his  measures  reversed,  and  every 
step  taken  to  recover  our  affection  and  pro 
cure  our  assistance.  Thence  I  think  it  fair 


to  conclude  that  similar  effects  will  probably 
be  produced  by  similar  circumstances. 

"  But  as  the  strength  of  an  empire  depends 
not  only  on  the  union  of  its  parts,  but  on  their 
readiness  for  united  exertion  of  their  common 
force ;  and  as  the  discussion  of  rights  may 
seem  unseasonable  in  the  commencement 
of  actual  war,  and  the  delay  it  might  occasion 
be  prejudicial  to  the  common  welfare:  as 
likewise  the  refusal  of  one  or  a  few  colonies, 
would  not  be  so  much  regarded  if  the  others 
granted  liberally,  which  perhaps  by  various 
artifices  and  motives  they  might  be  prevailed 
on  to  do ;  and  as  this  want  of  concert  would 
defeat  the  expectation  of  general  redress  that 
otherwise  might  be  justly  formed ;  perhaps  it 
would  be  best  and  fairest,  for  the  colonies  in 
a  general  congress  now  in  peace  to  be  as 
sembled,  or  by  means  of  the  correspondence 
lately  proposed,  after  a  full  and  solemn  asser 
tion  and  declaration  of  their  rights,  to  engage 
firmly  with  each  other,  that  they  will  never 
grant  aids  to  the  crown  in  any  general  war, 
till  those  rights  are  recognized  by  the  king 
and  both  houses  of  parliament;  communi 
cating  at  the  same  time  to  the  crown  this 
their  resolution.  Such  a  step  I  imagine  will 
bring  the  dispute  to  a  crisis :  and  whether  our 
demands  are  immediately  complied  with,  or 
compulsory  measures  thought  of  to  make  us 
rescind  them,  our  ends  will  finally  be  ob 
tained,  for  even  the  odium  accompanying- 
such  compulsory  attempts  will  contribute  to 
unite  and  strengthen  us,  and  in  the  mean 
time  all  the  world  will  allow  that  our  pro 
ceeding  has  been  honourable. 

"No  one  doubts  the  advantage  of  a  strict 
union  between  the  mother-country  and  the 
colonies,  if  it  may  be  obtained  and  preserved 
on  equitable  terms.  In  every  fair  connexion 
each  party  should  find  its  own  interest.  Bri 
tain  will  find  hers  in  our  joining  with  her  in 
every  war  she  makes,  to  the  greater  annoy 
ance  and  terror  of  her  enemies ;  in  our  em 
ployment  of  her  manufactures,  and  enriching 
her  merchants  by  our  commerce ;  and  her  go 
vernment  will  feel  some  additional  strength 
ening  of  its  hands,  by  the  disposition  of  our 
profitable  posts  and  places.  On  our  side,  we 
have  to  expect  the  protection  she  can  afford 
us,  and  the  advantage  of  a  common  umpire 
in  our  disputes,  thereby  preventing  wars  we 
might  otherwise  have  with  each  other,  so  that 
we  can  without  interruption  go  on  with  our 
improvements,  and  increase  our  numbers.  We 
ask  no  more  of  her,  and  she  should  not  think 
of  forcing  more  from  us.  By  the  exercise  of 
prudent  moderation  on  her  part,  mixed  with  a 
little  kindness ;  and  by  a  decent  behaviour  on 
ours,  excusing  where  we  can  excuse  from  a 
consideration  of  circumstances,  and  bearing  a 
little  with  the  infirmities  of  her  government, 
as  we  would  with  those  of  an  aged  parent, 
though  firmly  asserting  our  privileges,  and 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


287 


declaring  that  we  mean  at  a  proper  time  to 
vindicate  them,  this  advantageous  union  may 
still  be  long  continued.  We  wish  it,  and  we 
may  endeavour  it,  but  God  will  order  it  as  to 
his  wisdom  shall  seem  most  suitable.  The 
friends  of  liberty  here  wish  we  may  long  pre 
serve  it  on  our  side  the  water,  that  they  may 
find  it  there,  if  adverse  events  should  destroy 
it  here.  They  are  therefore  anxious  and 
afraid  lest  we  should  hazard  it  by  premature 
attempts  in  its  favour.  They  think  we  may 
risk  much  by  violent  measures,  and  that  the 
risk  is  unnecessary,  since  a  little  time  must 
infallibly  bring  us  all  we  demand  or  desire, 
and  bring  it  us  in  peace  and  safety.  I  do  not 
presume  to  advise.  There  are  many  wiser 
men  among  you,  and  I  hope  you  will  be  di 


rected  by  a  still  superior  wisdom. 

With  regard  to  the  sentiments  of  people 


though  it  should  be  unsuccessfully,  1  am  con 
fident  they  will  always  have  it  in  their  in 
clination,  and  some  time  or  other  in  their 
power,  to  make  their  grants  effectual. 

"A  gentleman  of  our  province,  captain 
Calef,  is  come  hither  as  an  agent  for  some 
of  the  eastern  townships,  to  obtain  a  confirm 
ation  of  their  lands.  Sir  Francis  Bernard 
seems  inclined  to  make  use  of  this  person's 
application  for  promoting  a  separation  of  that 
country  from  your  province,  and  making  it  a 
distinct  government ;  to  which  purpose  he 
prepared  a  draft  of  a  memorial  for  Calef  to 
present,  setting  forth  not  only  the  hardship 
of  being  without  security  in  the  property  of 
their  improvements,  but  also  of  the  distress 
of  the  people  there  for  want  of  government ; 


that  they  were  at  too  great  a  distance  from 
the  seat  of  government  in  the  Massachusetts, 

in  general  here,  concerning  America,  I  miist !  to  be  capable  of  receiving  the  benefits  of 
say,  that  we  have  among  them  many  friends,  j  government  from  thence,  and  expressing 
and  well-wishers.  The  dissenters  are  all  for  their  willingness  to  be  separated  and  formed 

into  a  new  province,  &c.  With  this  draft 
sir  Francis  and  Mr.  Calef  came  to  me  to  have 
my  opinion.  1  read  it,  and  observed  to  them, 


us,  and  many  of  the  merchants  and  manufac 
turers.  There  seems  to  be,  even  among  the 
country  gentlemen,  a  general  sense  of  our 
growing  importance,  a  disapprobation  of  the 


harsh  measures  with  which  we  have  been 
treated,  and  a  wish  that  some  means  may  be 
found  of  perfect  reconciliation.  A  few  mem 
bers  of  parliament  in  both  houses,  and  perhaps 
some  in  high  office,  have  in  a  degree  the  same 
ideas,  but  none  of  these  seem  willing  as  yet 
to  be  active  in  our  favour,  lest  adversaries 
should  take  advantage  and  charge  it  upon 
them  as  a  betraying  the  interests  "of  this  na 
tion.  In  this  state  of  things  no  endeavour  of 
mine  or  our  other  friends  here  '  to  obtain  a 
repeal  of  the  acts  so  oppressive  to  the  colo 
nists,  or  the  orders  of  the  crown  so  destructive 
of  the  charter  rights  of  our  province  in  parti 
cular,  can  expect  a  sudden  success.'  By  de 
grees,  and  a  judicious  improvement  of  events, 
we  may  work  a  change  in  minds  and  mea 
sures,  but  otherwise  such  great  alterations 
are  hardly  to  be  looked  for. 

"  I  am  thankful  to  the  house  for  their  kind 
attention,  in  repeating  their  grant  to  me  for 
six  hundred  pounds.  Whether  the  instruction 
restraining  the  governor's  assent  is  withdrawn 
or  not,  or  is  likely  to  be,  I  cannot  tell,  having 
never  solicited  or  even  once  mentioned  it  to 
lord  Dartmouth,  being  resolved  to  owe  no  ob 
ligation  to  the  favour  of  any  minister.  If 
from  a  sense  of  right,  that  instruction  should 
be  recalled,  and  the  general  principle  on 
which  it  was  founded  is  given  up,  all  will  be 
very  well :  but  you  can  never  think  it  worth 
while  to  employ  an  agent  here,  if  his  being 
paid  or  not  is  to  depend  on  the  breath  of  a 
minister,  and  I  should  think  it  a  situation  too 
suspicious,  and  therefore  too  dishonourable  for 
me  to  remain  in  a  single  hour.  Living  fru 
gally,  I  am  under  no  immediate  necessity, 
and  if  I  serve  my  constituents  faithfully, 


that  though  I  wished  the  people  quieted  in 
their  possessions,  and  would  do  any  thing  i 
could  to  assist  in  obtaining  the  assurance  of 
their  property,  yet  as  I  knew  the  province  of 
Massachusetts  had  a  right  to  that  country,  of 
which  they  were  justly  tenacious,  I  must  op 
pose  that  part  of  the  memorial,  if  it  should  be 
presented.  Sir  Francis  allowed  the  right, 
but  proposed  that  a  great  tract  of  land  be 
tween  Merrimack  and  Connecticut  rivers, 
which  had  been  allotted  to  New  Hampshire, 
might  be  restored  to  our  province,  by  order 
of  ~the  crown,  as  a  compensation.  This  he 
said  would  be  of  more  value  to  us  than  that 
eastern  country,  as  being  nearer  home,  &c.  I 
said  I  would  mention  it  in  my  letters,  but 
must  in  the  mean  time  oppose  any  step  taken 
in  the  affair  before  the  sentiments  of  the  ge 
neral  court  should  be  known,  as  to  such  an 
exchange,  if  it  were  offered.  Mr.  Calef  him 
self  did  not  seem  fond  of  the  draft,  and  I  have 
not  seen  him,  or  heard  any  thing  farther  of  it 
since,  but  I  shall  watch  it. 

"Be  pleased  to  present  my  dutiful  respects 
to  the  house,  and  believe  me  with  sincere 
and  great  esteem,  sir,  your  most  obedient  and 


most  humble  servant, 


B.  FRANKLIN.' 


"  Mr.  Mather,  Boston. 

"  LONDON,  July  4,  177?. 

"  REVEREND  SIR, — The  remarks  you  have 
added  on  the  late  proceedings  against  Ame 
rica,  are  very  just  and  judicious :  and  I  can 
not  see  any  impropriety  in  your  making  themr 
though  a  minister  of  the  gospel.  This  king 
dom  is  a  good  deal  indebted  for  its  liberties  to 


288 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


the  public  spirit  of  its  ancient  clergy,  who 
joined  with  the  barons  in  obtaining  Magna 
Charta,  and  joined  heartily  in  forming  the 
curses  of  excommunication  against  the  in- 
fringers  of  it.  There  is  no  doubt  but  the  claim 
of  parliament,  of  authority  to  make  laws  bind 
ing  on  the  colonies  in  all  cases  whatsoever, 
includes  an  authority  to  change  our  religious 
constitution,  and  establish  popery  or  Mahom- 
edanism,  if  they  please,  in  its  stead ;  but,  as 
you  intimate,  power  does  not  infer  right ;  and 
as  the  right  is  nothing,  and  the  power  (by 
our  increase)  continually  diminishing,  the  one 
will  soon  be  as  insignificant  as  the  other.  You 
seem  only  to  have  made  a  small  mistake,  in 
supposing  they  modestly  avoided  to  declare 
they  had  a  right,  the  words  of  the  act  being, 
'  that  they  have  and  of  right  ought  to  have 
full  power,  &c.' 

"  Your  suspicion  that  sundry  others  besides 
governor  Bernard  '  had  written  hither  their 
opinions  and  councils,  encouraging  the  late 
measures  to  the  prejudice  of -our  country, 
which  have  been  too  much  heeded  and  fol 
lowed,'  is,  I  apprehend,  but  too  well  founded. 
You  call  them  '  traitorous  individuals,'  whence 
I  collect,  that  you  suppose  them  of  our  own 
country.  There  was  among  the  twelve  Apos 
tles  one  traitor,  who  betrayed  with  a  kiss. 
It  should  be  no  wonder  therefore,  if  among  so 
many  thousand  true  patriots,  as  New  England 
contains,  there  should  be  found  even  twelve 
Judases,  ready  to  betray  their  country  for  a 
few  paltry  pieces  of  silver.  Their  ends  as 
well  as  their  views  ought  to  be  similar.  But 
all  the  oppressions  evidently  work  for  our 
good.  Providence  seems  by  every  means  in 
tent  on  making  us  a  great  people.  May  our 
virtues  public  and  private  grow  with  us,  and 
be  durable,  that  liberty,  civil  and  religious, 
may  be  secured  to  our  posterity,  and  to  all 
from  every  part  of  the  old  world  that  take  re 
fuge  among  us. 

"  With  great  esteem,  and  my  best  wishes 
for  a  long  continuance  of  your  usefulness,  I 
am,  reverend  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble 
servant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Dr.  Cooper,  Boston. 

"  LONDON,  July  7, 1773. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  very  valuable 
favours  of  March  15  and  April  23.  It  rejoices 
me  to  find  your  health  so  far  restored  that 
your  friends  can  again  be  benefited  by  your 
correspondence. 

"  The  governor  was  certainly  out  in  his 
politics,  if  he  hoped  to  recommend  himself 
there,  by  entering  upon  that  dispute  with  the 
assembly.  His  imprudence  in  bringing  it  at 
all  upon  the  tapis,  and  his  bad  management 
of  it,  are  almost  equally  censured.  The 


council  and  assembly  on  the  other  hand  have, 
by  the  coolness,  clearness,  and  force  of  their 
answers,  gained  great  reputation. 

"  The  unanimity  of  our  towns,  in  their  sen 
timents  of  liberty,  gives  me  great  pleasure,  as 
it  shows  the  generally  enlightened  state  of 
our  people's  minds,  and  the  falsehood  of  the 
opinion,  much  cultivated  here  by  the  partizans 
of  arbitrary  power  in  America,  that  only  a 
small  faction  among  us  were  discontented 
with  the  late  measures.  If  that  unanimity 
can  be  discovered  in  all  the  colonies,  it  will 
give  much  greater  weight  to  our  future  re 
monstrances.  I  heartily  wish  with  you,  that 
some  line  could  be  drawn,  some  bill  of  rights 
established  for  America,  that  might  secure 
peace  between  the  two  countries,  so  neces 
sary  for  the  prosperity  of  both.  But  I  think 
little  attention  is  like  to  be  afforded  by  our 
ministers  to  that  salutary  work,  till  the  breach 
becomes  greater  and  more  alarming,  and  then 
the  difficulty  of  repairing  it  will  be  greater  in 
a  tenfold  proportion. 

"  You  mention  the  surprise  of  a  gentleman 
to  whom  those  letters  have  been  communicat 
ed,  at  the  restrictions  with  which  they  were 
accompnied,  and  which  they  suppose  render 
them  incapable  of  answering  any  important 
end.  One  great  reason  of  forbidding  their 
publication,  was  an  apprehension  that  it  might 
put  all  the  possessors  of  such  correspondence 
here  upon  their  guard,  and  so  prevent  the  ob 
taining  more  of  it.  And  it  was  imagined  that 
showing  the  originals  to  so  many  as  were 
named,  and  to  a  few  such  others  as  they  might 
think  fit,  would  be  sufficient  to  establish  the 
authenticity,  and  to  spread  through  the  pro 
vince  so  just  an  estimation  of  the  writers,  as 
to  strip  them  of  all  their  deluded  friends,  and 
demolish  effectually  their  interest  and  influ 
ence.  The  letters  might  be  shown  even  to 
some  of  the  governor's  and  lieutenant-gover 
nor's  partizans,  and  spoken  of  to  every  body  ; 
for  there  was  no  restraint  proposed  to  talking 
of  them,  but  only  to  copying.  However  the 
terms  given  with  them  could  only  be  those 
with  which  they  were  received. 

"  The  great  defect  here  is  in  all  sorts  of 
people  a  want  of  attention  to  what  passes  in 
such  remote  countries  as  America,  an  unwil 
lingness  to  read  any  thing  about  them  if  it 
appears  a  little  lengthy  ;  and  a  disposition  to 
postpone  the  consideration  even  of  the  things 
they  know  they  must  at  last  consider,  that  so 
they  may  have  time  for  what  more  immedi 
ately  concerns  them,  and  withal  enjoy  their 
amusements,  and  be  undisturbed  in  the  uni 
versal  dissipation.  In  other  respects,  though 
some  of  the  great  regard  us  with  a  jealous 
eye,  and  some  are  angry  with  us,  the  majority 
of  the  nation  rather  wish  us  well,  and  have  no 
desire  to  infringe  our  liberties.  And  many 
console  themselves  under  the  apprehension  of 
declining  liberty  here,  that  they  or  their  pos- 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


289 


terity  shall  be  able  to  find  her  safe  and  vi 
gorous  in  America. 

"  With  sincere  and  great  esteem,  I  am,  &c 
"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Governor  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  July  14,  1773. 

"  DEAR  SON, — I  am  glad  to  find  by  yours 
of  May  4,  that  you  have  been  able  to  assist 
Josiah  Davenport  a  little  ;  but  vexed  that  he 
and  you  should  think  of  putting  me  upon  a 
solicitation  which  it  is  impossible  for  me  to 
engage  in.  I  am  not  upon  terms  with  lord 
North  to  ask  any  such  favour  from  him.  Dis 
pleased  with  something  he  said  relating  to 
America,  I  have  never  been  at  his  levees, 
since  the  first.  Perhaps  he  has  taken  that 
amiss.  For  last  week  we  met  occasionally  at 
lord  Le  Despencer's  in  our  return  from  Ox 
ford,  where  I  had  been  to  attend  the  solemnity 
of  his  installation,  and  he  seemed  studiously 
to  avoid  speaking  to  me.  I  ought  to  be  asham 
ed  to  say,  that  on  such  occasions  I  feel  my 
self  to  be  as  proud  as  any  body.  His  lady  indeed 
was  more  gracious.  She  came  and  sat  down 
by  me  on  the  same  sopha,  and  condescended 
to  enter  into  a  conversation  with  me  agreea 
bly  enough,  as  if  to  make  some  amends.  Their 
son  and  daughter  were  with  them.  They 
staid  all  night,  so  that  we  dined,  supped,  and 
breakfasted  together,  without  exchanging 
three  sentences.  But  had  he  ever  so  great  a 
regard  for  me,  I  could  not  ask  that  office, 
trifling  as  it  is,  for  any  relation  of  mine.  And 
detesting  as  I  do  the  whole  system  of  American 
customs,  believing  they  will  one  day  bring  on 
a  breach,  through  the  indiscretion  and  inso 
lence  of  those  concerned  in  the  collection,  I 
should  never  wish  to  see  one  so  near  to  me  in 
that  business.  If  you  think  him  capable  of 
acting  as  deputy  secretary,  I  imagine  you 
might  easily  obtain  that  for  him  of  Mr.  Mor 
gan.  He  has  lately  been  with  me,  is  always 
very  complaisant,  and  understanding  I  was 
about  returning"  to  America,  requested  my  in 
terest  to  obtain  for  him  the  agency  for  your 
province.  His  friend,  sir  Watkin  Lewes, 
who  was  formerly  candidate  for  the  same 
great  place,  is  now  high  sheriff  of  London, 
and  in  the  way  of  being  lord  mayor.  The 
new  sheriffs  elect,  are  (could  you  think  it .') 
both  Americans,  viz.  Mr.  Sayre,  the  New 
Yorker,  and  Mr.  W.  Lee,  brother  to  Dr. 
Lee.  I  am  glad  you  stand  so  well  with  lord 
Dartmouth.  I  am  likewise  well  with  him, 
but  he  never  spoke  to  me  of  augmenting  your 
salary.  He  is  truly  a  good  man,  and  wishes 
sincerely  a  good  understanding  with  the  co 
lonies,  but  does  not  seem  to  have  strength 
equal  to  his  wishes.  Between  you  arid  me, 
the  late  measures  have  been,  I  suspect,  very 
much  the  kind's  own,  and  he  has  in  some 

VOL.  I  ."...20  25 


cases  a  great  share  of  what  his  friends  call 
firmness.  Yet  by  some  pains-taking  and 
proper  management,  the  wrong  impressions 
he  has  received  may  be  removed,  which  is 
perhaps  the  only  chance  America  lias  for  ob 
taining  soon  the  redress  she  aims  at  This 
entirely  to  yourself. 

"  And  now  we  are  among  great  folks,  let 
me  tell  you  a  little  of  lord  ILllsborough.  I 
went  down  to  Oxford  with  and  at  the  instance 
of  lord  Le  Despencer,  who  is  on  all  occasions 
very  good  to  me,  and  seems  of  late  very  de 
sirous  of  my  company.  Mr.  Todd  too  was 
there,  who  has  some  attachment  to  lord  H., 
and  in  a  walk  we  were  taking,  told  me  as  a 
secret  that  lord  H.  was  much  chagrined  at 
being  out  of  place,  and  could  never  forgive 
me  for  writing  that  pamphlet  against  his  re 
port  about  the  Ohio.  I  assured  him,  says 
Mr.  T.,  that  I  knew  you  did  not  write  it;  and 
the  consequence  is,  that  he  thinks  I  know  the 
contrary,  and  wanted  to  impose  upon  him  in 
your  favour ;  and  so  I  find  he  is  now  dis 
pleased  with  me,  and  for  no  other  cause  in 
the  world.  His  friend  Bamber  Gascoign  too, 
says  that  they  well  know  it  was  written  by 
Dr.  F.,  who  was  one  of  the  most  mischievous 
men  in  England.  That  same  day  lord  U. 
called  upon  lord  Le  D.,  whose  chamber  and 
mine  were  together  in  Queen's  college.  I 
was  in  the  inner  room  shifting,  and  heard  his 
voice,  but  did  not  see  him,  as  he  went  down 
stairs  immediately  with  lord  Le  D.,  who  men 
tioning  that  I  was  above,  he  returned  directly, 
and  came  to  me  in  the  pleasantest  manner 
imaginable.  "Dr.  F."  said  he,  "I  did  not 
know  till  this  minute  that  you  were  here,  and 
I  am  come  back  to  make  you  my  bow.  I  am 
glad  to  see  you  at  Oxford,  and  that  you  look 
so  well,  &c."  In  return  for  this  extravagance, 
I  complimented  him  on  his  son's  performance 
in  the  theatre,  though  indeed  it  was  but  in 
different,  so  that  account  was  settled.  For  as 
people  say,  when  they  are  angry,  if  he  strike 
>ne,  I'll  strike  him  again ;  I  think  sometimes  it 
may  be  right  to  say,  if  he  flatters  me,  I'll 
flatter  him  again.  This  is  lex  talionis,  re- 
:urning  offences  in  kind.  His  son,  however, 
(lord  Fairford)  is  a  valuable  young  man,  and 
lis  daughters,  ladies  Mary  and  Charlotte, 
nost  amiable  young  women.  My  quarrel  is 
only  with  him,  who  of  all  the  men  I  ever  met 
with  is  surely  the  most  unequal  in  his  treat- 
merit  of  people,  the  most  insincere,  and  the 
most  wrongheaded ;  witness  besides  his  various 
)ehaviour  to  me,  his  duplicity  in  encouraging 
us  to  ask  for  more  land,  ask  for  enough  to 
nake  a  province,  (when  we  at  first  asked 
only  for  two  millions  five  hundred  thousand 
acres,)  were  his  words,  pretending  to  befriend 
our  application,  then  doing  every  thing  to  de 
feat  it,  and  reconciling  the  first  to  the  last,  by 
saying  to  a  friend,  that  he  meant  to  defeat  it 
from  the  beginning ;  and  that  his  putting  us 


290 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


upon  asking1  so  much  was  with  that  very  view, 
supposing  it  too  much  to  be  granted.  Thus 
by  the  way,  his  mortification  becomes  double. 
He  has  served  us  by  the  very  means  he 
meant  to  destroy  us,  and  tript  up  his  own 
heels  into  the  bargain.  Your  affectionate 
father,  "  B.  FRANKLIN. 


"Mr.  Winthrop,  Boston. 

"  LONDON,  July  25, 1773. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  am  glad  to  see  that  you 
are  elected  into  the  council,  and  are  about  to 
take  part  in  our  public  affairs.  Your  abilities, 
integrity,  and  sober  attachment  to  the  liberties 
r.f  our  country,  will  be  of  great  use  in  this 
tempestuous  time,  in  conducting  our  little  bark 
into  safe  harbour.  By  the  Boston  newspapers, 
there  seems  to  be  among  us  some  violent 
spirits,  who  are  for  an  immediate  rupture. 
But  I  trust  the  general  prudence  of  our  coun 
try  will  see,  that  by  our  growing  strength  we 
advance  fast  to  a  situation  in  which  our  claims 
must  be  allowed ;  that  by  a  premature  struggle 
we  may  be  crippled,  and  kept  down  another 
age  ;  that  as  between  friends  every  affront  is 
not  worth  a  duel,  between  nations  every  in 
jury  not  worth  a  war;  so  between  the  govern 
ed  and  governing  every  mistake  in  govern 
ment,  every  incroachment  on  right  is  not 
worth  a  rebellion.  'Tis  in  my  opinion  suf- 
fcient  for  the  present  that  we  hold  them  forth 
on  all  occasions,  not  giving  up  any  of  them, 
using  at  the  same  time  every  means  to  make 
them  generally  understood  and  valued  by  the 
people;  cultivating  a  harmony  among  the 
colonies,  that  their  union  in  the  same  senti 
ments  may  give  them  greater  weight;  re 
membering  withal,  that  this  Protestant  coun 
try,  (our  mother,  though  lately  an  unkind  one) 
is  worth  preserving,  and  that  her  weight  in 
the  scale  of  Europe,  and  her  safety  in  a  great 
degree,  may  depend  on  our  union  with  her. 
Thus  conducting,  I  am  confident  we  may  in  a 
few  years,  obtain  every  allowance  of  and  every 
security  for  our  inestimable  privileges,  that 
',ve  can  wish  or  desire. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


';  Thomas  Gushing. 

"  LONDON,  July  25,  1773. 

"  SIR,— I  am  favoured  with  yours  of  June 
14  and  16,  containing  some  copies  of  the  re 
solves  of  the  committee  upon  the  letters.  I 
see  by  your  account  of  the  transaction,  that 
you  could  not  well  prevent  what  was  done. 
As  to  the  report  of  other  copies  being  come 
from  England,  I  know  that  could  not  be.  It 
was  an  expedient  to  disengage  the  house.  I 
hope  the  possession  of  the  originals,  and  the 
proceedings  upon  them  will  be  attended  with 


salutary  effects  to  the  province,  and  then  I 
shall  be  well  pleased. 

"  I  observe  that  you  mention,  that  no  per 
son  besides  Dr.  Cooper  and  one  of  the  com 
mittee  knew  they  came  from  me.  I  did  not 
accompany  them  with  any  request  of  being 
myself  concealed,  for  believing  what  I  did  to 
be  in  the  way  of  my  duty  as  agent,  though  I 
had  no  doubt  of  its  giving  offence,  not  only  to 
the  parties  .exposed,  but  to  administration 
here,  I  was  regardless  of  the  consequences. 
However,  since  the  letters  themselves  are 
now  copied  and  printed,  contrary  to  the  pro 
mise  I  made,  I  am  glad  my  name  has  not  been 
heard  on  the  occasion,  and  as  I  do  not  see  it 
could  be  of  any  use  to  the  public,  I  now  wish 
it  may  continue  unknown;  though  I  hardly 
expect  it.  As  to  yours,  you  may  rely  on  my 
never  mentioning  it,  except  that  I  may  be 
obliged  to  show  your  letter  in  my  own  vindi 
cation  to  the  person  only  who  might  otherwise 
think  he  had  reason  to  blame'  me  for  breach 
of  engagement.  It  must  surely  be  seen  here, 
that  after  such  a  detection  of  their  duplicity, 
in  pretending  a  regard  and  affection  to  the 
province,  while  they  were  undermining  its 
privileges,  it  is  impossible  for  the  crown  to 
make  any  good  use  of  their  services,  and  that 
it  can  never  be  for  its  interest  to  employ  ser 
vants  who  are  under  such  universal  odium. 
The  consequence  one  would  think  should  be 
their  removal.  But  perhaps  it  may  be  to  ti 
tles,  or  to  pensions — if  your  revenue  can  pay 
them.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Dr.  Cooper,  Boston. 

"  LONDON,  July  25,  1773. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  wrote  to  you  on  the  7th 
instant  pretty  fully,  and  am  since  favoured 
with  yours  of  June  14. 

"  I  am  much  pleased  with  the  proposal  of 
the  Virginia  assembly,  and  the  respectful 
manner  in  which  it  has  been  received  by  ours. 
I  think  it  likely  to  produce  very  salutary  ef 
fects. 

"I  am  glad  to  know  your  opinion,  that 
those  letters  came  seasonably,  and  may  be  of 
public  utility.  I  accompanied  them  with  no 
restriction  relating  to  myself;  my  duty  to  the 
province  as  their  agent,  I  thought  required 
the  communication  of  them  as  far  as  I  could ; 
I  was  sensible  I  should  make  enemies  there, 
and  perhaps  I  might  offend  government  here ; 
but  those  apprehensions  I  disregarded.  I  did 
not  expect,  that  my  sending  them  could  be 
kept  a  secret :  but  since  it  is  such  hitherto,  I 
now  wish  it  may  continue  so,  because  the 
publication  of  the  letters,  contrary  to  my  en 
gagement,  has  changed  the  circumstances. 
If  they  serve  to  diminish  the  influence  and 
demolish  the  power  of  the  parties  whose  cor 
respondence  has  been,  and  probably  would 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


291 


have  continued  to  be,  so  mischievous  to  the 
interests  and  rights  of  the  province,  1  shall  on 
that  account  be  more  easy  under  any  incon 
veniences  I  may  suffer,  either  here  or  there ; 
and  shall  bear  as  well  as  I  can,  the  imputation 
of  not  having  taken  sufficient  care  to  insure 
the  performance  of  my  promise. 

"  I  think  government  can  hardly  expect  to 
draw  any  future  service  from  such  instru 
ments,  and  one  would  suppose  they  must  soon 
be  dismissed.  We  shall  see. 

"  I  hope  to  be  favoured  with  the  continuance 
of  your  correspondence  and  intelligence,  while 
I  stay  here ;  it  is  highly  useful  to  me,  and 
will  be,  as  it  always  has  been,  pleasing  every 
where.  "B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Thomas  Gushing. 

"  LONDON,  August  24,  1773. 

"Sin, — I  received  duly  your  several  fa 
vours  of  June  25,  26,  and  30,  with  the  papers 
inclosed.  My  lord  Dartmouth  being  at  his 
country  seat  in  Staffordshire,  I  transmitted  to 
him  the  address  for  the  removal  of  the  go 
vernor  and  lieutenant-governor,  and  Mr.  Bol- 
lan  and  I,  jointly,  transmited  the  letter  to  his 
lordship  from  both  houses.  I  delivered  to 
Mr.  Bollan  one  set  of  the  authenticated  co 
pies  of  the  letters,  and  we  shall  co-operate  in 
the  business  we  are  charged  with. 

"  I  am  told  that  the  governor  has  requested 
leave  to  come  home ;  that  some  great  persons 
about  the  court  do  not  think  the  letters,  now 
they  have  seen  them,  a  sufficient  foundation 
for  the  resolves;  that  therefore  it  is  not  likely 
he  will  be  removed,  but  suffered  to  resign,  and 
that  some  provision  will  be  made  for  him  here. 
But  nothing  I  apprehend  is  likely  to  be  done 
soon,  as  most  of  the  great  officers  of  state, 
who  composed  the  privy  council,  are  in  the 
country,  and  likely  to  continue  till  the  parlia 
ment  meets,  and  perhaps  the  above  may  be 
chiefly  conjecture. 

"  I  have  informed  Mr.  Lee,  that  in  case 
there  should  be  a  hearing,  I  was  directed  to 
engage  him  as  counsel  for  the  province ;  that 
though  I  had  received  no  money,  I  would  ad 
vance  what  might  be  necessary ;  those  hear 
ings  by  counsel  being  expensive. 

"  I  purpose  writing  to  you  again  by  the 
packet,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Governor  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  Sept.  1,  1773. 

"  DEAR  SON, — I  have  now  before  me  yours 
of  July  5  and  6.  The  August  packet  is  not 
yet  arrived. 

"  Dr.  Cooper  of  New  York's  opinion  of  the 
author  of  the  sermon,  however  honourable  to 
me,  is  injurious  to  the  good  bishop ;  and  there 
fore  I  must  say,  in  justice  and  truth,  that  I 


knew  nothing  of  his  intention  to  preach  on 
the  subject,  and  saw  not  a  word  of  the  sermon 
till  it  was  printed.  Possibly  some  preceding- 
conversation  between  us  may  have  turned  lus 
thoughts  that  way  ;  but  if  so,  that  is  all. 

"I  think  the  resolutions  of  the  New  Eng 
land  townships  must  have  the  effect  they 
seem  intended  for,  viz.  to  show  that  the  ditr 
contents  were  really  general,  and  their  senti 
ments  concerning  their  rights  unanimous,  and 
not  the  fiction  of  a  few  demagogues,  as  their 
governors  used  to  represent  them  here  :  and 
therefore  not  useless,  though  they  should  not 
as  yet  induce  government  to  acknowledge 
their  claims  :  that  people  may  probably  think 
it  sufficient  for  the  present  to  assert  and  hold 
forth  their  rights  secure :  that  sooner  or  later 
they  must  be  admitted  and  acknowledged. 
The  declaratory  law  here,  had  too  its  use, 
viz.  to  prevent  or  lessen  at  least  a  clamour 
against  the  ministry  that  repealed  the  stamp 
act,  as  if  they  had  given  up  the  right  of  this 
country  to  govern  America.  Other  use  in 
deed  it  could  have  none,  and  I  remember  lord 
Mansfield  told  the  lords,  when  upon  that  bill, 
that  it  was  nugatory.  To  be  sure,  in  a  dis 
pute  between  two  parties  about  rights,  the 
declaration  of  one  party  can  never  be  sup 
posed  to  bind  the  other. 

"  It  is  said  there  is  now  a  project  on  foot 
to  form  an  union  with  Ireland,  and  that  lord 
Harcourt  is  to  propose  it  at  the  next  meeting- 
of  the  Irish  parliament.  The  eastern  side 
of  Ireland  are  averse  to  it;  supposing  that 
when  Dublin  is  no  longer  the  seat  of  their 
government  it  will  decline,  the  harbour  being 
but  indifferent,  and  that  the  western  and 
southern  ports  will  rise  and  flourish  on  its 
ruins,  being  good  in  themselves,  and  much 
better  situated  for  commerce.  For  these 
same  reasons,  the  western  and  southern  peo 
ple  are  inclined  to  the  measure,  and  'tis 
thought  it  may  be  carried.  But  these  are 
difficult  affairs,"  and  usually  take  longer  time 
than  the  projectors  imagine.  Mr.  Crowley, 
the  author  of  several  proposals  for  uniting  the 
colonies  with  the  mother  country,  and  who 
runs  about  much  among  the  ministers,  tells 
me  the  union  of  Ireland  is  only  the  first  step 
towards  a  general  union.  He  is  for  having  it 
done  by  the  parliament  of  England,  without 
consulting  the  colonies,  and  he  will  warrant, 
he  says,  that  if  the  terms  proposed  are  equit 
able,  they  will  all  come  in  one  after  the 
other.  He  seems  rather  a  little  cracked  upon 
the  subject 

"It  is  said  here,  that  the  famous  Boston 
letters  were  sent  chiefly,  if  not  all,  to  the  late 
Mr.  Wheatly.  They  fell  into  my  hands,  and 
I  thought  it  my  duty  to  give  some  principal 
people  there  a  sight  of  them,  very  much  with 
this  view,  that  when  they  saw  the  measure:-; 
they  complained  of  took  their  rise  in  a  great 
degree  from  the  representations  and  recon.- 


292 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


mendations  of  their  own  countrymen,  their 
resentment  against  Britain  on  account  of  those 
measures  might  abate,  as  mine  had  done,  and 
a  reconciliation  be  more  easily  obtained.  In 
Boston  they  concealed  who  sent  them,  the 
better  to  conceal  who  received  and  commu 
nicated  them.  And  perhaps  it  is.  as  well  that 
it  should  continue  a  secret.  Being  of  that 
country  myself,  I  think  those  letters  more 
heinous  than  you  seem  to  think  them;  but 
you  had  not  read  them  all,  nor  perhaps  the 
council's  remarks  on  them.  I  have  written 
to  decline  their  agency,  on  account  of  my  re 
turn  to  America.  Dr.  Lee  succeeds  me.  I 
only  keep  it  while  I  stay,  which  perhaps  will 
be  another  winter. 

"  I  grieve  to  hear  of  the  death  of  my  good 
old  friend  Dr.  Evans.  I  have  lost  so  many, 
since  I  left  America,  that  I  begin  to  fear  that 
I  shall  find  myself  a  stranger  among  stran 
gers,  when  I  return.  If  so,  I  must  come 
again  to  my  friends  in  England. 

"  I  am  ever  your  affectionate  father, 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Thomas  Gushing. 

"  LONDON,  Sept.  12r  1773. 

*'  SIR, — The  above  is  a  copy  of  my  last,  per 
packet.  Inclosed  is  the  original  letter  there 
in  mentioned.  His  lordship  continues  in  the 
country,  but  is  expected  (secretary  Pownall 
tells  me)  the  beginning  of  next  month. 

"  To  avoid  repealing  the  American  tea  duty, 
and  yet  find  a  vent  for  tea,  a  project  is  execut 
ing  to  send  it  from  thence,  on  account  of  the 
East  India  company,  to  be  sold  in  America, 
agreeably  to  a  late  act,  impowering  the  lords 
of  the  treasury  to  grant  licenses  to  the  com 
pany  to  export  tea  thither,  under  certain  re 
strictions,  duty  free.  Some  friends  of  govern 
ment  (as  they  are  called,)  of  Boston,  New 
York,  Philadelphia,  &c.  are  to  be  favoured 
with  the  commission,  who  undertake  by  their 
interest  to  carry  the  measure  through  in  the 
colonies.  How  the  other  merchants  thus  ex 
cluded  from  the  tea  trade  will  like  this,  I 
cannot  foresee.  Their  agreement,  if  I  re 
member  right,  was  not  to  import  tea,  till  the 
duty  shall  be  repealed.  Perhaps  they  will 
think  themselves  still  obliged  by  that  agree 
ment,  notwithstanding  this  temporary  expe 
dient  ;  which  is  only  to  introduce  the  tea  for 
the  present,  and  may  be  dropped  next  year, 
and  the  duty  again  required,  the  granting  or 
refusing  such  license  from  time  to  time  re 
maining  in  the  power  of  the  treasury.  And 
it  will  seem  hard,  while  their  hands  are  tied, 
to  see  the  profits  of  that  article  all  engrossed 
by  a  few  particulars. 

"  Inclosed*  I  take  the  liberty  of  sending 
you  a  small  piece  of  mine,  written  to  expose, 
*  See  the  PrussianEdict,p.'225  ofthis  edition. 


in  as  striking  a  light  as  I  could,  to  the  nation, 
the  absurdity  of  the  measures  towards  Ame 
rica,  and  to  spur  the  ministry,  if  possible,  to  a 
change  of  those  measures. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Governor  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  October  6, 1773. 

"  DEAR  SON, — I  wrote  to  you  on  the  1st 

of  last  month,  since  which  I  have  received 
yours  of  July  29,  from  New  York. 

"  I  know  not  what  letters  of  mine  governor 
H.  could  mean,  as  advising  the  people  to  in 
sist  on  their  independency.  But  whatever 
they  were,  I  suppose  he  has  sent  copies  of 
them  hither,  having  heard  some  whisperings 
about  them.  I  shall,  however,  be  able  at  any 
time,  to  justify  every  thing  I  have  written ; 
the  purport  being  uniformly  this,  that  they 
should  carefully  avoid  all  tumults  and  every 
violent  measure,  and  content  themselves  with 
verbally  keeping  up  their  claims,  and  holding 
forth  their  rights  whenever  occasion  requires ; 
secure,  that  from  the  growing  importance  of 
America,  those  claims  will  ere  long  be  at 
tended  to,  and  acknowledged.  From  a  long 
and  thorough  consideration  of  the  subject,  1 
am  indeed  of  opinion,  that  the  parliament  has 
no  right  to  make  any  law  whatever,  binding 
on  the  colonies.  That  the  king,  and  not  the 
king,  lords,  and  commons  collectively,  is  their 
sovereign ;  and  that  the  king  with  their  re 
spective  parliaments,  is  their  only  legislator. 
I  know  your  sentiments  differ  from  mine  on 
these  subjects.  You  are  a  thorough  govern 
ment  man,  which  I  do  not  wonder  at,  nor  do 
I  aim  at  converting  you.  I  only  wish  you  to 
act  uprightly  and  steadily,  avoiding  that  dupli 
city,  which  in  Hutchinson,  adds  contempt  to 
indignation.  If  you  can  promote  the  prosper 
ity  of  your  people,  and  leave  them  happier 
than  you  found  them,  whatever  your  politi 
cal  principles  are,  your  memory  will  be  ho 
noured. 

"  I  have  written  two  pieces  here  lately  for 
the  Public  Advertiser,  on  American  affairs, 
designed  to  expose  the  conduct  ofthis  country 
towards  the  colonies,  in  a  short,  comprehen 
sive,  and  striking  view,  and  stated  therefore 
in  out-of-the-way  forms,  as  most  likely  to  take 
the  general  attention.  The  first  was  called, 
Rules  by  which  a  great  empire  may  be  re 
duced  to  a  small  one  *  the  second,  An  Edict 
of  the  king  of  Prussia.  I  send  you  one  of 
the  first,  but  could  not  get  enough  of  the  se 
cond  to  spare  you  one,  though  my  clerk  went 
the  next  morning  to  the  printer's,  and  wher 
ever  they  were  sold.  They  were  all  gone 
but  two.  In  my  own  mind  I  preferred  the 
first,  as  a  composition  for  the  quantity  and  va 
riety  of  the  matter  contained,  and  a  kind  of 
*  See  page  227  of  this  edition. 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


spirited  ending  of  each  paragraph.  But  I  find 
that  others  here  generally  prefer  the  second. 
I  am  not  suspected  as  the  author,  except  by 
one  or  two  friends ;  and  have  heard  the  latter 
spoken  of  in  the  highest  terms  as  the  keenest 
and  severest  piece  that  has  appeared  here  a 
long  time.  Lord  Mansfield  I  hear  said  of  it, 
that  it  was  very  ABLE  and  very  ARTFUL  indeed ; 
and  would  do  mischief  by  giving  here  a  bad 
impression  of  the  measures  of  government ; 
and  in  the  colonies,  by  encouraging  them  in 
their  contumacy.  It  is  reprinted  in  the  Chro 
nicle,  where  you  will  see  it,  but  stripped  of  all 
the  capitalling  and  italicing,  that  intimate  the 
allusions,  and  marks  the  emphasis  of  written 
discourses,  to  bring  them  as  near  as  possible 
to  those  spoken :  printing  such  a  piece  all  hi 
one  even  small  character,  seems  to  me  like 
repeating  one  of  Whitfield's  sermons  in  the 
monotony  of  a  school-boy.  What  made  it  the 
more  noticed  here  was,  that  people  in  reading 
it,  were,  as  the  phrase  is,  taken  tn,  till  they 
had  got  half  through  it,  and  imagined  it  a  real 
edict,  to  which  mistake  I  suppose  the  king  of 
Prussia's  character  must  have  contributed.  I 
was  down  at  lord  Le  Despencer's  when  the 
post  brought  that  day's  papers.  Mr.  White- 
head  was  there  too  (Paul  Whitehead,  the  au 
thor  of  Manners)  who  runs  early  through  all 
the  papers,  and  tells  the  company  what  he 
finds  remarkable.  He  had  them  in  another 
room,  and  we  were  chatting  in  the  breakfast 
parlour,  when  he  came  running  into  us,  out 
of  breath,  with  the  paper  in  his  hand.  Here ! 
says  he,  here 's  news  for  ye  !  Here  's  the  king 
of  Prussia  claiming  a  right  to  this  king 
dom  !  All  stared,  ana1  I  as  much  as  any  body ; 
and  he  went  .on  to  read  it.  When  he  had 
read  two  or  three  paragraphs,  a  gentleman 
present  said,  Damn  his  impudence,  I  dare 
say  we  shall  hear  by  next  post  that  he  is  upon 
his  march  with  one  hundred  thousand  men 
to  back  this.  Whitehead,  who  is  very  shrewd, 
soon  after  began  to  smoke  it,  and  looking  in 
my  face  said,  Til  be  hanged  if  this  is  not 
some  of  your  American  jokes  upon  us.  The 
reading  went  on,  and  ended  with  abundance 
of  laughing,  and  a  general  verdict  that  it  was 
a  fair  hit :  and  the  piece  was  cut  out  of  the 
paper,  and  preserved  in  my  lord's  collection. 

"  I  don't  wonder  that  Hutchinson  should  be 
dejected.     It  must  be  an  uncomfortable  thing  j 
to  live  among  people  who  he  is  conscious  uni 
versally  detest  him.     Yet  I  fancy  he  will  not 
have  leave  to  come  home,  both  because  they 
know  not  well  what  to  do  with  him,  and  be 
cause  they  do  not  very  well  like  his  conduct,  | 
"  I  am  ever  vour  affectionate  father. 
"B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  Thomas  Gushing. 

'•LONDON.  Nov.  1.  1773. 

"  SIR, — I  duly  received  your  favour  of  26th 
of  August,  with  the  letter  inclosed  for  lord 
25* 


Dartmouth,  which  I  immediately  sent  to  hirn. 
As  soon  as  he  comes  to  town,  I  shall  wait  upon 
his  lordship,  and  discourse  with  him  upon  the 
subject  of  it ;  and  I  shall  immediately  write 
to  you  what  I  can  collect  from  the  conversa 
tion. 

"  In  my  own  opinion,  the  letter  of  the  two 
houses  of  the  29th  June,  proposing,  as  a  satis 
factory  measure,  the  restoring  things  to  the 
state  in  which  tlley  were  at  the  conclusion  of 
the  late  war,  is  a  fair  and  generous  offer  on 
our  part,  and  my  discourse  here  is,  that  it  is 
more  than  Britain  has  a  right  to  expect  from 
us ;  and  that  if  she  has  any  wisdom  left  she 
will  embrace  it,  and  agree  with  us  imme 
diately  ;  for  that  the  longer  she  delays  the 
accommodation,  which  finally  she  must  for 
her  own  sake  obtain,  the  worse  terms  she  may 
expect,  since  the  inequality  of  power  and  im 
portance  that  at  present  subsists  between  us  is 
daily  diminishing,  and  our  sense  of  our  own 
rights,  and  of  her  injustice,  continually  in 
creasing.  I  am  the  more  encouraged  to  hold 
such  language,  by  perceiving  that  the  general 
sense  of  the  nation  is  for  us ;  a  conviction  pre 
vailing  that  we  have  been  ill-used,  and  that  a 
breach  with  us  would  be  ruinous  to  this  coun 
try.  The  pieces  I  wrote  to  increase  and 
strengthen  those  sentiments,  were  more  read, 
and  talked  of,  and  attended  to  than  usual. 
The  first,  as  you  will  see  by  the  inclosed,  has 
been  called  for  and  reprinted  in  the  same  pa 
per,  besides  being  copied  in  others,  and  in  the 
magazines.  A  long  laboured  answer  has  been 
made  to  it  (by  governor  Bernard  it  is  said) 
which  I  send  you.  I  am  told  it  does  not  satis 
fy  those  in  whose  justification  it  was  written, 
and  that  a  better  is  preparing.  I  think  with 
you,  that  great  difficulties  must  attend  an  at 
tempt  to  make  a  new  representation  of  our 
grievances,  in  which  the  point  of  right  should 
be  kept  out  of  sight,  especially  as  the  concur 
rence  of  so  many  colonies  seems  now  neces 
sary.  And  therefore  it  would  certainly  be 
best  and  wisest  for  parliament  (which  does 
ciot  meet  till  after  the  middle  of  January)  to 
make  up  the  matter  themselves,  and  at  once 
reduce  things  to  the  state  desired.  There  arc 
not  wanting  some  here  who  believe  this  will 
really  be  the  case ;  for  that  a  new  election 
)eing  now  in  view,  the  present  members  arc 
likely  to  consider  the  composing  all  differ 
ences  with  America,  as  a  measure  agreeable 
to  the  trading  and  manufacturing  part  of  the 
nation ;  and  that  the  neglecting  it  may  b« 
made  use  of  by  their  opponents  to  their  disad 
vantage. 

'•  I  have  as  yet  received  no  answer  to  the 
petition  for  removing  the  governors.  I  ima 
gine  that  it  will  hardly  be  complied  with,  as 
it  would  embarrass  government  to  provide  for 
them  otherwise,  and  it  will  be  thought  har«J 
to  neglect  men  who  have  exposed  themselves-, 
by  adhering  to  what  is  here  called  the  inter- 


294 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


est  and  rights  of  this  country.  But  this  I  only  [ 
conjecture,  as  I  have  heard  nothing  certain 
about  it.  Indeed  I  should  think  continuing 
them  in  their  places  would  be  rather  a  punish 
ment  than  a  favour.  For  what  comfort  can 
men  have  in  living  among  a  people  with 
whom  they  are  the  object  of  universal  odium. 

"  I  shall  continue  here  one  winter  longer, 
and  use  my  best  endeavours  as  long  as  I  stay 
for  the  service  of  our  country. 

"  With  great  esteem,  I  have  the  honour  to 
be,  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 
«  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"Joseph  Galloway,  Philadelphia. 

"  LONDON,  Nov.  3,  1773. 

"  SIR, — There  is  at  present  great  quietness 
here,  and  no  prospect  that  the  war  between 
the  Turks  and  Russians  will  spread  farther  in 
Europe.  The  last  harvest  is  allowed  to  have 
been  generally  plentiful  in  this  country;  and 
yet  such  was  the  preceding  scantiness  of 
crops,  that  it  is  thought  there  is  no  corn  to 
spare  for  exportation,  which  continues  the 
advantages  to  our  corn  provinces. 

"  The  parliament  is  not  to  meet  till  after 
the  middle  of  January.  It  is  said  there  is  a 
disposition  to  compose  all  differences  with 
America  before  the  next  general  election,  as 
the  trading  and  manufacturing  part  of  the 
nation  are  generally  our  well-wishers,  think 
we  have  been  hardly  used,  and  apprehend  ill 
consequences  from  a  continuance  of  the  mea 
sures  that  we  complain  of:  and  that  if  those 
measures  are  not  changed,  an  American  in 
terest  may  be  spirited  up  at  the  election  against 
the  present  members  who  are  in,  or  friends  to 
administration.  Our  steady  refusal  to  take 
tea  from  hence  for  several  years  past  has  made 
its  impressions.  The  scheme  for  supplying  us 
without  repealing  the  act,  by  a  temporary  li 
cense  from  the  treasury  to  export  tea  to  Ame 
rica,  free  of  duty,  you  are,  before  this  time, 
acquainted  with.  I  much  want  to  hear  how 
that  tea  is  received.  If  it  is  rejected  the  act 
will  undoubtedly  be  repealed ;  otherwise,  I 
suppose  it  will  be  continued ;  and  when  we 
have  got  into  the  use  of  the  company's  tea,  and 
the  foreign  correspondences  that  supply  us  at 
present,  are  broken  off,  the  licenses  will  be 
discontinued,  and  the  act  enforced. 

•"  I  apprehend  the  better  understanding 
that  lately  subsisted  in  our  provincial  admi 
nistration  will  hardly  be  continued  with  the 
new  governor ;  but  you  will  soon  see.  I  wish 
for  the  full  letter  you  promise  me  by  the  next 
packet,  which  is  now  daily  expected. 

"With  unalterable  esteem  and  attachment, 
I  am  ever,  my  dear  friend,  yours  most  affec 
tionately,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Governor  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  Nov.  3,  1773. 

"  DEAR  SON, — I  wrote  you  pretty  fully  by 
the  last  packet,  and  having  had  no  line  from 
you  of  later  date  than  the  beginning  of  Au 
gust,  and  little  stirring  here  lately,  I  have 
now  little  to  write. 

"In  that  letter  I  mentioned  my  having 
written  two  papers,  of  which  I  preferred  the 
first,  but  the  public  the  last.  It  seems  I  was 
mistaken  in  judging  of  the  public  opinion; 
for  the  first  was  reprinted  some  weeks  after 
in  the  same  paper,  the  printer  giving  for  rea 
son,  that  he  did  it  in  compliance  with  the 
earnest  request  of  many  private  persons,  and 
some  respectable  societies ;  which  is  the  more 
extraordinary  as  it  had  been  copied  in  several 
other  papers,  and  in  the  Gentleman's  Maga 
zine.*  Such  papers  may  seem  to  have  a  ten 
dency  to  increase  our  divisions,  but  I  intend  a. 
contrary  effect,  and  hope  by  comprising  in  lit 
tle  room,  and  setting  in  a  strong  light  the 
grievances  of  the  colonies,  more  attention  will 
be  paid  them  by  our  administration,  and  that 
when  their  unreasonableness  is  generally 
seen,  some  of  them  will  be  removed  to  the 
restoration  of  harmony  between  us. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Thomas  Gushing. 

"  LONDON,  Jan.  5,  1774. 

"  SIR, — I  received  the  honour  of  yours 
dated  October  28,  with  the  Journals  of  the 
house  and  Mr.  Turner's  election  sermon. 

"I  waited  on  lord  Dartmouth  on  his  re 
turn  to  town,  and  learnt  that'he  had  present 
ed  to  his  majesty  our  petition  for  the  removal 
of  the  governors.  No  subsequent  step  had 
yet  been  taken  upon  it :  but  his  lordship  said, 
the  king  would  probably  refer  the  consider 
ation  of  it  to  a  committee  of  council,  and  that 
I  should  have  notice  to  be  heard  in  support  of 
it.  By  the  turn  of  his  conversation,  though 
he  was  not  explicit,  I  apprehend  the  petition 
is  not  likely  to  be  complied  with:  but  we 
shall  see.  His  lordship  expressed  as  usual 
much  concern  at  the  differences  subsisting, 
and  wished  they  would  be  accommodated. 
Perhaps  his  good  wishes  are  all  that  is  in  his 
power. 

"  The  famous  letters  having  unfortunately 
engaged  Mr.  Temple  and  Mr.  Wheatly  in  a 
duel,  which  being  interrupted  would  probably 
be  renewed,  I  thought  it  incumbent  on  me  to 
prevent,  as  far  as  I  could,  any  farther  mis- 

*  Preface  by  the  British  editor  \Dr.  Franklin]  to  the 
votes  arid  proceedings  of  the  freeholders  and  other  in 
habitants  of  the  town  of  Boston  in  town  meeting  as 
sembled,  according  to  law,  (published  by  order  of  the 
town)  &c.  Boston,  printed  :  London,  reprinted  and  sold 
by  J.  Wilkie,  St.  Paul's  Church  Yard,  1773. 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


295 


chief,  by  declaring  publicly  the  part  I  had  in 
the  affair  of  those  letters,  and  thereby  at  the 
same  time  to  rescue  Mr.  Temple's  character 
from  an  undeserved  and  groundless  imputa 
tion,  that  bore  hard  upon  his  honour,  viz.  that 
of  taking  the  letters  from  Mr.  Wheatly,  and 
in  breach  of  confidence.  I  did  this  with  the 
more  pleasure,  as  I  believe  him  a  sincere 
friend  to  our  country.  I  am  told  by  some 
that  it  was  imprudent  in  me  to  avow  the  ob 
taining  and  sending  those  letters,  for  that  ad 
ministration  will  resent  it.  I  have  not  much 
apprehension  of  this,  but  if  it  happens  I  must 
take  the  consequences.  I  only  hope  it  will 
not  affect  any  friend  on  your  side  of  the  water, 
for  I  have  never  mentioned  to  whom  they 
were  transmitted. 

"A  letter  of  mine  to  you,  printed  in  one  of 
the  Boston  papers,  has  lately  been  reprinted 
here,  to  show,  as  the  publisher  expresses  it, 
that  I  am  '  one  of  the  most  determined  ene 
mies  of  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  Great 
Britain.'  In  the  opinion  of  some,  every  one 
who  wishes  the  good  of  the  whole  empire, 
may  nevertheless  be  an  enemy  to  the  welfare 
of  Great  Britain,  if  he  does  not  wish  its  good 
exclusively  of  every  other  part,  and  to  see  its 
welfare  built  on  their  servitude  and  wretch 
edness.  Such  an  enemy  I  certainly  am.  But 
methinks  'tis  wrong  to  print  letters  of  mine 
at  Boston  which  give  occasion  to  these  reflec 
tions. 

"  I  shall  continue  to  do  all  I  possibly  can 
this  winter  towards  an  accommodation  of  our 
differences ;  but  my  hopes  are  small.  Divine 
Providence  first  infatuates  the  power  it  de 
signs  to  ruin.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Governor  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  Jan.  5, 1774. 

"  DEAR  SON, — I  received  yours  of  October 
29  and  November  2.  Your  December  packet 
is  not  yet  arrived. 

"  No  insinuations  of  the  kind  you  mention, 
concerning  Mr.  Galloway,  have  reached  me, 
and  if  they  had,  it  would  have  been  without 
the  least  eifect;  as  I  have  always  had  the 
strongest  reliance  on  the  steadiness  of  his 
friendship,  and  on  the  best  grounds,  the 
knowledge  I  have  of  his  integrity,  and  the 
often  repeated  disinterested  services  he  has 
rendered  me.  My  return  will  interfere  with 
nobody's  interest  or  influence  in  public  affairs, 
as  my  intention  is  to  decline  all  interest  in 
them,  and  every  active  part,  except  where  it 
can  serve  a  friend,  and  to  content  myself 
with  communicating  the  knowledge  of  them 
my  situation  may  have  furnished  me  with, 
and  be  content  writh  giving  my  advice  for  the 
public  benefit,  where  it  may  be  asked,  or 
where  I  shall  think  it  may  be  attended  to : 
for  being  now  about  entering  my  sixty-ninth 


year,  and  having  lived  so  great  a  part  of  my 
life  to  the  public,  it  seems  but  fair  that  I 
should  be  allowed  to  live  the  small  remainder 
to  myself  and  to  my  friends. 

"  If  the  honourable  office  you  mention  will 
be  agreeable  to  him,  I  heartily  wish  it  him.  I 
only  hope  that  if  offered  him,  he  will  in 
sist  on  its  being  not  during  pleasure  but 
quamdiu  se  bene  gesserit. 

"Our  friend  Temple,  as  you  will  see  by 
the  papers,  has  been  engaged  in  a  duel,  about 
an  affair  in  which  he  had  no  concern.  As  the 
combat  was  interrupted,  and  understood  to  be 
unfinished,  I  thought  it  incumbent  on  me  to 
do  what  I  could  for  preventing  farther  mis 
chief,  and  so  declared  my  having  transmitted 
the  letters  in  question.  This  has  drawn  some 
censure  upon  myself,  but  as  I  grow  old,  I 
grow  less  concerned  about  censure,  when  I 
am  satisfied  that  I  act  rightly,  and  I  have  the 
pleasure  of  having  exculpated  a  friend  who 
lay  undeservedly  under  an  imputation  much 
10  his  dishonour. 

"  I  am  now  seriously  preparing  for  my  de 
parture  to  America.  I  purpose  sending  my 
luggage,  books,  instruments,  &c.  by  All  or 
Falconer,  and  take  my  passage  to  New  York 
in  one  of  the  spring  or  summer  packets,  partly 
for  settling  some  business  with  the  post  office 
there,  and  partly  that  I  may  see  you  on  my 
way  to  Philadelphia,  and  learn  thereby  more 
perfectly  the  state  of  affairs  there.  Your  af 
fectionate  father,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Dr.  Joseph  Priestley. 

"PHILADELPHIA,  July  7,  1775. 

"  DEAR  FRIEND, — The  congress  met  at  a 
time  when  all  minds  were  so  exasperated  by 
the  perfidy  of  general  Gage,  and  his  attack  on 
the  country  people,  that  propositions  for  at 
tempting  an  accommodation  were  not  much 
relished ;  and  it  has  been  with  difficulty  that 
we  have  carried  another  humble  petition  to 
the  crown,  to  give  Britain  one  more  chance, 
one  opportunity  more  of  recovering  the  friend 
ship  of  the  colonies  ;  which  however  I  think 
she  has  not  sense  enough  to  embrace,  and  so 
I  conclude  she  has  lost  them  for  ever. 

"  She  has  begun  to  burn  our  sea-porl 
towns;  secure,  I  suppose,  we  shall  never  be 
able  to  return  the  outrage  in  kind.  She 
may  doubtless  destroy  them  all ;  but  if  she 
wishes  to  recover  our  commerce,  are  these 
the  probable  means  1  She  must  certainly  be 
distracted ;  for  no  tradesman  out  of  Bedlam 
ever  thought  of  increasing  the  number  of  his 
customers,  by  knocking  them  on  the  head ;  or 
of  enabling  them  to  pay  their  debts,  by  burn 
ing  their  nouses. 

"  If  she  wishes  to  have  us  subjects,  and  that 
we  should  submit  to  her  as  our  compound 
sovereign,  she  is  now  giving  us  such  miser- 


298 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


able  specimens  of  her  government,  that  we 
shall  ever  detest  and  avoid  it,  as  a  complica 
tion  of  robbery,  murder,  famine,  fire,  and  pes 
tilence. 

"  You  will  have  heard,  before  this  reaches 
you,  of  the  treacherous  conduct  of  general 
Gage  to  the  remaining  people  in  Boston,  in 
detaining  their  goods,  after  stipulating  to  let 
them  go  out  with  their  effects,  on  pretence 
that  merchants'  goods  were  not  effects ;  the 
defeat  of  a  great  body  of  his  troops  by  the 
country  people  at  Lexington;  some  other 
small  advantages  gained  in  skirmishes  with 
their  troops ;  and  the  action  at  Bunker's  Hill, 
in  which  they  were  twice  repulsed,  and  the 
third  time  gained  a  dear  victory.  Enough 
has  happened,  one  would  think,  to  convince 
your  ministers,  that  the  Americans  will  fight, 
and  that  this  is  a  harder  nut  to  crack  than 
they  imagined. 

"  We  have  not  yet  applied  to  any  foreign 
power  for  assistance,  nor  offered  our  com 
merce  for  their  friendship.  Perhaps  we  never 
may :  yet  it  is  natural  to  think  of  it,  if  we  are 
pressed. 

"  We  have  now  an  army  on  the  establish 
ment,  which  still  holds  yours  besieged. 

"  My  time  was  never  more  fully  employed. 
In  the  morning  at  six,  I  am  at  the  committee 
of  safety,  appointed  by  the  assembly  to  put  the 
province  in  a  state  of  defence ;  which  com 
mittee  holds  til)  near  nine,  when  I  am  at  the 
congress,  and  that  sits  till  after  four  in  the  af- 
tornoon.  Both  these  bodies  proceed  with  the 
greatest  unanimity,  and  their  meetings  are 
well  attended.  It  will  scarce  be  credited  in 
Britain,  that  men  can  be  as  diligent  with  us 
from  zeal  for  the  public  good,  as  with  you  for 
thousands  per  annum.  Such  is  the  difference 
between  uncorrupted  new  states,  and  cor 
rupted  old  ones. 

"Great  frugality  and  great  industry  are 
now  become  fashionable  here :  gentlemen, 
who  used  to  entertain  with  two  or  three 
courses,  pride  themselves  now  in  treating 
with  simple  beef  and  pudding.  By  these 
means,  and  the  stoppage  of  our  consumptive 
trade  with  Britain,  we  shall  be  better  able  to 
pay  our  voluntary  taxes  for  the  support  of  our 
troops.  Our  savings  in  the  article  of  trade 
amount  to  near  five  millions  sterling  per 
annum. 

"  I  shall  communicate  your  letter  to  Mr. 
Winthrop,  but  the  camp  is  at  Cambridge,  and 
he  has  as  little  leisure  for  philosophy  as  my 
self.  Believe  me  ever,  with  sincere  esteem, 
my  dear  friend,  Yours  most  affectionately, 
"  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  Dr.  Priestley.* 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  October  3,  1775. 
"  DEAR  SIR, — I  am  to  set  out  to-morrow  for 

*  This  letter  has  been  several  times  very  incorrectly 
printed:  it  is  here  given  correctly. 


the  camp,*  and  having  but  just  heard  of  this 
opportunity,  can  only  write  a  line  to  say  that 
I  am  well  and  hearty. — Tell  our  dear  good 
friend,  Dr.  Price,  who  sometimes  has  his 
doubts  and  despondencies  about  our  firmness, 
that  America  is  determined  and  unanimous ;  a 
very  few  tories  and  place  men  excepted,  who 
will  probably  soon  export  themselves. — Bri 
tain,  at  the  expense  of  three  millions,  has  killed 
one  hundred  and  fifty  Yankees  this  campaign, 
which  is  20,OOOJ.  a  head;  and  at  Bunker's 
Hill  she  gained  a  mile  of  ground,  half  of 
which  she  lost  again  by  our  taking  post  on 
Ploughed  Hill.  During  the  same  time  six 
ty  thousand  children  have  been  born  in  Ame 
rica.  From  these  data  his  mathematical  head 
will  easily  calculate  the  time  and  expense  ne 
cessary  to  kill  us  all,  and  conquer  our  whole 
territory.  My  sincere  respects  to  *  *,  and  to 
the  club  of  honest  whigs  at  *  *.  Adieu. 
"  I  am  ever  yours  most  affectionately, 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  same. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Oct.  3.  1775. 

"  I  WISH  as  ardently  as  you  can  do  for  peace, 
and  should  rejoice  exceedingly  in  co-operating 
with  you  to  that  end.  But  every  ship  from 
Britain  brings  some  intelligence  of  new  mea 
sures,  that  tend  more  and  more  to  exasperate  : 
and  it  seems  to  me,  that  until  you  have  found 
by  dear  experience  the  reducing  us  by  force 
impracticable,  you  will  think  of  nothing  fair 
and  reasonable.  We  have  as  yet  resolved 
only  on  defensive  measures.  If  you  would 
recall  your  forces  and  stay  at  home,  we  should 
meditate  nothing  to  injure  you.  A  little  time 
so  given  for  cooling  on  both  sides  would  have 
excellent  effects.  But  you  will  goad  and  pro 
voke  us.  You  despise  us  too  much ;  and  you 
are  insensible  of  the  Italian  adage,  that  there 
is  no  little  enemy.  I  am  persuaded  the  body 
of  the  British  people  are  our  friends;  but  they 
are  changeable,  and  by  your  lying  gazettes 
may  soon  be  made  our  enemies.  Our  respect 
for  them  will  proportionably  diminish  ;  and  I 
see  clearly  we  are  on  the  high  road  to  mutual 
enmity,  hatred,  and  detestation.  A  separation 
will  of  course  be  inevitable.  It  is  a  million 
of  pities  so  fair  a  plan,  as  we  have  hitherto 

*  Dr.  Franklin,  colonel  Harrison,  and  Mr.  Lynch, 
were  at  this  time  appointed  by  congress  (of  which  they 
were  members)  to  confer  on  certain  subjects  with  gen 
eral  Washington.  The  American  army  was  then  en; 
ployed  in  blocking  up  general  Howe  in  Boston  ;  and  it 
was  during  this  visit,  that  general  Washington  com 
municated  the  following  memorable  anecdote  to  Dr. 
Franklin,  viz.  "that  there  had  been  a  time  when  his 
army  had  been  so  destitute  of  military  stores,  as  not  to 
have  powder  enough  in  all  its  magazines,  to  furnish 
more  than  five  rounds  per  man  for  their  small  arms." 
Artillery  were  out  of  the  question  ;  they  were  fired  now 
and  then,  only  to  show  that  they  had'them.  Yet  thi.i 
secret  was  kept  with  so  much  address  and  good  coun 
tenance  from  both  armies,  that  general  Washington 
was  enabled  effectually  to  continue  the  blockade.  ~ 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


been  engaged  in  for  increasing  strength  and 
empire  with  public  felicity,  should  be  de 
stroyed  by  the  mangling  hands  of  a  few  blun 
dering  ministers.  It  will  not  be  destroyed : 
God  will  protect  and  prosper  it :  you  will  only 
exclude  yourselves  from  any  share  in  it.  We 
hear  that  more  ships  and  troops  are  coming 
out.  We  know  you  may  do  us  a  great  deal 
of  mischief,  but  we  are  determined  to  bear  it 
patiently  as  long  as  we  can ;  but  if  you  flatter 
yourselves  with  beating  us  into  submission, 
you  know  neither  the  people  nor  the  country. 
"  The  congress  is  still  sitting,  and  will  wait 
the  result  of  their  last  petition." 


"  M.  Dumas. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Dec.  9,  1775. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  several  fa 
vours,  of  May  18,  June  30,  and  July  8,  by 
Messrs.  Vaillant  and  Pochard ;  whom,  if  I 
could  serve  upon  your  recommendation,  it 
would  give  me  great  pleasure.  Their  total 
want  of  English  is  at  present  an  obstruction 
to  their  getting  any  employment  among  us ; 
but  I  hope  they  will  soon  obtain  some  know 
ledge  of  it.  This  is  a  good  country  for  arti 
ficers  or  farmers,  but  gentlemen  of  mere  sci 
ence  in  les  belles  lettres  cannot  so  easily 
subsist  here,  there  being  little  demand  for 
their  assistance  among  an  industrious  people, 
who,  as  yet,  have  not  much  leisure  for  studies 
of  that  kind. 

"  I  am  much  obliged  by  the  kind  present 
you  have  made  us  of  your  edition  of  VatteL 
It  came  to  us  in  good  season,  when  the  cir 
cumstances  of  a  rising  state  make  it  neces 
sary  frequently  to  consult  the  law  of  nations. 
Accordingly  that  copy  which  I  kept  (after 
depositing  one  in  our  own  public  library 
here,  and  sending  the  other  to  the  college  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  as  you  directed)  has  been 
continually  in  the  hands  of  the  members  of  our 
congress,  now  sitting,  who  are  much  pleased 
with  your  notes  and  preface,  and  have  enter 
tained  a  high  and  just  esteem  for  their  author. 
Your  manuscript '  Idee  sur  le  gouvernment 
et  la  royautej  is  also  well  relished,  and  may, 
in  time,  have  its  effect  I  thank  you,  like 
wise,  for  the  other  smaller  pieces,  which  ac 
companied  Vattel.  *  Le  court  expose  de  ce 
qui  s'est  passe  entre  la  cour  Dr.  et  les  colo 
nies^  c^c.  being  a  very  concise  arid  clear 
statement  of  facts,  will  be  reprinted  here  for 
the  use  of  our  new  friends  in  Canada.  The 
translations  of  the  proceedings  of  our  congress 
are  very  acceptable.  I  send  you  herewith 
what  of  them  has  been  farther  published  here, 
together  with  a  few  newspapers,  containing 
accounts  of  some  of  the  successes  Providence 
has  favoured  us  with.  We  are  threatened 
from  England  with  a  very  powerful  force,  to 
come  next  year  against  us.  We  are  making 

VOL.  I. ...  2  P 


all  the  provision  in  our  power  here  to  oppose 
that  force,  and  we  hope  we  shall  be  able  to 
defend  ourselves.  But,  as  the  events  of  war 
are  always  uncertain,  possibly  after  another 
campaign,  we  may  find  it  necessary  to  ask  aid 
of  some  foreign  power.  It  gives  us  great 
pleasure  to  learn  from  you  that  toute  V  Eu 
rope  nous  souhaite  le  plus  lieureux  succes 
pour  le  maintien  de  nos  liberles.  But  we 
wish  to  know,  whether  any  of  them,  from 
principles  of  humanity,  is  disposed  magnani 
mously  to  step  in  for  the  relief  of  an  oppressed 
people,  or  whether,  if,  as  it  seems  likely  to 
happen,  we  should  be  obliged  to  break  off  all 
connexion  with  Britain,  and  declare  ourselves 
an  independent  people,  there  is  any  state  or 
power  in  Europe,  who  would  be  willing  to  en 
ter  into  an  alliance  with  us  for  the  benefit  of 
our  commerce,  which  amounted,  before  the 
war,  to  near  seven  millions  sterling  per  an 
num,  and  must  continually  increase,  as  our 
people  increase  most  rapidly.  Confiding,  my 
dear  friend,  in  your  good  will  to  us  and  our 
cause,  and  in  your  sagacity  and  abilities  for 
business,  the  committee  of  congress,  appoint 
ed  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  and  con 
ducting  a  correspondence  with  our  friends  in 
Europe,  of  which  committee  I  have  the  ho 
nour  to  be  a  member,  have  directed  me  to 
request  of  you,  that,  as  you  are  situated  at  the 
Hague,  where  ambassadors  from  all  the  courts 
reside,  you  would  make  use  of  the  opportuni 
ty  that  situation  affords  you,  of  discovering,  if 
possible,  the  disposition  of  the  several  courts 
with  respect  to  such  assistance  or  alliance,  if 
we  should  apply  for  the  one,  or  propose  the 
other.  As  it  may  possibly  be  necessary,  in 
particular  instances,  that  you  should,  for  this 
purpose,  confer  directly  with  some  great 
ministers,  and  show  them  this  letter  as  your 
credential,  we  only  recommend  it  to  your  dis 
cretion,  that  you  proceed  therein  with  such 
caution,  as  to  keep  the  same  from  the  know 
ledge  of  the  English  ambassador,  and  prevent 
any  public  appearance,  at  present,  of  your  be 
ing  employed  in  any  such  business,  as  thereby, 
we  imagine,  many  inconveniences  may  be 
avoided,  and  your  means  of  rendering  us  ser 
vice  increased. 

"  That  you  may  be  better  able  to  answer 
some  questions,  which  will  probably  be  put  to 
you,  concerning  our  present  situation,  we  in 
form  you — that  the  whole  continent  is  very 
firmly  united — the  party  for  the  measures  of 
the  British  ministry  being  very  small,  and 
much  dispersed — that  we  have  had  on  foot,  the 
last  campaign,  an  army  of  near  twenty-five 
thousand  men,  wherewith  we  have  been  able, 
not  only  to  block  up  the  king's  army  in  Boston, 
but  to  spare  considerable  detachments  for  the 
invasion  of  Canada,  where  we  have  met  with 
great  success,  as  the  printed  papers  sent  here- 
|  with  will  inform  you,  and  have  now  reason  to 
i  expect  the  whole  province  will  be  soon  in  our 


298 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


possession — that  we  purpose  greatly  to  in- 1 
crease  our  force  for  the  ensuing  year;  and' 
thereby  we  hope,  with  the  assistance  of  a  well- 
disciplined  militia,  to  be  able  to  defend  our 
coast,  notwithstanding  its  great  extent — that 
we  have  already  a  small  squadron  of  armed 
vessels,  to  protect  our  coasting  trade,  who 
have  had  some  success  in  taking  several  of 
the  enemy's  cruizers,  and  some  of  their  trans 
port  vessels  and  store-ships.  This  little  naval 
force  we  are  about  to  augment,  and  expect  it 
may  be  more  considerable  in  the  next  sum 
mer. 

"  We  have  hitherto  applied  to  no  foreign 
power.  We  are  using  the  utmost  industry  in 
endeavouring  to  make  saltpetre,  and  with 
daily  increasing  success.  Our  artificers  are 
also  every  where  busy  in  fabricating  small- 
arms,  casting  cannon,  &c.  yet  both  arms  and 
ammunition  are  much  wanted.  Any  mer 
chants,  who  would  venture  to  send  ships,  la 
den  with  those  articles,  might  make  great 
profit ;  such  is  the  demand  in  every  colony, 
and  such  generous  prices  are  and  will  be  gi 
ven  ;  of  which,  and  of  the  manner  of  conduct 
ing  such  a  voyage,  the  bearer,  Mr.  Storey, 
can  more  fully  inform  you:  and  whoever 
brings  in  those  articles,  is  allowed  to  carry  off 
the  value  in  provisions,  to  our  West  Indies, 
where  they  will  probably  fetch  a  very  high 
price,  the  general  exportation  from  North 
America  being  stopped.  This  you  will  see 
more  particularly  in  a  printed  resolution  of 
the  congress. 

"  We  are  in  great  want  of  good  engineers, 
and  wish  you  could  engage,  and  send  us  two 
able  ones,  in  time  for  the  next  campaign,  one 
acquainted  with  field  service,  sieges,  &c.  and 
the  other  with  fortifying  of  sea-ports.  They 
will,  if  well  recommended,  be  made  very  wel 
come,  and  have  honourable  appointments,  be 
sides  the  expenses  of  their  voyage  hither,  in 
which  Mr.  Storey  can  also  advise  them.  As 
what  we  now  request  of  you,  besides  taking 
up  your  time,  may  put  you  to  some  expense, 
we  send  you  for  the  present,  enclosed,  a  bill 
for  one  hundred  pounds  sterling,  to  defray 
such  expenses,  and  desire  you  to  be  assured 
that  your  services  will  be  considered,  and  ho 
nourably  rewarded  by  the  congress. 

"  We  desire,  also,  "that  you  would  take  the 
trouble  of  receiving  from  Arthur  Lee,  esquire, 
agent  for  the  congress  in  England,  such  let 
ters  as  may  be  sent  by  him  to  your  care,  and 
of  forwarding  them  to  us  with  your  des 
patches.  When  you  have  occasion  to  write 
to  him  to  inform  him  of  any  thing,  which  it 
may  be  of  importance  that  our  friends  there 
should  be  acquainted  with,  please  to  send  your 
letters  to  him,  under  cover,  directed  to  Mr. 
Alderman  Lee,  merchant,  on  Tower-hill, 
London ;  and  do  not  send  it  by  post,  but  by 
some  trusty  shipper,  or  other  prudent  person, 
who  will  deliver  it  with  his  own  hand.  And 


when  you  send  to  us,  if  you  have  not  a  direct 
safe  opportunity,  we  recommend  sending  by 
way  of  St.  Eustatia,  to  the  care  of  Messrs. 
Robert  and  Cornelius  Stevenson,  merchants 
there,  who  will  forward  your  despatches  to 
me.  With  sincere  and  great  esteem,  and 
respect,  I  am,  sir,  &c. 

«  B.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  Printer  of  the  Public  Advertiser. 

"  SIR, — The  enclosed  paper  was  written 
just  before  lord  Hillsborough  quitted  the 
American  department.  An  expectation  then 
prevailing,  from  the  good  character  of  the 
noble  lord  who  succeeded  him,  that  the 
grievances  of  the  colonies  would  under  his 
administration  be  redressed,  it  was  laid  aside ; 
but  as  not  a  single  measure  of  his  prede 
cessor  has  since  been  even  attempted  to  be 
changed,  and  on  the  contrary  new  ones  have 
been  continually  added,  farther  to  exasperate, 
render  them  desperate,  and  drive  them  if  pos 
sible  into  open  rebellion,  it  may  not  be  amiss 
now  to  give  it  the  public,  as  it  shows  in  de 
tail  the  rise  and  progress  of  those  differences 
which  are  about  to  break  the  empire  in  pieces. 

"  I  am  sir,  yours,  &c.  A.  P." 

"  SIR,— It  is  a  bad  temper  of  mind  that 
takes  a  delight  in  opposition,  and  is  ever 
ready  to  censure  ministry  in  the  gross,  with 
out  discrimination.  Charity  should  be  willing 
to  believe,  that  we  never  had  administration  so 
bad  but  there  might  be  some  good  and  some  wise 
men  in  it ;  and  that  even  such  is  our  case  at 
present.  The  scripture  saith,  by  their  works, 
shall  ye  know  them.  By  their  conduct  then, 
in  their  respective  departments,  and  not  by 
their  company  or  their  party  connexions, 
should  they  be  distinctly  and  separately 
judged. 

"  One  of  the  most  serious  affairs  to  this  na 
tion,  that  has  of  late  required  the  attention  of 
government,  is  our  misunderstanding  with  the 
colonies.  They  are  in  the  department  of 
lord  Hillsborough,  and  from  a  prevailing  opi 
nion  of  his  abilities,  have  been  left  by  the 
other  ministers  very  much  to  his  manage 
ment.  If  then  our  American  business  has 
been  conducted  with  prudence,  to  him  chiefly 
will  be  due  the  reputation  of  it. 

"  Soon  after  the  late  war,  it  became  an  ob 
ject  with  the  ministers  of  this  country  to  draw 
a  revenue  from  America.  The  first  attempt, 
was  by  a  stamp  act.  It  soon  appeared  that 
this  step  had  not  been  well  considered;  that 
the  rights,  the  ability,  the  opinions,  and  temper 
of  that  great  people  had  not  been  sufficiently 
attended  to.  They  complained  that  the  tax 
was  unnecessary,  because  their  assemblies 
had  ever  been  ready  to  make  voluntary  grants 
to  the  crown,  in  proportion  to  their  abilities, 
when  duly  required  so  to  do ;  and  unjust, 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


299 


because  they  had  no  representative  in  the 
British  parliament,  but  had  parliaments  of 
their  own,  wherein  their  consent  was  given 
as  it  ought  to  be.  in  grants  of  their  own 
money.  I  do  not  mean  to  enter  into  this 
question.  The  parliament  repealed  the  act, 
as  inexpedient,  but  in  another  act  was  assert 
ed  a  right  of  taxing  America.  And  in  the  fol 
lowing-  year  laid  duties  on  the  manufactures 
of  this  country  exported  thither.  On  the  re 
peal  of  the  stamp  act,  the  Americans  had  re 
turned  to  their  wonted  good  humour  and  com 
merce  with  Britain;  but  this  new  act  for 
laying  duties  renewed  their  uneasiness.  They 
were  long  since  forbidden  by  the  navigation 
act,  to  purchase  manufactures  of  any  other 
nation,  and  supposing  that  act  well  enforced, 
they  saw  by  this  indirect  mode,  it  was  in  the 
power  of  Britain  to  burden  them  as  much  as 
by  any  direct  tax,  unless  they  could  lay  aside 
the  use  of  such  manufactures  as  they  had 
been  accustomed  to  purchase  from  Britain,  or 
make  the  same  themselves. 

"In  this  situation  were  affairs  when  my 
lord  Hillsborough  entered  on  the  American 
administration.  Much  was  expected  from  his 
supposed  abilities,  application,  and  knowledge 
of  business  in  that  department.  The  news 
papers  were  filled  with  his  panegyrics,  and 
expectations  raised  perhaps  inconveniently. 

"  The  Americans  determined  to  petition 
their  sovereign,  praying  his  gracious  inter 
position  in  their  favour  with  his  parliament, 
that  the  imposition  of  these  duties  which  they 
considered  as  an  infringement  of  their  rights, 
might  be  repealed.  The  assembly  of  the 
Massachusetts  bay  had  voted  that  it  should  be 
proposed  to  the  other  colonies  to  concur  in 
that  measure.  This,  for  what  reason  I  do  not 
easily  conceive,  gave  great  offence  to  his 
lordship;  and  one  of  his  first  steps  was  to 
prevent  these  concurring  petitions.  To  this 
end,  he  sent  a  mandate  to  that  assembly  (the 
parliament  of  that  country)  requiring  them  to 
RESCIND  that  vote  and  desist  from  the  mea 
sure,  threatening  them  with  dissolution  in 
case  of  disobedience.  The  governor  commu 
nicated  to  them  the  instructions  he  received 
to  that  purpose.  They  refused  to  obey,  and 
were  dissolved !  Similar  orders  were  sent  at 
the  same  time  to  the  governors  of  the  other 
colonies,  to  dissolve  their  respective  parlia 
ments,  if  they  presumed  to  accede  to  the 
Boston  proposition  of  petitioning  his  majesty, 
and  several  of  them  were  accordingly  dis 
solved. 

"  Bad  ministers  have  ever  been  averse  to 
the  right  subjects  claim  of  petitioning  and  re 
monstrating  to  their  sovereign:  for  through 
that  channel  the  prince  may  be  apprized  of  the 
mal-administration  of  his  servants ;  they  may 
sometimes  be  thereby  brought  into  danger; 
at  least  such  petitions  afford  a  handle  to  their 
adversaries,  whereby  to  give  them  trouble. 


But  as  the  measure  to  be  complained  of,  was 
not  his  lordship's,  it  is  rather  extraordinary  that 
he  should  thus  set  his  face  against  the  in 
tended  complaints.  In  his  angry  letters  to 
America,  he  called  the  proposal  of  these  pe 
titions  'a  measure  of  most  dangerous  and 
factious  tendency,  calculated  to  inflarne  the 
minds  of  his  majesty's  subjects  in  the  colonies, 
to  promote  an  unwarrantable,  combination, 
and  to  excite  and  encourage  an  open  opposi 
tion  to  and  denial  of  the  authority  of  par 
liament,  and  to  subvert  the  true  spirit  of  the 
constitution ;'  and  directed  the  governors, 
immediately  on  the  receipt  of  these  orders,  to 
exert  their  utmost  influence  'to  defeat  this 
FLAGITIOUS  attempt.' 

"  Without  entering  into  the  particular  mo 
tives  to  this  piece  of  his  lordship's  conduct, 
let  us  consider  a  little  the  wisdom  of  it.  When 
subjects  conceive  themselves  oppressed  or  in 
jured,  laying  their  complaints  before  the  so 
vereign,  or  the  governing  powers,  is  a  kind 
of  vent  to  griefs  that  gives  some  ease  to  their 
minds;  the  receiving  with  at  least  an  ap 
pearance  of  regard,  their  petitions,  and  taking 
them  into  consideration,  gives  present  liq  n, 
and  affords  time  for  the  cooling  of  resent 
ment;  so  that  even  the  refusal,  when  de 
cently  expressed  and  accompanied  with 
reasons,  is  made  less  unpleasant  by  the 
manner,  is  half  approved,  and  the  rest  sub 
mitted  to  with  patience.  But  when  this  vent 
to  popular  discontents  is  denied,  and  the  sub 
jects  are  thereby  driven  to  desperation,  in 
finite  mischiefs  follow.  Many  princes  have 
lost  part,  and  some  the  whole  of  their  do 
minions,  and  some  their  lives  by  this  very 
conduct  of  their  servants.  The  secretary  for 
America  therefore  seems,  in  this  instance, 
not  to  have  judged  rightly  for  the  service  of 
his  excellent  master. 

"But  supposing  the  measure  of  discou 
raging  and  preventing  petitions  a  right  one, 
were  the  means  of  effecting  this  end  judi 
ciously  chosen  ]  I  mean,  the  threatening  with 
dissolution  and  the  actual  dissolving  of  the 
American  parliaments.  His  lordship  probably 
took  up  the  idea  from  what  he  knows  of  the 
state  of  things  in  England  and  Ireland,  where 
to  be  rechosen  upon  a  dissolution  often  gives 
a  candidate  great  trouble,  and  sometimes 
costs  him  a  great  deal  of  money.  A  dissolu 
tion  may  therefore  be  both  fine  and  punish 
ment  to  the  members,  if  they  desire  to  be 
again  returned.  But  in  most  of  the  colonies 
there  is  no  such  thing  as  standing  candidate 
for  election.  There  is  neither  treating  nor 
bribing.  No  man  even  expresses  the  least 
inclination  to  be  chosen.  Instead  of  humble 
advertisements  entreating  votes  and  interest, 
you  see  before  every  new  election,  requests 
of  former  members,  acknowledging  the  ho 
nour  done  them  by  preceding  elections,  but 
setting  forth  their  long  service  and  attendance 


300 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


on  the  public  business  in  that  station,  and 
praying  that  in  consideration  thereof  some 
other  person  may  be  chosen  in  their  room. 
Where  this  is  the  case,  where  the  same  repre 
sentatives  may  be,  and  generally  are  after  a 
dissolution,  chosen  without  asking  a  vote  or 
giving  even  a  glass  of  cider  to  an  elector,  is 
it  likely  that  such  a  threat  could  contribute 
in  the  least  to  answer  the  end  proposed.  The 
experience  of  former  governors,  might  have 
instructed  his  lordship,  that  this  was  a  vain 
expedient.  Several  of  them  misled  by  their 
English  ideas,  had  tried  this  practice,  to  make 
assemblies  submissive  to  their  measures,  but 
never  with  success.  By  the  influence  of  his 
power  in  granting  offices,  a  governor  natural 
ly  has  a  number  of  friends  in  an  assembly ; 
these,  if  suffered  to  continue,  though  a  mi 
nority,  might  frequently  serve  his  purposes, 
by  promoting  what  he  wishes,  or  obstructing 
what  he  dislikes.  But,  if  to  punish  the  ma 
jority,  he  in  a  pet  dissolves  the  house,  and 
orders  a  new  election,  he  is  sure  not  to  see  a. 
single  friend  in  the  new  assembly.  The  peo 
ple  are  put  into  an  ill  humour  by  the  trouble 
given  them,  they  resent  the  dissolution  as  an 
affront,  and  leave  out  every  man  suspected  of 
having  the  least  regard  for  the  governor. 
This  was  the  very  effect  of  my  lord's  dissolu 
tions  in  America,  and  the  new  assemblies 
were  all  found  more  untractable  than  the  old 
ones. 

"  But  besides  the  imprudence  of  this  mea 
sure,  was  it  constitutional?  The  crown  has 
doubtless  the  prerogative  of  dissolving  par 
liaments,  a  prerogative  lodged  in  its  hands 
for  the  public  good,  which  may  in  various 
instances  require  the  use  of  it.  But  should 
a  king  of  Great  Britain  demand  of  his  parlia 
ment  the  rescision  of  any  vote  they  had  passed, 
or  forbid  them  to  petition  the  throne,  on  pain 
of  dissolution,  and  actually  dissolve  them 
accordingly ;  I  humbly  conceive  the  minister 
who  advised  it  would  run  some  hazard  of  cen 
sure  at  least,  for  thus  using  the  prerogative 
to  the  violation  of  common  right,  and  breach 
of  the  constitution.  The  American  assembly 
have  no  means  of  impeaching  such  a  minis 
ter  ;  but  there  is  an  assembly,  the  parliament 
of  England,  that  have  that  power,  and  in  a 
former  instance  exercised  it  well,  by  impeach 
ing  a  great  man  (lord  Clarendon)  for  having 
(though  in  one  instance  only)  endeavoured  to 
introduce  arbitrary  government  into  the 
colonies. 

"The  effect  this  operation  of  the  Ameri 
can  secretary  had  in  America,  was  not  a  pre 
vention  of  those  petitions  as  he  intended,  but 
a  despair  in  the  people  of  any  success  from 
them,  since  they  could  not  pass  to  the  throne, 
but  through  the  hands  of  one  who  showed 
himself  so  extremely  averse  to  the  existence 
of  them.  Thence  arose  the  design  of  interest 
ing  the  British  merchants  and  manufacturers, 


in  the  event  of  their  petitions,  by  agreements 
not  to  import  goods  from  Great  Britain  till 
their  grievances  were  redressed.  Universal 
resentment  occasioned  these  agreements  to 
be  more  generally  entered  into,  and  the  send 
ing  troops  to  Boston,  who  daily  insulted  the 
assembly*  and  townsmen,  instead  of  terrifying 
into  a  compliance  with  his  measures,  served 
only  to  exasperate  and  sour  the  minds  of  peo 
ple  throughout  the  continent,  make  frugality 
fashionable,  when  the  consumption  of  British 
goods  was  the  question,  and  determine  the 
inhabitants  to  exert  every  nerve  in  establish 
ing  manufactures  among  themselves. 

"  Boston  having  grievously  offended  his 
lordship,  by  the  refractory  spirit  they  had 
shown  in  rechoosing  those  representatives, 
whom  he  esteemed  the  leaders  of  the  opposi 
tion  there,  he  resolved  to  punish  that  town, 
by  removing  the  assembly  from  thence  to 
Cambridge,  a  country  place  about  four  miles 
distant.  Here  too  his  lordship's  English  and 
Irish  ideas  seem  to  have  misled  him.  Re 
moving  a  parliament  from  London  or  Dublin, 
where  so  many  of  the  inhabitants  are  sup 
ported  by  the  expense  of  such  a  number  of 
wealthy  lords  and  commoners,  and  have  a  de- 
pendance  on  that  support,  may  be  a  consider 
able  prejudice  to  a  city,  deprived  of  such  ad 
vantage  ;  but  the  removal  of  the  assembly, 
consisting  of  frugal  honest  farmers,  from  Bos 
ton,  could  only  affect  the  interest  of  a  few 
poor  widows  who  keep  lodging  houses  there. 
Whatever  manufactures  the  members  might 
want,  were  still  purchased  at  Boston.  They 
themselves,  indeed,  suffered  some  incon 
venience,  in  being  perhaps  less  commodiously 
lodged,  and  being  at  a  distance  from  the  re 
cords  ;  but  this,  and  the  keeping  them  before 
so  long  prorogued,  when  the  public  affairs  re 
quired  their  meeting,  could  never  reconcile 
them  to  ministerial  measures,  it  could  serve 
only  to  put  them  more  out  of  humour  with 
Britain  and  its  government  so  wantonly  ex 
ercised,  and  to  so  little  purpose.  Ignorance 
alone  of  the  true  state  of  that  country,  can  ex 
cuse  (if  it  may  be  excused)  these  frivolous 
proceedings. 

"  To  have  good  ends  in  view,  and  to  use 
proper  means  to  obtain  them,  shows  the  mi 
nister  to  be  both  good  and  wise.  To  pursue 
good  ends  by  improper  means,  argues  him 
though  good,  to  be  but  weak.  To  pursue  bad 
ends  by  artful  means,  shows  him  to  be  wick 
ed  though  able.  But  when  his  ends  are  bad, 
and  the  means  he  uses  improper  to  obtain 
these  ends,  what  shall  we  say  of  such  a  mi 
nister  !  Every  step  taken  for  some  time  past 
in  our  treatment  of  America,  the  suspending 
their  legislative  powers,  for  not  making  laws 


They  mounted  a  numerous  guard  daily  round  the 
parliament  house,  with  drums  beating  and  fifes  playing 
hile  the  members  were  in  their  debates,  and  had  can» 
HOD  planted  and  pointed  at  the  building. 


SOCIAL  AND  FAMILIAR  CORRESPONDENCE. 


301 


by  direction  from  hence ;  the  countenancing 
their  adversaries  by  rewards  and  pensions, 
paid  out  of  the  revenues  extorted  from  them, 
by  laws  to  which  they  have  not  given  their 
assent;  the  sending  over  a  set  of  rash  in 
discreet  commissioners  to  collect  that  re 
venue,  who  by  insolence  of  behaviour;  ha 
rassing  commerce,  and  perpetually  accusing 
the  good  people  (out  of  whose  substance  they 
are  supported)  to  government  here,  as  rebels 
and  traitors,  have  made  themselves  universal 
ly  odious  there,  but  here  are  caressed  and  en 
couraged  ;  together  with  the  arbitrary  disso 
lution  of  assemblies,  and  the  quartering  troops 
among  the  people,  to  menace  and  insult  them ; 
ail  these  steps  if  intended  to  provoke  them  to 
rebellion,  that  we  might  take  their  lives  and 
confiscate  their  estates,  are  proper  means  to 
obtain  a  bad  end :  but  if  they  are  intended  to 
conciliate  the  Americans  to  our  government, 
restore  our  commerce  with  them,  and  secure 
the  friendship  and  assistance  which  their 
growing  strength,  wealth,  and  power  may  in  a 
few  years  render  extremely  valuable  to  us, — 
can  any  thing  be  conceived  more  injudicious, 
more  absurd !  His  lordship  may  have  in  ge 
neral  a  good  understanding,  his  friends  say 


Fell  True ;  and  yet  I  have  done  my  best 
endeavours.  In  various  ways  I  have  given 
the  miscreant  as  much  poison  as  would  have 
killed  an  elephant.  He  has  swallowed  dose 
after  dose ;  far  from  hurting  him,  he  seems 


the  better  for   it. 
strong  constitution. 


He  hatii  a  wonderfully 
I  find  I  cannot  kill  him 


but  by  cutting  his  throat,  and  that,  as  I  take 
it,  is  not  my  business. 

Rodrigue.  Then  it  must  be  mine. 


To  the  same. 

"SiR, — Nothing  can  equal  the  present 
rage  of  our  ministerial  writers  against  our 
brethren  in  America,  who  have  the  misfor 
tune  to  be  whigs  in  a  reign  when  whiggism 
is  out  of  fashion,  who  are  besides  Protestant 
dissenters  and  lovers  of  liberty.  One  may 
easily  see  from  what  quarter  comes  the  abu.se 
of  those  people  in  the  papers  ;  their  struggle 
for  their  rights  is  called  REBELLION,  and  The 


people 


;  while  those  who  really  re 


belled  in  Scotland  (1745)  for  the  expulsion 
of  the  present  reigning  family,  and  the  esta 
blishment  of  popery  and  arbitrary  power  on 
the  ruins  of  liberty  and  protestantism,  who 


he  has;  but  in  the  political  part  of  it,  there    entered  England,  and  marched  on  as  far  as 

snmp  twist.  <snmp  pvtrpmp  nh-     Dprhv.  tn  thp.  astonifihrnpnt  nf  this  0TPa.tr.itv. 


must  surely  be  some  twist,  some  extreme  06- 
liqiiity. 

"  A  well  wisher  to  the  King  and  all  his 
dominions" 


To  the  same. 

"  SIR, — Your  correspondent  Britannicus, 
inveighs  violently  against  Dr.  Franklin,  for 
his  ingratitude  to  the  ministry  of  this  nation, 
who  have  conferred  upon  him  so  many  fa 
vours.  They  gave  him  the  post  office  of 
America ;  they  made  his  son  a  governor  ;  and 
they  offered  him  a  post  of  rive  hundred  a  year 
in  the  salt  office,  if  he  would  relinquish  the 
interests  of  his  country ;  but  he  has  had  the 
wickedness  to  continue  true  to  it,  and  is  as 
much  an  American  as  ever.  As  it  is  a  settled 


Derby,  to  the  astonishment  of  this  great  city, 
and  shaking  the  public  credit  of  the  nation  ; 
have  now  all  their  sins  forgiven  on  account 
of  their  modish  principles,  and  are  called  not 
rebels,  but  by  the  softer  appellation  of  insur 
gents  !  These  angry  writers  use  their  utmost 
efforts  to  persuade  us  that  this  war  with  the 
colonies  (for  a  war  it  will  be)  is  a  national 
cause,  when  in  fact  it  is  merely  a  ministerial 
one.  Administration  wants  an  American  re 
venue  to  dissipate  in  corruption.  The  quar 
rel  is  about  a  paltry  three-penny  duty  on  tea. 
There  is  no  real  clashing  of  interests  between 
Britain  and  America.  Their  commerce  is  to 
their  mutual  advantage,  or  rather  most  to  the 
advantage  of  Britain,  which  finds  a  vast  mar 
ket  in  America  for  its  manufactures ;  and  as 
good  puy,  I  speak  from  knowledge,  as  in  any 
country  she  trades  to  upon  the  face  of  the 


paint  in  government  here,  that  every  man  has  I  globc  "  But  the  fact  needs  notm    testimony, 
his  price,  'tis  plain  they  are  bunglers  in  their    lt  speaks  for  itself;  for  if  we  could  elsewhere 


business,  and  have  not  given  him  .  enough. 
Their  master  has  as  much  reason  to  be  angrv 


get  better  pay  and  better  prices,  we  should 


DC  angry   not  send  our  goods  to  America. 

with  them,  as  Rodrigue  m  the  play,  with  his       "  The  oross  calumniators  of  that  people,  who 
apothecary,  for  not  effectually  poisoning  Pan- I  want  us  to  imbrue  our  hands  in   brothers' 
dolpho,  and  they  must  probably  make  use  of 
the  apothecary's  justification,"  viz. 


SCENE  IV. 
Rodrigue  and  Fell  the  Apothecary. 

Rodrigue.    You    promised  to  have   this 
Pandolpho  upon  his  bier  in  less  than  a  week ; 
'tis  more  than  a  month   since,  and  he  still 
walks  and  stares  me  in  the  face. 
26 


blood,  have  the  effrontery  to  tell  the  world 
that  the  Americans  associated  in  resolutions 
not  to  pay  us  what  they  owed  us  unless  we 
repealed  the  Stamp  Act.  This  is  an  INFA-" 
MOUS  FALSEHOOD;  they  know  it  to  be  such. 
I  call  upon  the  incendiaries  who  have  ad 
vanced  it,  to  produce  their  proofs.  Let  them 
name  any  two  that  entered  into  such  an  asso 
ciation,  or  any  one  that  made  such  a  declara 
tion.  Absurdity  marks  the  very  face  of  this 
lie.  Every  one  acquainted  with  trade  knows, 


302 


MEMOIRS  OP  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


that  a  credited  merchant  daring  to  be  concern 
ed  in  such  an  association,  could  never  expect 
to  be  trusted  again.  His  character  on  the 
Exchange  of  London  would  be  ruined  for  ever. 
The  great  credit  given  them  since  that  time, 
nay  the  present  debt  due  from  them,  is  itself 
a  proof  of  the  confidence  we  have  in  their 
probity.  Another  villanous  falsehood  ad 
vanced  against  the  Americans  is,  that  though 
we  have  been  at  such  expense  in  protecting 
them,  they  refuse  to  contribute  their  part  to 
the  public  general  expense  of  the  empire. — 
The  tact  is,  that  they  never  did  refuse  a  re 
quisition  of  that  kind.  A  writer  who  calls 
himself  Sagittarius  (I  suppose  from  his  fling 
ing  about,  like  Solomon's  fool  firebrands,  ar 
rows,  and  death)  in  the  Ledger  of  March  9th 
asserts  that  the  '  Experiment  has  been  tried, 
and  that  they  did  not  think  it  expedient  to  re 
turn  even  an  answer.'  How  does  he  prove 
this  1  Why,  '  the  colony  agents  were  told  by 
Mr.  Grenville,  that  a  revenue  would  be  re 
quired  from  them  to  defray  the  expenses  of 
their  protection.'  But  was  the  requisition 
ever  made  1  Were  circular  letters  ever  sent 
by  his  Majesty's  command  from  the  Secreta 
ry  of  State  to  the  several  colony  governments 
according  to  the  established  custom,  stating 
the  occasion,  and  requiring  such  supplies  as 
were  suitable  to  their  abilities  and  loyalty  { 
And  did  they  then  refuse  not  only  compliance 
but  an  answer  ?  No  such  matter,  agents  are 
not  the  channel  through  which  requisitions 
are  made.  If  they  were  told  by  Mr.  Gren 
ville,  that  '  a  revenue  would  be  required,  and 
yet  the  colonies  made  no  offer,  no  grant,  nor 
laid  any  tax,'  does  it  follow  they  would  not 
have  done  it  if  they  had  been  required?  Pro 
bably  they  thought  it  time  enough  when  the 
requisition  should  come,  and  in  fact  it  never 
appeared  there  to  this  day.  In  the  last  war 
they  all  gave  so  liberally,  that  we  thought 
ourselves  bound  in  honour  to  return  them  a 
million.  But  we  are  disgusted  with  their 
free  gifts ;  we  want  to  have  something  that 
is  obtained  by  force,  like  a  mad  landlord  who 
should  refuse  the  willing  payment  of  his  full 
rents,  and  choose  to  take  less  by  way  of  rob 
bery. 

"  This  shameless  writer  would  cajole  the 
people  of  England  with  the  fancy  of  their  be 
ing  kings  of  America,  and  that  their  honour 
is  at  stake  by  the  Americans  disputing  their 
government  He  thrusts  us  into  the  throne, 
cheek-by-jole  with  majesty,  and  would  have 


us  talk  as  he  writes,  of  our  subjects  in  Ame 
rica,  and  our  sovereignty  over  America :  for 
getting  that  the  Americans  are  subjects  of 
the  king,  not  our  subjects,  butour/eZ/oto  sub 
jects  ;  and  that  they  have  parliaments  of  their 
own,  with  the  right  of  granting  their  own 
money,  by  their  own  representatives,  which 
we  cannot  deprive  them  of  but  by  violence 
and  injustice. 

"  Having  by  a  series  of  iniquitous  and  irrit 
ating  measures  provoked  a  loyal  people  almost 
to  desperation,  we  now  magnify  every  act  of 
an  American  mob  into  REBELLION,  though  the 
government  there  disapprove  it.  and  order 
prosecution,  as  is  now  the  case  with  regard 
to  the  tea  destroyed  :  and  we  talk  of  nothing 
but  troops,  and  fleets,  and  force  ;  of  blocking 
up  ports,  destroying  fisheries,  abolishing  char 
ters,  &c.  &c.  Here  mobs  of  English  sawyers 
can  burn  saw-mills ;  mobs  of  English  labour 
ers  destroy  or  plunder  magazines  of  corn ; 
mobs  of  English  coal-heavers  attack  houses 
with  fire-arms ;  English  smugglers  can  fi^ht 
regularly  the  king's  cruising  vessels,  drive 
them  ashore  and  burn  them,  as  lately  on  the 
coast  of  Wales,  and  on  the  coast  of  Cornwall ; 
but  upon  these  accounts  we  hear  no  talk  of 
England's  being  in  rebellion ;  no  threats  of 
taking  away  its  Magna  Charta,  or  repealing 
its  Bill  of  Rights :  for  we  well  know,  that  the 
operations  of  a  mob  are  often  unexpected,  sud 
den,  and  soon  over,  so  that  the  civil  power 
can  seldom  prevent  or  suppress  them,  not  be 
ing  able  to  come  in  before  they  have  dispersed 
themselves;  and  therefore  it  is  not  always 
accountable  for  their  mischiefs. 

"Surely  the  great  commerce  of  this  nation 
with  the  Americans  is  of  too  much  import 
ance  to  be  risked  in  a  quarrel,  which  has  no 
foundation  but  ministerial  pique  and  obsti 
nacy  ! 

"  To  us  in  the  way  of  trade  comes  now,  and 
has  long  come,  all  the  superlucration  arising 
from  their  labours.  But  will  our  reviling  them 
as  cheats,  hypocrites,  scoundrels,  traitors, 
cowards,  tyrants,  &c.  &c.  according  to  the 
present  court  mode,  in  all  our  papers,  make 
them  more  our  friends,  more  fond  of  our  mer 
chandise  ?  Did  ever  any  tradesman  succeed 
who  attempted  to  drub  customers  into  his 
shop?  And  will  honest  JOHN  BULL,  the  farmer, 
be  long  satisfied  with  servants  that  before  his 
face  attempt  to  kill  his  plough  horses  ? 
("  Signed) 

"  A  Londoner" 


CORRESPONDENCE, 
PRIVATE    AND   POLITICAL, 


THE  DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 


*'  John  Hancock,  President  of  Congress. 

"  NANTES,  October  8,  1776. 

"Sin, — In  thirty  days  after  we  left  the 
capes  of  Delaware,  we  came  to  an  anchor  in 
the  Quiberon  bay.  I  remained  on'board  four 
days,  expecting  a  change  of  wind  proper  to 
carry  the  ship  into  the  river  Loire,  but  the 
wind  seeming  fixed  in  an  opposite  quarter,  I 
landed  at  Auray,  and  with  difficulty  got  hi 
ther,  the  road  not  being  well  supplied  with 
means  of  conveyance.  Two  days  before  we 
saw  land,  we  met  a  brigantine  from  Bordeaux 
belonging  to  Cork,  and  another  from  Roche- 
fort  belonging  to  Hull,  both  cf  v,  l^ch  were 
taken.  The  first  has  on  boan.1  staves,  tar, 
turpentine,  and  claret:  the  other  Coniac 
brandy  and  flaxseed.  There  is  some  difficul 
ty  in  determining  what  to  do  with  them,  as 
they  are  scarce  worth  sending  to  America, 
and  the  mind  of  the  French  court  with  re 
gard  to  prizes  brought  into  their  ports,  is  not 
yet  known.  It  is  certainly  contrary  to  their 
treaties  with  Britain,  to  permit  the  sale  of 
them,  and  we  have  no  regular  means  of  try 
ing  and  condemning  them. — There  are,  how 
ever,  many  here  who  would  purchase  prizes, 
we  having  already  had  several  offers  from 
persons  who  are  willing  to  take  upon  them 
selves  all  consequences  as  to  the  illegality. 

"  Captain  Wickes,  as  soon  as  he  can  get  his 
refreshments,  intends  a  cruise  in  the  channel. 
Our  friends  in  France  have  been  a  good  deal 
dejected  with  the  gazette  accounts  of  advan 
tages  obtained  against  us  by  the  British  troops. 
I  liave  helped  them  here  to  recover  their  spi 
rits  a  little,  by  assuring  them  that  we  still 
face  the  enemy,  and  were  under  no  appre 
hensions  of  their  two  armies  being  able  to 
complete  their  junction. 

"  I  understand  Mr.  Lee  has  lately  been  at 
Paris,  that  Mr.  Deane  is  still  there*,  and  that 
an  underhand  supply  is  obtained  from  the 
government,  of  two  hundred  brass  field-pieces, 
thirty  thousand  firelocks,  and  some  other  mi 
litary  stores,  which  are  now  shipping  for  Ame 
rica,  and  will  be  convoyed  by  a  ship  of  war. 


"  The  court  of  England,  Mr.  Penet  tells  me 
(from  whom  I  have  the  above  intelligence) 
had  the  folly  to  demand  Mr.  Deane  to  be  de 
livered  up,  but  were  refused. 

"  Our  vovage  though  not  long  was  rough, 
and  1  feel  myself  weakened  by  it,  but  I  now 
recover  strength  daily,  and  in  a  few  days  shall 
be  able  to  undertake  the  journey  to  Paris.  I 
have  not  yet  taken  any  public  character, 
thinking  it  prudent  first  to  know  whether  the 
court  is  ready  and  willing  to  receive  minis 
ters  publicly  from  the  Congress  ;  that  we  may 
neither  embarrass  her  on  the  one  hand,  nor 
subject  t>t:rselves  to  the  hazard  of  a  disgrace 
ful  refusal  on  the  other,  I  have  dispatched  an 
express  to  Mr.  Deane,  with  the  letters  I  had 
for  him  from  the  committee,  and  a  copy  of 
our  commission,  that  he  may  immediately 
make  the  proper  inquiries,  and  give  me  infor 
mation.  In  the  mean  time,  I  find  it  is  gene 
rally  supposed  here,  that  I  am  sent  to  nego- 
ciate,  and  that  opinion  appears  to  give  great 
pleasure,  if  I  can  judge  by  the  extreme  civi 
lities  I  meet  with  from  numbers  of  the  prin 
cipal  people  who  have  done  me  the  honour  to 
visit  me.  I  have  desired  Mr.  Deane,  by  some 
speedy  and  safe  means,  to  give  Mr.  Lee  no 
tice  of  his  appointment.  I  find  several  ves 
sels  here  laden  with  military  stores  for  Ame 
rica,  just  ready  to  sail ;  on  the  whole,  there  is 
the  greatest  prospect  that  we  shall  be  well 
provided  for  another  campaign,  and  much 
stronger  than  we  were  the  last.  A  Spanish 
fleet  has  sailed,  with  seven  thousand  land  forces, 
foot  and  some  horse,  their  destination  no! 
known,  but  supposed  against  the  Portuguese 
in  Brasil.  Both  France  and  England  are  pre 
paring  strong  fleets,  and  it  is  said  that  ail  the 
powers  of  Europe  are  preparing  for  var,  ap 
prehending  a  general  one  cannot  be  very  dis 
tant.  When  I  arrive  at  Paris,  I  shall  be  able 
to  write  with  more  certainty.  I  beg  you  to 
present  my  duty  to  the  Congress,  and  assure 
them  of  my  most  faithful  endeavours  in  their 
service. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 

303 


304 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


"  The  Secret  Committee  of  Congress. 

"  NANTES,  December  8, 1776. 

"  GENTLEMEN, — After  a  short  but  rough  pas 
sage  of  thirty  days,  we  anchored  in  Quiberon 
bay,  the  wind  not  suiting  to  enter  the  Loire. 
Captain  Wickes  did  every  thing  in  his  power 
to  make  the  voyage  comfortable  to  me ;  and  I 
was  much  pleased  with  what  I  saw  of  his  con 
duct  as  an  officer,  when  on  supposed  occasions 


a  positive  answer  from  tnese  courts,  we  shall 
dispatch  an  express  with  it. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


John  Hancock,  President  of  Congress. 
"PARIS,  January  20,  1777. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — The  bearer,  captain  Balm,  is 
strongly  recommended  to  me  as  a  very  able 


we  made  preparation  for  engagement,  the  good  j  officer  of  horse,  and  capable  of  being  extreme- 
order  and  readiness  with  which  it  was  done  ly  useful  to  us  in  forming  a  body  of  men  for 
being  far  beyond  my  expectations,  and  I  be- 1  that  service.  As  he  has  otherwise  an  excel- 


lieve  equal  to  any  thing  of  the  kind  in  the  best 
ships  of  the  king's  fleet.  He  seems  to  have 
also  a  very  good  set  of  officers  under  him.  I 
hope  they  will  all  in  good  time  be  promoted. 
He  met  and  took  two  prizes,  brigantines,  one 
belonging  to  Cork,  laden  with  staves,  pitch, 
tar,  turpentine,  and  claret ;  the  other  to  Hull, 
with  a  cargo  of  flaxseed  and  brandy.  The 
captains  have  made  some  propositions  of  ran 
som,  which,  perhaps,  may  be  accepted,  as 
there  is  yet  no  means  of  condemning  them 
here,  and  they  are  scarce  worth  sending  to 
America.  The  ship  is  yet  in  Quiberon  hay, 
with  her  prizes.  I  came  hither  from  thence, 
seventy  miles,  by  land.  I  am  made  extremely 
welcome  here,  where  America  has  many 
friends.  As  soon  as  I  have  recovered  strength 
enough  for  the  journey,  which  I  hope  will  be 
in  a  very  few  days,  I  shall  set  out  for  Paris. 
My  letter  to  the  President  will  inform  you  of 
some  other  particulars.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


lent  character,  I  take  the  liberty  of  recom 
mending  him  to  my  friends  as  a  stranger  of 
merit  worthy  of  their  civilities,  and  to  the 
Congress  as  an  officer,  who  if  employed,  may 
greatly  serve  a  cause  which  he  has  sincerely 


at  heart. 


B.  FRANKLIN.' 


"  Dr.  Priestley. 

"  PARIS,  Jan.  27,  1777. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  very  kind  let 
ter  of  February  last,  some  time  in  September. 
Major  Carleton,  who  was  so  kind  as  to  forward 
it  to  me,  had  not  an  opportunity  of  doing  it  soon 
er.  I  rejoice  to  hear  of  your  continual  pro 
gress  in  those  useful  discoveries ;  I  find  you 
have  set  all  the  philosophers  of  Europe  at 
work  upon  fixed  air ;  and  it  is  with  great 
pleasure  I  observe  how  high  you  stand  in 
their  opinion ;  for  I  enjoy  my  friends'  fame  as 
my  own. 


P.  S.  December  10th.   I  have  just  learnt  |-  .  "The  hint  you  gave  me  jocularly,  that  you 


that  eighty  pieces  of  the  cannon,  all  brass, 
with  carriages,  braces,  and  every  thing  fit  for 
immediate  service,  were  embarked  in  a  frigate 
from  Havre,  which  is  sailed :  the  rest  were  to 
go  in  another  frigate  of  thirty-six  guns." 


To  the  same. 

"  PARIS,  January  4, 1777. 

"I  ARRIVED  here  about  two  weeks  since, 
where  I  found  Mr.  Deane.  Mr.  Lee  has 
since  joined  us  from  London.  We  have  had 
an  audience  of  the  minister,  count  de  Vergen- 
nes,  and  were  respectfully  received.  We  left 
for  his  consideration  a  sketch  of  the  proposed 
treaty.  We  are  to  wait  upon  him  to-morrow 


did  not  quite  despair  of  the  philosopher's  stone, 
draws  from  me  a  request,  that  when  you  have 
found  it  you  will  take  care  to  lose  it  again  ; 
for  1  believe  in  my  conscience  that  mankind 
are  wicked  enough  to  continue  slaughtering 
one  another,  as  long  as  they  can  find  money 
to  pay  the  butchers.  But  of  all  the  wars  in 
my  time,  this  on  the  part  of  England  appears 
to  me  the  wickedest ;  having  no  cause  but 
malice  against  liberty,  and  the  jealousy  of 
commerce.  And  I  think  the  crime  seems 
likely  to  meet  with  its  proper  punishment ; 
a  total  loss  of  her  own  liberty,  and  the  de 
struction  of  her  own  commerce. 

"  I  suppose  you  would  like  to  know  some 
thing  of  the  state  of  affairs  in  America.  In 
all  probability  we  shall  be  much  stronger  the 


a  strong  memorial,  requesting  the  aids   next  campaign  than  we  were  in  the  last;  better 


mentioned  in  our  instructions.  By  his  advice 
xve  had  an  interview  with  the  Spanish  ambas 
sador,  count  d'Aranda,  who  seems  well  dis 
posed  towards  us,  and  will  forward  copies  of 
our  memorials  to  his  court,  which  will  act, 
he  says,  in  perfect  concert  with  this.  Their 
fleets  are  said  to  be  in  fine  order,  manned  and 
fit  for  sea.  The  cry  of  this  nation  is  for  us, 
but  the  court,  it  is  thought,  views  an  approach- 
in  ff  war  with  reluctance.  The  press  conti- 


armed,  better  disciplined,  and  with  more  am 
munition.  When  I  was  at  the  camp  before 
Boston,  the  army  had  not  five  rounds  of  powder 
a  man  ;  this  was  kept  a  secret  even  from  our 
people.  The  world  wondered  that  we  so  sel 
dom  fired  a  cannon :  we  could  not  afford  it ; 
but  we  now  make  powder  in  plenty. 

"  To  me  it  seems,  as  it  has  always  done, 
that  this  war  must  end  in  our  favour,  and  in 
the  ruin  of  Britain,  if  she  does  not  speedily 


nues  in  England.     As  soon  as  we  can  receive;  put  an  end  to  it.     An  English  gentleman  here 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


306 


the  other  day,  in  company  with  some  French, 
remarked,  that  it  was  folly  in  France  not  to 
make  war  immediately.  And  in  England, 
replied  one  of  them,  not  to  make  peace. 

"  Do  not  believe  the  reports  you  hear  of  our 
internal  divisions.  We  are,  I  believe,  as 
much  united  as  any  people  ever  were,  and  as 
firmly.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  The  Secret  Committee. 

"  PARIS,  Feb.  6,  1777. 

(EXTRACTS.) 

"  A  BODY  of  ten  thousand  men,  mostly 
Germans,  are  going  out  this  spring  under  the 
command  of  general  Burgoyne,  for  the  inva 
sion  of  Virginia  and  Maryland.  The  opinion 
of  this  court,  founded  on  their  advices  from 
Germany,  is,  that  such  a  number  can  be  by 
no  means  obtained,  but  you  will  be  on  your 
guard.  The  Amphitrite  and  the  Seine  from 
Havre,  and  the  Mercury  from  Nantes,  are  all 
now  at  sea,  laden  with  arms,  ammunition, 
brass  field-pieces,  stores,  clothing,  canvass, 
&c.,  which,  if  they  arrive  safely,  will  put  you 
in  a  much  better  condition  for  the  next  cam 
paign  than  you  were  for  the  last. 

"  Some  excellent  engineers  and  officers  of 
artillery  will  also  be  with  you  pretty  early, 
also  some  few  for  cavalry.  Officers  of  infan 
try  of  all  ranks  have  offered  themselves  with 
out  number.  It  is  quite  a  business  to  receive 
applications  and  refuse  them.  Many  have 
gone  over  at  their  own  expense,  contrary  to 
our  advice.  To  some  few  of  those,  who  were 
well  recommended,  we  have  given  letters  of 
introduction. 

"  The  conduct  of  our  general,  in  avoiding 
a  decisive  action,  is  much  applauded  by  the 
military  people  here,  particularly  by  mar 
shals  Maillebois,  Broglio,  and  D'Arcy.  M. 
Maillebois  has  taken  the  pains  to  write  his 
sentiments  of  some  particulars  useful  in  car 
rying  on  our  war,  which  are  sent  enclosed. 
But  that  which  makes  the  greatest  impres 
sion  in  our  favour  here,  is  the  prodigious  suc 
cess  of  our  armed  ships  and  privateers.  The 
damage  we  have  done  their  West  India  trade 
has  been  estimated  in  a  representation  to  lord 
Sandwich,  by  the  merchants  of  London,  as  one 
million  eight  hundred  thousand  pounds  ster 
ling,  which  has  raised  insurance  to  twenty- 
eight  per  cent,  being  higher  than  at  any  time 
in  the  last  war  with  France  and  Spain.  This 
mode  of  exerting  our  force  against  them 
should  be  pushed  with  vigour.  It  is  that  in 
which  we  can  most  sensibly  hurt  them,  and 
to  secure  a  continuance  of  it,  we  think  one  or 
two  of  the  engineers  we  send  over  may  be 
usefully  employed  in  making  some  of  our 
ports  impregnable.  As  we  are  informed  that 
a  number  of  cutters  are  building  to  cruise  in 
the  West  Indies  against  our  small  privateers, 
VOL.  I....2  Q  26* 


it  may  not  be  amiss  to  send  your  larger  ves 
sels  thither,  and  ply  in  other  quarters  with 
the  small  ones. 

"  A  fresh  misunderstanding  between  the 
Turks  and  Russia  is  likely  to  give  so  much 
employment  to  the  troops  of  the  latter,  as  that 
England  can  hardly  expect  to  obtain  any  of 
them.  Her  malice  against  us,  however,  is  so 
high  at  present,  that  she  would  stick  at  no 
expense  to  gratify  it.  The  New  England  co 
lonies  are,  according  to  our  best  information, 
destined  to  destruction,  and  the  rest  to  slave 
ry  under  a  military  government.  But  the 
Governor  of  the  world  sets  bounds  to  the  rage 
of  man  as  well  as  that  of  the  ocean. 

"  Finding  that  our  residence  here  together 
is  nearly  as  expensive  as  if  we  were  sepa 
rate,  and  having  reason  to  believe,  that  one 
of  us  might  be  useful  at  Madrid,  and  ano 
ther  in  Holland,  and  some  courts  furthei 
northward,  we  have  agreed  that  Mr.  Lee  go 
to  Spain,  and  either  Mr.  Deane  or  myself 
(Dr.  Franklin)  to  the  Hague.  Mr.  Lee  sets 
out  to-morrow,  having  obtained  passports,  and 
a  letter  from  the  Spanish  ambassador  here  to 
the  minister  there.  The  journey  to  Holland 
will  not  take  place  so  soon.  The  particular 
purposes  of  these  journeys  we  cannot  pru 
dently  now  explain." 


"  Mrs.  Thompson,  at  Lisle. 

"  PARIS,  February  8,  1777. 

"  You  are  too  early,  hussy,  as  well  as  too 
saucy,  in  calling  me  rebel ;  you  should  wait 
for  the  event,  which  will  determine  whether 
it  is  a  rebellion  or  only  a  revolution.  Here 
the  ladies  are  more  civil ;  they  call  us  les  in- 
surgens,  a  character  that  usually  pleases 
them  :  and  methinks  all  other  women  who 
smart,  or  have  smarted  under  the  tyranny  of 
a  bad  husband,  ought  to  be  fixed  in  revolution, 
principles,  and  act  accordingly. 

"  In  my  way  to  Canada  last  spring,  I  ^a\v 
dear  Mrs.  Barrow,  at  New  York.  Mr.  Bar 
row  had  been  from  her  two  or  three  months 
to  keep  governor  Tryon,  and  other  tories,  com 
pany  on  board  the  Asia,  one  of  the  king's 
ships  which  lay  in  the  harbour;  and  in  all 
that  time  that  naughty  man  had  not  ventured 
once  on  shore  to  see  her.  Our  troops  were 
then  pouring  into  the  town,  and  she  was 
packing  up  to  leave  it ;  fearing,  as  she  had  a 
large  house,  they  would  incommode  her  by 
quartering  officers  in  it  As  she  appeared  in 
great  perplexity,  scarce  knowing  where  to 
go,  I  persuaded  her  to  stay ;  and  I  went  to  the 
general  officers  then  commanding  there,  and 
recommended  her  to  their  protection ;  which 
they  promised  and  performed.  On  my  return 
from  Canada,  where  I  was  a  piece  of  a  go 
vernor  (and  I  think  a  very  good  one)  for  a 
fortnight,  and  might  have  been  so  'till  this 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


time  if  your  wicked  army,  enemies  to  all  good 
government,  had  not  corne  and  driven  me  out, 
I  found  her  still  in  quiet  possession  of  her 
house.  I  inquired  how  our  people  had  behav 
ed  to  her  ;  she  spoke  in  high  terms  of  the  re 
spectful  attention  they  had  paid  her.  and  the 
quiet  and  security  they  had  procured  her.  I 
said  I  was  glad  of  it ;  and  that  if  they  had  used 
her  ill,  I  would  have  turned  tory.  Then,  said 
she,  (with  that  pleasing  gaiety  so  natural  to 
her)  /  wish  they  had.  For  you  must  know 
she  is  a  toryess  as  well  as  you,  and  can  as 
flippantly  call  rebel.  I  drank  tea  with  her ; 
we  talked  affectionately  of  you  and  our  other 
friends  the  Wilkes's,  of  v.'hom  she  had  re 
ceived  no  late  intelligence ;  what  became  of 
her  since,  I  have  not  heard.  The  street  she 
lived  in  was  some  months  after  chiefly  burnt 
down ;  but  as  the  town  was  then,  and  ever 
since  has  been,  in  possession  of  the  king's 
troops,  I  have  had  no  opportunity  of  knowing 
whether  she  suffered  any  loss  in  the  confla 
gration.  I  hope  she  did  not,  as  if  she  did,  I 
should  wish  I  had  not  persuaded  her  to  stay 
there.  I  am  glad  to  learn  from  you  that  that 
unhappy,  though  deserving  family,  the  W.'s 
are  getting  into  some  business  that  may  afford 
them  subsistence.  I  pray  that  God  will  bless 
them,  and  that  they  may  see  happier  days. 
Mr.  Cheap's  and  Dr.  H.'s  good  fortunes  please 
me.  Pray  learn,  if  you  have  not  already 
learnt,  like  me,  to  be  pleased  with  other  peo 
ple's  pleasures,  and  happy  with  their  happi 
nesses  when  none  occur  of  your  own  ;  then 
perhaps  you  will  not  so  soon  be  weary  of  the 
place  you  chance  to  be  in,  and  so  fond  of  ram 
bling  to  get  rid  of  your  ennui.  I  fancy  you 
have  hit  upon  the  right  reason  of  your  being 
weary  of  St.  Omer's,  viz.  that  you  are  out  of 
temper,  which  is  the  effect  of  full  living  and 
idleness.  A  month  in  Bridewell,  beating 
hemp,  upon  bread  and  water,  would  give  you 
health  and  spirits,  and  subsequent  cheerful 
ness  and  contentment,  with  every  other  situ 
ation.  I  prescribe  that  regimen  for  you,  my 
dear,  in  pure  good  will,  without  a  fee.  And 
let  me  tell  you,  if  you  do  not  get  into  tem 
per,  neither  Brussels  nor  Lisle  will  suit  you. 
I  know  nothing  of  the  price  of  living  in  either 
of  those  places ;  but  I  am  sure  a  single  woman 
as  you  are,  might  with  economy  upon  two 
hundred  pounds  a  year,  maintain  herself  com 
fortable  any  where ;  and  me  into  the  bargain. 
Do  not  invite  me  in  earnest,  however,  to  come 
and  live  with  you  ;  for  being  posted  here,  I 
ought  not  to  comply,  and  I  am  not  sure  I 
should  be  able  to  refuse.  Present  my  re 
spects  to  Mrs.  Payne,  and  Mrs.  Heathcoat, 
for  though  I  have  not  the  honour  of  knowing 
them,  yet  as  you  say  they  are  friends  to  the 
American  cause,  I  am  sure  they  must  be  wo 
men  of  good  understanding.  I  know  you  wish 
you  could  see  me,  but  as  you  can't,  I  will  de 
scribe  myself  to  you.  Figure  me  in  your  mind 


as  jolly  as  formerly,  and  as  strong  and  hearty, 
only  a  few  years  older  ;  very  plainly  dressed, 
wearing  my  thin  gray  straight  hair,  that  peeps 
out  under  my  only  coiffure,  a  fine  fur  cap ; 
which  comes  down  my  forehead  almost  to  my 
spectacles.  Think  how  this  must  appear 
among  the  powdered  heads  of  Paris  !  I  wish 
every  lady  and  gentleman  in  France  would 
only  be  so  obliging  as  to  follow  my  fashion, 
comb  their  own  heads  as  I  do  mine,  dismiss 
their  friseurs,  and  paj|Hme  half  the  money 
they  paid  to  them.  You  see  the  gentry  might 
well  afford  this,  and  I  could  then  enlist  these 
friseurs,  (who  are  at  least  100,000)  and  with 
the  money  I  would  maintain  them,  make  a 
visit  with  them  to  England,  and  dress  the  heads 
of  your  ministers  and  privy  counsellors ; 
which  I  conceive  at  present  to  be  un  pen  de- 
rangees.  Adieu !  madcap  ;  and  believe  me 
ever,  your  affectionate  friend,  and  humble  ser 
vant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  P.  S.  Don't  be  proud  of  this  long  letter.  A 
fit  of  the  gout,  which  has  confined  me  five 
days,  and  made  me  refuse  to  see  company, 
has  given  me  little  time  to  trifle ;  otherwise 
it  would  have  been  very  short,  visitors  and 
business  would  have  interrupted :  and  perhaps 
with  Mrs.  Barrow,  you  wish  they  had." 


"  Arthur  Lee. 

"  PASSY,  March  21,  1777. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — We  have  received  your  fa 
vours  from  Viloria  and  Burgos.  The  Con 
gress,  sitting  at  Baltimore,  dispatched  a  pack 
et  to  us  the  9th  of  January,  containing  an  ac 
count  of  the  success  at  Trenton,  and  subse 
quent  events  to  that  date,  as  far  as  they  had 
come  to  knowledge.  The  vessel  was  oblig 
ed  to  run  up  a  little  river  in  Virginia,  to  avoid 
the  men  of  war,  and  was  detained  there  se 
venteen  days,  or  we  should  have  had  these 
advices  sooner.  We  learn,  however,  through 
England,  where  they  have  news  from  New 
York  to  the  4th  February,  that  on  lord  Corn- 
wallis's  retreat  to  New  Brunswick,  two  regi 
ments  of  his  rear-guard  were  cut  to  pieces ; 
that  Gen.  Washington  having  got  round  him 
into  Newark  and  Elizabethtown,  he  had  re 
tired  to  Amboy  in  his  way  to  New  York ;  that 
Gen.  Howe  had  called  in  the  garrisons  of 
fort  Lee  and  fort  Constitution,  which  were 
now  possessed  by  our  people  ,*  that  on  the 
New  York  side  forts  Washington  and  Inde 
pendence  were  re-taken  by  our  troops ;  and 
that  the  British  forces  at  Rhode  Island  were 
recalled  for  the  defence  of  New  York. 

"The  committee  in  their  letters  mention 
the  intention  of  Congress  to  send  ministers 
to  the  courts  of  Vienna,  Tuscany,  Holland, 
and  Prussia.  They  also  send  us  a  fresh  com 
mission,  containing  your  name  instead  of  Mr. 
Jefferson's,  with  this  additional  clause:  'and 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


307 


also  to  enter  into  and  agree  upon  a  treaty 
with  his  most  Christian  Majesty,  or  such 
other  person  or  persons,  as  shall  be  by  him 
authorized  for  that  purpose,  for  assistance  in 
carrying  on  the  present  war  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States.'  The  same 
clause  is  in  a  particular  commission  they  have 
sent  me  to  treat  with  the  court  of  Spain,  si 
milar  to  our  common  commission  to  the  court 
of  France ;  and  I  am  accordingly  directed  to 
go  to  Spain  ;  but  as  I  know  that  choice  was 
made  merely  on  the  supposition  of  my  being 
a  little  known  there  to  the  great  personage 
for  whom  you  have  my  letter,  (a  circum 
stance  of  little  importance,)  and  I  am  really 
unable  through  age  to  bear  the  fatigue  and 
inconveniences  of  such  a  journey,  I  must  ex 
cuse  myself  to  Congress,  and  join  with  Mr. 
Deane  in  requesting  you  to  proceed  on  the 
business  on  the  former  footing,  till  you  can 
receive  a  particular  commission  from  Con 
gress,  which  no  doubt  will  be  sent  as  soon  as 
the  circumstances  are  known. 

"  We  know  of  no  plans  or  instructions  to 
Mr.  Deane  but  those  you  have  with  you.  By 
the  packet,  indeed,  we  have  some  fresh  in 
structions  which  relate  to  your  mission,  viz., 
that  in  case  France  and  Spain  will  enter  in 
to  the  war,  the  United  States  will  assist  the 
former  in  the  conquest  of  the  British  sugar 
islands,  and  the  latter  in  the  conquest  of  Por 
tugal  ;  promising  the  assistance  of  six  frigates 
manned,  of  not  less  than  twenty-four  guns 
each,  and  provisions  equal  to  two  millions  of 
dollars ;  America  desiring  only  for  her  share 
what  Britain  holds  on  the  continent :  but  you 
shall,  by  the  first  safe  opportunity,  have  the 
instructions  at  length.  I  believe  we  must 
send  a  courier. 

"  If  we  can  we  are  ordered  to  borrow  two 
millions  of  dollars  on  interest.  Judge  then 
what  a  piece  of  service  you  will  do,  if  you 
can  obtain  a  considerable  subsidy,  or  even  a 
loan  without  interest. 

"  We  are  also  ordered  to  build  six  ships  of 
war.  It  is  a  pleasure  to  find  the  things  or 
dered,  which  we  are  doing  without  orders. 

"  We  are  also  to  acquaint  the  several 
courts  with  the  determination  of  America  to 
maintain  at  all  events  our  independence.  You 
will  see  by  the  date  of  the  resolution  relating 
to  Portugal  as  well  as  the  above,  that  the  Con 
gress  were  stout  in  the  midst  of  their  diffi 
culties.  It  would  be  well  to  sound  the  court 


Amsterdam,  that,  in  the  height  of  British 
pride  of  their  summer  success,  and  just  be 
fore  they  heard  of  any  check,  the  ambassa 
dor,  sir  Joseph  Yorke,  had  been  ordered  to 
send  a  haughty  memorial  to  the  States,  im 
porting  that,  notwithstanding  their  promises 
to  restrain  their  subjects  from  supplying 
the  rebels,  it  was  notorious  that  those  sup 
plies  were  openly  furnished  by  Hollanders  at 
St.  Eustatia,  and  that  the  governor  of  that 
island  had  returned  from  his  fort  the  salute 
of  a  rebel  ship  of  war  with  an  equal  number 
of  guns ;  that  his  majesty  justly  and  highly  re 
sented  these  proceedings,  and  demanded  that 
the  States  should,  by  more  severe  provisions, 
restrain  Chat  commerce  ;  that  they  should  de 
clare  their  disapprobation  of  the  insolent  be 
haviour  of  their  governor,  and  punish  him  by 
an  immediate  recall :  otherwise  his  majesty, 
who  knows  what  appertains  to  the  dignity  of 
his  crown,  would  take  proper  measures  to 
vindicate  it ;  and  he  required  an  immediate 
answer.  The  States  coolly  returned  the  me 
morial  with  only  this  answer,  that  when  the 
respect  due  to  sovereigns  was  not  preserved 
in  a  memorial,  it  ought  not  to  be  expected  in 
an  answer.  But  the  city  of  Amsterdam  took 
fire  at  the  insolence  of  it,  and  instructed  their 
deputies  in  the  States  to  demand  satisfaction, 
by  the  British  court's  disavowal  of  the  memo 
rial,  and  the  reprimand  of  the  ambassador. 
The  States  immediately  demanded  a  number 
of  war  ships  to  be  in  readiness.  Perhaps, 
since  the  bad  news  has  come,  England  may 
be  civil  enough  to  make  up  this  little  differ 
ence. 

"  Mr.  Deane  is  still  here.  You  desire  our 
advice  about  stopping  at  Burgos.  We  are  of 
opinion  that  you  should  comply  with  the  re 
quest.  While  we  are  asking  aid,  it  is  neces 
sary  to  gratify  the  desires,  and  in  some  sort 
comply  with  the  humours,  of  those  we  apply 
to.  Our  business  now  is  to  carry  our  point. 
But  I  have  never  yet  changed  the  opinion  1 
gave  in  Congress,  that  a  virgin  state  should 
preserve  the  virgin  character,  and  not  go 
about  suitoring  for  alliances,  but  wait  with 
dignity  for  the  applications  of  others.  I  was 
overruled  ;  perhaps  for  the  best. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Dr.  Cooper,  Boston. 

of  Spain  on  the  subject  of  permitting  our  I  "  PAR!S'  MaJ" l- 1777 

armed  ships  to  bring  prizes  into  her  ports,  |  "  I  THANK  you  for  your  kind  congratulations 
and  there  dispose  of  them.  If  it  can  be  done  j  on  my  safe  arrival  here,  and  for  your  good 
openly,  in  what  manner  can  we  be  accommo-  wishes.  I  am,  as  you  supposed,  treated  with 
dated  with  the  use  of  their  ports,  or  under !  great  civility  and  respect  by  all  orders  of 


what  restrictions?   This  government  has  of 
late  been  a  little  nice  on  that  head  ;  and  the 
orders  to  L'Orient  have  occasioned  captain 
Wickes  some  trouble. 
"  We  have  good  advice  of  our  friend  at 


people ;  but  it  gives  me  still  greater  satisfac 
tion  to  find  that  our  being  here  is  of  some  use 
to  our  country.     On  that  head  I  cannot  be 
more  explicit  at  present. 
*   "  I  rejoice  with  you  in  the  happy  change  of 


308 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


affairs  in  America  last  winter;  I  hope  the 
same  train  of  success  will  continue  through 
the  summer.  Our  enemies  are  disappointed 
in  the  number  of  additional  troops  they  pur 
posed  to  send  over.  What  they  have  been 
able  to  muster  will  not  probably  recruit  their 
army  to  the  state  it  was  in  the  beginning  of 
last  campaign ;  and  ours  I  hope  will  be  equal- 
]y  numerous,  better  armed,  and  better  cloth 
ed,  than  they  have  been  heretofore. 

"  All  Europe  is  on  our  side  of  the  question, 
as  far  as  applause  and  good  wishes  can  carry 
them.  Those  who  live  under  arbitrary  power 
do  nevertheless  approve  of  liberty,  and  wish 
for  it :  they  almost  despair  of  recovering  it  in 
Europe :  they  read  the  translations  of  our  se 
parate  colony  constitutions  with  rapture ;  and 
there  are  such  numbers  every  where  who 
talk  of  removing  to  America,  with  their  fa 
milies  and  fortunes,  as  soon  as  peace  and  our 
independence  shall  be  established,  that  it  is 
generally  believed  we  shall  have  a  prodigious 
addition  of  strength,  wealth,  and  arts,  from  the 
emigrations  of  Europe ;  and  it  is  thought  that 
to  lessen  or  prevent  such  emigrations,  the 
tyrannies  established  there  must  relax,  and 
iillow  more  liberty  to  their  people.  Hence  it 
is  a  common  observation  here,  that  our  cause 
is  the  cause  of  all  mankind;  and  that  we  are 
fighting  for  their  liberty  in  defending  our 
own.  It  is  a  glorious  task  assigned  us  by 
Providence ;  which  has,  I  trust,  given  us  spi 
rit  and  virtue  equal  to  it,  and  will  at  last 
crown  it  with  success. 

«  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"Mr.  Winthrop,  Boston. 

"  PARIS,  May  1,  1777. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  kind  letter  of 
February  28,  which  gave  me  great  pleasure. 

"  I  forwarded  your  letter  to  Dr.  Price,  who 
was  well  lately,  but  his  friends,  on  his  ac 
count,  were  under  some  apprehensions  from 
the  violence  of  government,  in  consequence  of 
his  late  excellent  publications  in  favour  of 
liberty.  I  wish  all  the  friends  of  liberty  and 
man  would  quit  that  sink  of  corruption,  and 
leave  it  to  its  fate. 

"  The  people  of  this  country  are  almost 
unanimously  in  our  favour.  The  government 
lias  its  reasons  for  postponing  a  war,  but  is 
making  daily  the  most  diligent  preparations ; 
wherein  Spain  goes  hand  in  hand.  In  the 
mean  time,  America  has  the  whole  harvest  of 
prizes  made  upon  the  British  commerce ;  a 
kind  of  monopoly  that  has  its  advantages,  as 
by  affording  greater  encouragement  to  cruis 
ers,  it  increases  the  number  of  our  seamen,  and 
thereby  augments  our  naval  power. 

"  The  conduct  of  those  princes  of  Germa 
ny,  who  have  sold  the  blood  of  their  people, 
has  subjected  them  to  the  contempt  and 
odium  of  all  Europe.  The  prince  of  Anspach, 


whose  recruits  mutinied  and  refused  to  march, 
was  obliged  to  disarm,  and  fetter  them,  and 
drive  them  to  the  sea-side  by  the  help  of  his 
guards;  himself  attending  in  person.  In  his 
return  he  was  publicly  hooted  by  mobs 
through  every  town  he  passed  in  Holland, 
with  all  sorts  of  reproachful  epithets.  The 
king  of  Prussia's  humour  of  obliging  those 
princes  to  pay  him  the  same  toll  per  head  for 
the  men  they  drive  through  his  dominions,  as 
used  to  be  paid  him  for  their  cattle,  because 
they  were  sold  as  such,  is  generally  spoken 
of  with  approbation ;  as  containing  a  just  re 
proof  of  those  tyrants.  I  send  you  inclosed 
one  of  the  many  satires  that  have  appeared  on 
this  occasion. 

"  With  my  best  wishes  of  prosperity  to 
yourself  and  to  my  dear  country,  where  I  hope 
to  spend  my  last  years,  and  lay  my  bones. 
«B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Thomas  Gushing,  Boston. 

"PARIS,  May  1,  1777. 

"SiR, — I  thank  you  for  your  kind  con 
gratulations  on  my  arrival  here,  and  shall  be 
happy  in  finding  that  our  negociations  on  this 
side  the  water  are  of  effectual  service  to  our 
country. 

"The  general  news  here  is  that  all  Europe 
is  arming  and  preparing  for  war,  as  if  it  were 
soon  expected.  Many  of  tKe  powers,  how 
ever,  have  their  reasons  for  endeavouring  to 
postpone  it,  at  least  a  few  months  longer. 

"Our  enemies  will  not  be  able  to  send 
against  us  all  the  strength  they  intended: 
they  can  procure  but  few  Germans;  and 
their  recruiting  and  impressing  at  home, 
goes  on  heavily.  They  threaten,  however, 
and  give  out,  that  lord  Howe  is  to  bombard 
Boston  this  summer,  and  Burgoyne,  with  the 
troops  from  Canada,  to  destroy  Providence, 
and  lay  waste  Connecticut;  while  Howe 
marches  against  Philadelphia.  They  will 
do  us  undoubtedly  as  much  mischief  as  they 
can ;  but  the  virtue  and  bravery  of  our  coun 
trymen,  will,  with  the  blessing  of  God,  pre 
vent  part  of  what  they  intend,  and  nobly  bear 
the  rest.  This  campaign  is  entered  upon 
with  a  mixture  of  rage  and  despair,  as  theij 
whole  scheme  of  reducing  us  depends  upon 
its  success;  the  wisest  of  the  nation  being- 
clear  that  if  this  fails,  administration  will  not 
be  able  to  support  another. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  General  G.  Washington. 

"  PARIS,  June  13,  1777. 

"  SIR, — The  bearer,  M.  le  Conte  Kotkouski, 
a  Polish  officer,  is  recommended  to  me  by 
several  persons  of  worth  here,  as  a  man  of 
experience  in  military  affairs,  and  of  tried 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL,. 


309 


bravery,  he  has  lost  his  family  and  estate  in 
Poland,  by  fighting  there  in  the  cause  of  li 
berty  ;  and  wishes,  by  engaging  in  the  same 
cause,  to  find  a  new  country  and  new  friends 
in  America ;  count  Pulaski,  w.ho  was  a  gene 
ral  of  the  confederates  in  Poland,  and  who  is 
gone  to  join  you,  is  esteemed  one  of  the  great 
est  officers  in  Europe.  He  can  give  you  the 
character  of  this  M.  Kotkouski,  who  served 
under  him  as  lieutenant-colonel.  It  is  with 
regret  that  I  give  letters  of  introduction  to 
foreign  officers,  fearing  you  may  be  troubled 
with  more  than  you  can  provide  for,  or  em 
ploy  to  their  and  your  own  satisfaction.  When 
particular  cases  seem  to  have  a  claim  to  such 
letters,  I  hope  you  will  excuse  my  taking  the 
liberty  : — I  give  no  expectations  to  those  who 
apply  for  them,  I  promise  nothing,  I  acquaint 
them  that  their  being  placed,  when  they  ar 
rive,  is  a  great  uncertainty,  and  that  the  voy 
age  being  long,  expensive,  and  hazardous,  I 
counsel  them  not  to  undertake  it.  This  ho 
nest  gentleman's  zeal  is  not  to  be  discouraged 
by  such  means ;  he  determines  to  go  and  serve 
as  a  volunteer,  if  he  cannot  be  employed  im 
mediately  as  an  officer  :  but  I  wish  and  hope 
your  excellency  may  find  a  better  situation 
for  him,  and  that  he  will  be  an  useful  officer. 
He  has  the  advantage  of  understanding  Eng 
lish,  and  will  soon  speak  it  intelligibly.  He 
also  speaks  German  and  some  other  European 
languages,  and  the  Latin.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  same. 

"  PARIS,  June  13, 1777. 

"  SIR, — The  person  who  will  have  the  ho 
nour  of  delivering  this  to  your  excellency,  is 
Monsieur  le  baron  de  Frey,  who  is  well  re 
commended  to  me  as  an  officer  of  experience 
and  merit,  with  a  request  that  I  would, give 
him  a  letter  of  introduction.  I  have  acquaint 
ed  him  that  you  are  rather  overstocked  with 
officers,  and  that  his  obtaining  employment  in 
your  army  is  an  uncertainty,  but  his  zeal  for 
the  American  cause  is  too  great  for  any  dis 
couragements  I  can  lay  before  him,  and  he 
goes  over  at  his  own  expense,  to  take  his 
chance,  which  is  a  mark  of  attachment  that 
merits  our  regard.  He  will  show  your  ex 
cellency  the  commissions  and  proofs  of  his 
military  service  hitherto,  and  I  beg  leave  to 
recommend  him  to  your  notice. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


M.  Dubourg  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  PARIS,  September  8,  17? 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  should  be  much  obliged 
to  you  if  you  would  be  so  good  as  to  give  a 
letter  of  recommendation  to  some  one  of  the 
chiefs  of  your  army,  in  favour  of  a  young  man 
full  of  courage,  and  also  of  distinguished  ta 


lents,  who  is  at  Bourdeaux,  ready  to  embark 
for  America,  where  he  proposes  to  settle  him 
self  in  Pennsylvania,  after  having  served  in 
quality  of  volunteer,  or  otherwise,  during 
the  war.  His  name  is  Gerard.  He  carries 
with  him  a  little  adventure,  sufficient  for  sup 
porting  him  some  years,  and  afterwards,  if  it 
is  there  customary,  his  father  will  make  over 
to  him  his  portion.  I  interest  myself  parti 
cularly  in  his  favour,  because  he  is  the  bro 
ther-in-law  of  one  of  our  honestest  commis- 
ies.  DUBOURG." 


"  Richard  Peters. 
"  PASSY,  near  Paris,  September  12, 1777. 

"  SIR, — The  bearer  Monsieur  Gerard  is 
recommended  to  me  by  M.  Dubourg,  a  gen 
tleman  of  distinction  here,  and  a  hearty  friend 
to  our  cause.  I  enclose  his  letter  that  you 
may  see  the  favourable  manner  in  which  he 
speaks  of  M.  Gerard.  I  thereupon  take  the 
liberty  of  recommending  the  young  gentle 
man  to  your  civilities  and  advice,  as  he  will 
be  quite  a  stranger  there,  and  to  request  that 
you  would  put  him  in  the  way  of  serving  as 
a  volunteer  in  our  armies. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  David  Hartley,  M.  P. 

"  PASSY,  near  Paris,  Oct.  14,  1777. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  duly  your  letter  of 
May  2,  "77,  including  a  copy  of  one  you  had 
sent  me  the  year  before,  which  never  came  to 
hand,  and  which,  it  seems,  has  been  the  case 
with  some  I  wrote  to  you  from  America. 
Filled,  though  our  letters  have  always  been, 
with  sentiments  of  good  will  to  both  countries, 
and  earnest  desires  of  preventing  their  ruin 
and  promoting  their  mutual  felicity,  I  have 
been  apprehensive  that  if  it  were  known  that 
a  correspondence  subsisted  between  us,  it 
might  be  attended  with  inconvenience  to  you. 
I  have  therefore  been  backward  in  writing, 
not  caring  to  trust  the  post,  and  not  well 
knowing  who  else  to  trust  with  my  letters. 
But  being  now  assured  of  a  safe  conveyance, 
I  venture  to  write  to  you,  especially  as  I 
think  the  subject  such  a  one  as  you  may  re 
ceive  a  letter  upon  without  censure. 

"  Happy  should  I  have  been,  if  the  honest 
warnings  I  gave,  of  the  fatal  separation  of  in 
terests  as  well  as  of  affections,  that  must  at 
tend  the  measures,  commenced  while  I  was 
in  England,  had  been  attended  to,  and  the 
horrid  mischief  of  this  abominable  war  been 
thereby  prevented.  I  should  still  be  happy 
in  any  successful  endeavours  for  restoring 
peace,  consistent  with  the  liberties,  the  safety, 
and  the  honour  of  America.  As  to  our  sub- 
!  mitting  to  the  government  of  Great  Britain, 
;  'tis  vain  to  think  of  it.  She  has  given  us,  by 


310 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


her  numberless  barbarities,  (by  her  malice  in 
bribing  slaves  to  murder  their  masters,  and 
.savages  to  massacre  the  families  of  farmers, 
with  her  baseness  in  rewarding  the  unfaith 
fulness  of  servants  and  debauching  the  virtue 
of  honest  seamen,  intrusted  with  our  property) 
in  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  and  in  the  treat 
ment  of  the  prisoners,  so  deep  an  impression 
of  her  depravity,  that  we  never  again  can 
trust  her  in  the  management  of  our  affairs  and 
interests.  It  is  now  impossible  to  persuade 
our  people,  as  I  long  endeavoured,  that  the 
war  was  merely  ministerial,  and  that  the  na 
tion  bore  still  a  good  will  to  us.  The  infinite 
number  of  addresses  printed  in  your  gazettes, 
all  approving  the  conduct  of  your  government 
towards  us,  and  encouraging  our  destruction 
by  every  possible  means,  the  great  majority 
in  parliament  constantly  manifesting  the  same 
sentiments,  and  the  popular  public  rejoicings 
on  occasion  of  any  news  of  the  slaughter  of 
an  innocent  and  virtuous  people  fighnng  only 
in  defence  of  their  just  rights ;  these,  toge 
ther  with  the  recommendations  of  the  same 
measures  by  even  your  celebrated  moralists 
and  divines,  in  their  writings  and  sermons, 
that  are  still  approved  and  applauded  in  your 
great  national  assemblies,  all  join  in  convinc 
ing  us  that  you  are  no  longer  the  magnani 
mous  enlightened  nation  we  once  esteemed 
you  ;  and  that  you  are  unfit  and  unworthy  to 
govern  us,  as  not  being  able  to  govern  your 
own  passions. 

"  But,  as  I  have  said,  I  should  be  nevertheless 
happy  in  seeing  peace  restored.  For  though 
if  my  friends  and  the  friends  of  liberty  and 
virtue,  who  still  remain  in  England,  could  be 
drawn  out  of  it,  a  continuance  of  this  war  to 
the  ruin  of  the  rest,  would  give  me  less  con 
cern.  I  cannot,  as  that  removal  is  impossi 
ble,  but  wish  for  peace  for  their  sakes,  as  well 
as  for  the  sake  of  humanity,  and  preventing 
further  carnage. 

"  This  wish  of  mine,  ineffective  as  it  may 
be,  induces  me  to  mention  to  you,  that  be 
tween  nations  long  exasperated  against  each 
other  in  war,  some  act  of  generosity  and  kind 
ness  toward  prisoners  on  one  side  has  softened 
resentment,  and  abated  animosity  on  the 
other,  so  as  to  bring  on  an  accommodation.  You 
in  England,  if  you  wish  for  peace,  have  at 
present  the  opportunity  of  trying  this  means, 
with  regard  to  the  prisoners  now  in  your 
gaols.  They  complain  of  very  severe  treat 
ment.  They  are  far  from  their  friends  and 
families,  and  winter  is  coming  on,  in  which 
they  must  suffer  extremely,  if  continued  in 
their  present  situation ;  fed  scantily,  on  bad 
provisions,  without  warm  lodging,  clothes,  or 
fire,  and  not  suffered  to  invite  or  receive  visits 
from  their  friends,  or  even  from  the  humane 
and  charitable  of  their  enemies.  I  can  assure 
you,  from  my  own  certain  knowledge,  that 
your  people,  prisoners  in  America,  have  been 


treated  with  great  kindness ;  they  have  been 
served  with  the  same  rations  of  wholesome 
provisions  with  our  own  troops,  comfortable 
lodgings  have  been  provided  for  them,  and 
they  have  been  allowed  large  bounds  of  vil 
lages  in  the  healthy  air,  to  walk  and  amuse 
themselves  with  on  their  parole.  Where  you 
have  thought  fit  to  employ  contractors  to  sup 
ply  your  people,  these  contractors  have  been 
protected  and  aided  in  their  operations.  Some 
considerable  act  of  kindness  towards  our  peo 
ple  would  take  off  the  reproach  of  inhumanity, 
in  that  respect  from  the  nation,  and  leave  it 
where  it  ought  with  more  certainty  to  lay,  on 
the  conductors  of  your  war  in  America.  This 
I  hint  to  you,  out  of  some  remaining  good  will 
to  a  nation  I  once  loved  sincerely.  But  as 
things  are,  and  in  my  present  temper  of  mind, 
not  being  overfond  of  receiving  obligations,  I 
shall  content  myself  with  proposing,  that  your 
government  would  allow  us  to  send  or  employ 
a  commissary  to  take  some  care  of  those  un 
fortunate  people.  Perhaps  on  your  represent 
ations  this  might  speedily  be  obtained  in  Eng 
land,  though  it  was  refused  most  inhumanly 
at  New  York. 

"  If  you  could  have  leisure  to  visit  the  gaols 
in  which  they  are  confined,  and  should  be  de 
sirous  of  knowing  the  truth,  relative  to  the 
treatment  they  receive,  I  wish  you  would  take 
the  trouble  of  distributing  among  the  most  ne 
cessitous,  according  to  their  wants,  five  or  six 
hundred  pounds,  for  which  your  drafts  on  me 
here  shall  be  punctually  honoured.  You  could 
then  be  able  to  speak  with  some  certainty  to 
the  point  in  parliament,  and  this  might  be  at 
tended  with  good  effects. 

"  If  you  cannot  obtain  for  us  permission  to 
send  a  commissary,  possibly  you  may  find  a 
trusty,  humane,  discreet  person  at  Plymouth, 
and  another  at  Portsmouth,  who  would  un 
dertake  to  communicate  what  relief  we  may 
be  able  to  afford  those  unfortunate  men,  mar 
tyrs  to  the  cause  of  liberty.  Your  king  will 
not  reward  you  for  taking  this  trouble,  but 
God  will.  I  shall  not  mention  the  gratitude 
of  America :  you  will  have  what  is  better,  the 
applause  of  your  own  good  conscience.  Our 
captains  have  set  at  liberty  above  two  hun 
dred  of  your  people,  made  prisoners  by  our 
armed  vessels  and  brought  into  France,  be 
sides  a  great  number  dismissed  at  sea  on  your 
coasts,  to  whom  vessels  were  given  to  carry 
them  in.  But  you  have  not  returned  us  a 
man  in  exchange.  If  we  had  sold  your  peo 
ple  to  the  moors  at  Sallee,  as  you  have  many 
of  ours  to  the  African  and  East  India  compa 
nies,  could  you  have  complained  ? 

"  In  revising  what  I  have  written,  I  found  too 
much  warmth  in  it,  and  was  about  to  strike 
out  some  parts.  Yet  I  let  them  go,  as  they 
will  afford  you  this  one  reflection  :  '  If  a  man 
naturally  cool,  and  rendered  still  cooler  by 
|  old  age,  is  so  warmed  by  our  treatment  of  his 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


311 


country,  how  much  must  those  people  in  ge 
neral  be  exasperated  against  us  !  and  why  are 
we  making  inveterate  enemies  by  our  barba 
rity,  not  only  of  the  present  inhabitants  of  a 
great  country,  but  of  their  infinitely  more  nu 
merous  posterity ;  who  will  in  future  ages 
detest  the  name  of  Englishman,  as  much  as 
the  children  in  Holland  now  do  those  of  Alva 
and  Spaniard.'  This  will  certainly  happen, 
unless  your  conduct  is  speedily  changed,  and 
the  national  resentment  falls,  where  it  ought 
to  fall  heavily,  on  your  ministry,  or  perhaps 
rather  on  the  king,  whose  will  they  only  exe 
cute.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"James  Lovell. 

"  PARIS,  December  21, 1777. 

"SiR, — I  see  in  a  vote  in  congress,  shown 
me  by  captain  Franval,  that  Mr.  Deane  is 
disowned  in  some  of  his  agreements  with  of 
ficers.  I  who  am  upon  the  spot,  and  know 
the  infinite  difficulty  of  resisting  the  power 
ful  solicitations  here  of  great  men,  who,  if 
disobliged,  might  have  it  in  their  power  to 
obstruct  the  supplies  he  was  then  obtaining, 
do  not  wonder,  that  being  then  a  stranger  to 
the  people,  and  unacquainted  with  the  lan 
guage,  he  was  at  first  prevailed  on  to  make 
some  such  agreements,  when  all  were  recom 
mended,  as  they  always  are,&sojficierse3cpe- 
rementes,  braves  comme  leurs  epses,  pleins 
de  courage,  de  talents,  et  de  zele  pour  noire 
cause,  tyc.  in  short,  mere  Caesars,  each  of 
whom  would  be  an  invaluable  acquisition  to 
America.  You  can  have  no  conception  how 
we  are  still  besieged  and  worried  on  this 
head,  our  time  cut  to  pieces  by  personal  ap 
plications,  besides  those  contained  in  dozens 
of  letters  by  every  post,  which  are  so  gene 
rally  refused,  that  scarce  one  in  a  hundred 
obtain  from  us  a  simple  recommendation  to 
civilities.  I  hope,  therefore,  that  favourable  al 
lowance  will  be  made  to  my  worthy  colleague, 
on  account  of  his  situation  at  the  time,  as  he 
has  long  since  corrected  that  mistake,  and 
daily  approves  himself,  to  my  certain  know 
ledge,  an  able,  faithful,  active,  and  extremely 
useful  servant  of  the  public.  A  testimony  I 
think  it  my  duty  to  take  this  occasion  of  giv 
ing  to  his  merit  unasked,  as,  considering  my 
great  age,  I  may  probably  not  live  to  give  it 
personally  in  Congress,  and  I  perceive  he  has 
enemies. 

"  You  will  see  the  general  news  in  the  pa 
pers.  In  particular,  I  can  only  say  at  present 
that  our  affairs  go  well  here,  and  that  I  am, 
with  much  respect,  sir,  &c. 

«  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"Mr.  Hutton. 

"  PASSY,  Feb.  1, 1778. 

"  MY  DEAR  OLD  FRIEND,— You  desired  that 


if  I  ha4no  proposition  to  make,  I  would  at 
lejKrc  give  my  advice. 

*"  I  think  it  is  Ariosto  who  says,  that  all 
things  lost  on  earth,  are  to  be  found  in  the 
moon ;  on  which  somebody  remarked,  that 
there  must  be  a  great  deal  of  good  advice  in 
the  moon.  If  so  there  IB  a  good  deal  of  mine 
formerly  given  and  lost  in  this  business.  I 
will,  however,  at  your  request,  give  a  little 
more,  but  without  the  least  expectation  that 
it  will  be  followed ;  for  none  but  God  can  at 
the  same  time  give  good  counsel,  and  wisdom 
to  make  use  of  it. 

"  You  have  lost  by  this  mad  war,  and  the 
barbarity  with  which  it  has  been  carried  on, 
not  only  the  government  and  commerce 
of  America,  and  the  public  revenues  and  pri 
vate  wealth  arising  from  that  commerce,  but 
what  is  more,  you  have  lost  the  esteem,  re 
spect,  friendship,  and  affection  of  all  that 
great  and  growing  people,  who  consider  you 
at  present,  and  whose  posterity  will  consider 
you,  as  the  worst  and  wickedest  nation  upon 
earth.  A  peace  you  may  undoubtedly  obtain, 
by  dropping  all  your  pretensions  to  govern 
us:  and  by  your  superior  skill  in  huckstering 
negotiation,  you  may  possibly  make  such  an 
apparently  advantageous  bargain  as  shall  be 
applauded  in  your  parliament ;  but  you  can 
not,  with  the  peace,  recover  the  affections  of 
that  people,  it  will  not  be  a  lasting  nor  a  pro 
fitable  one,  nor  will  it  afford  you  any  part  of 
that  strength  which  you  once  had  by  your 
union  with  them,  and  might  (if  you  had  been 
wise  enough  to  take  advice)  have  still  re 
tained. 

"  To  recover  their  respect  and  affection, 
you  must  tread  back  the  steps  you  have 
taken. 

"  Instead  of  honouring  and  rewarding  the 
American  advisers  and  promoters  of  this  war, 
you  should  disgrace  them*,  with  all  those 
who  have  inflamed  the  nation  against  Ameri 
ca  by  their  malicious  writings ;  and  all  the 
ministers  and  generals  who  have  prosecuted 
the  war  with  such  inhumanity.  This  would 
show  a  national  change  of  disposition,  and  a 
disapprobation  of  what  had  passed. 

"  In  proposing  terms,  you  should  not  only 
grant  such  as  the  necessity  of  your  affairs 
may  evidently  oblige  you  to  grant,  but  such 
additional  ones  as  may  show  your  generosity, 
and  thereby  demonstrate  your  good  will.  For 
instance,  perhaps  you  might,  by  your  treaty, 
retain  all  Canada,  Nova  Scotia,  and  the  Flo- 
ridaa  But  if  you  would  have  a  real  friendly 
as  well  as  able  ally  in  America,  and  avoid  all 
occasion  of  future  discord,  which  will  other 
wise  be  continually  arising  on  your  American 
frontiers,  you  should  throw  in  those  coun 
tries.  And  you  may  call  it  if  you  please  an 
indemnification  for  the  burning  of  their  towns, 
which  indemnification  will  otherwise  be  some 
time  or  other  demanded. 


312 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


"  I  know  your  people  will  not  see  the  util 
ity  of  such  measures,  and  will  never  follow 
them,  and  even  call  it  insolence  and  impu 
dence  in  me  to  mention  them.  I  have  how 
ever  complied  with  your  desire,  and  am,  as 
ever,  your  affectionate  friend, 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


The  same. 

"  PASBY,  Feb.  12,  ]778. 

"  DEAR  OLD  FRIEND, — I  wrote  the  above 
some  time  before  I  received  yours,  acquaint 
ing  me  with  your  speedy  and  safe  return, 
which  gave  me  pleasure.  I  doubted  after  1 
had  written  it  whether  it  would  be  well  to 
send  it ;  for  as  your  proud  nation  despises  us 
exceedingly,  and  demands  and  expects  abso 
lute  and  humble  submission,  all  talk  of  treaty 
must  appear  imprudence,  and  tend  to  provoke 
rather  than  conciliate.  As  you  still  press  me 
by  your  last  to  say  something,  I  conclude  to 
send  what  I  had  written,  for  I  think  the  ad 
vice  is  good,  though  it  must  be  useless ;  and 
(  cannot,  as  some  amon|st  you  desire,  make 
propositions,  having  none  committed  to  me  to 
make ;  but  we  can  treat  if  any  are  made  to 
us ;  which  however  we  do  not  expect.  I 
abominate  with  you  all  murder,  and  I  may 
add,  that  the  slaughter  of  men  in  an  unjust 
cause  is  nothing  less  than  murder  ;  I  there 
fore  never  think  of  your  present  ministers  and 
their  abettors,  but  with  the  image  strongly 
painted  in  my  view,  of  their  hands,  red,  wet, 
and  dropping  with  the  blood  of  my  country 
men,  friends,  and  relations.  No  peace  can  be 
signed  by  those  hands.  * 

"  Peace  and  friendship  will  nevertheless 
subsist  for  ever  between  Air.  Hutton  and  his 
affectionate  friend,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


il  PASSY,  Feb.  12,  1778. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — A  thousand  thanks  for  your  so 
readily  engaging  in  the  means  of  relieving 
our  poor  captives,  and  the  pains  you  have 
taken,  and  the  advances  you  have  made  for 
that  purpose.  I  received  your  kind  letter  of 
the  3d  inst,  and  send  you  enclosed  a  bill  of 
one  hundred  pounds.  I  much  approve  of  Mr. 
Wren's  prudent,  as  well  as  benevolent  con 
duct,  in  the  disposition  of  the  money,  and 
wish  him  to  continue  doing  what  shall  ap 
pear  to  him  and  to  you  to  be  right,  which  I 
am  persuaded  will  appear  the  same  to  me  and 
-iny  colleagues  here.  I  beg  you  will  present 
him,  when  you  write,  my  respectful  acknow 
ledgments. 

"  Your  '  earnest  caution  and  request  that 
nothing  may  ever  persuade  America  to  throw 
themselves  into  the  arms  of  France;  for  that 
times  may  mend,  and  that  an  American  must 


[always  be  a  stranger  in  France,  but  that  Great 
pritain  may  for  ages  to  come  be  their  home,' 
marks  the  goodness  of  your  heart,  your  re 
gard  for  us,  and  love  of  your  country.  But 
when  your  nation  is  hiring  all  the  cut-throats 
it  can  collect,  of  all  countries  and  colours  to 
destroy  us,  it  is  hard  to  persuade  us  not  to  ask 
or  accept  aid  from  any  power  that  may  be 
prevailed  with  to  grant  it ;  and  this  only  from 
the  hope,  that  though  you  now  thirst  lor  our 
blood,  and  pursue  us  with  fire  and  sword,  you 
may  in  some  future  time  treat  us  kindly. 
This  is  too  much  patience  to  be  expected  of 
us ;  indeed  I  think  it  is  not  in  human  nature. 
The  Americans  are  received  and  treated  here 
in  France  with  a  cordiality,  a  respect,  and 
affection  they  never  experienced  in  England 
when  they  most  deserved  it;  and  which  is 
now  (after  all  the  pains  taken  to  exasperate 
the  English  against  them,  and  render  them 
odious  as  well  as  contemptible)  less  to  be  ex 
pected  there  than  ever.  And  I  cannot  see 
why  we  may  not,  upon  an  alliance,  hope  for 
a  continuance  of  it,  at  least  as  much  as  the 
Swiss  enjoy,  with  whom  France  have  main 
tained  a  faithful  friendship  for  two  hundred 
years  past,  and  whose  people  appear  to  live 
here  in  as  much  esteem  as  the  natives. 
America  has  been/orced  and  driven  into  the 
arms  of  France.  She  was  a  dutiful  and  vir 
tuous  daughter.  A  cruel  mother-in-law  turn 
ed  her  out  of  doors,  defamed  her,  and  sought 
her  life.  All  the  world  knows  her  innocence, 
and  takes  her  part ;  and  her  friends  hope  soon 
to  see  her  honourably  married.  They  can 
never  persuade  her  return  and  submission  to 
so  barbarous  an  enemy.  In  her  future  pros 
perity,  if  she  forgets  and  forgives,  'tis  all  that 
can  be  reasonably  expected  of  her.  I  be 
lieve  she  will  make  as  good  and  useful  a  wife 
as  she  did  a  daughter,  that  her  husband  will 
love  and  honour  her,  and  that  the  family  from 
which  she  was  so  wickedly  expelled,  will 
long  regret  the  loss  of  her. 

"  I  know  not  whether  a  peace  with  us  is  de 
sired  in  England,  I  rather  think  it  is  not  at 
present,  unless  on  the  old  impossible  terms  of 
submission  and  receiving  pardon.  Whenever 
you  shall  be  disposed  to  make  peace  upon 
equal  and  reasonable  terms,  you  will  find  lit 
tle  difficulty  if  you  get  first  an  honest  minis 
try.  The  present  have  all  along  acted  so  de 
ceitfully  and  treacherously,  as  well  as  inhu 
manly  towards  the  Americans,  that  I  ima 
gine,  that  the  absolute  want  of  confidence  in 
them,  will  make  a  treaty  at  present,  between 
them  and  the  congress,  impracticable. 

"  The  subscription  for  the  prisoners  will  have 
excellent  effects  in  favour  of  England  and  Eng 
lishmen.  The  Scotch  subscriptions  for  rais 
ing  troops  to  destroy  us,  though  amounting 
to  much  greater  sums,  will  not  do  their  na 
tion  half  so  much  good.  If  you  have  an  op 
portunity,  I  wish  you  would  express  our  re- 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


313 


spectful  acknowledgments  and  thanks  to 
your  committee  and  contributors,  whose  bene 
factions  will  make  our  poor  people  as  comfort 
able  as  their  situation  can  permit.  Adieu, 
my  dear  friend.  Accept  my  thanks  for  the 
excellent  papers  you  enclosed  to  me^  Your 
endeavours  for  peace,  though  unsuccessful, 
will  always  be  a  comfort  to  you,  and  in  time, 
when  this  mad  war  shall  be  universally  exe 
crated,  will  be  a  solid  addition  to  your  reputa 
tion. — I  am  ever  with  the  highest  esteem, 
&c. 

"  P.  S.  An  old  friend  of  mine,  Mr.  Hutton,  a 
chief  of  the  Moravians,  who  is  often  at  the 
queen's  palace,  and  is  sometimes  spoken  to  by 
the  kin?,  was  over  here  lately.  He  pretend 
ed  to  no~  commission,  but  urged  me  much  to 
propose  some  terms  of  peace,  which  I  avoided. 
He  has  wrote  to  me  since  his  return,  press 
ing  the  same  thing,  and  expressing  with  some 
confidence  his  opinion  that  we  might  have 
every  thing  short  of  absolute  independence, 
&c.  Enclosed  I  send  my  answers ;  open  that 
you  may  read  them,  and  if  you  please  copy 
before  you  deliver  or  forward  them.  They 
will  serve  to  show  you  more  fully  my  sen 
timents,  though  they  serve  no  other  purpose. 


To  the  same. 

1  PASSY,  Feb.  26,  1778. 

"DEAR  SIR, — I  received  yours  of  the  18th 
and  20th  of  this  month,  with  lord  North's  pro 
posed  bills.  The  more  I  see  of  the  ideas  and 
projects  of  your  ministry,  and  their  little  arts 
and  schemes  of  amusing  and  dividing  us,  the 
more  I  admire  the  prudent,  manly,  and  mag 
nanimous  propositions  contained  in  your  in 
tended  motion  for  an  address  to  the  king. 
What  reliance  can  we  have  on  an  act  ex 
pressing  itself  to  be  only  a  declaration  of  the 
intention  of  parliament  concerning  the  exer 
cise  of  the  right  of  imposing  taxes  in  Ameri 
ca,  when  in  the  bill  itself,  as  well  as  in  the 
title,  a  right  is  supposed  and  claimed  which 
never  existed ;  and  a  present  intention  only 
is  declared  not  to  use  it,  which  may  be  chang 
ed  by  another  act  next  sessions,  with  a  pre 
amble  that  this  intention  being  found  expedi 
ent,  it  is  thought  proper  to  repeal  this  act, 
and  resume  the  exercise  of  the  right  in  its 
full  extent.  If  any  solid  permanent  benefit 
was  intended  by  this,  why  is  it  confined  to 
the  colonies  of  North  America,  and  not  ex 
tended  to  the  loyal  ones  in  the  sugar  islands  ! 
But  it  is  now  endless,  to  criticise,  as  all  acts 
that  suppose  your  future  government  of  tire 
colonies  can  be  no  longer  significant. 

"  In  the  act  for  appointing  commissioners,  in 
stead  of  full  powers  to  agree  upon  terms  of 
peace  and  friendship,  with  a  promise  of  ratify 
ing  such  treaty  as  they  shall  make  in  pursu 
ance  of  those  powers ;  it  is  declared  that  their 

VOL.  I.— 2  R  '/-  27 


agreements  shall  have  no  force  nor  effect,  nor 
be  carried  into  execution  till  approved  of  by 
parliament ;  so  that  every  thing  01  importance 
will  be  uncertain.  But  they  are  allowed  to 
proclaim  a  cessation  of  arms,  and  revoke 
their  proclamation  as  soon  as,  in  consequence 
of  it,  our  militia  have  been  allowed  to  go 
home:  they  may  suspend  the  operation  of 
acts,  prohibiting  trade,  and  take  off  that  sus 
pension  when  our  merchants,  in  consequence 
of  it,  have  been  induced  to  send  tneir  ships 
to  sea  ;  in  short,  they  may  do  every  thing  that 
can  have  a  tendency  to  divide  and  distract  us, 
but  nothing  that  can  afford  us  security.  In 
deed,  sir,  your  ministers  do  not  know  us.  We 
may  not  be  quite  so  cunning  as  they,  but  we 
have  really  more  sense,  as  well  as  more  cou 
rage  than  they  have  ever  been  willing  to  give 
us  credit  for ;  and  I  am  persuaded  these  acts 
will  rather  obstruct  peace  than  promote  it, 
and  that  they  will  not  answer  in  America  the 
mischievous  and  malevolent  ends  for  which 
they  were  intended.  In  England  they  may 
indeed  amuse  the  public  creditors,  give  hopes 
and  expectations  that  shall  be  of  some  present 
use,  and  continue  the  mis-managers  a  little 
longer  in  their  places.  Voila  tout ! 

"  In  return  for  your  repeated  advice  to  us, 
not  to  conclude  any  treaty  with  the  house  of 
Bourbon,  permit  me  to  give  (through  you)  a 
little  advice  to  the  Whigs  in  England.  Let 
nothing  induce  them  to  join  with  the  Tories 
in  supporting  and  continuing  this  wicked  war 
against  the  Whigs  of  America,  whose  assist 
ance  they  may  hereafter  want  to  secure  their 
own  liberties ;  or  whose  country  they  may  be 
glad  to  retire  to  for  the  enjoyment  of  them. 

"  If  peace,  by  a  treaty  with  America  upon 
equal  terms,  were  really  desired,  your  com 
missioners  need  not  go  there  for  it ;  suppos 
ing,  as  by  the  bill  they  are  empowered  « to 
treat  with  such  person  or  persons  as  in  their 
wisdom  and  discretion  they  shall  think  meet,' 
they  should  happen  to  conceive  that  the  com 
missioners  of  the  congress  at  Paris  might  be 
included  in  that  description. — I  am  ever,  dear 
sir,  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  P.  S.  Seriously  on  farther  thoughts,  I  am  of 
opinion,  that  if  wise  and  honest  men,  sycfh'as  • 
sir  George  Saville,  the  bishop  of  St.  Asaph,  I 
and  yourself,  were  to  come.-ov'er  here  imme-  \ 
diately  with  powers  to  treat,  you  might  not   \ 
only  obtain  peace  with  America,  but  prevent    \ 
a  war  with  France." 


"  Henry  Laurens,  President  of  Congress. 

"  PASSY,  near  Paris,  March  13,  1778. 

"  SIR, — My  colleague,  Mr.  Deane,  being  re 
called  by  Congress,  and  no  reasons  given  that 
have  yet  appeared  here,  it  is  apprehended  to  be 
the  effect  of  some  misrepresentations  from  an 
enemy  or  two  at  Paris  or  Nantes.  I  have  no 


314 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


doubt  that  he  will  be  able  clearly  to  justify 
himself;  but  having  lived  with  him  now  fif 
teen  months,  the  greatest  part  of  the  time  in 
the  same  house,  and  being  a  constant  witness 
of  his  public  conduct,  I  cannot  omit  giving 
this  testimony,  though  unasked,  in  his  behalf, 
that  I  esteem  him  a  faithful,  active,  and  able 
minister,  who,  to  my  knowledge,  has  done  in 
various  ways,  great  and  important  services  to 
his  country,  whose  interests  I  wish  may  al 
ways,  by  every  one  in  the  employ,  be  as  much 
and  as  effectually  promoted.  With  my  duti 
ful  respects  to  the  Congress,  I  have  the  ho 
nour  to  be,  sir,  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Mr.  Hutton. 

"  PASSY,  March  34.  1778. 

"  MY  dear  old  friend  was  in  the  right  not 
'  to  call  in  question  the  sincerity  of  my  words, 
where  I  say,  February  12,  we  can  treat  if  any 
propositions  are  made  to  ws.'  They  were 
true  then,  and  are  so  still,  if  Britain  has  not 
declared  war  with  France ;  for  in  that  case 
we  shall  undoubtedly  think  ourselves  obliged 
to  continue  the  war  as  long  as  she  does.  But 
methinks  you  should  have  taken  us  at  our 
word,  and  have  sent  immediately  your  pro 
positions  in  order  to  prevent  such  a  war,  if 
you  did  not  choose  it.  Still  I  conceive  it  would 
be  well  to  do  it,  if  you  have  not  already  rash 
ly  begun  the  war.  Assure  yourself  nobody 
more  sincerely  wishes  perpetual  peace  among 
men  than  I  do ;  but  there  is  a  prior  wish,  that 
they  would  be  equitable  and  just,  otherwise 
such  peace  is  not  possible,  and  indeed  wicked 
men  have  no  right  to  expect  it. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


Not  s  from  William  Pultney,  M.  P. 

"  MR.  WILLIAMS  returned  this  morning  to 
Paris,  and  will  be  glad  to  see  Dr.  Franklin, 
whenever  it  is  convenient  for  the  doctor,  at 
the  Htitel  Frasiliere,  Rue  Tournon.  It  is 
near  the  hotel  where  he  lodged  when  the  doc 
tor  sa  w  him  a  fortnight  ago.  He  does  not 
propose  to  go  abroad,  and  therefore  the  doctor 
will  find  him  at  any  hour.  He  understands 
that  Mr.  Alexander  is  not  yet  returned  from 
Dijon,  which"  he  regrets. 

"  Sunday  Morning,  March  29,  1778." 

v 

[The  following  letter  to  Mr.  Pultney,  was  not  sent,  but 
contains  what  was  said  in  a  conversation  Dr.  Frank 
lin  had  with  him  in  Paris.] 

"  Wittiam  Pultney, 

"  PASSY,  March  30, 1778. 

"  SIR, — When  I  first  had  the  honour  of  con 
versing  with  you  on  the  subject  of  peace,  I 
mentioned  it  as  my  opinion  that  every  pro 
position  which  implied  our  voluntarily  agree 
ing  to  return  to  a  dependence  on  Britain,  was 


now  become  impossible,  that  a  peace  on  equal 
terms  undoubtedly  might  be  made ;  and  that 
though  we  had  no  particular  powers  to  treat 
of  peace  with  England,  we  had  general  pow 
ers  to  make  treaties  of  peace,  amity,  and  com 
merce,  with  any  state  in  Europe,  by  which  I 
thought  we  might  be  authorized  to  treat  with 
Britain  ;  who,  if  sincerely  disposed  to  peace, 
might  save  time  and  much  bloodshed  by  treat 
ing  with  us  directly. 

"  I  also  gave  it  as  my  opinion,  that  in  the 
treaty  to  be  made,  Britain  should  endeavour, 
by  the  fairness  and  generosity  of  the  terms 
she  offered,  to  recover  the  esteem,  confidence, 
and  affection  of  America,  without  which  the 
peace  could  not  be  so  beneficial,  as  it  was  not 
likely  to  be  lasting :  in  this  I  had  the  pleasure 
to  find  you  of  my  opinion. 

"  But  I  see  by  the  propositions  you  have  com 
municated  to  me,  that  the  ministers  cannot 
yet  divest  themselves  of  the  idea,  that  the 
power  of  parliament  over  us  is  constitutionally 
absolute  and  unlimited  ;  and  that  the  limita 
tions  they  may  be  willing  now  to  put  to  it  by 
treaty,  are  so  many  favours,  or  so  many  benefits, 
for  which  we  are  to  make  compensation. 

"As  our  opinions  in  America  are  totally  dif 
ferent,  a  treaty  on  the  terms  proposed  appears 
to  me  utterly  impracticable,  either  here  or 
there.  Here  we  certainly  cannot  make  it, 
having  not  the  smallest  authority  to  make 
even  the  declaration  specified  in  the  proposed 
letter,  without  which,  if  I  understood  you 
right,  treating  with  us  cannot  be  commenced. 

"  I  sincerely  wish  as  much  for  peace  as  you 
do,  and  I  have  enough  remaining  of  good  will 
for  England  to  wish  it  for  her  sake  as  well  as 
for  our  own,  and  for  the  sake  of  humanity.  In 
the  present  state  of  things,  the  proper  means 
of  obtaining  it,  in  my  opinion,  are  to  acknow 
ledge  the  independence  of  the  United  States, 
and  then  enter  at  once  into  a  treaty  with  us 
for  a  suspension  of  arms,  with  the  usual  pro 
visions  relating  to  distances ;  and  another  for 
establishing  peace,  friendship,  and  commerce, 
such  as  France  has  made.  This  might  pre 
vent  a  war  between  you  and  that  kingdom, 
which  in  the  present  circumstances  and  tem 
per  of  the  two  nations  an  accident  may  bring 
on  every  day,  though  contrary  to  the  interest 
and  without  the  previous  intention  of  either. 
Such  a  treaty  we  might  probably  now  make, 
with  the  approtration  of  our  friends ;  but  if  you 
go  to  war  with  them,  on  account  of  their 
friendship  for  us,  we  are  bound  by  ties,  strong 
er  than  can  be  formed  by  any  treaty,  to  fight 
against  you  with  them,  as  long  as  the  war 
against  them  shall  continue. 

"  May  God  at  last  grant  that  wisdom  to  your 
national  councils  which  he  seems  long  to  have 
denied  them,  and  which  only  sincere,  just, 
and  humane  intentions  can  merit  or  expect. — 
With  great  personal  esteem,  I  have  the  ho 
nour  to  be,  sir,  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


315 


Mr.  Alexander  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR, — Upon  a  night's  reflection, 
it  is  thought  right  that  you  be  possessed  of 
the  enclosed,*  to  be  afterwards  returned 
without  taking  copy,  in  case  no  business  be 
done.  Will  you  let  me  know  by  the  bearer, 
if  we  are  to  see  you  in  town  to-day,  and  when, 
that  I  may  be  at  hand  ? 

"  Saturday  Morning,  April  4,  1778." 


"  Dr.  Bancroft,  F.  R.  & 

"  PABSY,  April  16,  1778- 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  wish  you  would  assure  our 
friend,  that  Dr.  Franklin  never  gave  any  such 
expectations  to  Mr.  Pultney.  On  the  contra 
ry,  he  told  him  that  the  commissioners  could 
not  succeed  in  their  mission,  whether  they  went 
to  recover  the  dependence  or  to  divide.  His 
opinion  is  confirmed  by  the  enclosed  resolves, 
which  perhaps  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  publish 
in  England.  Please  to  send  me  the  news 
paper.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


ed  are  the  peace-makers. — Your  affectionate 
friend,  D.  HARTLEY." 

"  If  tempestuous  iirnes  should  come,  take 
care  of  your  own  safety :  events  are  uncer 
tain,  and  men  may  be  capricious. — Yours,  &c." 


From  W.  Alexander 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  send  you  adjoined,  the  cer 
tificate  you  desire  ;  and  am  perfectly  convinc- 


Answer. 

"  I  THANK  you  for  your  kind  caution,  but 
having  nearly  finished  a  long  life,  I  set  but 
little  value  on  what  remains  of  it.  Like  a 
draper,  when  one  chaffers  with  him  for  a  rem 
nant,  I  am  ready  to  say,  '  As  it  is  only  the 
fag-end,  I  will  not  differ  with  you  about  it ; 
take  it  for  what  you  please.'  Perhaps  tho 
best  use  such  an  old  fellow  can  be  put  to,  is 
to  make  a  martyr  of  him.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Count  de  Vergennes,  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs,  Versailles. 

"  PASSY,  April  24, 1778. 

"  SIR, — Mr.  Hartley,  a  member  of  parlia 
ment,  an  old  acquaintance  of  mine,  arrived 
here  from  London  on  Sunday  last.  He  is  ge 
nerally  in  the  opposition,  especially  on  Ameri 
can  questions,  but  has  some  respect  for  lord 


ed,  from  conversations  I  have  since  had  with  North.  In  conversation  he  expressed  the 
Mr.  Pultney,  that  nobody  was  authorized  to  strongest  anxiety  for  peace  with  America, 
hold  the  languao-e  which  has  been  imputed  to  and  appeared  extremely  desirous  to  know  my 
him  on  that  subject ;  and  as  I  h;>  ™  a  high  opi-  sentiments  of  the  terms  which  might  proba- 
nion  of  his  candour  and  worth,  I  know  it  must  bly  be  acceptable  if  offered ;  whether  America 
be  painful  to  him  to  be  brought  into  question  |  would  not,  to  obtain  peace,  grant  some  supe- 
in  matters  of  fact  with  persons  he  esteems.  I  rior  advantages  in  trade  to  Britain,  and  enter 

into  an  alliance  offensive  and  defensive ;  whe 
ther  if  war  should  be  declared  against  France, 
we  had  obliged  ourselves  by  treaty,  to  join 
with  her  against  England.  My  answers  have 
been,  that  the  United  States  were  not  fond  of 
war,  and  with  the  advice  of  their  friends, 
would  probably  be  easily  prevailed  with  to 


could  wish  that  this  matter  may  receive  no 
farther  publicity  than  what  is  necessary  for 
your  justification. — I  am,  &c. 

"  W.  ALEXANDER. 
"  Dr.  Franklin,  Passy." 


"Dr.  Franklin,  Passy, 

'•PARIS,  April  23, 1778. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  will  take  care  of  all  your 
commissions.  This  moment  a  second  packet 
of  infinite  value  is  received,  which  I  shall  che 
rish  as  a  mark  of  affection  from  you.  I  open 
ed  the  letter  by  mistake  which  came  with  it, 
and  soon  saw  it  was  not  for  me.  I  hope  you 
will  excuse  it.  I  choose  rather  to  throw  my 
self  upon  your  goodness  for  the  excuse,  than 
any  thing  else.  I  shall  not  set  out  till  between 
one  and  two ;  therefore,  if  you  will  be  so  good 
as  to  send  me  another  copy,  I  will  take  care 
of  it  and  deliver  it  safely. 

"  God  bless  you,  my  dear  friend.  No  exer 
tion  or  endeavour  on  my  part  shall  be  want 
ing,  that  we  may  some  time  or  other  meet 
again  in  peace.  Your  powers  are  infinitely 
more  influential  than  mine.  To  those  powers 
I  trust  my  last  hopes.  I  will  conclude,  bless- 

*  Some  proposals  on  the  part  of  the  British  ministry, 
disapproved  of  by  Dr.  Franklin  and  returned. 


make  peace  on  equitable  terms ;  but  we  had 
no  terms  committed  to  us  to  propose,  and  I 
did  not  choose  to  mention  any  :  that  Britain 
having  injured  us  heavily  by  making  this  un 
just  war  upon  us,  might  think  herself  well 
off,  if  on  reparation  of  those  injuries,  we  ad 
mitted  her  to  equal  advantages  with  other  na 
tions  in  commerce ;  but  certainly  she  had  no 
reason  to  expect  superior :  that  her  known 
fondness  for  war,  and  the  many  instances  of 
her  readiness  to  engage  in  wars  on  frivolous 
occasions,  were  probably  sufficient  to  cause  an 
immediate  rejection  of  every  proposition  for 
an  offensive  alliance  with  her :  and  that  if  she 
made  war  against  France  on  our  account,  a 
peace  with  us,  at  the  same  time,  was  impossi 
ble  ;  for  that  having  met  with  friendship  from 
that  generous  nation,  when  we  were  cruelly 
oppressed  by  England,  we  were  under  ties, 
stronger  than  treaties  could  form,  to  make 
common  cause ;  which  we  should  certainly 
do  to  the  utmost  of  our  power.  Here  has  also 


316 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


been  with  me  a  Mr.  Chapman,  who  says  he 
is  a  member  of  parliament  of  Ireland,  on  his 
way  home  from  Nice,  where  he  had  been  for 
the  recovery  of  his  health.  He  pretended  to 
call  on  me  only  from  motives  of  respect  for  my 
character,  &c.  But  after  a  few  compliments, 
he  entered  on  a  similar  discourse,  urging 
much  to  know  what  terms  would  satisfy  Ame 
rica,  and  whether,  on  having  peace  and  inde 
pendence  granted  to  us,  we  should  not  be 
willing  to  submit  to  the  navigation  act,  or 
give  equivalent  privileges  in  trade  to  Britain. 
The  purport  of  my  answer  to  him  was  in  short, 
that  peace  was  of  equal  value  to  England  as  to 
us,  and  independence  we  were  already  in  pos 
session  of:  that  therefore  England's  offer  to 
grant  them  to  us  could  not  be  considered  as 
proposing  any  favour,  or  as  giving  her  a  right 
to  expect  peculiar  advantages  in  commerce. 
By  his  importunity,  I  found  his  visit  was  not 
so  occasional  as  he  represented  it:  and  from 
some  expressions  I  conjectured  he  might  be 
sent  by  lord  Shelburne  to  sound  me,  and  col 
lect  some  information.  On  the  whole,  I  ga 
ther  from  these  conversations,  that  the  oppo 
sition  as  well  as  the  ministry  are  perplexed 
with  the  present  situation  of  affairs,  and  know 
not  which  way  to  turn  themselves,  whether  it 
is  best  to  go  backward  or  forward,  or  what  steps 
to  take  to  extricate  that  nation  from  its  pre 
sent  dangerous  situation. 

"  I  thought  it  right  to  give  your  excellency 
an  account  of  these  interviews,  and  to  acquaint 
you  with  my  intention  of  avoiding  such  here 
after,  as  I  see  but  little  prospect  of  utility  in 
them,  and  think  they  are  very  liable  to  hurt 
ful  misrepresentations. 

"  By  advices  from  London  we  learn,  that  a 
fleet  for  Quebec,  with  goods  valued  at  five 
hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling,  is  to  sail 
about  the  end  of  this  month,  under  convoy 
only  of  a  single  frigate  of  thirty  guns,  in 
which  is  to  go  governor  Haldimand. 

"  Enclosed  I  send  a  paper  I  have  just  re 
ceived  from  London.  It  is  not  subscribed  by 
any  name,  but  I  know  the  hand.  It  is  from 
an  old  friend  of  general  and  great  acquaint 
ance,  and  marks  strongly  the  present  distress 
and  despair  of  considerate  people  in  England. 
"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


The  Count" s  answer. 

"  VERSAILLES,  25th  April,  1778. 

"  I  HAVE  made  known  to  the  king,  sir,  the 
substance  of  the  letter  which  you  did  me  the 
honour  of  writing  to  me  yesterday ;  and  I  am 
directed,  by  his  majesty,  to  express  to  you  the 
satisfaction  he  has  experienced  from  the  in 
formation  which  you  have  communicated  on 
your  conferences  with  Mr.  Hartley.  The 
grand  principle  of  the  English  policy  has  al 
ways  been  to  excite  divisions ;  and  it  is  by 
such  means  she  expects  to  sustain  her  em 


pire  ;  but  it  is  not  upon  you,  nor  upon  your 
colleagues,  that  she  can  practise  such  arts 
with  success:  I  entertain  the  same  senti 
ments  of  confidence  in  the  United  States :  of 
the  rest  it  is  impossible  to  speak  with  more 
dignity,  frankness,  and  firmness,  than  you 
have  done  to  Mr.  Hartley :  he  has  no  reasons 
to  be  very  well  satisfied  with  his  mission.  I 
doubt  whether  the  member  of  parliament  has 
any  mission  for  us :  but  he  desires  to  see  me, 
and  I  expect  him  in  the  course  of  the  morning. 
I  should  not  be  at  all  surprised  if  his  purpose 
be  to  sow  distrust  between  us,  by  proposing  a 
double  negotiation :  that  I  can  obviate ;  but 
whatever  passes  between  us,  however  trifling 
it  may  be,  you  shall  be  made  acquainted 
with. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the  most  per 
fect  consideration,  sir,  your  most  humble  and 
most  obedient  servant, 

«DE  VERGENNES." 


From  the  Committee  of  Foreign  Affairs. 
"  May  2, 1777. 

.  "  WE  have  presented  Marshal  Maillebois' 
sentiments  on  the  mode  of  war,  to  Congress, 
who  are  highly  pleased  therewith." 


Anonymous  Note  received  by  Dr.  Franklin. 
"  20th  May,  1778. 

"  A  PERSON  who  has  some  matters  of  a  most 
interesting  nature  to  communicate,  is  desir 
ous,  sir,  that  you  would  condescend  to  afford 
him  a  moment  to  converse  with  you  on  affairs 
which  are  now  in  agitation. 

"  It  is  known  that  you  sometimes  visit  the 
garden  of  the  Fountains ;  and  as  the  person 
who  addresses  you  is  desirous  not  tobe  perceiv 
ed  by  any  of  your  domestics,  (and  for  this  there 
are  the  strongest  reasons,)  he  has  removed  from 
Paris  to  this  place,  with  the  hope  of  having 
advantage  of  seeing  and  speaking  with  you, 
on  a  subject  which  is  the  more  important,  be 
cause  it  concerns  some  distinguished  persons. 


"  The  Committee  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

"  PARIS,  May  26,  1777 

"  EVERY  day's  experience  confirms  us,  what 
is  indeed  pointed  out  by  nature  itself,  the  ne 
cessity  of  rendering  America  independent  in 
every  sense  of  the  word.  The  present  glo 
rious  though  trying  contest,  will  do  more  to 
render  this  independence  fixed  and  certain,  if 
circumstances  are  favourably  improved,  than 
would  otherwise  have  been  effected  in  an  age. 
The  manufacturing  of  any  one  necessary 
article  among  ourselves,  is  like  breaking  one 
link  of  the  chains  which  have  heretofore 
bound  the  two  worlds  together,  and  which 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL 


317 


our  artful  enemies  had,  under  the  mask  of 
friendship,  been  winding-  round  and  round  us, 
and  binding  fast.  Thus,  as  foundries  for  can 
non,  iron  as  well  as  brass,  are  erecting,  if  they 
are  at  once  erected  large  enough  to  cast  of 
any  size,  we  may  in  future  be  easy  on  that 
important  article,  and  independent  on  the  ca 
price  or  interest  of  our  pretended  friends  for 
a  supply ;  and  to  forward  this  we  shall  take 
the  liberty  of  sending  over  some  of  the  most 
skilful  founders  we  can  meet  with." 


Answer  to  a  letter  from  Brussels. 

"  PASSY,  July  1,  1778. 

"  SIR, — I  received  your  letter  dated  at  Brus 
sels  the  16th  past. 

"  My  vanity  might  possibly  be  flattered  by 
your  expressions  of  compliment  to  my  under 
standing,  if  your  proposals  did  not  more  clear 
ly  manifest  a  mean  opinion  of  it. 

"  You  conjure  me  in  the  name  of  the  om 
niscient  and  just  God,  before  whom  I  must 
appear,  and  by  my  hopes  of  future  fame,  to 
consider  if  some  expedient  cannot  be  found  to 
put  a  stop  to  the  desolation  of  America,  and 
prevent  the  miseries  of  a  general  war.  As  I 
am  conscious  of  having  taken  every  step  in 
my  power  to  prevent  the  breach,  and  no  one 
to  widen  it ;  I  can  appear  cheerfully  before 
that  God,  fearing  nothing  from  his  justice  in 
this  particular,  though  I  have  much  occasion 
for  his  mercy  in  many  others.  As  to  my  fu 
ture  fame,  I  am  content  to  rest  it  on  my  past 
and  present  conduct,  without  seeking  an  addi 
tion  to  it  in  the  crooked,  dark  paths,  you  pro 
pose  to  me,  where  I  should  most  certainly 
lose  it.  This  your  solemn  address  would 
therefore  have  been  more  properly  made  to 
your  sovereign  and  his  venal  parliament.  He 
and  they,  who  wickedly  began  and  madly 
continue  a  war,  for  the  desolation  of  America, 
are  alone  accountable  for  the  consequences. 

"  You  endeavour  to  impress  me  with  a  bad 
opinion  of  French  faith ;  but  the  instances  of 
their  friendly  endeavours  to  serve  a  race  of 
weak  princes,  who  by  their  own  imprudence 
defeated  every  attempt  to  promote  their  inte 
rest,  weigh  but  little  with  me,  when  I  consi 
der  the  steady  friendship  of  France  to  the 
thirteen  United  States  of  Switzerland,  which 
has  now  continued  inviolate  two  hundred 
years.  You  tell  me,  that  she  will  certainly 
cheat  us,  and  that  she  despises  us  already.  I 
do  not  believe  that  she  will  cheat  us,  and  I 
am  not  certain  that  she  despises  us:  but  I 
see  clearly  that  you  are  endeavouring  to  cheat 
us  by  your  conciliatory  bills ;  that  you  actu 
ally  despised  our  understandings  when  you 
flattered  yourselves  those  artifices  would  suc 
ceed  ;  and  that  not  only  France  but  all  Eu 
rope,  yourselves  included,  most  certainly,  and 
for  ever  would  despise  us  if  we  were  weak 
enough  to  accept  your  insiduous  propositions. 
27* 


"Our  expectations  of  the  future  grandeur  of 
America,  are  not  HO  magnificent,  and  there 
fore  not  eo  vain  or  visionary  as  you  represent 
them  to  be.  The  body  of  our  people  are  not 
merchants,  but  humble  husbandmen,  who  de 
light  in  the  cultivation  of  their  lands,  which 
from  their  fertility  and  the  variety  of  our  cli 
mates,  are  capable  of  furnishing  all  the  ne 
cessaries  and  conveniences  of  life  without 
external  commerce ;  and  we  have  too  much 
land,  to  have  the  least  temptation  to  extend 
our  territory  by  conquest  from  peaceable 
neighbours,  as  well  as  too  much  justice  to 
think  of  it.  Our  militia  you  find  by  experi 
ence  are  sufficient  to  defend  our  lands  from 
invasion ;  and  the  commerce  with  us  will  be 
defended  by  all  the  nations  who  find  an  ad 
vantage  in  it.  We  therefore  have  not  the  oc 
casion  you  imagine,  of  fleets,  or  standing  ar 
mies,  but  may  leave  those  expensive  machines 
to  be  maintained  for  the  pomp  of  princes,  and 
the  wealth  of  ancient  states.  We  propose,  if 
possible,  to  live  in  peace  with  all  mankind  ; 
and  after  you  have  been  convinced,  to  your 
cost,  that  there  is  nothing  to  be  got  by  at 
tacking  us,  we  have  reason  to  hope  that  no 
other  power  will  judge  it  prudent  to  quarrel 
with  us,  lest  they  divert  us  from  our  own 
quiet  industry,  and  turn  us  into  corsairs  prey 
ing  upon  theirs.  The  weight  therefore  of  a:i 
independent  empire,  which  you  seem  certain 
of  our  inability  to  bear,  will  not  be  so  great 
as  you  imagine.  The  expense  of  our  civil 
government  we  have  always  borne,  and  can 
easily  bear,  because  it  is  small.  A  virtuous 
and  laborious  people  may  be  cheaply  govern 
ed.  Determining  as  we  do  to  have  no  offices 
of  profit,  nor  any  sinecures  or  useless  appoint 
ments,  so  common  in  ancient  and  corrupted 
states,  we  can  govern  ourselves  a  year,  for 
the  sum  you  pay  in  a  single  department,  or 
for  what  one  jobbing  contractor,  by  the  favour 
of  a  minister,  can  cheat  you  out  o'f  in  a  single 
article. 

"  You  think  we  flatter  ourselves,  and  are 
deceived  into  an  opinion  that  England  must 
acknowledge  our  independency.  We  on  the 
other  hand  think  you  flatter  yourselves  in 
imagining  such  an  acknowledgment  a  vast, 
boon  which  we  strongly  desire,  and  which 
you  may  gain  some  great  advantage  by 
granting  or  withholding.  We  have  never 
asked  it  of  you.  We  only  tell  you,  that  you 
can  have  no  treaty  with  us  but  as  an  inde 
pendent  state;  and  you  may  please  your 
selves  and  your  children  with  the  rattle  of  your 
right  to  govern  us,  as  long  as  you  have  done 
with  that  of  your  king's  being  king  of  France, 
without  giving  us  the  least  concern,  if  you  do 
not  attempt  to  exercise  it.  That  this  pre 
tended  right  is  indisputable,  as  you  say,  we 
utterly  deny.  Your  parliament  never  had  a 
right  to  govern  us,  and  your  king  has  forfeit 
ed  it  by  his  bloody  tyranny.  But  I  thank  you 


318 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKtIN. 


for  letting1  me  know  a  little  of  your  mind, 
that  even  if  the  parliament  should  acknow 
ledge  our  independency,  the  act  would  not  be 
binding  to  posterity,  and  that  your  nation 
would  resume  and  prosecute  the  claim  as 
soon  as  they  found  it  convenient  from  the  in 
fluence  of  your  passions,  and  your  present  ma 
lice  against  us.  We  suspected  before,  that  you 
would  not  be  actually  bound  by  your  conci 
liatory  acts,  longer  than  till  they  had  served 
their  purpose  of  inducing  us  to  disband  our 
forces;  but  we  were  not  certain  that  you 
were  knaves  by  principle,  and  that  we  ought 
not  to  have  the  least  confidence  in  your  of 
fers,  promises,  or  treaties,  though  confirmed 
by  parliament.  I  now  indeed  recollect  my 
being  informed,  longsince,  when  in  England, 
that  a  certain  very  great  personage,  then 
young,  studied  much  a  certain  book,  entitled 
Arcana  imperil.  I  had  the  curiosity  to  pro 
cure  the  book  and  read  it.  There  are  sen 
sible  and  good  things  in  it,  but  some  bad  ones ; 
for  if  I  remember  right,  a  particular  king  is 
applauded  for  his  politically  exciting  a  rebel 
lion  among  his  subjects,  at  a  time  when  they 
had  not  strength  to  support  it,  that  he  might, 
in  subduing  them,  take  away  their  privileges 
which  were  troublesome  to  him :  and  a  ques 
tion  is  formally  stated  and  discussed,  Whe 
ther  a  prince,  to  appease  a  revolt,  makes  pro 
mises  of  indemnity  to  the  revolters,  is  oblig 
ed  to  fulfil  those  pro?nises  1  Honest  and  good 
men  would  say,  aye  :  but  this  politician  says 
as  you  say,  no.  And  he  gives  this  pretty  rea 
son,  that  though  it  was  right  to  make  the  pro 
mises,  because  otherwise  the  revolt  would 
not  be  suppressed ;  yet  it  would  be  wrong  to 
keep  them,  because  revolters  ought  to  be  pu 
nished  £o  deter  future  revolts.  If  these  are 
the  principles  of  your  nation,  no  confidence 
can  be  placed  in  you ;  it  is  in  vain  to  treat 
with  you,  and  the  wars  can  only  end  in  being 
reduced  to  an  utter  inability  of  continuing 
them. 

"  One  main  drift  of  your  letter  seems  to  be  to 
impress  me  with  an  idea  of  your  own  impar 
tiality,  by  just  censures  of  your  ministers  and 
measures,  and  to  draw  from  me  propositions  of 
peace,  or  approbations  of  those  you  have  en 
closed  me,  which  you  intimate  may  by  your 
means  be  conveyed  to  the  king  directly,  with 
out  the  intervention  of  those  ministers. — 
Would  you  have  me  give  them  to,  or  drop 
them  for  a  stranger  I  may  find  next  Monday 
in  the  church  of  Notre  Dame,  to  be  known  by 
a  rose  in  his  hat  ?  You  yourself,  sir,  are  quite 
unknown  to  me,  you  have  not  trusted  me  with 
your  true  name.  Our  taking  the  least  step 
towards  a  treaty  with  England,  through  you, 
might,  if  you  are  an  enemy,  be  made  use  of 
to  ruin  us  with  our  new  and  -good  friends.  I 
may  be  indiscreet  enough  in  many  things ; 
but  certainly,  if  I  were  disposed  to  make  pro 
positions  (which  I  cannot  do,  having  none 


committed  to  me  to  make)  I  should  never 
think  of  delivering  them  to  the  Lord  knows 
who,  to  be  carried  to  the  Lord  knows  where ; 
'  to  serve  no  one  knows  what  purposes.  Being 
I  at  this  time  one  of  the  most  remarkable 
I  figures  in  Paris,  even  my  appearance  in  the 
church  of  Notre  Dame,  where  I  cannot  have 
any  conceivable  business,  and  especially  being- 
seen  to  leave  or  drop  any  letter  to  any  person 
there,  would  be  a  matter  of  some  speculation, 
and  might,  from  the  suspicions  it  must  na 
turally  give,  have  very  mischievous  conse 
quences  to  our  credit  here.  The  very  pro 
posing  of  a  correspondence  so  to  be  managed, 
in  a  manner  not  necessary  where  fair  dealing 
is  intended,  gives  just  reason  to  suppose  you 
intend  the  contrary.  Besides,  as  your  court 
lias  sent  commissioners  to  treat  with  the  con 
gress,  with  all  the  powers  that  would  be  given 
them  by  the  crown  under  the  act  of  parliament, 
what  good  purpose  c&n  be  served  by  privately 
obtaining  propositions  from  us?  Before  those 
commissioners  went,  we  might  have  treated 
in  virtue  of  our  general  powers,  (with  the 
knowledge,  advice,  and  approbation  of  our 
friends)  upon  any  propositions  made  to  us. 
But  under  the  present  circumstances  for  us  to 
make  propositions,  while  a  treaty  is  supposed 
to  be  actually  on  foot  with  the  congress,  would 
be  extremely  improper,  highly  presumptu 
ous,  with  regard  to  our  honourable  consti 
tuents,  and  answer  no  good  end  whatever. 

I  write  this  letter  to  you,  notwithstanding 
(which  I  think  I  can  convey  in  a  less  myste 
rious  manner ;  and  guess  it  may  come  to  your 
hands ;)  I  write  it  because  I  would  let  you 
know  our  sense  of  your  procedure,  which  ap 
pears  as  insidious  as  that  of  your  conciliatory 
bills.  Your  true  way  to  obtain  peace,  if  your 
ministers  desire  it,  is  to  propose  openly  to  the 
congress  fair  and  equal  terms ;  and  you  may 
possibly  come  sooner  to  such  a  resolution, 
when  you  find  that  personal  flatteries,  ge 
neral  cajolings,  and  panegyrics  on  our  vir 
tue  and  wisdom  are  not  likely  to  have  the 
effect  you  seem  to  expect;  the  persuading 
us  to  act  basely  and  foolishly  in  betray 
ing  our  country  and  posterity  into  the  hands 
of  our  most  bitter  enemies;  giving  up  or 
selling  of  our  arms,  and  warlike  stores,  dis- 
nissing  our  ships  of  war  and  troops,  and  put 
ting  those  enemies  in  possession  of  our  forts 
and  ports.  This  proposition  of  delivering- 
ourselves  bound  and  gagged,  ready  for  hang 
ing,  without  even  a  right  to  complain,  and 
without  a  friend  to  be  found  afterwards  among- 
all  mankind,  you  would  have  us  embrace  up 
on  the  faith  of  an  act  of  parliament !  Good 
jod  !  an  act  of  your  parliament!  This  demon-  • 
strates  that  you  do  not  yet  know  us,  and  that 
you  fancy  we  do  not  know  you  :  but  it  is  not 
merely  this  flimsy  faith  that  we  are  to  act 
upon ;  you  offer  us  hope,  the  hope  of  PLACES, 
ENSIGNS,  and  PEERAGE.  These,  judging 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


319 


from  yourselves,  you  think  are  motives  irre 
sistible.  This  offer  to  corrupt  us,  sir,  is  with 
me,  your  credential,  and  convinces  me,  that 
you  are  not  a  private  volunteer  in  you  appli 
cation.  It  bears  the  stamp  of  British  court 
intrigue,  and  the  signature  of  your  king.  But 
think  for  a  moment  in  what? light  it  must  be 
viewed  in  America.  By  PLACES  which  cannot 
come  among  us,  for  you  take  care  by  a  special 
article  to  keep  them  to  yourselves.  We  must 
then  pay  the  salaries  in  order  to  enrich  our 
selves  with  these  places.  But  you  will  give 
us  PENSIONS  ;  probably  to  be  paid  too  out  of 
your  expected  American  revenue  ;  and  which 
none  of  us  can  accept  without  deserving  and 
perhaps  obtaining  a  suspension.  PEERAGES  ! 
alas !  sir,  our  long  observation  of  the  vast  ser 
vile  majority  of  your  peers,  voting  constantly 
for  every  measure  proposed  by  a  minister, 
however  weak  or  wicked,  leaves  us  small  re 
spect  for  them,  and  we  consider  it  as  a  sort  of 
tar-and-feathered  honour,  or  a  mixture  of  foul 
ness  and  folly ;  which  every  man  among  us, 
who  should  accept  from  your  king,  would  be 
obliged  to  renounce  or  exchange,  for  that  con 
ferred  by  the  mobs  of  their  own  country,  or 
wear  it  with  everlasting  shame. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  James  Lovell. 

"  PASSY,  July  22,  1778. 

SIR, — I  received  your  favour  of  May  15, 
and  was  glad  to  find  that  mine  of  December 
21  had  come  to  hand.  Mr.  Deane's  brother 
writes  that  it  was  not  signed,  which  was  an 
accidental  omission.  Mr.  Deane  himself  is  I 
hope  with  you  long  before  this  time,  and  I 
doubt  not  but  every  prejudice  against  him  is 
removed.  It  was  not  alone  upon  the  proceed 
ings  of  congress  I  formed  my  opinion  that 
such  prejudices  existed.  I  am  glad  to  under 
stand  that  opinion  was  groundless,  and  that 
he  is  like  to  come  back  with  honour,  in  the 
commission  to  Holland,  where  matters  are  al 
ready  so  ripe  for  his  operations,  that  he  can 
not  fail  (with  his  abilities)  of  being  useful. 
You  mention  former  letters  of  the  committee, 
by  which  we  might  have  seen  the  apprehen 
sions  of  the  resentment  of  foreign  officers,  &c. 
Those  letters  never  came  to  hand,  and  we  on 
our  part  are  amazed  to  hear  that  the  com 
mittee  had  had  no  line  from  us  for  near  a  year, 
during  which  we  had  written  I  believe  five 
or  six  long  and  particular  letters,  and  had 
made  it  a  rule  to  send  triplicates  of  each,  and 
to  replace  those  that  we  happened  to  hear 
were  lost,  so  that  of  some  there  were  five  co 
pies  sent ;  and  as  I  hear  that  captain  Young 
is  arrived,  who  had  some  of  them,  I  think  it 
probable  that  one  at  least  of  each  must  have 
come  to  your  hands  before  this  time.  Mr. 


Deane's  informations,  however,  may  supply 
the  want  of  them,  whose  arrival,  as  he  went 
with  a  strong  squadron  of  men  of  war,  is  more 
likely  than  that  of  this  vessel,  or  any  single 
one  by  whom  we  might  send  more  copies. 

"  The  affair  with  Mr.  Beaumarchais  will 
be  best  settled  by  his  assistance  after  his  re 
turn.  We  find  it  recommended  to  us,  but  we 
know  too  little  of  it  to  be  able  to  do  it  well 
without  him. 

"  There  has  been  some  inaccuracy  in  send 
ing  us  the  last  dispatches  of  the  committee, 
two  copies  of  the  contract  with  Mr.  Francy 
and  the  invoices  came  by  the  same  vessel,  cap 
tain  Niles.  And  though  one  of  your  letters 
mentions  sending  enclosed  a  resolution  of  con 
gress,  relative  to  two  articles  of  the  treaty, 
that  resolution  is  not  come  to  hand.  There- 
are  circumstances  in  the  affair  of  those  arti 
cles,  that  make  them  in  my  opinion  of  no  con 
sequence  if  they  stand,  while  the  proposing  to 
abrogate  them  has  an  unpleasing  appearance, 
as  it  looks  like  a  desire  of  having  it  in  our 
power  to  make  that  commercial  kind  of  war, 
which  no  honest  state  can  begin,  which  no 
good  friend  or  neighbour  ever  did  or  will  be 
gin,  which  has  always  been  considered  as  an 
act  of  hostility  that  provoked  as  well  as  justi 
fied  reprisals,  and  has  generally  produced  such 
as  have  rendered  the  first  project  as  unprofit 
able  as  it  was  unjust.  Commerce  among  na- 
[  tions  as  well  as  between  private  persons  should 
I  be  fair  and  equitable,  by  equivalent  exchanges, 
i  and  mutual  supplies ;  the  taking  unfair  advan 
tage  of  a  neighbour's  necessities,  though  at- 
1  tended  with  a  temporary  success,  always 
i  breeds  ill  blood  ;  to  lay  duties  on  a  commo- 
|  dity  exported  which  our  friends  want,  is  a 
knavish  attempt  to  get  something  for  nothing. 
— The  statesmen  who  first  invented  it.  had 
the  genius  of  a  pickpocket,  and  would  have 
been  a  pickpocket  if  fortune  had  suitably  plac 
ed  him ;  the  nations  who  have  practised  it 
have  suffered  for  it  fourfold,  as  pickpockets 
ought  to  suffer.  Savoy  by  a  duty  on  export 
ed  wines  lost  the  supplying  of  Switzerland, 
which  thenceforth  raised  its  own  wine,  and 
(to  wave  other  instances)  Britain,  by  her  duty 
on  exported  tea,  has  lost  the  trade  of  her 
colonies.  But  as  we  produce  no  commodity 
that  is  peculiar  to  our  country,  and  which 
may  not  be  obtained  elsewhere,  the  dis 
couraging  ours  by  duties  on  exportation,  and 
thereby  encouraging  a  rivalship  from  other 
nations  in  the  ports  we  trade  to,  is  absolute 
folly,  which  indeed  is  mixed  more  or  less  with 
some  knavery.  For  my  own  part,  if  my  pro 
test  were  of  any  consequence,  I  should  protest 
against  our  ever  doing  it,  even  by  way  of  re 
prisal.  It  is  a  meanness  with  which  I  would 
not  dirty  the  conscience  or  character  of  my 
country.  The  objections  stated  against  the 
last  of  the  two  articles,  had  all  been  made, 
considered  here,  and  were  sent,  I  imagine, 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


from  hence,  by  one  who  is  offended  that  they 
were  not  thought  of  weight  sufficient  to  stop 
the  signing  of  the  treaty,  till  the  king  should, 
in  another  council,  reconsider  those  articles, 
and,  after  agreeing  to  omit  them,  order  new 
copies  to  be  drawn,  though  all  was  then  ready 
engrossed  on  parchment  as  before  settled.  I 
did  not  think  the  articles  of  much  consequence, 
but  I  thought  of  consequence  that  no  delay 
should  be  given  to  the  signing  of  the  treaty 
after  it  was  ready.  But  if  I  had  known  those 
objections  would  have  been  sent  to  the  com-  j 
mittee,  I  should  have  sent  the  answers  they  i 
received,  which  had  been  satisfactory  to  all 
the  commissioners,  when  the  treaty  was  set-  j 
tied,  and  until  the  mind  of  one  of  them  was  ! 
altered  by  the  opinion  of  two  other  persons. 
Tis  now  too  late  to  send  those  answers.  But 
I  wish  for  the  future,  if  such  a  case  should 
again  happen,  that  congress  would  acquaint 
their  commissioners  with  such  partial  objec 
tions,  and  hear  their  reasons,  before  they  de 
termine  they  have  done  wrong.  In  the  mean 
time,  this  is  only  to  you  in  private.  It  will 
be  of  no  use  to  communicate  it,  as  the  reso 
lution  of  congress  will  probably  be  received 
and  executed  before  this  letter  comes  to  hand. 
"  Speaking  of  commissioners  in  the  plural, 
puts  me  in  mind  of  inquiring  if  it  can  be  the 
intention  of  congress  to  keep  three  embassa- 
dors  at  this  court;  we  have  indeed  four,  with  j 
the  gentleman  intended  for  Tuscany,  who 
continues  here,  and  is  very  angry  that  he  was 
not  consulted  in  making  the  treaty,  which  he 
could  have  mended  in  several  particulars ; 
and  perhaps  he  is  angry,  with  some  reason, 
if  the  instructions  to  him  do,  as  he  says  they 
do,  require  us  to  consult  him.  We  shall  soon 
have  &  fifth,  for  the  envoy  to  Vienna  not  be-  j 
ing  received  there,  is,  I  hear,  returning  i 
hither.  The  necessary  expense  of  maintain- ! 
ing  us  all,  is,  I  assure  you,  enormously  great : ' 
I  wish  the  utility  may  equal  it:  I  imagine 
every  one  of  us  spends  nearly  as  much  as  lord 
Stormont  did.  It  is  true  he  left  behind  him 
the  character  of  a  niggard ;  and  when  the  ad 
vertisement  appeared  for  the  sale  of  his 
household  goods,  all  Paris  laughed  at  an  ar 
ticle  of  it,  perhaps  very  innocently  expressed, 
'  Une  grande  quantite  du  linge  de  table, 
QUI  N'A  JAMAIS  SERVI. — Cela  est  Ires  vrai- 
semblable'  say  they,  « car  il  n'a  jamais 
donne  a  manger.' — But  as  to  our  number, 
whatever  advantage  there  might  be  in  the 
joint  counsels  of  three  for  framing  and  ad 
justing  the  articles  of  the  treaty,  there  can 
be  none  in  managing  the  common  business  of 
a  resident  here.  On  the  contrary,  all  the  ad 
vantages  in  negotiation  that  result  from  se 
crecy  of  sentiment,  and  uniformity  in  express 
ing  it,  and  in  common  business,  from  des 
patch,  are  lost.  In  a  court  too,  where  every 
word  is  watched  and  weighed,  if  a  number  of 
commissioners  do  not  every  one  hold  the 


same  language,  in  giving  their  opinion  on  any 
public  transaction,  this  lessens  their  weight ; 
and  where  it  may  be  prudent  to  put  on  or 
avoid  certain  appearances,  of  concern,  for  ex 
ample,  or  indifference,  satisfaction,  or  dislike, 
where  the  utmost  sincerity  and  candour  should 
be  used,  and  would  gain  credit,  if  no  sem 
blance  of  art  showed  itself  in  the  inadvertent 
discourse  perhaps  of  only  one  of  them,  the  ha 
zard  is  equal  to  the  number :  and  where  every 
one  must  be  consulted  on  every  particular  of 
common  business,  in  answering  every  letter, 
&c.  and  one  of  them  is  offended  if  the  small 
est  thing  is  done  without  his  consent,  the  dif 
ficulty  of  being  often  and  long  enough  toge 
ther,  the  different  opinions,  and  the  time  con 
sumed  in  debating  them,  the  interruption  of 
new  applicants  in  the  time  by  meeting,  &c. 
&c.  occasion  so  much  postponing  and  delay, 
that  correspondence  languishes,  occasions  are 
lost,  and  the  business  is  always  behind-hand. 
I  have  mentioned  the  difficulty  of  being  often 
and  long  enough  together :  this  is  considera 
ble,  where  they  cannot  all  be  accommodated 
in  the  same  house :  but  to  find  three  people 
whose  tempers  are  so  good,  and  who  like  so 
well  one  another's  company,  and  manner  of 
living  and  conversing,  as  to  agree  well  them 
selves,  though  being  in  one  house,  and  whose 
servants  will  not,  by  their  indiscretion  quar 
rel  with  one  another,  and  by  artful  misrepre 
sentations  draw  their  masters  in  to  take  their 
parts,  to  the  disturbance  of  necessary  harmo 
ny  ;  these  are  difficulties  still  greater,  and  al 
most  insurmountable:  and  in  consideration 
of  the  whole,  I  wish  the  congress  would  se 
parate  us. 

"The  Spanish  galeons,  which  have  been 
impatiently  expected,  are  at  length  happily  ar 
rived.  The  fleet  and  army  returning  from 
Brasil,  is  still  out,  but  supposed  to  be  on  the 
way  homewards.  When  that  and  the  South 
Sea  ships  are  arrived,  it  will  appear  whether 
Spain's  accession  to  the  treaty  has  been  de 
layed  for  the  reasons  given,  or  whether  the 
reasons  were  only  given  to  excuse  the  delay. 

"The  English  and  French  fleets,  of  nearly 
equal  force,  are  now  both  at  sea.  It  is  not 
doubted  but  that  if  they  meet  there  will  be  a 
battle.  For  though  England,  through  fear,  af 
fects  to  understand  it  to  be  still  peace,  and  ex 
cuses  the  depredations  she  has  made  on  the 
commerce  of  France  by  pretences  of  illicit 
trade,  &c.  yet  France  considers  the  war  as 
begun  from  the  time  of  the  king's  message  to 
parliament,  complaining  of  the  insult  France 
had  given  by  treating  with  us,  and  demand 
ing  aids  to  resent  it,  and  the  answers  of  both 
houses  offering  their  lives  and  fortunes,  and 
the  taking  several  frigates,  are  deemed  indis 
putable  hostilities.  Accordingly  orders  are 
given,  to  all  the  fleets  and  armed  ships,  to  re 
turn  hostilities,  and  encouragement  is  offered 
to  privateers,  fee.  An  embassador  from  Spain 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


is  indeed  gone  to  London,  and  joyfully  receiv 
ed  there,  in  the  idea  that  peace  may  be  made 
by  his  mediation.  But  as  yet  we  learn  no 
thing  certain  of  his  mission,  and  doubt  his  ef 
fecting  any  thing  of  the  kind. 

"  War  in  Germany  seems  to  be  inevitable, 
and  this  occasioning  great  borrowings  of  mo 
ney  in  Holland  and  elsewhere,  by  the  pow 
ers  concerned,  makes  it  more  difficult  for  us 
to  succeed  in  ours.  When  we  engaged  to 
congress  to  pay  their  bills  for  the  interest  of 
the  sums  they  should  borrow,  we  did  not 
dream  of  their  drawing  on  us  for  other  occa 
sions.  We  have  already  paid  of  congress 
drafts,  to  returned  officers,  eighty-two  thou 
sand  two  hundred  and  eleven  livres,  and  we 
know  not  how  much  more  of  that  kind  we 
have  to  pay,  because  the  committee  have  ne 
ver  let  us  know  the  amount  of  those  drafts, 
or  their  account  of  them  never  reached  us, 
and  they  still  continue  coming  in :  and  we 
are  now  surprised  with  advice  of  drafts  from 
Mr.  Bingham,  to  the  amount  of  one  hundred 
thousand  more.  If  you  reduce  us  to  bank 
ruptcy  here,  by  a  non-payment  of  your  drafts, 
consider  the  consequences.  In  my  humble 
opinion,  no  drafts  should  be  made  on  us,  with 
out  first  learning  from  us  that  we  shall  be  able 
to  answer  them. 

"  Mr.  Beaumarchais  has  been  out  of  town 
ever  since  the  arrival  of  your  power  to  settle 
with  him.  I  hope  he  will  be  able  to  furnish 
the  supplies  mentioned  in  the  invoice  and  con 
tract.  The  settlement  may  be  much  better 
made  with  the  assistance  of  Mr.  Deane :  we 
being  not  privy  to  the  transactions. 

"  We  have  agreed  to  give  Monsieur  Dumas 
two  hundred  louis  a  year,  thinking  that  he 
well  deserves  it.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


Doctor  Richard  Price. 

"LONDON,  January  18,  1779. 

"  DOCTOR  PRICE  returns  his  best  thanks  to 
the  honourable  Benjamin  Franklin,  Arthur 
Lee,  and  John  Adams,  esquires,  for  conveying 
to  him  the  resolution  of  congress  of  the  sixth 
of  October  last,  by  which  he  is  invited  to 
become  a  member  of  the  United  States,  and 
to  give  his  assistance  in  regulating  their 
finances.  It  is  not  possible  for  him  to  express 
the  sense  he  has  of  the  honour  which  this  re 
solution  does  him,  and  the  satisfaction  with 
which  he  reflects  on  the  favourable  opinion  of 
him,  which  has  occasioned  it.  But  he  knows 
himself  not  to  be  sufficiently  qualified  for  giv 
ing  such  assistance,  and  he  is  so  connected  in 
this  country,  and  also  advancing  so  fast  in 
the  evening  of  life,  that  he  cannot  think  of  a 
removal.  He  requests  the  favour  of  the 
honourable  commissioners  to  transmit  this  re 
ply  to  congress,  with  assurances  that  Doc 
tor  Price  feels  the  warmest  gratitude  for  the 

VOL.  L— 2  S 


notice  taken  of  him,  and  that  he  looks  to  the 
American  States  as  now  the  hope,  and  like 
ly  soon  to  become  the  refuge  of  mankind" 

Answer  to  propositions  for  quitting  the  alli 
ance  with  France. 

"  PASBY,  Feb.  3,  1779. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  just  received  your  fa 
vour  of  the  23d  past,  in  which  you  mention, 
'  that  the  alliance  between  France  and  Ame 
rica  is  the  great  stumbling-block,  in  the  way 
of  making  peace;'  and  you  go  on  to  observe, 
that  '  whatever  engagements  America  may 
have  entered  into,  they  may,  at  least  by  con 
sent  of  parties,  be  relinquished,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  removing  so  material  an  obstacle  to 
any  general  treaty  of  free  and  unengaged 
parties.'  Adding,  that  '  if  the  parties  could 
meet  for  the  sake  of  peace  upon  free  and  open 
ground,  you  should  think  that  a  very  fair  pro 
position  to  be  offered  to  the  people  of  Eng 
land,  and  an  equitable  proposition  in  itself.' 
The  long,  steady,  and  kind  regard  you  have 
shown  for  the  welfare  of  America,  by  the 
whole  tenor  of  your  conduct  in  parliament, 
satisfies  me,  that  this  proposition  never  took 
its  rise  with  you,  but  has  been  suggested  from 
some  other  quarter ;  and  that  your  excess  of 
humanity,  your  love  of  peace,  and  your  fear  for 
us,  that  the  destruction  we  are  threatened  with 
will  certainly  be  effected,  have  thrown  a  mist 
before  your  eyes,  which  hindered  you  from 
seeing  the  malignity  and  mischief  of  it.  We 
know  that  your  king  hates  Whigs  and  Pres 
byterians  ;  that  he  thirsts  for  our  blood ;  of 
which  has  he  already  drunk  large  draughts ; 
that  weak  and  unprincipled  ministers  are  rea 
dy  to  execute  the  wickedest  of  his  orders,  and 
his  venal  parliament  equally  ready  to  vote 
them  just.  Not  the  smallest  appearance  of  a 
reason  can  be  imagined  capable  of  inducing- 
us  to  think  of  relinquishing  a  solid  alliance 
with  one  of  the  most  amiable  as  well  as  most 
powerful  princes  of  Europe,  for  the  expecta 
tion  of  unknown  terms  of  peace,  to  be  after 
wards  offered  to  us  by  such  a  government :  a 
government  that  has  already  shamefully  brok 
en  all  the  compacts  it  ever  made  with  us. 
This  is  worse  than  advising  us  to  drop  the 
substance  for  the  shadow.  The  dog  after  he 
found  his  mistake,  might  possibly  have  reco 
vered  his  mutton  ;  but  we  could  never  hope 
to  be  trusted  again  by  France,  or  indeed  by 
any  other  nation  under  heaven.  Nor  does 
there  appear  any  more  necessity  for  dissolv 
ing  an  alliance  with  France,  before  you  can 
treat  with  us,  than  there  would  of  dissolving- 
your  alliance  with  Holland,  or  your  union 
with  Scotland,  before  we  could  treat  with  you. 
Ours  is  therefore  no  material  obstacle  to  a 
treaty,  as  you  suppose  it  to  be.  Had  lord 
North  been  the  author  of  such  a  proposition, 
all  the  world  would  have  said  it  was  insidious, 


322 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


and  meant  only  to  deceive  and  divide  us  from 
our  friends,  and  then  to  ruin  us :  supposing 
our  fears  might  be  strong  to  procure  an  ac 
ceptance  of  it.  But,  thanks  to  God,  that  is 
not  the  case  !  we  have  long  since  settled  all 
the  account  in  our  own  minds :  we  know  the 
worst  you  can  do  to  us,  if  you  have  your  wish, 
is  to  confiscate  our  estates  and  take  our  lives, 
to  rob  and  murder  us ;  and  this  you  have  seen 
we  are  ready  to  hazard,  rather  than  come 
again  under  your  detested  government. 

"  You  must  observe,  my  dear  friend,  that  I 
am  a  little  warm.  Excuse  me!  Tisover.  On 
ly  let  me  counsel  you,  not  to  think  of  being 
sent  hither  on  so  fruitless  an  errand  as  that  of 
making  such  a  proposition. 

"  It  puts  me  in  mind  of  the  comic  farce  in- 
titled,  God-send,  or  The  Wreckers.  You 
may  have  forgotten  it ;  but  I  will  endeavour 
to  amuse  you  by  recollecting  a  little  of  it." 

SCENE.  Mount's  Bay. 

A  ship  riding  at  anchor  in  a  great  storm.  A 
lee  shore  full  of  rocks,  and  lined  with  people, 
furnished  with  axes  and  carriages  to  cut  up 
wrecks,  knock  the  sailors  on  the  head,  and 
carry  off  the  plunder ;  according  to  custom. 

1st  Wrecker.  This  ship  rides  it  out  longer 
than  I  expected :  she  must  have  good  ground 
tackle. 

2d  Wrecker.  We  had  better  send  off  a  boat 
to  her,  and  persuade  her  to  take  a  pilot,  who 
can  afterwards  run  her  a-shore,  where  we  can 
best  come  at  her. 

3d  Wrecker.  I  doubt  whether  the  boat  can 
live  in  this  sea :  but  if  there  are  any  brave 
fellows  willing  to  hazard  themselves  for  the 
good  of  the  public,  and  a  double  share — let 
them  say  aye. 

Several  Wreckers.  I,  I,  I,  I. 
[The  boat  goes  off,  and  comes  under  the  ship's 
stern.] 

Spokesman.  So  ho,  the  ship,  ahoa ! 

Captain.  Hulloa. 

Sp.  Would  you  have  a  pilot  1 

Capt.  No,  no ! 

Sp.  It  blows  hard,  and  you  are  in  danger. 

Capt.  I  know  it. 

Sp.  Will  you  buy  a  better  cable  1  we  have 
one  in  the  boat  here. 

Capt .  What  do  you  ask  for  it  1 

Sp.  Cut  that  you  have,  and  then  we'll  talk 
about  the  price  of  this. 

Capt.  I  shall  do  no  such  foolish  thing :  I  have 
lived  in  your  parish  formerly,  and  know  the 
heads  of  ye  too  well  to  trust  ye  :  keep  off  from 
my  cable  there :  I  see  you  have  a  mind  to 
cut  it  yourselves :  if  you  go  any  nearer  to  it, 
I'll  fire  into  you  and  sink  you. 

Sp.  It  is  a  damn'd  rotten  French  cable,  and 
will  part  of  itself  in  half  an  hour.  Where 
will  you  be  then,  captain]  you  had  better 
take  our  offer. 

Capt.  You  offer  nothing,  you  rogues,  but 


treachery  and  mischief.  My  cable  is  good  and 
strong,  and  will  hold  long  enough  to  baulk  all 
your  projects. 

Sp.  You  talk  unkindly,  captain,  to  people 
who  came  here  only  for  your  good. 

Capt.  I  know  you  came  for  all  our  goods, 
but,  by  God's  help,  you  shall  have  none  of 
them :  you  shall  not  serve  us  as  you  did  the 
Indiamen. 

Sp.  Come,  my  lads,  let  's  be  gone :  this 
fellow  is  not  so  great  a  fool  as  wTe  took  him 
to  be. 

******* 


"  David  Hartley,  M.  P. 

"  PASSY,  Feb.  22, 1779. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  propositions 
for  removing  the  stumbling-block.  Your  con 
stant  desires  of  peace  ought  to  endear  you  to 
both  sides ;  but  this  proposition  seems  to  be 
naturally  impracticable.  We  can  never  think 
of  quitting  a  solid  alliance,  made  and  ratified, 
in  order  to  be  in  a  state  for  receiving  un 
known  proposals  of  peace,  which  may  vanish 
in  the  discussion.  The  truth  is  we  have  no 
kind  of  faith  in  your  government,  which  ap 
pears  to  us  as  insidious  and  deceitful  as  it  is 
unjust  and  cruel :  its  character  is  that  of  the 
Spider  in  Thomson, 

—cunning,  and  fierce, 

Mixture  abhorr'd. 

Besides,  we  cannot  see  the  necessity  of  our 
relinquishing  our  alliance  with  France  in  or 
der  to  a  treaty,  any  more  than  of  your  re 
linquishing  yours  with  Holland. — I  am,  very 
affectionately,  yours,  N.  A."* 

To  the  same. 

"  PASSY,  March  21,  1779. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  duly  yours  of  the 
2d  instant.  I  am  sorry  you  have  had  so  much ' 
trouble  in  the  affair  of  the  prisoners.  You 
have  been  deceived  as  well  as  me.  No  car 
tel  ship  has  yet  appeared ;  and  it  is  now  evi 
dent,  that  the  delays  have  been  of  design,  to 
give  more  opportunity  of  seducing  the  men 
by  promises  and  hardships  to  seek  their  liber 
ty  in  engaging  against  their  country :  for  we 
learn  from  those  who  have  escaped,  that  there 
are  persons  continually  employed  in  cajoling 
and  menacing  them ;  representing  to  them 
that  we  neglect  them ;  that  your  government 
is  willing  to  exchange  them ;  and  that  it  is 
our  fault  it  is  not  done:  that  all  the  news 
from  America  is  bad  on  their  side ;  we  shall  be 
conquered  and  they  will  be  hanged,  if  they 
do  not  accept  the  gracious  offer  of  being  par 
doned,  on  condition  of  serving  the  king,  &c. 
A  great  part  of  your  prisoners  have  been  kept 
these  six  months  on  board  a  ship  in  Brest  road, 
ready  to  be  delivered;  where  I  am  afraid 

*  North  America. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


323 


they  were  not  so  comfortably  accommodated 
as  they  might  have  been  in  the  French  pri 
sons.  They  are  now  ordered  on  shore.  Doc 
tor  Bancroft  has  received  your  letter  here. 
He  did  not  go  to  Calais. 

"Knowing  now  earnestly  and  constantly 
you  wish  for  peace,  I  cannot  end  a  letter  to 
you  without  dropping  a  word  on  that  subject, 
to  mark  that  my  wishes  are  still  in  unison 
with  yours.  After  the  barbarities  your  nation 
has  exercised  against  us,  I  am  almost  asham 
ed  to  own  that  I  feel  sometimes  for  her  misfor 
tunes  and  her  insanities.  Your  veins  are  open, 
and  your  best  blood  continually  running.  You 
have  now  got  a  little  army  into  Georgia,  and 
are  triumphing  in  that  success.  Do  you  ex 
pect  ever  to  see  that  army  again  I  I  know  not 
what  general  Lincoln  or  general  Thomson 
may  be  able  to  effect  against  them;  but  if 
they  stay  through  the  summer,  in  that  climate, 
there  is  a  certain  general  Fever,  that  I  ap 
prehend  will  give  a  good  account  of  most 
of  them.  Perhaps  you  comfort  yourselves 
that  our  loss  of  blood  is  as  great  as  yours.  But 
as  physicians  say,  there  is  a  great  difference 
in  the  facility  of  repairing  that  loss,  between 
an  old  body  and  a  young  one.  America  adds 
to  her  numbers  annually  one  hundred  and  fif 
ty  thousand  souls.  She  therefore  grows  faster 
than  you  can  diminish  her,  and  will  outgrow 
all  the  mischief  you  can  do  her.  Have  you 
the  same  prospects  .'  But  it  is  unnecessary  for 
me  to  represent  to  you,  or  you  to  me,  the  mis 
chiefs  each  nation  is  subjected  to  by  the  war  : 
we  all  see  clear  enough  the  nonsense  of  con 
tinuing  it ;  the  difficulty  is,  where  to  find  sense 
enough  to  put  an  end  to  it. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


David  Hartley  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  April  22, 1779. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — The  bearer  of  this  and 
some  other  papers  (Mr. )  is  a  very  sen 
sible  and  worthy  gentleman,  with  whom  I  had 
the  pleasure  of  contracting  an  acquaintance 
since  the  commencement  of  the  American 
troubles,  originally  upon  the  business  of  the 
American  prisoners.  It  is  a  satisfaction  to  me  at 
all  times  to  have  found  him  a  friend  to  the  re 
storation  of  peace  between  the  two  countries. 
It  has  likewise  been  an  additional  satisfaction 
and  confirmation  to  me  in  my  own  thoughts 
upon  that  subject,  to  find  that  his  sentiments, 
I  think  upon  most,  or  all  of  the  subjects  upon 
which  we  have  conversed,  have  coincided 
with  mine.  We  both  seem  possessed  of  the 
opinion  that  some  plan  of  opening  a  negotia 
tion,  upon  preliminaries,  which  each  side 
might  find  to  be  a  sufficient  security  to  itself, 
might  be  practicable:  and  then,  your  senti 
ment,  which  you  gave  me  in  a  letter  some 
years  ago,  might  have  its  free  scope  and 


effect,  viz.  A  little  time  given  for  cooling 
might  have  excellent  effects. 

"  The  sentiments  I  have  opened  to  you  in 
my  late  letters  for  some  months  past,  and 
which  I  have  reduced  in  an  enclosed  paper, 
into  a  more  specific  shape,  seem  to  me,  upon 
very  repeated  reflection,  to  promise  the  fairest 
ground  of  good  expectation.  These  proposi 
tions  originate  from  myself,  as  a  mediator: 
I  have  communications  with  both  sides,  but 
certainly  no  authority  to  make  proposals  from 
either ;  and  perhaps  neither  side,  if  I  were  to 
make  the  propositions  separately  to  each 
(being  myself  unauthorized)  might  give  me 
positive  consent.  Each  side  separately  might 
say,  No,  from  what  is  called  political  pru 
dence ;  and  yet  each  side  might  secretly 
wish  that  the  offer  could  be  made,  with  a  done 
first,  from  the  other  party.  I  think  the  pro 
position  of  a  truce  for  five  or  seven  years, 
leaving  all  things  in  the  present  dispute  in 
statu  quo,  must  be  advantageous  to  all  par 
ties,  if  it  were  only  in  consideration  that  a 
general  satisfactory  peace  to  all  parties  may 
come  among  the  excellent  effects  of  time 
given  for  cooling.  We  can  but  fight  it  out 
at  last.  War  never  comes  too  late ;  wisdom 
may  step  in  between.  These  matters  have 
stolen  upon  us,  and  have  arisen  to  great  and 
formidable  consequences,  from  small  and  un 
expected  beginnings ;  but  henceforward,  we 
should  know  by  experience  what  to  expect. 
If  the  rage  of  war  could  but  be  abated,  for  a 
sufficient  length  of  time  for  reason  and  re 
flection  to  operate,  I  think  it  would  never  re 
vive.  I  cannot  pretend  to  forecast  the  result 
of  any  negotiation,  but  I  think  war  would  not 
revive  ;  which  is  all  that  I  want  for  my  argu 
ment.  Peace  is  a  bonum  in  se  ;  whereas  the 
most  favourable  events  of  war  are  but  rela 
tively  lesser  evils :  certainly  they  are  evils : 
mala  in  se,  not  bona  in  se. 

"  I  hope  that  a  cessation  of  hostilities  would 
produce  a  renewal  of  reflection  :  but  even  to 
take  the  argument  at  the  worst  advantage, 
the  two  parties  are  at  a  cooling  distance  of 
three  thousand  miles  asunder.  If  the  flames 
of  war  could  be  but  once  extinguished,  does 
not  the  Atlantic  ocean  contain  cold  water 
enough  to  prevent  their  bursting  out  again  ? 
I  am  very  strongly  of  opinion,  that  the  two 
nations  of  Great  Britain  and  North  America, 
would  accord  to  the  proposition  of  a  truce  for 
cooling.  I  cannot  say  whether  a  British  mi 
nistry  would  accord  to  it,  because  they  wont 
tell  me  :  nor  can  I  say  whether  an  American 
plenipotentiary  would  accord  to  it,  because, 
probably,  you  will  not  tell  me.  I  put  myself 
into  your  hands,  however,  when  I  tell  you 
frankly  I  am  of  opinion  that  both  would  ac 
cord  to  it,  if  there  could  be  a  done  first  on 
either  side,  to  bind  the  bargain  fast.  You 
have  the  odds  of  me  in  this  matter,  because 
you  know  one  half  of  the  question;  and  I 


324 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


cannot  give  you  any  p^Oof  on  the  other  side, 
but  only  my  own  presumptive  judgment,  upon 
observation,  an*!  upon  a  course  of  reasoning 
in  my  own  thoughts. 

"  But  for  France — my  judgment  would  be, 
that  if  the  proposition  of  the  proposed  preli 
minaries  should  be  agreeable  to  America, 
France  would  do  very  unhandsomely  to  de 
feat  it  by  their  refusal.  I  likewise  think  it 
the  interest  of  France  ;  because  their  interest 
leads  them  to  go  to  a  certain  point,  and  no 
further.  There  is  a  disparity  in  the  opera 
tion  of  the  terms  of  the  alliance,  on  the  part 
of  France,  and  on  the  part  of  America.  The 
more  vigorously  France  interposes,  the  bet 
ter  for  America ;  in  proportion  to  their  exer 
tions  they  create,  less  or  more,  a  diversion  of 
the  British  force ;  this  reasoning  goes  straight 
forward  for  America;  but  it  is  not  so  with 
France.  There  is  a  certain  point,  to  France, 
beyond  which  their  work  would  fail,  and  re 
coil  upon  themselves ;  if  they  were  to  drive 
the  British  ministry  totally  to  abandon  the 
American  war,  it  would  become  totally  a 
French  war.  The  events  of  a  twelvemonth 
past  seem  to  bear  testimony  to  this  course  of 
reasoning.  The  disadvantage  upon  the  bar 
gain,  to  America,  is,  that  the  efficacy  of  the 
French  alliance  to  them  presupposes  their 
continuance  in  the  war.  The  demur  to 
France  is,  that  the  liberation  of  their  new  ally 
recoils  with  double  weight  of  the  war  upon 
themselves,  without  any  ulterior  points  of  ad 
vantage  in  view,  as  dependent  upon  that  alli 
ance.  I  think  the  interest  of  all  parties 
coincides  with  the  proposition  of  prelimina 
ries.  The  proposed  preliminaries  appear  to 
me  to  be  just  and  equitable  to  all  parties ;  but 
the  great  object  with  me  is  to  come  to  some 
preliminaries ;  I  could  almost  add,  whatever 
those  preliminaries  might  be,  provided  a  sus 
pension  of  arms  for  an  adequate  term  of  years 
were  one,  I  think  it  would  be  ten  thousand  to 
one  against  any  future  renewal  of  the  war.  It 
is  not  necessary  to  enter  at  large  into  the  rea 
sons  which  induce  me  to  think,  that  the  Bri 
tish  ministry,  as  well  the  American  plenipo 
tentiary,  would  consent  to  the  terms  of  the 
proposed  preliminaries ;  for  indeed  I  do  not 
know  that  I  am  founded  in  that  opinion  with 
respect  to  either,  but  still  I  believe  it  of  both. 
But  what  can  a  private  person  do  in  such  a 
case,  wishing  to  be  a  mediator  for  peace,  hav 
ing  access  to  both  parties,  but  equally  uncer 
tain  of  the  reception  of  his  mediation  on  ei 
ther  side  T  I  must  hesitate  to  take  any  public 
step,  as  by  a  proposition  in  parliament,  or  by 
any  other  means  to  drive  the  parties  to  an 
explanation  upon  any  specific  proposals :  and 
yet  I  am  very  unwilling  to  let  the  session  pass 
without  some  proposition,  upon  which  the 
parties  may  meet,  if  they  should  be  so  inclin 
ed,  as  I  suspect  them  to  be.  I  have  been  en 
deavouring  to  feel  pulses  for  some  months, 


but  all  is  dumb-show.  I  cannot  say  that  I 
meet  with  any  thing  discouraging,  to  my  ap 
prehension,  either  as  to  equitableness  or  prac 
ticability  or'  the  proposition  for  preliminaries 
If  I  could  but  simply  receive  sufficient  encou 
ragement  that  I  should  not  run  any  hazard  of 
obstructing  any  other  practicable  propositions, 
by  obtruding  mine,  I  should  be  very  much  sa 
tisfied  to  come  forward,  in  that  case,  with 
mine,  to  furnish  a  beginning  at  least  which 
might  lead  to  peace. 

"  There  is  nothing  that  I  wish  so  much  as  to 
have  an  opportunity  of  seeing  and  conversing 
with  you,  having  many  things  to  say  to  you ; 
but  if  that  cannot  yet  happen,  I  have  only  to 
say,  that  whatever  communication  you  may 
think  proper  to  make  to  me,  which  may  lead  to 
peace,  you  may  be  assured  that  I  shall  be 
most  strenuous  in  applying  it  to  that  end.  In 
all  cases  of  difficulty  inhuman  life,  there  must 
be  confidence  somewhere,  to  enable  us  to  ex 
tricate  nations  from  the  evils  attendant  upon 
national  disputes,  as  they  arise  out  of  national 
passions,  interests,  jealousies,  and  points  of 
honour.  I  am  not  sure  whether  the  extreme 
caution  and  diffidence  of  persons  in  political 
life  be  not  the  cause  almost  as  frequently  of 
the  unnecessary  protraction  of  the  miseries  of 
war,  as  of  the  final  production  of  any  superior 
good  to  any  state.  Peace  now  is  better  than 
peace  a  twelvemonth  hence,  at  least  by  all  the 
lives  that  may  be  lost  in  the  meanwhile,  and 
by  all  the  accumulated  miseries  that  may  in 
tervene  by  that  delay.  When  I  speak  of  the 
necessity  of  confidence,  I  would  not  have  you 
to  think,  that  I  trust  to  all  professions,  pro 
miscuously,  with  confidence :  my  thoughts  are 
free  respecting  all  parties ;  and  for  myself,  if 
I  thought  it  necessary  for  the  end  of  attain 
ing  any  additional  confidence  in  your  esteem, 
to  enable  me  to  co-operate  the  more  effectual 
ly  towards  the  restoration  of  peace,  there  is 
nothing  that  I  would  wish  you  to  be  assured 
of  but  this ;  that  no  fallacious  offers  of  insin 
cerity,  nor  any  pretexts  for  covering  secret  de 
signs,  or  for  obtaining  unfair  advantages,  shall 
ever  pass  through  my  hands. 

"  Believe  me  truly  to  be,  not  only  a  lover 
of  my  country,  but  a  sincere  friend  to  peace, 
and  to  the  rights  of  mankind  ;  and  ever  most 
affectionately  yours,  D.  HARTLEY." 

Lord  North  consented  to  Mr.  Hartley's  pro 
position,  for  endeavouring  to  procure  from  the 
American  plenipotentiary  or  plenipotentiaries 
some  opening,  that  they  would  be  willing  to 
commence  a  parley,  on  propositions  of  peace 
between  Great  Britain  and  America  ;  and  sup 
posed  the  terms  which  Mr.  Hartley  had  in 
view,  would  be  something  like  a  tacit  ces 
sion  of  independence  to  America,  with  a  truce 
for  a  certain  term  of  years,  to  serve  as  a  basis 
for  a  general  treaty  of  accommodation  and 
final  settlement. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


325 


This  last  application  (which  was  made  o 
the  20th  of  April  1779)  of  Mr.  Hartley's  t 
lord  North,  after  several  previous  conference 
on  the  subject,  is  the  ground  of  the  presen 
confidential  communication  with  Dr.  Frank 
lin,  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Hartley,  who  states  t 
Dr.  Franklin,  as  he  did  to  lord  North,  that  ai 
auspicious  beginning  of  a  negotiation  is  di 
midium  facti. 

Mr.  Hartley's  ideas  of  the  probable  course 
of  the  negotiation,  would  be  to  the  following 
effect : 

1.  Five  commissioners  (or  any  three  of  them 
to  be  appointed  on  the  part  of  his  Britanni< 
majesty,  to  treat,  consult,  and  agree,  upon 
the  final  settlement  and  pacification  of  the 
present  troubles,  upon  safe,  honourable,  ant 
permanent  terms,   subject  to  ratification  by 
parliament. 

2.  That  any  of  the  aforesaid  commissioners 
may  be  impowered  to  agree,  as  a  prelimina 
ry,  to  a  suspension  of  hostilities  by  sea  anc 
land,  for  a  certain  term  of  five  or  seven 
years. 

3.  That  any  one  of  the  aforesaid  commis 
sioners  be  impowered  to  agree,  as  a  seconc 
preliminary,  to  suspend  the  operation  and  ef 
fect  of  any  and  all  acts  of  parliament  respect 
ing  America,  for  a  certain  term  of  five  or  se 
ven  years. 

4.  That  it  is  expected,  as  a  third  prelimina 
ry,  that  America  should  be  released,  free  and 
unengaged,  from  any  treaties  with  foreign 
]>owers,  which  may  tend  to  embarrass  or  de 
feat  the  present  proposed  negotiation. 

5.  That  a  general  treaty  for  negotiation 
shall  be  set  on  foot  as  soon  as  may  be,  after 
the  agreement  of  the  foregoing  preliminaries. 

N.  B.  A  doubt  seeming  to  arise  from  lord 
North,  relative  to  the  probability  of  any  ex 
planatory  communication  on  the  part  of  Dr. 
Franklin,  Mr.  Hartley  expressed,  he  thought 
it  possible  that  as  a  known  friend  to  peace,  he 
might  be  considered  by  Dr.  Franklin  as  a  de 
pot  of  any  communications  which  may  serve 
from  time  to  time  to  facilitate  the  terms  of 
peace:  which  therefore  prevents  this  com 
munication  being  considered  as  any  direct 
overture  from  lord  North  to  Dr.  Franklin,  or 
from  Dr.  Franklin  to  lord  North  ;  but  as  it  is 
merely  a  mediatorial  proposition  of  Mr.  Hart 
ley,  as  a  private  person,  for  the  purpose  of 
bringing  the  parties  to  a  parley. 

4  Dr.  Cooper. 

"  PASST,  April  22,  1779. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  received  your  va 
luable  letter  by  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette ; 
and  another  by  Mr.  Bradford.  I  can  now  on 
ly  write  a  few  words  in  answer  to  the  latter, 
the  former  not  being  at  hand.  The  deprecia 
tion  of  our  money,  must,  as  you  observe, 
28 


greatly  affect  salary  men,  widows,  and  or 
phans.     Methinks  this  evil  deserves  the  at 
tention  of  the  several  legislatures,  and  ought, 
if  possible,  to  be  remedied  by  some  equitable 
law   particularly  adapted   to  their   circum 
stances.     I  took  all  the  pains  I  could  in  con 
gress  to  prevent  the  depreciation,  by  propos 
ing,  first,  that  the  bills  should  bear 'interest: 
this  was  rejected,  and  they  were  struck  as 
you  see  them.     Secondly,  after  the  first  emis 
sion  I  proposed  that  we  should  stop,  strike  no 
more,  but  borrow  on  interest  those  we  had  is 
sued.     This  was  not  then  approved  of,  and 
more  bills  were  issued.     When  from  the  too 
great  quantity  they  began  to  depreciate,  we 
agreed  to  borrow  on  interest,  and  I  proposed, 
that  in  order  to  fix  the  value  of  the  principal, 
the  interest  should  be  promised  in  hard  dollars. 
This  was  objected  to  as  impracticable :  but  I 
still  continue  of  opinion,  that  by  sending  out 
cargoes  to  purchase  it,  we  might  have  brought 
in  money  sufficient  for  that  purpose,  as  we 
brought  in  powder,  &c.  &c.  And  that  though 
the  attempt  must  have  been  attended  with 
a  disadvantage,  the  loss  would  have  been  a 
less  mischief  than  any  measure  attending 
the  discredit  of  the  bills,  which  threatens  to 
take  out  of  our  hands  the  great  instrument  of 
our  defence.     The  congress  did  at  last  come 
into  the  proposal  of  paying  the  interest  in  real 
money.    But  when  the  whole  mass  of  the  cur 
rency  was  under  way  in  depreciation,  the 
momentum  of  its  descent  was  too  great,  to  be 
stopt  by  a  power  that  might  at  first  have  been 
sufficient  to  prevent  the  beginning  of  the  mo 
tion.     The  only  remedy  now  seems  to  be  a 
diminution  of  the  quantity  by  a  vigorous  taxa 
tion,  of  great  nominal  sums,  which  the  people 
are  more  able  to  pay,  in  proportion  to  the 
quantity  and  diminished  value  ;  and  the  only 
consolation  under  the  evil  is,  that  the  public 
debt  is   proportionably  diminished  with   the 
depreciation :  and  this  by  a  kind  of  imper 
ceptible  tax,  every  one  having  paid  a  part  of 
t  in  the  fall  of  value,  that  took  place  between 
-he  receiving  and  pay  ing  such  sums  as  passed 
hrough  his  hands.     For  it  should  always  be 
remembered,  that  the  original  intention  was 
,o  sink  the  bills  by  taxes,  which  would  as  ef 
fectually  extinguish  the  debt  as  an  actual  re 
demption.     This  effect  of  paper  currency  is 
lot  understood  on  this  side  the  water.     And 
ndeed  the  whole  is  a  mystery  even  to  the  po- 
iticians,  how  we  have  been  able  to  continue 
.  war  four  years  without  money,  and  how  we 
ould  pay  with  paper,  that  had  no  previously 
ixed  fund  appropriated  specifically  to  redeem 
;.  This  currency  as  we  manage  it,  is  a  won- 
erful  machine.     It  performs  its  office  when 
we  issue  it ;  it  pays  and  clothes  troops,  and 
rovides  victuals  and  ammunition ;  and  when 
ve  are  obliged  to  issue  a  quantity  excessive, 
1  pays  itself  off  by  depreciation. 
"  Our  affairs  in  general  stand  in  a  fair  light 


326 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


throughout  Europe.  Our  cause  is  universally 
approved.  Our  constitutions  of  government 
have  been  translated  and  printed  in  most  lan 
guages,  and  are  so  much  admired  for  the  spi 
rit  of  liberty  that  reigns  in  them,  that  it  is  ge 
nerally  agreed  we  shall  have  a  vast  accession 
of  national  property  after  the  war,  from  every 
part  of  this  continent,  and  particularly  from 
the  British  islands.  We  have  only  to  perse 
vere  and  to  be  happy. — Yours,  &c. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Josiah  Quincy, 

"  PASSY,  April  2-2,  1779. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  very  kind 
letter  by  Mr.  Bradford,  who  appears  a  very 
sensible  and  amiable  young  gentleman,  to 
whom  I  should  with  pleasure  render  any  ser 
vice  here,  upon  your  much  respected  recom 
mendation  ;  but  I  understand  he  returns  im 
mediately. 

"  It  is  with  great  sincerity  I  join  you  in  ac 
knowledging  and  admiring  the  dispensation 
of  Providence  in  our  favour.  America  has 
only  to  be  thankful  and  persevere.  God  will 
finish  his  work,  and  establish  their  freedom : 
and  the  lovers  of  liberty  will  flock  from  all 
parts  of  Europe,  with  their  fortunes,  to  par 
ticipate  with  us  of  that  freedom — as  soon  as 
peace  is  restored. 

"  I  am  exceedingly  pleased  with  your  ac 
count  of  the  French  politeness  and  civility, 
as  it  appeared  among  the  officers  and  people 
of  their  fleet.  They  have  certainly  advanced 
in  those  respects  many  degrees  beyond  the 
English.  I  find  them  here  a  most  amiable 
nation  to  live  with.  The  Spaniards  are  by 
common  opinion  supposed  to  be  cruel,  the 
English  proud,  the  Scotch  insolent,  the  Dutch 
avaricious,  &c.  but  I  think  the  French  have 
no  national  vice  ascribed  to  them.  They 
have  some  frivolities,  but  they  are  harmless. 
To  dress  their  heads  so  that  a  hat  cannot  be 
put  on  them,  and  then  wear  their  hats  under 
their  arms,  and  to  fill  their  noses  with  tobac 
co,  may  be  called  follies  perhaps,  but  they  are 
not  vices,  they  are  only  the  effects  of  the  ty 
ranny  of  custom.  In  short,  there  is  nothing 
wanting  in  the  character  of  a  Frenchman,  tha 
belongs  to  that  of  an  agreeable  and  worth1 
man.  They  have  only  some  trifles,  a  surplu 
of  which  might  be  spared. 

"  Will  you  permit  me,  while  I  do  them  thi 
justice,  to  hint  a  little  censure  on  our  owr 
country  people!  which  I  do  in  good  will 
wishing  the  cause  removed.  You  know  tfo 
necessity  we  are  under  of  supplies  from  Eu 
rope,  and  the  difficulty  we  have  at  present  ii 
making  returns.  The  interest  bills  would  d 
a  good  deal  towards  purchasing  arms,  ammu 
nition,  clothing,  sailcloth,  and  other  necessa 
ries  for  defence.  Upon  inquiry  of  those  wh 
present  those  bills  to  me  for  acceptance, wha 


he  money  is  to  be  laid  out  in,  I  find  that 
lost  of  it  is  for  superfluities,  and  more  than 
alf  of  it  for  tea !  How  unhappily  in  this  in- 
tance  the  folly  of  our  people,  and  the  avidity 
P  our  merchants,  concur  to  weaken  and  im- 
overish  our  country !  I  formerly  computed 
hat  we  consumed  before  the  war,  in  that  sin- 
le  article,  the  value  of  five  hundred  thousand 
ounds  sterling  annually.  Much  of  this  was 
aved  by  stopping  the  use  of  it.  I  honoured 
virtuous  resolution  of  our  women,  in  fore- 
oing  that  little  gratification,  and  I  lament 
lat  such  virtue  should  be  of  so  short  duration ! 
ive  hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling  annu- 
lly,  laid  out  in  defending  ourselves,  or  annoy- 
ng  our  enemies,  would  have  great  effects. 
/Vith  what  face  can  we  ask  aids  and  subsidies 
rom  our  friends,  while  we  are  wasting  our 
wn  wealth  in  such  prodigality  1 — With  great 
nd  sincere  esteem,  I  am,  &c. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


Instructions  to  John  P.  Jones,  Esq. 

"  INSTRUCTIONS  to  the  honourable  John  Paul 
ones,  esquire,  commander  of  the  American 
quadron  in  the  service  of  the  United  States, 
low  in  the  port  of  L'Orient.  1.  His  majesty 
laving  been  pleased  to  grant  some  troops  for 
particular  expedition,  proposed  to  annoy  our 
ommon  enemy,  in  which  the  sea  force  under 
/our  command  might  have  an  opportunity  of 
distinguishing  itself:  you  are  to  receive  on 
)oard  your  ships  of  war,  and  the  other  ves 
sels  destined  for  that  purpose,  the  troops  that 
shall  present  themselves  to  you,  afford  them 
such  accommodation  as  may  be  most  proper 
or  preserving  their  health,  and  convey  them 
to  such  port  or  place  as  their  commander 
shall  desire  to  land  them  at. 

"  2d.  When  the  troops  are  landed,  you  are 
to  aid,  by  all  means  in  your  power,  their  ope 
rations,  as  they  will  be  instructed  in  like 
manner  to  aid  and  support  those  you  may 
make  with  your  ships,  that  so  by  this  concur 
rence  and  union  of  your  different  forces,  all 
that  such  a  compounded  strength  is  capable 
of  may  be  effected. 

"  3d.  You  are  during  the  expedition  never 
to  depart  from  the  troops  so  as  not  to  be  able 
to  protect  them,  or  to  secure  their  retreat  in 
case  of  a  repulse  ;  and  in  all  events  you  are 
to  endeavour  their  complete  re-embarkation 
on  board  the  ships  and  transports  under  your 
command,  when  the  expedition  shall  be  ended. 

"  4th.  You  are  to  bring  to  France  all  the 
English  seamen  you  may  happen  to  take  pri 
soners,  in  order  to  complete  the  good  work 
you  have  already  made  such  progress  in,  of 
delivering,  by  an  exchange,  the  rest  of  our 
countrymen  now  languishing  in  the  gaols  of 
Great  Britain. 

"  5th.  As  many  of  your  officers  and  people 
have  lately  escaped  from  English  prisons,  ei- 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


327 


ther  in  Europe  or  America,  you  are  to  be 
particularly  attentive  to  their  conduct  towards 
the  prisoners,  which  the  fortune  of  war  may 
throw  mtr  your  hands,  lest  resentment  of  the 
more  than  barbarous  usage  by  the  English 
in  many  places  towards  the  Americans,  should 


"  I  need  not  repeat,  what  we  have  each  of  ua 
so  often  repeated,  the  wish  for  peace.  J  will 
begin  by  frankly  assuring  you,  that  though  J 
think  a  direct,  immediate  peace,  the  best  mode 
of  present  accommodation,  for  Britain  as  well 
as  for  America,  yet  if  that  is  not  at  this  time 


occasion  a  retaliation,   and  an  imitation  of  I  practicable,  and  a  truce  is  practicable,  I  should 


what  ought  rather  to  be  detested  and  avoided, 
for  the  sake  of  humanity,  and  for  the  honour 
of  our  country. 

"  6th.  In  the  same  view,  although  the  Eng 
lish  have  wantonly  burnt  many  defenceless 
towns  in  America,  you  are  not  to  follow  this 
example,  unless  where  a  reasonable  ransom 
is  refused,  in  which  case,  your  own  generous 
feelings  as  well  as  this  instruction,  will  induce 
you  to  give  timely  notice  of  your  intention, 
that  sick  and  ancient  persons,  women  and 
children  may  be  first  removed. — Given  at 
Passy,  this  28th  day  of  April,  1779. 

«B.  FRANKLIN, 

"  Minister  Plenipotentiary  from  the  United  States  at 
the  court  of  France." 


"  Mr.  Thomas  Viny,  Kent. 

"  PASSY,  May  4,  1779. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  with  great  plea 
sure  your  kind  letter,  as  I  learnt  by  it  that 
my  hospitable  friend  still  exists,  and  that  his 
friendship  for  me  had  not  abated. 

"  We  have  had  a  hard  struggle,  but  the  Al 
mighty  has  favoured  the  just  cause,  and  I 
join  most  heartily  with  you  in  your  prayers 


not  be  against  a  truce ;  but  this  is  merely  on 
motives  of  general  humanity,  to  obviate  the 
evils  men  devilishly  inflict  on  men  in  time  of 
war,  and  to  lessen",  as  much  as  possible,  the 
similarity  of  earth  and  hell.  For  with  regard 
to  particular  advantages,  respecting  the  states 
1  am  connected  with,  I  am  persuaded  it  is 
theirs  to  continue  the  war,  till  England  shall 
be  reduced  to  that  perfect  impotence  of  mis 
chief,  which  alone  can  prevail  with  her  to  let 
other  nations  enjoy  "Peace,  Liberty,  and 
Safety."  I  think,  however,  that  a  short  truce, 
which  must,  therefore,  be  an  armed  truce,  and 
put  all  parties  to  an  almost  equal  expense 
with  a  continued  war,  is  by  no  means  desir 
able. 

"  But  this  proposition  of  a  truce,  if  made  at 
all,  should  be  made  to  France,  at  the  same 
time  it  is  made  to  America.  They  have  each 
of  them  too  much  honour,  as  well  as  too  much 
sense,  to  listen  separately  to  any  propositions 
which  tend  to  separate  them  from  each  other. 

"  I  will  now  give  you  my  thoughts  on  your 
ideas  of  a  negotiation,  in  the  order  you  have 
placed  them.  If  you  will  number  them  in 
your  copy,  you  will  readily  see  to  which  my 


that,  he  may  perfect  his  work,  and  establish  j  observations  refer,  and  I  may   therefore   be 

freedom  in  the  new  world,  as  an  asylum  for 

those  of  the  old,  who  deserve  it.     I  find  that 

many  worthy  and  wealthy   families  of  this 

continent  are  determined  to  remove  thither 

and  partake  of  it,  as  soon  as  peace  shall  make 

the  passage  safer ;  for  which  peace  I  also  join 

your  prayers  most  cordially,  as  I  think  the 

war  a  detestable  one ;  and  grieve  much  at 

the  mischief  and  misery  it  occasions  to  many  : 

my  only  consolation  being  that  I  did  all  in  my 

power  to  prevent  it. 


more  concise. 

To  the  1st,  I  do  not  see  the  necessity  or  use 
of  five  commissioners.  A  number  of  talkers 
lengthen  discussions,  and  often  embarrass  in 
stead  of  aiding  a  settlement.  Their  differ 
ent  particular  views,  private  interests  and 
jealousies  of  each  other  are  likewise  so  many 
rubs  in  the  way,  and  it  sometimes  happens 
that  a  number  cannot  agree  to  what  each 
privately  thinks  reasonable,  and  would  have 
j  agreed  to,  or  perhaps  proposed  if  alone.  But 


"  When  all  the  bustle  is  over,  if  my  short  re- 1  this  as  the  parties  please, 
mainder  of  life  will  permit  my  return  thither,  I  "  To  the  2d,  The  term  of  twenty-one  years 
what  a  pleasure  will  it  be  to  me  to  see  my  old  |  would  be  better  for  all  sides.  The  suspen- 
friend  and  his  children  settled  there !  I  hope  sion  of  hostilities  should  be  expressed  to  be,  be- 

"     -  tween  all  parties  at  war :  and  that  the  British 


he  will  find  vines  and  figtrees  there  for  all  of 
them,  under  which  we  may  sit  and  converse, 
enjoying  peace  and  plenty,  a  good  govern 
ment,  good  laws  and  liberty,  without  which 
men  loose  half  their  value. — I  am  with  much 
esteem,  dear  friend,  yours,  &c. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  David  Hartley,  M.  P. 

"PASSY,  May  4,  1773. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  several  fa 
vours,  viz.  one  of  April  the  10th,  one  of  the 
20th,  and  two  of  the  22d,  all  on  the  same  day, 
but  by  different  conveyances. 


troops  and  ships  of  war  now  in  any  of  the 
United  States  be  withdrawn. 

"  To  the  3d,  This  seems  needless,  and  is  a 
thing  that  may  be  done  or  omitted  as  you 
please  :  America  has  no  concern  about  those 
acte  of  parliament. 

To  the  4f/*,  The  reason  of  proposing  this  is 
not  understood,  nor  the  use  of  it,  nor  what 
inducement  there  can  be  for  us  to  agree  to  it. 
When  you  come  to  treat  with  both  your  ene 
mies,  you  may  negotiate  away  as  much  of 
these  engagements  as  you  can ;  but  powers 
who  have  made  a  firm,  solid  league,  evidently 
useful  to  both,  can  never  be  prevailed  with  to 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


dissolve  it,  for  the  vague  expectation  of  ano 
ther  in  nubibus ;  nor  even  on  the  certainty 
that  another  will  be  proposed  without  knowing 
what  are  to  be  its  articles.  America  has  no 
desire  of  being  free  from  her  engagements  to 
France.  The  chief  is  that  of  continuing  the 
war  in  conjunction  with  her,  and  not  making 
a  separate  peace :  and  this  is  an  obligation 
not  in  the  power  of  America  to  dissolve,  being 
an  obligation  of  gratitude  and  justice,  towards 
a  nation  which  is  engaged  in  a  war  on  her 
account,  and  for  her  protection ;  and  would 
be  for  ever  binding,  whether  such  an  article 
existed  or  not  in  the  treaty ;  and  though  it 
did  not  exist,  an  honest  American  would  cut 
off  his  right  hand  rather  than  sign  an  agree 
ment  with  England  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  it. 

"  To  the  5th,  As  soon  as  you  please. 

"  If  you  had  mentioned  France  in  your  pro 
posed  suspension  of  arms,  I  should  immediate 
ly  have  shown  it  to  the  minister,  and  have 
endeavoured  to  support  that  idea.  As  it 
stands,  I  am  in  doubt  whether  I  shall  com 
municate  your  paper  or  not,  though  by  your 
writing  it  is  so  fair,  it  seems  as  if  you  intend 
ed  it.  If  I  do,  I  shall  acquaint  you  with  the 
result. 

"  The  bill  of  which  you  send  me  a  copy  was 
an  excellent  one  at  the  time,  and  might  have 
had  great  and  good  effects ;  if  instead  of  tell 
ing*  us  haughtily  that  our  humble  petition 
should  receive  no  answer,  that  the  ministry 
had  received  and  enacted  that  bill  into  a  law. 
It  might  have  erected  a  wall  of  brass  round 
England,  if  such  a  measure  had  been  adopted 
when  Friar  Bacon's  brazen  head  cried  out, 
TIME  is  ?  But  the  wisdom  of  it  was  not  seen, 
till  after  the  fatal  cry  of  TIME  's  PAST  ! 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Mrs.  Wright,*  London. 

"  PASSY,  May  4, 1779. 

"  DEAR  MADAM, — I  received  your  favour 
of  the  14th  of  March  past,  and  if  you  should 
continue  in  your  resolution  of  returning  to 

*"  Mrs  Mehetabel  Wright  was  altogether  a  very  ex 
traordinary  woman.  She  was  the  niece  of  the  celebrat 
ed  John  Wesley,  but  was  born  at  Philadelphia,  in  which 
city  her  parents  settled  at  an  early  period.  Mrs.  Wright 
was  greatly  distinguished  as  a  modeller  in  wax  ;  which 
art  she  turned  to  a  remarkable  account  in  the  American 
war,  by  coming  to  England,  and  exhibiting  her  perform 
ances.  This  enabled  her  to  procure  much  intelligence  of 
importance,  which  she  communicated  to  Dr.  Franklin 
and  others,  with  whom  she  corresponded  during  the 
whole  war.  As  soon  as  a  general  was  appointed,  or  a 
squadron  begun  to  be  fitted  put,  the  old  lady  found 
means  of  access  to  some  family  where  she  could  gain 
information,  and  thus  without  being  at  all  suspected, 
she  contrived  to  transmit  an  account  of  the  number  of 
the  troops,  and  the  place  of  their  destination  to  her  po 
litical  friends  abroad.  She  at  one  time  had  frequent  ac 
cess  to  Buckingham  house ;  and  used,  it  was  said,  to 
speak  her  sentiments  very  freely  to  their  majesties,  who 
were  amused  with  her  originality.  The  great  lord  Chat 
ham  honoured  her  with  his  visits,  and  she  took  his 
likeness  which  appears  in  Westminster  Abbey.  Mrs. 
Wright  died  very  old  in  February,  1780. 


America,  through  France,  I  shall  certainly 
render  you  any  of  the  little  services  in  my 
power :  but  there  are  so  many  difficulties  at 
present  in  getting  passages  hence,  particu 
larly  safe  ones  for  women,  that  methinks  I 
should  advise  your  stay  till  more  settled  times, 
and,  till  a  more  frequent  intercourse  is  esta 
blished. 

"  As  to  the  exercise  of  your  art  here,  I  am 
in  doubt  whether  it  would  answer  your  ex 
pectations.  Here  are  two  or  three  who  pro 
fess  it,  and  make  a  show  of  their  works  on  the 
Boulevards ;  but  it  is  not  the  taste  for  persons 
of  fashion  to  sit  to  these  artists  for  their  por 
traits  :  and  both  house-rent  and  living  at  Paris 
are  very  expensive. 

"  I  thought  that  friendship  required  I  should 
acquaint  you  with  these  circumstances ;  after 
which  you  will  use  your  discretiqn. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 

[Written  in  the  envelope  of  the  above.] 

"  P.  S.  My  grandson,  whom  you  may  re 
member  when  a  little  saucy  boy  at  school, 
being  my  amanuensis  in  writing  the  within 
letter,  has  been  diverting  me  with  his  remarks. 
He  conceives  that  your  figures  cannot  be 
packed  up,  without  damage  from  any  thing 
you  could  fill  the  boxes  with  to  keep  them 
steady.  He  supposes  therefore,  that  you  must 
put  them  into  post-chaises,  two  and  two,  which 
will  make  a  long  train  upon  the  road,  and  be 
a  very  expensive  conveyance ;  but  as  they 
will  eat  nothing  at  the  inns,  you  may  the 
better  afford  it.  When  they  come  to  Dover, 
he  is  sure  they  are  so  like  life  and  nature, 
that  the  master  of  the  packet  will  not  receive 
them  on  board  without  passes ;  which  you 
will  do  well  therefore  to  take  out  from  the 
secretary's  office,  before  you  leave  London ; 
where  they  will  cost  you  only  the  modest  price 
of  two  guineas  and  sixpence  each,  which  you 
will  pay  without  grumbling,  because  you  are 
sure  the  money  will  never  be  employed 
against  your  country.  It  will  require,  he 
says,  five  or  six  of  the  long  wicker  French 
stage  coaches  to  carry  them  as  passengers 
from  Calais  to  Paris,  and  a  ship  with  good  ac 
commodations  to  convey  them  to  America; 
where  all  the  world  will  wonder  at  your 

clemency  to  lord  N ;    that  having  it 

in  your  power  to  hang,  or  send  him  to  the 
fighters,  you  had  generously  reprieved  him 
x)r  transportation." 


General  Beckwith. 

"  PASSY,  May  17, 1779. 
"  SIR, — Having  assured  you  verbally  that 
[  had  no  authority  to  treat  or  agree  with  any 
nilitary  person,  of  any  rank  whatever  to  go 
:o  America,  I  understand  your  expressions, 
that  '  you  will  take  your  chance  if  I  think 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


329 


you  may  be  useful?  to  mean  that  you  will  go 
over  without  making  any  terms  with  rne,  on 
a  supposition,  which  you  also  mention,  that 
my  recommendation  will  be  regarded  by  the 
congress,  and  that  you  shall  thereupon  be  em 
ployed  in  our  armies. 

"Whoever  has  seen  the  high  character 
given  of  you  by  prince  Ferdinand  (under 
whom  you  served)  to  lord  Chatham,  which  I 
saw  when  in  London,  must  think  that  so  able 
an  officer  might  have  been  exceedingly  use 
ful  to  our  cause,  if  he  had  been  in  America  at 
the  beginning  of  the  war.  But  there  is  a 
great  difficulty  at  this  time  in  introducing  one 
of  your  rank  into  our  armies,  now  that  they  are 
all  arranged  and  fully  officered ;  and  this  kind 
of  difficulty  has  been  found  so  great,  and  the 
congress  has  been  so  embarrassed  with  num 
bers  of  officers  from  other  countries,  who  ar 
rived  under  strong  recommendations,  that 
they  have  been  at  above  100,000  livres  ex 
pense  to  pay  the  charges  of  such  officers  in 
coming  to  America  and  returning  to  Europe, 
rather  than  hazard  the  discontent,  the  placing 
them  to  the  prejudice  of  our  own  officers,  who 
had  served  from  the  beginning,  would  have 
occasioned.  Under  these  circumstances  they 
have  not  merely  left  me  without  authority, 
but  they  have  in  express  terms  forbid  me  to 
agree  with,  or  encourage  by  any  means,  the 
going  over  of  officers  to  America  in  expecta 
tion  of  employment.  As  to  my  recommenda 
tion,  whatever  weight  it  might  have  had  for 
merly,  it  has  in  several  instances  been  so  im 
properly  employed  through  the  too  great  con 
fidence  I  had  in  recommendations  from  others, 
that  I  think  it  would  at  present  be  of  no  im 
portance  if  it  were  necessary  ;  but  after  that 
above  mentioned  of  so  great  a  general,  and  so 
good  a  judge  of  military  merit  as  prince  Fer 
dinand,  a  character  of  you  from  me  would  be 
impertinence. 

"  Upon  the  whole,  I  can  only  say,  that  if 
you  choose  to  go  over  and  settle  in  our  land 
of  liberty,  I  shall  be  glad  to^find  you  there  on 
my  return  as  a  fellow-citizen,  because  I  be 
lieve  you  will  be  a  very  good  one,  and  re 
spected  there  as  such  by  the  people.  But  I 
cannot  advise  or  countenance  your  going  thi 
ther  with  the  expectation  you  mention. — 
With  great  esteem,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  The  Committee  for  Foreign  Affairs. 

"  PASSY,  May  26,  1779. 

"  GENTLEMEN, — The  marquis  de  la  Fayette, 
who  arrived  here  the  llth  of  February, 
brought  me  yours  of  October  28th,  and  the 
new  commission,  credentials,  and  instructions 
the  congress  have  honoured  me  with.  I  have 
not  since  had  an  opportunity  of  writing  that  I 
could  trust ;  for  I  see  by  several  instances, 
that  the  orders  given  to  private  captains,  to 

VOL.  [.— 2T  28* 


throw  their  despatches  into  the  sea,  when 
likely  to  be  taken,  are  sometimes  neglected, 
and  sometimes  so  badly  executed,  that  the 
letters  are  recovered  by  the  enemy,  and  much 
inconvenience  has  attended  their  intercep 
tion.  You  mention  that  you  should  speedily 
have  opportunities  of  forwarding  duplicates 
and  triplicates  of  these  papers :  none  of  them 
have  ever  come  to  hand  ;  nor  have  I  received 
any  other  line  from  you  of  later  date. 

"  I  immediately  acquainted  the  minister 
for  foreign  affairs  with  my  appointment,  and 
communicated  to  him,  as  usual,  a  copy  of  my 
credential  letter,  on  which  a  day  was  named 
for  my  reception.  A  fit  of  the  gout  prevent 
ed  my  attendance  at  that  time,  and  for  some 
weeks  after,  but  as  soon  as  I  was  able  to  go 
through  the  ceremony,  I  went  to  Versailles, 
and  was  presented  to  the  king,  and  received 
in  all  the  forms.  I  delivered  the  letter  of  the 
congress  into  his  majesty's  own  hands,  who 
in  the  most  gracious  manner  expressed  his 
satisfaction  :  and  I  have  since  constantly  at 
tended  the  levee,  every  Tuesday,  with  the 
other  foreign  ministers,  and  have  taken  every 
proper  occasion  of  repeating  the  assurances  I 
am  instructed  to  give,  of  the  grateful  senti 
ments  of  congress,  and  their  determined  re 
solution  to  fulfil  religiously  their  engage 
ments.  Much  pains  is  constantly  taken  by 
the  enemy  to  weaken  the  confidence  of  this 
court  in  their  new  allies,  by  representing  our 
people  as  weary  of  the  war,  and  of  the  govern 
ment  of  congress,  which  body  too,  they  re 
present  as  distracted  by  dissentions,  &c.  but 
all  this  has  very  little  effect ;  and  when  on 
some  occasions  it  has  seemed  to  make  a  little 
impression,  and  create  some  apprehensions,  I 
have  not  found  it  difficult  to  remove  them  : 
and  it  is  my  firm  opinion,  that  notwithstand 
ing  the  great  losses  suffered  by  the  commerce 
of  this  kingdom,  since  the  commencement  of 
the  war,  the  disposition  of  the  court  to  con 
tinue  it  (till  its  purpose  of  establishing  our  in 
dependence  is  completed)  is  not  in  the  least 
changed,  nor  their  regard  for  us  diminished. 

"  The  end  of  that  part  of  the  instructions 
which  relates  to  American  seamen  taken  by 
the  French  in  English  ships,  had  already  been 
obtained ;  captain  Jones  having  had  for  some 
time  an  order  from  court  directed  to  the 
keepers  of  the  prisoners,  requiring  them  to 
deliver  to  him  such  Americans  as  should  be 
found  in  their  hands,  that  they  might  be  at 
liberty  to  serve  under  his  command.  Most 
of  them  have  accordingly  been  delivered  to 
him,  if  not  all.  The  minister  of  the  marine 
|  having  entertained  a  high  opinion  of  him 
from  his  conduct  and  bravery  in  taking  the 
Drake,  was  desirous  of  employing  him  in  the 
command  of  a  particular  enterprise  ;  and,  to 
that  end,  requested  us  to  spare  him,  which 
we  did,  and  sent  the  Ranger  home  under  the 
command  of  his  lieutenant.  Various  accidents 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


have  hitherto  postponed  his  equipment,  but  he 
now  has  the  command  ,of  a  fifty  gun  ship, 
with  some  frigates,  all  under  American  com 
missions  and  colours,  fitted  out  at  the  king's 
expense,  and  will  sail  it  is  said  about  the  first 
of  June.  The  marquis  de  la  Fayette  was, 
with  some  land  troops,  to  have  gone  with 
him ;  but  I  now  understand  the  marquis  is  not 
to  go,  the  plan  being  a  little  changed.  The 
Alliance  being  weakly  manned  at  first,  and 
the  captain  judging  it  necessary  to  be  freed 
from  thirty-eight  of  his  men,  who  had  been 
concerned  in  a  conspiracy,  and  unwilling  to 
take  French  seamen,  I  thought  it  best  to  send 
him  directly  home,  as  his  ship  might  be  of 
some  protection  to  the  vessels  then  about 
sailing  to  America ;  and  Mr.  Adams,  who 
was  desirous  of  returning  soon,  might  be  ac 
commodated  with  a  passage  in  a  swift  sailing 
vessel.  I  accordingly  offered  her  as  a  con 
voy  to  the  trade  at  Nantes ;  but  the  gentle 
men  concerned,  did  not  think  fit  to  wait  for 
her  getting  ready,  as  a  French  convoy  offered 
for  at  least  part  of  the  voyage,  and  the  minis 
ter  requesting  she  might  be  added  to  captain 
Jones's  little  squadron,  and  offering  to  give  a 
passage  to  Mr.  Adams  in  the  frigate  with  the 
new  embassador,  and  to  complete  the  Alli 
ance's  complement  of  men,  I  thought  it  best 
to  continue  her  a  little  longer  in  Europe, 
hoping  she  may,  in  the  projected  cruise,  by 
her  extraordinary  swiftness,  be  a  means  of 
taking  prisoners  enough  to  redeem  the  rest  of 
our  countrymen  now  in  the  English  gaols. 
With  this  view,  as  well  as  to  oblige  the  minis 
ter,  I  ordered  her  to  join  captain  Jones  at 
L' Orient,  and  obey  his  orders,  where  she 
now  is  accordingly.  There  have  been  great 
misunderstandings  between  the  officers  of 
that  ship  and  their  captain,  and  great  dis 
contents  among  the  latter  for  want  of  clothes 
and  money.  I  have  been  obliged  to  make 
great  advances  to  appease  those  discontents, 
and  I  now  hope  the  authority  and  prudence 
of  captain  Jones  will  be  able  to  remove,  or  at 
least  prevent  the  ill  effects  of  those  misunder 
standings.  The  conspirators  are  detained  in 
prison,  and  will  remain  there,  subject  to  such 
direction  as  the  congress  may  think  fit  to 
give  concerning  them.  The  court  here 
would  not,  because  they  properly  could  not, 
undertake  to  try  them ;  and  we  had  not  cap 
tains  enough  to  make  a  court  martial  for  the 
purpose.  The  sending  them  to  America, 
with  evidence  to  convict  them,  will  be  a  great 
trouble  and  expense,  and  perhaps  their  offence 
cannot  be  so  clearly  made  out  as  to  justify  a 
punishment  sufficient  to  deter  by  its  exem 
plary  severity :  possibly  the  best  use  that  can 
be  made  of  them  is  to  give  them  in  exchange 
for  as  many  Americans,  in  the  cartel  now 
operating  here.  The  perfidious  conduct  of 
English  and  Scotch  sailors  in  our  service,  a 


good  deal  discourages  the  idea  of  taking  them 
out  of  those  prisons  in  order  to  employ  them. 

"This  cartel  is  at  length  brought  about  by 
the  indefatigable  endeavours  of  an  old  friend  of 
mine,  and  a  long  declared  one  to  America.* 
The  ship  employed  has  already  brought  us 
one  cargo  from  the  prison  at  Plymouth.  The 
number  was  intended  for  an  hundred,  but 
proved  ninety-seven,  and  she  is  returned  with 
as  many  in  exchange,  to  bring  us  a  second 
number  from  the  prison  at  Portsmouth.  This 
is  to  continue  till  all  are  exchanged.  The 
Americans  are  chiefly  engaged  with  captains 
Jones  and  Landais.  This  exchange  is  the 
more  remarkable,  as  our  people  were  all  com 
mitted  as  for  high  treason. 

"  Agreeable  to  the  seventh  instruction,  I 
have  earnestly  recommended  the  reduction  of 
Halifax  and  Quebec.  The  marquis  de  la  Fay 
ette  joined  me  warmly  in  the  application  for 
this  purpose,  and  I  hope  we  shall  in  due  time 
see  some  good  effects  from  it. 

"  I  have  also  in  various  ways,  and  through 
various  channels,  laid  before  the  ministry  the 
distressed  state  of  our  finances  in  America. 
There  seems  a  great  willingness  in  all  of 
them  to  help  us,  except  in  the  comptroller, 
monsieur  Neckar,  who  is  said  to  be  not  well 
disposed  towards  us,  and  is  supposed  to  em 
barrass  every  measure  proposed  to  relieve  us 
by  grants  of  money.  It  is  certain,  that  un 
der  the  resolution  perhaps  too  hastily  declar 
ed,  of  the  king's  imposing  no  new  taxes  on 
his  subjects  this  year,  the  court  has  great  dif 
ficulties  in  defraying  present  expense;  the 
vast  exertions  to  put  the  navy  in  a  condition 
to  equal  that  of  England,  having  cost  immense 
sums.  There  is  also  a  prevailing  opinion, 
that  the  most  effectual  service  to  us,  is  to  be 
expected  from  rendering  their  marine  supe 
rior  to  that  of  England.  The  king  has,  how 
ever,  to  encourage  our  loan  in  Holland,  been 
so  good  as  to  engage  under  his  hand,  to  be 
security  for  our  payment  of  the  interest  of 
three  millions  of  livres ;  but  that  loan  has  not 
as  yet  amounted '  to  more  than  about  eighty 
thousand  florins. 

"  Doctor  Price,  whose  assistance  was  re 
quested  by  congress,  has  declined  that  ser 
vice,  as  you  will  see  by  the  copy  of  his  letter 
enclosed.  To  me  it  seems  that  the  measure 
recommended  by  the  wisdom  of  congress  for 
diminishing  the  quantity  of  pa  per,  by  taxes  of 
large  nominal  sums,  must  have  very  salutary 
effects. 

"  As  to  yourfinances  here,  it  is  fit  that  you 
should  know  the  state  of  them.  When  the 
commissioners  of  congress  made  the  proposi 
tion  of  paying  the  interest  at  Paris  of  the 
money  borrowed  in  America,  they  understood 
the  loan  to  be  of  five  millions  of  dollars.  They 

*  Supposed  to  be  D.  Hartley,  member  of  parliament 
for  Hull.— ED. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL 


331 


obtained  from  government  sums  more  than 
sufficient  for  the  interest  of  such  a  sum.  That 
sum  has  been  increased,  and  if  they  could 
otherwise  have  provided  for  it,  they  have 
been  from  time  to  time  drained  by  a  number 
of  unforeseen  expenses,  of  which  the  congress 
had  no  knowledge,  and  of  others  occasioned 
by  their  orders  and  drafts ;  and  the  cargoes 
sent  to  the  commissioners  by  the  committees 
have  some  of  them  been  treacherously  run 
away  with  by  the  seamen,  or  taken  by  the 
enemy,  or,  when  arrived,  have  been  hitherto 
applied  towards  the  payment  of  debts,  the 
tobacco  to  the  farmers  general  according  to 
contract,  and  the  rice  and  indigo  to  Messieurs 
Hortalez  &  Co.  from  whom,  by  the  way,  we 
have  not  yet  been  able  to  procure  any  account. 
I  have  lately  employed  an  accountant,  the  son 
of  our  banker,  to  form  complete  books  of  our 
accounts  to  be  sent  to  congress.  They  are 
not  yet  ready.  When  they  are,  I  shall  send 
them  by  the  first  safe  opportunity.  In  the 
mean  time,  I  may  just  mention  some  particu 
lars  of  our  disbursements: — ^reat  quantities 
of  clothing,  arms,  ammunition,  and  naval 
stores,  sent  from  time  to  time  ;  payment  of 
bills  from  Mr.  Bingham,  one  hundred  thousand 
livres ;  congress  bills  in  favour  of  Hay  wood 
and  company,  above  two  hundred  thousand ; 
advanced  to  Mr.  Ross,  about  twenty  thousand 
pounds  sterling ;  paid  congress  drafts  in  fa 
vour  of  returned  officers,  ninety-three  thou 
sand  and  eighty  livres ;  to  our  prisoners  in 
England,  and  after  their  escape  to  help  them 
home,  and  to  other  Americans  here  in  dis 
tress,  a  great  sum,  I  cannot  at  present  say 
how  much  ;  supplies  to  Mr.  Hodge,  for  fitting 
out  captain  Cunningham,  very  considerable ; 
for  the  freights  of  ships  to  carry  over  the  sup 
plies,  great  sums;  to  Mr.  William  Lee  and 
Mr.  Izard,  five  thousand  five  hundred  pounds 
sterling ;  and  for  fitting  the  frigates  Rawleigh, 
Alfred,  Boston,  Providence,  Alliance,  Ranger, 
&c.  I  imagine  not  less  than  sixty  or  seventy 
thousand  livres  each,  taken  one  with  another: 
and  for  maintenance  of  the  English  prisoners, 
I  believe  when  I  get  in  all  the  accounts,  I 
shall  find  one  hundred  thousand  livres  not 
sufficient,  having  already  paid  above  sixty- 
five  thousand  on  that  article ;  and  now  the 
drafts  of  the  treasurer  of  the  loans  coming 
very  fast  upon  me,  the  anxiety  I  have  suffered, 
and  the  distress  of  mind  lest  I  should  not  be 
able  to  pay  them,  has  for  a  long  time  been 
very  great  indeed.  To  apply  again  to  this 
court  for  money  for  a  particular  purpose, 
which  they  had  already  over  and  over  again 
provided  for  and  furnished  us,  was  extremely 
awkward.  I  therefore  repeated  the  general 
applications,  which  we  had  made  when  to 
gether,  for  aids  of  money,  and  received  the 
general  answers,  that  the  expense  of  govern 
ment  for  the  navy  was  so  great,  that  at  pre 
sent  it  was  exceedingly  difficult  to  furnish 


supplies.  That  France,  by  sending  a  fleet  to 
America,  obliged  the  enemy  to  divide  their 
forces,  and  left  them  so  weak  on  the  continent 
as  to  aid  us  by  lessening  our  expense,  if  it 
could  not  by  giving  us  money,  &c.  &c.  and 
I  was  asked  if  we  did  not  receive  money  from 
Spain?  I  know  indeed  of  some  money  re 
ceived  from  thence,  and  I  have  heard  of  more, 
but  know  not  how  much.  Mr.  A.  Lee,  as 
minister  for  Spain,  having  taken  to  himself 
all  the  management  of  that  affair,  and  will 
account  to  congress.  I  only  understand,  that 
there  is  none  of  it  left  to  assist  in  paving  con 
gress  bills.  I  at  length  obtained,  as  above 
mentioned,  the  king's  ban  for  payment  of  the 
interest  of  three  millions,  if  I  could  borrow  it 
in  Holland,  or  elsewhere ;  but  though  two 
eminent  houses  in  Amsterdam  have  under 
taken  it,  and  had  hopes  of  success,  they  have 
both  lately  written  to  me,  that  the  great  de 
mands  of  money  for  Germany  and  for  Eng 
land  had  raised  interest  above  our  limits, 
and  that  the  successes  of  the  English  in 
Georgia  and  St.  Lucia,  and  in  destroying  the 
French  trade,  with  the  supposed  divisions  in 
congress,  all  much  magnified  by  the  British 
minister,  and  the  pressing  applications  to  bor 
row  by  several  of  our  states  separately,  had 
made  the  monied  people  doubtful  of  our  sta 
bility,  as  well  as  our  ability  to  repay  what 
might  be  lent  us,  and  that  it  was  necessary  to 
wait  a  more  favourable  moment  for  proceed 
ing  with  our  loan.  In  this  situation  I  have 
been  applied  to  by  Mr.  William  Lee,  and 
lately,  through  our  banker,  by  Mr.  Izard,  for 
more  money  for  their  expenses,  and  I  am  told 
there  is  much  anger  against  me  for  declining 
to  furnish  them,  and  that  I  am  charged  with 
disobeying  an  order  of  congress,  and  with 
cruelty  attempting  to  distress  gentlemen  who 
are  in  the  service  of  their  country.  They 
have  indeed  produced  to  me  a  resolve  of  con 
gress,  empowering  them  to  draw  on  the  com 
missioners  in  France  for  their  expenses  nt 
foreign  courts ;  and  doubtless  congress,  when 
that  resolve  was  made,  intended  to  enable  us 
to  pay  those  drafts:  but  that  has  not  been 
done,  and  the  gentlemen  (except  Mr.  Lee  for 
a  few  weeks)  have  not  incurred  any  expense 
at  foreign  courts,  and  if  they  had,  the  five 
thousand  five  hundred  guineas,  received  by 
them  in  about  nine  months,  seemed  an  ample 
provision  for  it ;  and  as  both  of  them  might 
command  money  from  England,  I  do  not 
conceive  that  I  disobeyed  an  order  of  con 
gress  ;  and  that  if  I  did,  the  circumstances 
will  excuse  it ;  and  I  could  have  no  intention 
to  distress  them,  because  I  must  know  it  out 
of  my  power,  as  their  private  fortunes  and 
credit  will  enable  them  at  all  times  to  pay 
their  own  expenses.  In  short,  the  dreadful 
consequences  of  ruin  to  our  public  credit, 
both  in  America  and  Europe,  that  must  attend 
protesting  a  single  congress  draft  for  interest, 


33*2 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


after  our  funds:  were  out,  would  have  weighed 
with  me  against  tiie  payment  of  more  money 
to  those  gentlemen,  if  the  demand  had  other 
wise  been  well  founded.  I  am.  however,  in 
the  judgment  of  congress,  and  if  I  have  done 
amiss,  must  submit  dutifully  to  their  censure. 
Thanks  to  God,  I  have  this  last  week  got 
over  the  difficulty  so  iar  as  relates  to  the  bills, 
which  will  all  be  punctually  paid  ;  but  if  the 
navy  boards  send  more  ships  here  to  be  fitted, 
or  the  congress  continue  to  draw  tor  the  pay 
ment  of  other  debts,  the  ships  will  be  disap 
pointed,  and  I,  shall  probably  be  made  a  bank 
rupt;  unless  funds  are.  at  the  same  tune, 
sent  over  to  discharge  such  demands. 

••  With  regard  to  the  fitting  out  of  ships, 
receiving  and  disposing  of  cargoes,  and  pur 
chasing  of  supplies,  I  beg  leave  to  mention. 
that  besides  my  being  wholly  unacquainted 
with  such  business,  the  distance  I  am  from 
the  ports  renders  my  having  any  thing  to  do 
with  it  extremely  inconvenient  Commercial 
agents  have  indeed  been  appointed  by  Mr. 
William  Lee,  but  they  and  die  captains  are 
continually  writing  for  my  opinion  or  orders  or 
leave  to  do  this  and  that,  by  which  much 
time  is  lost  to  them,  and  much  of  mine  taken 
up,  to  little  purpose,  from  my  ignorance.  1 
s<?e  clearly,  however,  that  many  of  the  cap 
tains  are  exorbitant  in  their  demands,  and  in 
some  cases  I  think  those  demands  are  too  ea 
sily  complied  with  by  the  agents  perhaps  be 
cause  their  commissions  are  in  proportion  to 
the  expense.  I  wish,  therefore,  the  congress 
would  appoint  the  consuls  they  have  a  right 
to  appoint  by  the  treaty,  and  put  mto  their 
hands  all  that  sort  of  employment.  I  have  in 
my  desk  I  suppose  not  less  than  titty  applica 
tions  from  different  ports,  praying  the  appoint 
ment,  and  offering  to  serve  gnU*  for  the  ho 
nour  of  it,  and  the  advantage  it  gives  in  trade. 
But  I  should  imagine  if  consuls  are  appoint 
ed  they  will  be  of  our  own  people  from  Ame 
rica,  who,  if  they  should  make  fortunes  abroad, 
might  return  with  them  to  their  country.  The 
commissions  demanded  by  the  agents  seem  to 
me,  in  some  cant,  very  high.  Tor  instance, 
Mr.  Schweighauser,  in  a  late  account,  charges 
five  per  cent,  on  the  simple  delivery  of  the  to- 
baccoes  to  the  officer  of  the  tanners  general  in 
the  port,  and  by  that  means,  makes  the  com 
mission  on  the  delivery  of  the  two  last  ear- 
gws,  amount  to  about  six  hundred  and  thirty 
pounds  sterling.  As  there  was  no  sale  in  the 
case,  he  has,  in  order  to  calculate  the  com 
mission,  valued  the  tobacco  at  ninety  livres 
the  hundred  weight ;  whereas  it  was,  by  our 
contract  with  the  farmers,  to  be  delivered  at 
about  forty  livres,  I  got  a  friend  \vi 
going  upon  change,  to  inquire  among  the 
merchants  what  was  the  custom  in  sue. 
of  delivery.  I  send  enclosed  the  result  he 
has  given  ine  of  his  inquiries.  In  consequence, 
I  have  refused  to  pay  the  commission  of  five 


;  per  cent,  on  this  article ;  and  I  know  not  why 
it  was,  as  is  said,  agreed  with  him,  at  the  time 
of  his  appointment,  that  he  should  have  five 

.  per  cent,  on  his  transactions,  if  the  custom  is 

i  only  two  per  cent,  as  by  information. 

**  I  have  mentioned  above,  the  application  of 
several  states  to  borrow  money  in  Europe,  on 

,  which  I  beg  leave  to  remark, "  that  when  the 
general  congress  are  endeavouring  to  obtain 

,  a  loan,  these  separate  attempts  do  interfere, 
and  are  extremly  inconvenient,  especially 
where  some  of  the  agents  are  impowered  to 
offer  a  higher  interest,  and  some  have  powers 
in  that  respect  unlimited.  We  have  like 
wise  lately  had  applications  from  three  seve 
ral  states  to  this  court,  to  be  furnished  with 
great  quantities  of  arms,  ammunition,  anil 
clothing,  or  with  money  upon  credit  to  buy 
them  ;  and  from  one  state,  to  be  supplied  with 
naval  stores  and  ships  of  war.  These  agents, 
finding  that  they  had  not  interest  to  obtain 
such  grants,  have  severally  applied  to  me.  and 
seenf  to  think  it  my  duty.'  as  minister  for  the 
United  States,  to  support  ami  enforce  their 
particular  demands,  I  have  endeavoured  to 
do  so.  but  I  find  the  ministers  do  not  like 
these  separate  applications,  and  seem  to  think 
that  they  should  properly  come  only  through 
congress,  to  whom  the  several  states,  in  such 

-  9,  ougm  first  to  make  known  their  wants, 
and  then  the  congress  could  instruct   their 
minister  accordingly.     This  would  save  the 
king's  ministers  a  good  deal  of  trouble,  and 
the^several  states  the  expense  of  these  par 
ticular  agents,  concerning  whom  I  would  add 

I  a  little  remark ;  that  we  have  in  Ar. 
too  readily,  in  various  instances,  given  taith 
to  the  pretensions  of  strangers  from  Europe, 
who  orler  their  services  as  persons  who  have 
powerful  friends  and  great  interest  in  their 
own  country,  and  by  diat  means  obtain  con 
tracts,  orders,  or  commissions  to  procure 

uit ;  and  who,  when  they  come  here, 
are  totallv  unknown,  and  have  no  other  cre 
dit  but  what  such  commissions  give  them ;  e- 
if  known,  the  commissions  do  not  add  so  much 
to  their  credit,  as  they  diminish  that  of  their 
employers. 

*  I  have  received  two  letters  from  a  Fr 
man  settled  in  one  of  the  ports  of  Barkr 
fering  himself  to  act  as  our  minister  with  the 
emperor,  with  whom  he  pretended  to  be  in 
timate,  and  acquainting  me  that  his  imperial 
majesty  wondered  we  had  never  sent  to  thank 
him  tor  beimr  the  first  power  on  this  side  the 
Atlantic  thafhad  acknowledged  our  ince; 
ence,  and  opened  his  ports  to  us :  advising 
that  we  should  send  the  emperor  a  pr  - 
On  inquiring  at  the  office  in  whose  depart 
ment  Africa"  is  included,  I  learnt  the  charac 
ter  of  this  man  to  be  such,  that  it  was  Ml 
safe  to  have  any  correspondence  with  him, 
and  therefore  did  not  answer  his  letter.     I 
suppose  congress  has  received  the  memorial 


CORRESPONDENCE.  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


m 


we  presented  to  this  court  respecting  the 
Barborj  states,  and  requesting  the  king's 
good  offices  with  them  agreeable  to  the  trea 
ty,  and  also  the  answer  expressing  the  king's 
readiness  to  perform  those  good  offices  when 
ever  the  congress  should  send  us  instructions, 
and  make  provisions  for  the  necessary  pre 
sents:  or  if  these  papers  have  not  yet  got  to 
hand,  they  will  be  found  among  the  copies 
carried  over  by  Mr.  Adams,  and  therefore  I 
only  mention  them  by  way  of  remembrance. 
W..-; -never  a  treaty  with  "the  emperor  shall 
be  intended,  I  suppose  some  of  our  naval  stores 
wiD  be  an  acceptable  present,  and  the  expec 
tation  of  continued  supplies  of  such  stores,  a 
powerful  motive  for  entering  into  and  conti 
nuing  a  friendship, 

••  I  should  send  you  copies  of  several  other 
memorials  and  public  papers,  but  as  Mr. 
Adams  goes  in  the  same  ship,  and  has  the 
whole  of  our  transactions  during  his  time,  it 
is  not  so  necessary  by  this  vessel 

••  The  disposition  of  this  nation,  in  general, 
continues  friendly  towards  us  and  our  cause ; 
and  I  do  not  see  the  least  diminution  of  it,  ex 
cept  among  the  West  India  merchants  and 
planters,  whose  losses  have  rendered  them  a 
little  discontented 

S  Lxiin  has  been  long  acting  as  a  mediator, 
bat  arming  all  the  time  most  vigorously.  Her 
naval  fbree  is  now  very  great  indeed ;  and  as 
her  last  proposition  of  "a  long  truce,  in  which 
America  should  be  included  and  treated  with, 
as  independent  hi  fact,  though  not  expressly 
acknowledged  as  such,  has  been  lately  reject 
ed  by  England,  it  is  now  thought  that  her 
open  junction  with  France  in  the  war  is  not 
far  distant.  The  commissioners  here  have  a 
power  in  general  terms  to  treat  of  peace, 
friendship,  and  commerce  with  European 
states,  but  I  apprehend  this  is  scarce  explicit 
enough  to  authorize  one  to  treat  of  such  a 
truce,  if  the  proposition  should  again  come 
upon  the  tapis.  I  therefore  wish  the  congress 
to  consider  of  it,  and  give  such  powers  as 
may  be  ne  .vhoni  they  may  think 

proper;  that  if  a"  favourable  opportunity  of 
making  an  advantageous  treaty  should  offer, 
it  may  not  be  slipL~ 

••  Admiral  Arbuthnot,  who  was  going  to 
America  with  a  large  convoy  and  some  troops, 
has  been  detained  by  a  little  attempt  upon 
Jersey ;  and  contrary  winds  since  that  af&ir 
was  over,  have  detained  him  farther  until 
within  these  few  days. 

>  p.ce  I  began  writing  this  letter  I  have 
received  a  packet  from  the  committee  by  way 
of  Statia  and  Holland,  sent  by  Mr.  Loveil,  con 
taining  his  tetters  ; :"  Dece'mter  S,  January 
29,  and  Febuary  S,  with  one  from  the  presi 
dent,  dated  January  3.  Several  papers  are 
mentioned  as  sent  "with  th-  other 

opportunities,  bat  none  are  come  to  hand,  ex 
cept  the  resolution  to  postpone  the  attempt 


upon  Canada,  and  these  are  the  first  despatches 
received  here  since  the  date  of  those  sent  by 
the  marquis  de  la  Fayette. 

44 1  have  also  just  received  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Bmgham.  acquainting  me  that  the  ships 
Deane  and  the  General  Gates,  are  just  arriv 
ed  at  Martinico,  and  apply  to  him  to  be  careen 
ed,  refitted,  and  procure  a  fresh  supply  of  pro- 
'  visions ;  and  that  though  he  has  no  orders, 
he  must  draw  upon  me  for  the  expense.  I 
think  it  right  to  acquaint  you  thus  early  that 
I  shall  be  obliged  to  protest  his  bills.  1  have 
just  obtained  from  his  majesty,  orders  to  the 
government  of  Gaudaloupe,  to  make  reason 
able  reparation  to  captain  Giddins  of  New- 
burg,  tor  the  loss  of  this  vessel,  sunk  in  mis 
take  by  a  battery  of  that  island. 

••  Great  preparations  are  now  making  here, 
with  much  activity  in  all  the  sea  ports,  taking 
up  transports,  and  building  small  vessels  proper 
for  landing  of  troops,  &c.,  so  that  many  think 
an  invasion  of  England  or  Ireland  is  intended. 
The  intention,  wliatever  it  is.  may  change ; 
but  the  opinion  of  such  an  intention,  which 
seems  to  prevail  in  England,  may  tend  to  keep 
their  troops  and  ships  at  home. 

iieral  and  lord  Howe,  generals  Corn- 
wallis  and  Grey,  colonel  Montresor,  captain 
Hammond,  and  others,  have  formally  given 
it  as  their  opinion  in  parliament,  that  the  con 
quest  of  America  is  impracticable.  This 
week,  as  we  hear.  John  Maxwell  esquire, 
Joseph  Galloway,  esquire,  Andrew  Allen, 
esquire.  John  Patterson,  Theophilus  Morris, 
Enoch  Story,  and  Jabez  Fisher,  are  to  be  ex 
amined  to  prove  the  contrary.  One 
think  the  first  set  were  likely  to  be  the  best 
judges.  Be  pleased  to  present  my  dutiful  re 
spects  to  the  congress,  and  assure  them  of  my 
most  faithful  sen . 

-  R  FRANKLIN." 


Str  EdtcarJ  yeicenham,  Dublin. 

"  PASST.  May  27. 1" 

^ :  R. — I  should  sooner  have  sent  this  pass 
port,  but  that  I  hoped  to  have  had  the  other 
from  this  court  in  time  to  send  with  it.  If 
you  should  stay  a  few  days  in  England,  and 
will  let  me  know  how  it  may  be  directed  to 
you,  I  can  send  it  to  you  per  post 

••  I  received  some  time  since  a  letter  from 
a  person  at  Belfast,  informing  me  that  a  great 
number  of  people  in  those  parts  were  desirous 
of  going  to  settle  in  America,  if  passports  could 
be  obtained  for  them  and  their  effects,  and  re- 
ferrincr  me  to  you  for  future  information.  I 
shall  always  be  ready  to  afford  every 
ance  and  security  in  my  power  to  such  un 
dertakings,  when  they  are  really  meant,  and 
are  not  merely  schemes  of  trade  with  views 
of  introducing  English  manufactures  into 
America,  under  pretence  of  their  being  the 
substance  of  persons  going  there  to  settle. 


334 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


"  I  admire  the  spirit  with  which  I  see  the 
Irish  are  at  length  determined  to  claim  some 
share  of  that  freedom  of  commerce,  which  is 
the  right  of  all  mankind,  but  which  they  have 
been  so  long  deprived  of  by  the  abominable 
selfishness  of  their  fellow-subjects.  To  en 
joy  all  the  advantages  of  the  climate,  soil  and 
situation  in  which  God  and  nature  have  placed 
us,  is  as  clear  a  right  as  that  of  breathing ;  and 
can  never  be  justly  taken  from  men  but  as  a 
punishment  for  some  atrocious  crime. 

"  The  English  have  long  seemed  to  think 
it  a  right  which  none  could  have  but  them 
selves.  Their  injustice  has  already  cost  them 
dear,  and  if  persisted  in,  will  be  their  ruin. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  es 
teem,  sir,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  General  Gates. 

"  PASSY,  June  2,  1779. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  obliging  let 
ter  by  the  chevalier  de  Ramandis,  who  ap 
pears  extremely  sensible  of  the  civilities  he 
received  at  Boston,  and  very  desirous  of  being 
serviceable  to  the  American  cause  ;  his  wound 
is  not  yet  right,  as  he  tells  me  there  is  a  part 
of  the  bone  still  to  be  cut  off!  But  he  is  other 
wise  well  and  cheerful,  and  has  a  great  re 
spect  for  you. 

"  The  pride  of  England  was  never  so  hum 
bled  by  any  thing  as  by  your  capitulation  of  Sa 
ratoga,  (Oct.  17, 1777 ;)  they  have  not  yet  go 
over  it,  though  a  little  elevated  this  spring  by 
their  success  against  the  French  commerce. 
But  the  growing  apprehension  of  having  Spain 
too  upon  their  hands,  has  lately  brought  them 
down  to  a  humble  seriousness  that  begins  to 
appear  even  in  ministerial  discourses,  and  the 
papers  of  ministerial  writers.  All  the  happy 
effects  of  that  transaction  for  America,  are  not 
generally  known  ;  I  may  some  time  or  other 
acquaint  the  world  with  some  of  them.  When 
shall  we  meet  again  in  cheerful  converse 
talk  over  our  adventures,  and  finish  with  a 
quiet  game  of  chess  ? 

"  The  little  dissentions  between  particular 
states  in  America  are  much  magnified  in 
England,  and  they  once  had  great  hopes  from 
them.  I  consider  them  with  you  as  the  effects 
of  apparent  security;  which  do  not  affect  the 
grand  points  of  independence,  and  adherence 
to  treaties ;  and  which  will  vanish  at  a  re 
newed  appearance  of  danger.  This  court 
continues  heartily  our  friend,  and  the  whole 
nation  are  warm  in  our  favour;  excepting 
only  a  few  West  Indians,  and  merchants  in 
that  trade,  whose  losses  make  them  a  little 
uneasy. 

"  With  sincere  and  great  esteem  and  affec 
tion  I  am  ever,  dear  sir,  your  most  obedient 
and  most  humble  servant, 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Richard  Bache* 

"  PASSY,  June  2,  1779. 

'  I  AM  very  easy  about  the  efforts  Messrs. 
L.  and  ***  are  using  (as  you  tell  me)  to  injure 
me  on  that  side  of  the  water.     I  trust  in  the 
ustice  of  the  congress  that  they  will  listen  to 
no  accusations  against  me,  that  I  have  not  first 
been  acquainted  with,  and  had  an  opportunity 
of  answering.     I  know  those  gentlemen  have 
plenty  of  ill-will  to  me,  though  I  have  never 
done  to  either  of  them  the  srnallest  injury,  or 
^en  the  least  just  cause  of  offence.    But  my 
too  great  reputation  and  the  general  good- will 
this  people  have  for  me,  the  respect  they  show 
me,  and  even  the  compliments  they  make  me, 
all  grieve  those  unhappy  gentlemen ;  unhap 
py  indeed  in  their  tempers,  and  in  the  dark 
uncomfortable   passions   of  jealousy,  anger, 
suspicion,  envy,  and  malice.     It  is  enough  for 
good  minds  to  be  affected  at  other  people's 
misfortunes ;  but  they  that  are  vexed  at  every 
body's  good  luck,  can  never  be  happy  :  I  take 
no  other  revenge  of  such  enemies,  than  to 
let  them  remain  in  the  miserable  situation  in 
which  their  malignant  natures  have  placed 
them,  by  endeavouring  to  support  an  estima 
ble  character;  and  thus  by  continuing  the 
reputation  the  world  has  hitherto  indulged 
me  with,  I  shall  continue  them  in  their  pre 
sent  state  of  damnation ;  and  I  am  not  dispos 
ed  to  reverse  my  conduct  for  the  alleviation  of 
their  torments. 

"  I  am  surprised  to  hear  that  my  grandson, 
Temple  Franklin,  being  with  me,  should  be 
an  objection  against  me,  and  that  there  is  a  ca 
bal  for  removing  him.  Methinks  it  is  rather 
some  merit  that  I  have  rescued  a  valuable 
young  man  from  the  danger  of  being  a  Tory, 
and  fixed  him  in  honest  republican  Whig 
principles ;  as  I  think  from  the  integrity  of 
his  disposition,  his  industry,  his  early  sagaci 
ty,  and  uncommon  abilities  for  business,  ho 
may  in  time  become  of  great  service  to  his 
country.  It  is  enough  that  I  have  lost  my 
son,  would  they  add  my  grandson !  An  old 
man  of  70,  I  undertook  a  winter  voyage  at 
the  command  of  the  congress,  and  for  the  pub 
lic  service,  with  no  other  attendant  to  take 
care  of  me.  I  am  continued  here  in  a  fo 
reign  country,  where,  if  I  am  sick,  his  filial 
attention  comforts  me,  and,  if  I  die,  I  have  a 
child  to  close  my  eyes  and  take  care  of  my  re 
mains.  His  dutiful  behaviour  towards  me, 
and  his  diligence  and  fidelity  in  business,  are 
both  pleasing  and  useful  to  me.  His  conduct 
as  my  private  secretary  has  been  unexception 
able,  and  I  am  confident  the  congress  will 
never  think  of  separating  us. 

"  I  have  had  a  great  deal  of  pleasure  in 
Benf  too.  'Tis  a  good  honest  lad,  and  will 
make,  I  think,  a  valuable  man.  He  had  made 

*  Who  married  Sarah,  the  only  daughter  of  Dr.  Frank 
lin. 
t  His  eldest  grandson,  Benjamin  Franklin  Bache. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


335 


as  much  proficiency  in  his  learning  as  the 
boarding  school  he  was  at  could  well  afford 
him,  and  after  some  consideration  where  to 
find  a  better  for  him  I  at  length  fixed  on  send 
ing  him  to  Geneva.  I  had  a  good  opportuni 
ty  by  a  gentleman  of  that  city,  who  had  a 
place  for  him  in  his  chaise,  and  has  a  son  of 
about  the  same  age  at  the  same  school.  He 
promised  to  take  care  of  him,  and  enclosed  I 
send  you  the  letters  I  have  since  received  re 
lating  to  him  and  from  him.  He  went  very 
cheerfully,  and  I  understand  is  very  happy.  I 
miss  his  company  on  Sundays  at  dinner.  But 
if  I  live  and  I  can  find  a  little  leisure,  I  shall 
make  the  journey  next  spring  to  see  him,  and 
to  see  at  the  same  time  the  old  13  United 
States  of  Switzerland. 

"  Thanks  be  to  God,  I  continue  well  and 
hearty.  Undoubtedly  I  grow  older,  but  I 
think  the  last  ten  years  have  made  no  great 
difference.  I  have  sometimes  the  gout,  but 
they  say  that  is  not  so  much  a  disease  or  a 
remedy.  God  bless  you.  I  am  your  affec 
tionate  father,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Mrs.  Bache. 

"  PASSY,  June  3,  1779. 

"  DEAR  SALLY, — I  have  before  me  your  let 
ters  of  Oct  22  and  Jan.  17th :  they  are  the  only 
ones  I  received  from  you  in  the  course  of 
eighteen  months.  If  you  knew  how  happy 
your  letters  make  me,  and  considered  how 
many  miscarry,  I  think  you  would  write  of- 
tener. 

"  I  am  much  obliged  to  the  Miss  Cliftons 
for  the  kind  care  they  took  of  my  house  and 
furniture.*  Present  my  thankful  acknow 
ledgments  to  them,  and  tell  them  I  wish  them 
all  sorts  of  happiness, 

"  The  clay  medallion  of  me  you  say  you 
gave  to  Mr.  Hopkinson  was  the  first  of  the 
kind  made  in  France.  A  variety  of  others 
have  been  made  since  of  different  sizes ;  some 
to  be  set  in  lids  of  snuff  boxes,  and  some  so 
small  as  to  be  worn  in  rings ;  and  the  num 
bers  sold  are  incredible.  These,  with  the 
pictures,  busts,  and  prints,  (of  which  copies 
upon  copies  are  spread  every  where)  have 
made  your  father's  face  as  well  known  as  that 
of  the  moon,  so  that  he  durst  not  do  any  thing 
that  would  oblige  him  to  run  away,  as  his 
phiz  would  discover  him  wherever  he  should 
venture  to  show  it.  It  is  said  by  learned 
etymologists  that  the  name  Doll,  for  the 
images  children  play  with,  is  derived  from 
the  word  IDOL;  from  the  number  of  dolls  now 
made  of  him,  he  may  be  truly  said,  in  that 
sense,  to  be  i-doll-ized  in  this  country. 

"  I  think  you  did  right  to  stay  out  of  town 
till  the  summer  was  over  for  the  sake  of  your 
child's  health.  I  hope  you  will  get  out  again 
this  summer  during  the  hot  months ;  for  I  be- 

*  During  the  occupation  of  Philadelphia  by  a  British 
army. 


gin  to  love  the  little  creature  from  your  de 
scription  of  her. 

"  I  was  charmed  with  the  account  you  give 
rne  of  your  industry,  the  table-cloths  of  your 
own  spinning,  &c.  but  the  latter  part  of  the 
paragraph,  that  you  had  sent  for  linen  from 
France,  because  weaving  and  flax  were  grown 
dear;  alas,  that  dissolved  the  charm;  and 
your  sending  for  long  black  pins,  and  lace, 
and  feathers !  disgusted  me  as  much  as  if  you 
had  put  salt  into  my  strawberries.  The  spin 
ning,  I  see,  is  laid  aside,  and  you  are  to  be 
dressed  for  the  ball !  you  seem  not  to  know, 
my  dear  daughter,  that  of  all  the  dear  things 
in  this  world,  idleness  is  the  dearest,  except 
mischief. 

"  The  project  you  mention  of  removing 
Temple  from  me  was  an  unkind  one ;  to  de 
prive  an  old  man  sent  to  serve  his  country  in 
a  foreign  one,  of  the  comfort  of  a  child  to  at 
tend  him,  to  assist  him  in  health  and  take 
care  of  him  in  sickness,  would  be  cruel,  if  it 
was  practicable.  In  this  case  it  could  not  be 
done ;  for  as  the  pretended  suspicions  of  him 
are  groundless,  and  his  behaviour  in  every 
respect  unexceptionable;  I  should  not  part 
with  the  child,  but  with  the  employment. — 
But  I  am  confident  that  whatever  may  be 
proposed  by  weak  or  malicious  people,  the 
congress  is  too  wise  and  too  good  to  think  of 
treating  me  in  that  manner. 

"  Ben,  if  I  should  live  long  enough  to  want, 
it,  is  like  to  be  another  comfort  to  me :  as  I 
intend  him  for  a  Presbyterian  as  well  as  a 
Republican,  I  have  sent  him  to  finish  his  edu 
cation  at  Geneva.  He  is  much  grown,  in 
very  good  health,  draws  a  little,  as  you  will 
see  by  the  enclosed,  learns  Latin,  writing, 
arithmetic  and  dancing,  and  speaks  French 
better  than  English.  He  made  a  translation 
of  your  last  letter  to  him,  so  that  some  of  your 
works  may  now  appear  in  a  foreign  language. 
He  has  not  been  long  from  me.  I  send  the 
accounts  I  have  of  him,  and  I  shall  put  him 
in  mind  of  writing  to  you.  I  cannot  propose 
to  you  to  part  with  your  own  dear  Will :  I 
must  one  of  these  days  go  back  to  see  him  ; 
happy  to  be  once  more  all  together !  but  futu 
rities  are  uncertain.  Teach  him  however  in 
the  mean  time  to  direct  his  worship  more  pro 
perly,  for  the  deity  of  Hercules  is  now  quite 
out  of  fashion. 

"  The  present  you  mention  as  sent  by  me, 
was  rather  that  of  a  merchant  at  Bourdeaux, 
for  he  would  never  give  me  any  account  of 
it,  and  neither  Temple  nor  I  know  any  thing 
of  the  particulars. 

"  When  I  began  to  read  your  account  of  the 
high  prices  of  goods,  'a  pair  of  gloves  seven 
dollars,  a  yard  of  common  gause  twenty-four 
dollars,  and  that  it  now  required  a  fortune  to 
maintain  a  family  in  a  very  plain  way,1  I 
expected  you  would  conclude  with  telling  me, 
that  every  body  as  well  as  yourself  was  grown 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


frugal  and  industrious ;  and  I  could  scarce  be 
lieve  my  eyes  in  reading  forward,  that,  '  there 
never  was  so  much  dressing  and  pleasure  go 
ing  on ;'  and  that  you  yourself  wanted  black 
pins  and  feathers  from  France,  to  appear,  I 
suppose,  in  the  mode !  This  leads  me  to  ima 
gine  that  perhaps,  it  is  not  so  much  that  the 
goods  are  grown  dear,  as  that  the  money  is 
grown  cheap,  as  every  thing  else  will  do 
when  excessively  plenty;  and  that  people 
are  still  as  easy  nearly  in  their  circumstances 
as  when  a  pair  of  gloves  might  be  had  for  half 
a  crown.  The  war  indeed  may  in  some  de 
gree  raise  the  prices  of  goods,  and  the  high 
taxes  which  are  necessary  to  support  the  war 
may  make  our  frugality  necessary ;  and  as  1 
am  always  preaching  that  doctrine,  I  cannot 
in  conscience  or  in  decency  encourage  the 
contrary,  by  my  example,  in  furnishing  my 
children  with  foolish  modes  and  luxuries.  I 
therefore  send  all  the  articles  you  desire  that 
are  useful  and  necessary,  and  omit  the  rest ; 
for  as  you  say  you  should  '  have  great  pride 
in  wearing  any  thing  I  send,  and  showing 
it  as  your  father's  taste  ;'  I  must  avoid  giv 
ing  you  an  opportunity  of  doing  that  with 
either  lace  or  feathers.  If  you  wear  your 
cambric  ruffles  as  I  do,  and  take  care  not  to 
mend  the  holes,  they  will  come  in  time  to  be 
lace ;  and  feathers,  my  dear  girl,  may  be  had 
in  America  from  every  cock's  tail. 

"  If  you  happen  again  to  see  general  Wash- 
,  ington,  assure  him  of  my  very  great  and  sin 
cere  respect,  and  tell  him  that  all  the  old  ge 
nerals  here  amuse  themselves  in  studying  the 
accounts  of  his  operations,  and  approve  high 
ly  of  his  conduct. 

"Present  my  affectionate  regards  to  all 
friends  that  inquire  after  me,  particularly 
Mr.  Duffield  and  family,  and  write  oftener, 
my  dear  child,  to  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Marquis  de  la  Fayette.  at  Havre-de- Grace. 

"  PASSY,  August  19,  1779. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  just  now  received 
your  favour  of  the  17th.  I  wrote  to  you  a 
day  or  two  ago,  and  have  little  to  add.  You 
ask  my  opinion,  what  conduct  the  English 
will  probably  hold  on  this  occasion,  and  whe 
ther  they  will  not  rather  propose  a  negotia 
tion  for  a  peace :  I  have  but  one  rule  to  go  by 
in  judging  of  those  people,  which  is,  that 
whatever  is  prudent  for  them  to  do  they  will 
omit ;  and  what  is  most  imprudent  to  be 
done,  they  will  do  it.  This,  like  all  other 
general  rules,  may  sometime  have  its  excep 
tions  ;  but  I  think  it  will  hold  good  for  the 
most  part,  at  least  while  the  present  ministry 
continues,  or  rather  while  the  present  mad 
man  has  the  choice  of  ministers. 

"  You  desire  to  know  whether  I  am  satisfied 
with  the  ministers  here  1  It  is  impossible  for 


any  to  be  more  so.  I  see  they  exert  them 
selves  greatly  in  the  common  cause,  and  do 
every  thing  for  us  they  can.  We  can  wish 
for  nothing  more,  unless  our  great  want  of 
money  should  make  us  wish  for  a  subsidy,  to 
enable  us  to  act  more  vigorously  in  expelling 
the  enemy  from  their  remaining  posts,  and  re 
ducing  Canada.  But  their  own  expenses  are 
so  great,  that  I  cannot  press  such  an  addition 
to  it.  I  hope,  however,  that  we  shall  get  some 
supplies  of  arms  and  ammunition ;  and  per 
haps,  when  they  can  be  spared,  some  ships  to 
aid  in  reducing  New  York  and  Rhode  Island. 
At  present  I  know  of  no  good  opportunity 
of  writing  to  America.  There  are  merchant 
ships  continually  going,  but  they  are  very  un 
certain  conveyances.  I  long  to  hear  of  your 
safe  arrival  in  England :  but  the  winds  are 
adverse,  and  we  must  have  patience. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  same,  with  the  sword  ordered  by  con 
gress. 

"  PASSY,  August  24, 1779. 

"SiR, — The  congress,  sensible  of  your 
merit  towards  the  United  States,  but  unable 
adequately  to  reward  it,  determined  to  pre 
sent  you  with  a  sword,  as  a  small  mark  of 
their  grateful  acknowledgment.  They  direct 
ed  it  to  be  ornamented  with  suitable  "devices. 
Some  of  the  principal  actions  of  the  war,  in 
which  you  distinguished  yourself  by  your 
bravery  and  conduct,  are  therefore  represent 
ed  upon  it.  These,  with  a  few  emblematic 
figures,  all  admirably  well  executed,  make  its 
principal  value.  By  the  help  of  the  exquisite 
artists  France  affords,  I  find  it  easy  to  express 
every  thing  but  the  sense  we  have  of  your 
worth,  and  our  obligations  to  you.  For  this, 
figures  and  even  words  are  found  insufficient. 

"  I  therefore  only  add,  that  with  the  most 
perfect  esteem  and  respect,  I  have  the  honour 
to  be,  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  P.  S.  My  grandson  goes  to  Havre  with  the 
sword,  and  will  have  the  honour  of  present- 
it  to  you." 


The  Reply. 

"  HAVRE,  August  29,  1779. 

;'  SIR, — Whatever  expectations  might  have 
been  raised  from  the  sense  of  past  favours,  the 
goodness  of  the  United  States  for  me  has  ever 
been  such,  that  on  every  occasion  it  far  sur 
passes  any  idea  I  could  have  conceived.  A 
new  proof  of  that  flattering  truth,  I  find  in 
the  noble  present,  which  congress  have  been 
pleased  to  honour  me  with,  and  which  is  offer 
ed  in  such  a  manner  by  your  excellency  as 
will  exceed  any  thing,  but  the  feelings  of  my 
unbounded  gratitude.  Some  of  the  devices  I 
cannot  help  finding  too  honourable  a  reward 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


337 


for  those  slight  services,  which  in  concert 
with  my  fellow-soldiers,  and  under  the  god 
like  American  hero's  orders,  I  had  the  good 
luck  to  render.  The  sight  of  these  actions, 
where  I.  was  a  witness  of  American  bravery 
and  patriotic  spirit,  I  shall  ever  enjoy  with  that 
pleasure  which  becomes  a  heart  glowing  with 
love  for  the  nation,  and  the  most  ardent  zeal 
for  their  glory  and  happiness. 

"Assurances  of  gratitude,  which  I  beg 
leave  to  present  to  your  excellency,  are  much 
inadequate  to  my  feelings,  and  nothing,  but 
those  sentiments  may  properly  acknowledge 
your  kindness  towards  me.  The  polite  man 
ner  in  which  Mr.  Temple  Franklin  was 
pleased  to  deliver  that  inestimable  sword,  lays 
me  under  great  obligations  to  him,  and  de 
mands  rny  particular  thanks. — With  the  most 
perfect  respect,  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 
«  LA  FAYETTE." 


"  James  Lovell.  v 

"  PASSY,  September  30,  1779  2,  P.  M. 

"Sm, — I  have  received  within  these  few 
days  a  number  of  despatches  from  you,  which 
have  arrived  by  the  Mercury  and  other  vessels. 
Hearing  but  this  instant  of  an  opportunity 
from  Bourdeaux,  and  that  the  courier  sets  out 
from  Versailles  at  five  this  evening,  I  em 
brace  it  just  to  let  you  know,  that  I  have  de 
livered  the  letters  from  congress  to  the  king, 
and  have  laid  the  invoices  of  supplies  desired 
(with  a  translation)  before  the  ministers,  and 
though  I  have  not  yet  received  a  positive 
answer,  I  have  good  reason  to  believe  I  shall 
obtain  most  of  them,  if  not  all :  but  as  this  de 
mand  will  cost  the  court  a  vast  sum,  and 
their  expenses  in  the  war  is  prodigious,  I 
beg  I  may  not  be  put  under  the  necessity,  by 
occasional  drafts  on  me,  to  ask  for  more  money 
than  is  required  to  pay  our  bills  for  interest. 
I  must  protest  those  I  have  advice  of  from 
Martinico  and  New  Orleans  (even  if  they 
were  drawn  by  permission  of  congress)  for 
want  of  money  ;  and  I  wish  the  committee  of 
commerce  would  caution  their  correspondents 
not  to  embarrass  me  with  their  bills.  I  put 
into  my  pocket  nothing  of  the  allowance  con 
gress  has  been  pleased  to  make  me^  I  shall 
pay  it  all  in  honouring  their  drafts,  and  sup 
porting  their  credit,  but  do  not  let  me  be 
burdened  with  supporting  the  credit  of  eve 
ry  one  who  has  claims  on  the  boards  of  com 
merce  or  the  navy.  I  shall  write  fully  by  the 
Mercury ;  I  send  you  some  of  the  latest  news 
papers,  and  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"Mr.  Brigden, London. 

il  PASSY,  October  2,  1779. 

;'  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favour  of  the 
17th  past,  and  the  two  samples  of  copper  are 
VOL.I....2U  29 


since  come  to  hand.  The  metal  seems  to  be 
very  good,  and  the  price  reasonable,  but  I 
have  not  yet  received  the  orders  necessary  to 
justify  my  making  the  purchase  proposed. 
There  has  indeed  been  an  intention  to  strike 
copper  coin,  that  may  not  only  be  useful  as 
small  change,  but  serve  other  purposes.  In 
stead  of  repeating  continually  upon  every 
half-penny  the  dull  story  that  every  body 
knows,  (and  what  would  have  been  no  loss 
to  mankind  if  nobody  had  ever  known,)  that 
George  III.  is  King  of  Great  Britain,  France, 
and  Ireland,  &c.  &c.  To  put  on  one  side  some 
important  Proverb  of  Solomon,  some  pious 
moral,  prudential,  or  economical  precept,  the 
frequent  inculcation  of  which,  by  seeing  it 
every  time  one  receives  a  piece  of  money, 
might  make  an  impression  upon  the  mind, 
especially  of  young  persons,  and  tend  to  regu 
late  their  conduct ;  such  as  on  some,  The  fear 
of  the  Lord  is  the  beginning  of  wisdom  ;  on 
others,  Honesty  is  the  best  policy ;  on  others, 
He  that  by  the  plow  would  thrive,  himself 
must  either  hold  or  drive ;  on  others,  Keep 
thy  shop,  and  thy  shop  will  keep  thee ;  on 
others,  A  penny  saved  is  a  penny  got ;  on 
others,  He  that  buys  what  he  has  no  need  of, 
will  soon  be  forced  to  sell  his  necessaries ;  on 
others,  Early  to  bed  and  early  to  rise,  will 
make  a  man  healthy,  wealthy,  and  wise ;  and 
so  on  to  a  great  variety.  The  other  side  it 
was  proposed  to  fill  with  good  designs,  drawn 
and  engraved  by  the  best  artists  in  France, 
of  all  the  different  species  of  barbarity  with 
which  the  English  have  carried  on  the  war 
in  America,  expressing  every  abominable  cir 
cumstance  of  their  cruelty  and  inhumanity, 
that  figures  can  express,  to  make  an  impres 
sion  on  the  minds  of  posterity  as  strong  and 
durable  as  that  on  the  copper.  This  resolution 
has  been  a  long  time  foreborne,  but  the  late 
burning  of  defenceless  towns  in  Connecticut, 
on  the  flimsy  pretence  that  the  people  fired 
from  behind  their  houses,  when  it  is  known 
to  have  been  premeditated  and  ordered  from 
England,  will  probably  give  the  finishing  pro 
vocation,  and  may  occasion  a  vast  demand  for 
your  metal. 

"  I  thank  you  for  your  kind  wishes  respect 
ing  my  health,  I  return  them  most  cordially 
fourfold  into  your  own  bosom.  Adieu. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  John  Jay,  Esq.  President  of  Congress. 

'•'  PASSY,  October  4th,  1779. 

"  SIR, — I  received  the  letter  your  excellency 

did  me  the  honour  to  write  to  me  of  the of 

June  last,  enclosing  acts  of  congress,  respect 
ing  bills  of  exchange  for  two  millions  four 
hundred  thousands  livres  tournois,  drawn  on 
me  in  favour  of  M.  de  Beaumarchais.  The 
bills  have  not  yet  appeared,  but  I  shall  accept 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


them  when  they  do,  relying  on  the  care  of 
congress  to  enable  me  to  pay  them.  As  to 
the  accounts  of  that  gentleman,  neither  the 
commissioners  when  we  were  all  together, 
nor  myself  since,  have  ever  been  able  to  ob 
tain  a  sight  of  them,  though  repeatedly  pro 
mised,  and  I  begin  to  give  over  all  expecta 
tion  of  them ;  indeed  if  I  had  them,  I  should 
not  be  able  to  do  much  with  them,  or  to  con 
trovert  any  thing  I  might  doubt  in  them,  be 
ing  unacquainted  with  the  transactions  and 
agreements  on  which  they  must  be  founded, 
and  having  small  skill  in  accounts.  Mr.  Ross 
and  Mr.  Williams  pressing  me  to  examine 
and  settle  theirs,  I  have  been  obliged  to  re 
quest  indifferent  persons,  expert  in  such  bu 
siness,  to  do  it  for  me,  subject  to  the  revision 
of  congress ;  and  I  should  wish  that  my  time 
and  attention  were  not  taken  up  by  any  con 
cerns  in  mercantile  affairs,  and  thereby  di 
verted  from  others  more  important. 

"  The  letters  of  congress  to  the  king  were 
very  graciously  received ;  I  have  earnestly 
pressed  the  supplies  desired,  and  the  ministers 
(who  are  extremly  well  disposed  towards  us) 
are  now  actually  studying  the  means  of  fur 
nishing  them.  The  assistance  of  Spain  is 
hoped  for.  We  expect  to  hear  from  thence 
in  a  few  days.  The  quantity  is  great,  and  will 
cost  a  vast  sum.  I  have  this  day  accepted 
three  of  your  drafts,  part  of  the  three  hundred 
and  sixty  thousand  livres  drawn  for  on  the  9th 
of  June :  but  when  I  ask  for  money  to  pay 
them,  I  must  mention  that  as  they  were  drawn 
to  purchase  military  stores,  an  abatement 
equal  to  the  value  may  be  made  of  the  quan 
tity  demanded  from  hence.  For  I  am  really 
ashamed  to  be  always  worrying  the  ministers 
for  more  money.  And  as  to  the  private  loans 
expected,  I  wrote  in  a  former  letter  that  our 
public  credit  was  not  yet  sufficiently  establish 
ed,  and  that  the  loan'in  Holland  had  not  ex 
ceeded  eighty  thousand  florins,  to  which  there 
has  since  been  no  addition.  A  Mr.  Neufville 
came  from  thence  to  me  last  spring,  propos 
ing  to  procure  great  sums  if  he  might  be  em 
ployed  for  that  purpose,  and  the  business 
taken  away  from  the  house  that  had  com 
menced  it.  His  terms  at  first  were  very  ex 
travagant,  such  as  that  all  the  estates  real 
and  personal  in  the  thirteen  provinces  should 
be  mortgaged  to  him,  that  a  fifth  part  of  the 
capital  sum  borrowed  should  every  year  for 
five  years  be  laid  out  in  commodities  and  sent 
to  Holland  consigned  to  him,  to  remain  in  his 
hands  till  the  term  (ten  years)  stipulated  for 
final  payment  was  completed,  as  a  security 
for  the  punctuality  of  it;  when  he  was  to 
draw  the  usual  commissions :  that  all  vessels 
or  merchandize,  coming  from  America  to  Eu 
rope,  should  be  consigned  to  him  or  his  cor 
respondents,  &c.  &c.  As  I  rejected  these 
with  some  indignation,  he  came  down  to  the 
more  reasonable  ones  of  doing  the  business  as 


it  was  done  by  the  other  house,  who,  he  said, 
could  do  no  more,  being  destitute  of  the  in 
terest  which  he  possessed.  I  did  not  care  ab 
ruptly  to  change  a  house,  that  had  in  other 
respects  been  very  friendly  and  serviceable 
to  us,  and  thereby  throw  a  slur  upon  their 
credit  without  a  certainty  of  mending  our 
affairs  by  it ;  and  therefore,  told  Mr.  Neufville 
that  if  he  could  procure  and  show  me  a  list 
of  subscribers  amounting  to  the  sum  he  men 
tioned,  or  near  it,  I  would  comply  with  his 
proposition.  This  he  readily  and  confidently 
undertook  to  do.  But  after  three  months, 
during  which  he  acquainted  me  from  time  to 
time,  that  the  favourable  moment  was  not  yet 
come,  I  received  instead  of  the  subscription, 
a  new  set  of  propositions,  among  the  terms  of 
which  were  an  additional  one  per  cent,  and 
a  patent  from  congress,  appointing  him  and 
his  sons  « commissioners  for  trade  and  navi 
gation,  and  treasurers  of  the  general  con 
gress,  and  of  every  private  state  of  the  thir 
teen  United  States  of  North  America,  through 
the  seven  United  Provinces'  with  other  ex 
travagancies,  which  I  mention,  that  it  may  be 
understood,  why  I  have  dropt  correspondence 
on  this  subject,  with  a  man  who  seemed  to 
me  a  vain  promiser,  extremely  self  interested, 
and  aiming  chiefly  to  make  an  appearance 
without  solidity ;  and  who,  I  understand  in 
tends  applying  directly  to  congress,  some  of 
his  friends  censuring  me  as  neglecting  the 
public  interest  in  not  coming  into  his  mea 
sures.  The  truth  is,  that  I  have  no  expec 
tations  from  Holland,  whilst  interest  received 
there  from  other  nations  is  so  high,  and  our 
credit  there  so  low ;  while  particular  Ameri 
can  states  offer  higher  interest  than  the  con 
gress  ;  and  even  our  offering  to  raise  our  in 
terest  tends  to  sink  our  credit.  My  sole  de 
pendence  now  is  upon  this  court:  I  think 
reasonable  assistance  may  be  obtained  here, 
but  I  wish  I  may  not  be  obliged  to  fatigue  it 
too  much  with  my  applications,  lest  it  should 
grow  tired  of  the  connexion.  Mr.  Ross  has 
lately  demanded  of  me  near  twenty  thousand 
pounds  sterling,  due  to  him  from  the  com 
mittee  of  commerce,  but  I  have  been  obliged 
to  refuse  him,  as  well  as  an  application  made 
last  week  by  Mr.  Izard  for  more  money, 
though  he  has  already  had  2,500  guineas, 
and  another  from  Mr.  Arthur  Lee,  though  he 
has  had  five  hundred  guineas,  since  the 
news  of  his  being  out  of  this  commission. 
He  writes  me  that  he  will  return  to  America 
forthwith  if  I  do  not  undertake  to  supply  his 
expenses :  as  I  see  no  likelihood  of  his  being 
received  at  Madrid,  I  could  not  but  approve 
his  resolution. 

"We  had  reason  to  expect  some  great 
events,  from  the  action  of  the  fleets  this  sum 
mer  in  the  Channel,  but  they  are  all  now  in 
port  without  having  effected  any  thing.  The 
junction  was  late,  and  the  length  of  time  the 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


Brest  squadron  was  at  sea,  equal  to  an  East 
India  voyage,  partly  on  the  hot  Spanish  coast, 
occasioned  a  sickness  among  the  people  that 
made  their  return  necessary :  they  had  chas 
ed  the  English  fleet,  which  refused  the  com 
bat. — The  sick  men  are  recovering  fast  since 
they  were  landed  ;  and  the  proposed  descent 
on  England  does  not  yet  seem  to  be  quite  given 
up,  as  the  troops  are  not  withdrawn  from  the 
ports.  Holland  has  not  yet  granted  the  suc 
cours  required  by  the  English,  nor  even  given 
an  answer  to  the  requisition  presented  by  sir 
Joseph  York.  The  aids  will  be  refused,  and 
as  the  refusal  must  be  disagreeable,  it  is  post 
poned  from  time  to  time.  The  expectations 
of  assistance  from  Russia  and  Prussia  seem 


small  cutter,  which  was  fitted  out  as  a  pri 
vateer  at  Dunkirk,  called  the  Black  Prince, 
has  taken,  ransomed,  burnt,  and  destroyed 
above  thirty  sail  of  their  vessels  within  these 
three  months.  The  owners  are  about  to  give 
her  a  consort,  called  the  Black  Princess,  for 
whom  they  ask  a  commission.  The  prisoners 
brought  in,  serve  to  exchange  our  country 
men,  which  makes  me  more  willing  to  encou 
rage  such  armaments,  though  they  occasion 
a  good  deal  of  trouble. 

"  Captain,  now  commodore,  Jones,  put  to 
sea  this  summer  with  a  little  squadron  consist 
ing  of  a  ship  of  forty  guns,  the  Alliance,  ano 
ther  frigate  of  twenty,  with  some  armed  cut 
ters,  all  under  American  colours,  with  congress 


also  to  have  failed  the  English,  and  they  are  I  commissions.     He  has  sent  in  several  prizes, 
as  much  at  a  loss  to  find  effective  friends  in   has  greatly  alarmed  the  coast  of  Ireland  and 


Europe,  as  they  have  been  in  America.  Portu 
gal  seems  to  have  a  better  disposition  towards 
us  than  heretofore.  About  thirty  of  our  peo 
ple  taken,  and  set  ashore  on  one  of  her  islands 
by  the  English,  were  maintained  comfortably 
by  the  governor  during  their  stay  there,  fur 
nished  with  every  necessary,  and  sent  to  Lis 
bon,  where,  on  inquiry  to  whom  payment  was 
to  be  made  for  the  expense  they  had  occasion 
ed,  they  were  told  that  no  reimbursement 
was  expected,  that  it  was  the  queen's  bounty, 
who  had  a  pleasure  in  showing  hospitality  to 
strangers  in  distress.  I  have  presented  thanks 
by  the  Portuguese  ambassador  hero  in  behalf 
of  the  congress :  and  I  am  given  to  under 
stand  that  probably,  in  a  little  time,  the  ports 
of  that  nation  will  be  as  open  to  us  as  those  of 
Spain.  What  relates  to  Spain  I  suppose  Mr. 
Lee  informs  you  of. 

"The  sword  ordered  by  congress  for  the 
marquis  de  la  Fay  ette,'being  at  length  finished, 


Scotland;  and  we  just  now  hear,  that  going 
north  about,  he  fell  in  with  a  number  of  ships 
from  the  Baltic,  convoyed  by  a  fifty  gun  ship 
and  a  twenty-four  gun  frigate,  both  of  which 
he  took  after  an  obstinate  engagement,  and 
forced  several  of  the  others  ashore.  This 
news  is  believed,  but  we  wait  the  confirmation 
and  the  particulars. 

"The  blank  commissions  remaining  of 
those  "sent  to  us  here,  are  all  signed  by  Mr. 
Hancock,  which  occasions  some  difficulty. 
If  congress  approves  of  my  continuing  to  issue 
such  commissions,  I  wish  to  have  afresh  sup 
ply,  with  the  other  necessary  papers,  instruc 
tions,  rules,  bonds,  &c.  of  which  none  are  now 
left. 

"  M.  le  comte  de  Maillebois,  esteemed  one 
ofthe  best  generals  in  this  country,  and  who 
loves  our  cause,  has  given  me  a  memorial, 
containing  a  project  for  raising  a  corps  here 
for  your  service,  which  I  promised  to  lay  be- 


I  sent  it  down  to  him  at  Havre,  where  he  was  |  fore  congress,  and  accordingly  enclose  a  copy : 
with  the  troops  intended  for  the  invasion.  I  j  I  know  nothing  of  the  sentiments  of  congress 
wrote  a  letter  with  it,  and  received  an  answer,  \  on  the  subject  of  introducing  foreign  troops 
copies  of  both  which  I  enclose,  together  with  j  among  us,  and  therefore  could  give  no  expec- 
a  description  of  the  sword,  and  drawings  of  the  I  tation  that  the  plan  would  be  adopted.  It 
work  upon  it,  which  was  executed  by  the  best ,  will,  however,  be  a  pleasure  to  him  to  know, 
artists  in  Paris,  and  cost  altogether  two  hun-  j  that  his  good  will  to  serve  them  has  been  ac- 
dred  guineas.  The  present  has  given  him  I  ceptable  to  congress. 

great  pleasure,  and  some  of  the  circumstances  j  "  A  major  Borre,  who  has  been  in  America, 
have  been  agreeable  to  the  nation.  |  and  some  other  officers  who  have  quitted  our 

"  Our  cartel  goes  on :  a  second  cargo  of  I  service  in  disgust,  endeavour  to  give  an  idea 
American  prisoners,  one  hundred  and  nineteen  j  here  that  our  nation  does  not  love  the  French, 
in  number,  being  arrived  and  exchanged.  Our  I  take  all  occasions  to  place  in  view  the  re- 
privateers  have  dismissed  a  great  number  at  (  gard  shown  by  congress  to  good  French  offi- 
sea,  taking  their  written  paroles  to  be  given  |  cers,  as  a  proof  that  the  slight  these  gentle- 
up  in  exchange  for  so  many  of  our  people  in  men  complain  of  is  particular  to  themselves, 


their  gaols.  This  is  not  yet  quite  agreed  to 
on  the  other  side,  but  some  expectations  are 
given  me  that  it  may  take  place.  Certainly 
humanity  would  find  its  account  in  the  prac- 


and  probably  the  effect  of  their  own  misbe 
haviour.  I  wish  for  the  future,  whenever 
any  of  this  sort  of  people  leave  our  armies  to 
come  home,  some  little  sketch  of  their  con- 


tice  of  exchanging  upon  parole,  as  all  the  hor-   duct  or  character  mav  be  sent  me,  with  the 


rors  of  imprisonment,  with  the  loss  of  time 
and  health,  might  be  prevented  by  it, 

"  We  continue  to  insult  the  coasts  of  these 
lords  nf  the  ocean  with  our  little  cruisers.     A 


real  causes  of  their  resigning  or  departure, 
that  I  may  be  more  ablelo  justify  our  coun 
try. 

"  Here  are  returned  in  the  last  cartel  a 


340 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


number  of  French  sailors,  who  had  engaged 
with  captain  Cunningham,  were  taken  in  com 
ing  home  with  one  of  his  prizes,  and  have 
been  near  two  years  in  English  prisons. 
They  demand  their  wages  and  share  of  prize 
money.  I  send  their  claim  as  taken  before 
the  officers  of  the  classes  at  Dunkirk.  I  know 
nothing  of  the  agreement,  they  allege  was 
made  with  them.  Mr.  Hodge  perhaps  can 
settle  the  affair  so  that  they  may  have  justice 
done  them.  These  sort  of  things  give  me  a 
great  deal  of  trouble.  Several  of  these  men 
have  made  personal  applications  to  me,  and  I 
must  hear  all  their  stories  though  I  cannot  re 
dress  them.  I  enclose  also  the  claim  of  two 
gunners  upon  a  prize  made  by  the  Boston, 
captain  Tucker.  I  am  persuaded  the  congress 
wish  to  see  justice  done  to  the  meanest  stran 
ger  that  has  served  them  :  it  is  justice  that 
established  a  nation.  The  Spanish  ambas 
sador  here  delivered  me  several  complaints 
against  our  cruizers.  I  imagine  that  all  the 
injuries  complained  of,  are  not  justly  charge 
able  to  us;  some  of  the  smaller  English 
cruizers  having  pillaged  Spanish  vessels  under 
American  colours,  of  which  we  have  proof 
upon  oath.  And  also  that  no  such  American 
privateers  as  are  said  to  have  committed  these 
robberies  after  coining  out  of  Nantes,  have 
ever  been  known  there,  or  in  any  other  part 
of  France,  or  even  to  have  existed.  But  if 
any  of  the  complaints  are  well  founded,  I  have 
assured  the  ambassador,  that  the  guilty  will 
be  punished,  and  reparation  made.  The 
Swedish  ambassador  also  complains  of  the 
taking  of  a  ship  of  his  nation  by  captain  Lan- 
dais,  the  master  of  which  lays  his  damages  at 
sixty  thousand  livres.  I  understand  it  was 
his  own  fault  that  he  was  stopt,  as  he  did  not 
show  his  papers.  Perhaps  this,  if  proved, 
may  enable  us  to  avoid  the  damages. 

"  Since  writing  the  above,  I  have  received 
the  following  farther  particulars  of  the  action 
between  commodore  Jones  and  the  English 
men  of  war.  The  44  gun  ship  is  new,  hav 
ing  been  but  six  months  off  the  stocks,  she  is 
called  the  Serapis ;  the  other  of  20  guns  is 
the  Countess  of  Scarborough.  He  had  before 
taken  a  number  of  valuable  prizes,  particular 
ly  a  rich  ship  bound  to  Quebec,  which  we 
suppose  he  may  have  sent  to  America.  The 
English,  from  mistaken  intelligence,  imagin 
ing  he  had  a  body  of  troops  with  him  to  make 
descents,  have  had  all  their  northern  coasts 
alarmed,  and  been  put  to  very  expensive  move 
ments  of  troops,  &c.  The  extravagant  luxury 
of  our  country  in  the  midst  of  all  its  distresses, 
is  to  me  amazing ;  when  the  difficulties  are  so 
great  to  find  remittances,  to  pay  for  the  arms 
and  ammunition  necessary  for  our  defence,  I 
am  astonished  and  vexed  to  find  upon  inquiry, 
that  much  the  greatest  part  of  the  congress 
interest  bills  come  to  pay  for  tea,  and  a  great 
part  of  the  remainder  is  ordered  to  be  laid  out 


in  gewgaws  and  superfluities.  It  makes  me 
grudge  the  trouble  of  examining,  entering, 
and  accepting  them,  which  indeed  takes  a 
great  deal  of  time.  I  yesterday  learnt  from 
M.  de  Monthieu,  that  every  thing  necessary 
for  equipping  two  frigates  of  36  guns,  such  as 
sailcloth,  cordage,  anchors,  &c.  which  we 
sent  to  the  congress  from  hence  two  years 
since,  remained  stored  hi  the  warehouses  of  his 
correspondent,  Mr.  Carrabass,  at  Cape  Fran 
cois,  having  never  been  called  for.  Probably 
by  the  miscarriage  of  letters,  the  navy  board 
never  heard  of  those  goods  being  there.  I 
shall  nevertheless  leave  the  application  I  have 
lately  made  for  materials  for  a  frigate  of  36 
guns,  to  take  its  course.  But  I  send  you 
herewith  copies  of  two  invoices  of  the  cargo 
of  the  Therese ;  one  of  which  is  what  was 
sent  by  us,  the  other  by  M.  Beaumarchais,  to 
the  end  that  inquiry  may  be  made  after  the 
whole.  On  this  occasion  give  me  leave  to  re 
mark,  that  of  all  the  vast  quantities  of  goods 
we  have  sent  you  by  many  different  vessels 
since  my  being  in  France,  we  never  were 
happy  enough  to  receive  the  least  scrip  of  ac 
knowledgment  that  they  had  ever  come  to 
hand,  except  from  Mr.  Langdon,  of  a  cargo  ar 
rived  at  Portsmouth,  and  I  think  of  one  more. 
This  is  doubtless  owing  to  the  interruption 
correspondence  has  met  with,  and  not  altoge 
ther  to  neglect.  But  as  such  advices  of  re 
ceipt  may  be  made  in  short  letters,  it  would 
be  well  to  send  more  copies.  The  following 
is  a  matter  of  less  importance.  It  is  two 
years,  I  believe,  since  I  sent  the  monument 
of  general  Montgomery.  I  have  heard  that 
the  vessel  arrived  in  North  Carolina,  but  no 
thing  more.  I  should  be  glad  to  know  of  its 
coming  to  hand,  and  whether  it  is  approved. 
Here  it  was  admired  for  the  goodness  and 
beauty  of  the  marble,  and  the  elegant  simpli 
city  of  the  design,  the  sculptor  has  had  an  en 
graving  made  of  it,  of  which  I  enclose  a  copy.* 
ft  was  contrived  to  be  affixed  to  the  wall 
within  some  church,  or  in  the  great  room 
where  the  congress  meet.  Directions  for 
putting  it  up  went'  with  it.  All  the  parts 
were  well  packed  in  strong  cases. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  P.  S.  October  28, 1  kept  the  packet  in  hopes 
of  sending  a  more  explicit  account  of  what 
might  be  expected  in  regard  to  the  supplies. 
The  express  which  was  daily  looked  for  from 
Spain,  when  I  began  this  letter,  arrived  but 
a  few  days  since.  I  am  now  informed  that 
court  is  understood  to  be  in  treaty  with  the 
congTess  in  America,  to  furnish  a  sum  of  hard 
money  there,  and  on  that  account  excuses 
itself  from  sharing  in  the  expense  of  furnish 
ing  these  supplies.  This  has  a  little  derang 
ed  the  measures  intended  to  be  taken  here, 

*  The  monument  is  erected  in  St  Paul's  church, 
Broadway,  New  York. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


341 


and  I  am  now  told,  that  the  whole  quantity  of 
goods  demanded  can  hardly  be  furnished,  but 
that  as  soon  as  the  court  returns  from  Marly, 
the  ministers  will  consult  and  do  the  best  they 
can  for  us.  The  arms  I  hear  are  in  hand 
at  Charleville.  I  am  unwilling  to  keep  the 
packet  any  longer,  lest  she  should  arrive  on 
our  coasts  too  far  in  the  winter,  and  be  blown 
off:  I  therefore  send  away  the  despatches. 
But  if  I  have  the  result  of  the  council  in  time 
to  reach  her  by  the  post,  I  will  send  it  in  a 
separate  letter.  The  hearty  good  will  of 
tb,e  ministry  may  be  depended  on ;  but  it  must 
be  remembered  that  their  present  expenses 
are  enormous." 


"James  Lovel 

"  PASSY,  October  17,  1779. 

"  SIR, — The  foregoing  is  a  copy  of  my  last. 
I  have  now  before  me  your  several  favours 
therein  mentioned,  viz.  of  June  13,  July  9, 
and  16,  and  August  6. 

"  I  received  the  journals  of  Congress  from 
January  1,  to  June  12,  which  you  took  care  to 
send  me :  but  the  volumes  1  and  2,  which  you 
mention,  are  not  yet  come  to  hand.  I  hear 
they  are  at  Madrid.  I  know  not  how  they 
came  there,  nor  how  well  to  get  them  from 
thence,  perhaps  you  can  easier  send  me  ano 
ther  set. 

"  As  I  hear  of  the  arrival  of  the  chevalier 
de  la  Luzerne,  by  whom  I  wrote  a  long  letter 
to  your  committee,  I  presume  you  have  receiv 
ed  it,  and  that  it  is  not  now  necessary  to  send 
more  copies :  by  this  opportunity  I  write  large 
ly  to  the  president. 

"  You  ask  will  no  one  under  a  commission 
from  the  United  States,  &c.  enclosed  I  send 
you  a  copy  of  the  instructions  I  gave  to  com 
modore  Jones,  when  it  was  intended  to  send 
with  him  some  transports  and  troops  to  make 
descents  in  England.  Had  not  the  scheme 
been  altered,  by  the  more  general  one  of  a 
grand  invasion,  I  know  he  would  have  en 
deavoured  to  put  some  considerable  towns  to 
a  high  ransom  or  burnt  them.  He  sailed 
without  the  troops ;  but  he  nevertheless  would 
have  attempted  Leith,  and  went  into  the  Firth 
of  Edinburg  with  that  intention,  but  a  sudden 
hard  gale  of  wind  forced  him  out  again. 

"  The  late  provocations,  by  the  burning  of 
Fairfield  and  other  towns,  added  to  the  pre- 
ceeding,  have  at  length  demolished  all  my 
moderation  ;  and  were  such  another  expedi 
tion  to  be  concerted,  I  think  so  much  of  that 
disposition  would  not  appear  in  the  instruc 
tions.  But  I  see  so  many  inconveniences  in 
mixing  the  two  nations  together,  that  I  can 
not  encourage  any  further  proposal  of  the  kind. 
This  has  ended  better  than  I  expected;  and 
yet  a  mortal  difference  has  arisen  between 
captains  Jones  and  Landais,  that  makes  me 

29* 


very  uneasy  about  the  consequences;  I  send 
you  the  journal  of  the  cruise. 

"  I  am  glad  to  understand  that  the  Congress 
will  appoint  some  person  here  to  audit  our  ac 
counts  ;  mine  will  give  but  little  trouble,  and 
I  wish  much  to  have  them  settled.  And  for 
the  future  I  hope  I  shall  have  none  to  settle 
but  what  relate  to  my  expenses. 

"  The  quarrel  you  mention  between  Mr. 
Deane  and  Mr.  Lee  I  have  never  meddled 
with,  and  have  no  intention  to  take  any  part 
in  it  whatever.  I  had,  and  still  have  a  very 
good  opinion  of  Mr.  Deane,  for  his  zeal  and  ac 
tivity  in  the  service  of  his  country:  I  also 
thought  him  a  man  of  integrity.  But  if  he 
has  embezzled  public  money,  or  traded  with  it 
on  his  private  account,  or  employed  it  in  stock-* 
jobbing,  all  which  I  understand  he  is  charged 
with,  I  give  him  up.  As  yet  I  think  him  in 
nocent  But  he  and  his  accusers  are  able  to 
plead  their  own  causes,  and  time  will  show' 
what  we  ought  to  think  of  them.  I  send  you 
with  this  a  piece  written  by  a  learned  friend 
of  mine  on  the  taxation  of  free  states,  which 
I  imagine  may  give  you  some  pleasure.  Also 
a  late  royal  edict  for  abolishing  the  remains  of 
slavery  in  this  kingdom.  Who  would  have 
thought  a  few  years  since,  that  we  should  live 
to  see  a  king  of  France  giving  freedom  to 
slaves,  while  a  king  of  England  is  endeavour- 
to  make  slaves  of  freemen ! 

"  There  is  much  talk  all  over  Europe  of  an 
approaching  peace  by  the  mediation  of  Russia 
and  Holland :  I  have  no  information  of  it  to  be 
depended  on,  and  I  believe  we  ought  to  lay 
our  account  on  another  campaign ;  "for  which 
I  hope  you  will  receive  in  time  the  supplies  de 
manded.  Nothing  is  wanting  on  my  part  to 
forward  them :  and  I  have  the  satisfaction  to 
assure  you,  that  I  do  not  find  the  regard  of  this 
court  for  the  Congress  and  its  servants  in  any  * 
respect  diminished. 

"  We  have  just  heard  from  Norway  that 
two  of  the  most  valuable  prizes  taken  by  the 
Alliance,  captain  Landais,  in  the  squadron  of 
commodore  Jones,  are  safe  arrived  at  Bergen  : 
viz.  the  ship  from  London  to  Quebec  laden 
with  naval  stores;  and  that  from  Liverpool  to 
New  York  and  Jamaica.  They  were  letters 
of  marque,  of  22  guns  and  84  men  each.  I 
wish  we  may  get  them  safe  to  America.  The 
squadron  itself  is  got  into  Holland  with  the 
two  prize  men  of  war,  where  they  are  all  re 
fitting.  Great  damage  has  been  done  to  the 
English  coal  trade,  and  four  hundred  prisoners 
have  been  taken,  which  will  more  than  re 
deem  the  rest  of  our  people  from  their  captiv 
ity  in  England ;  if  we  can  get  them  safe  from 
Holland  to  France,  but  I  suppose  the  English 
will  endeavour  to  intercept  us,  and  recover 
their  ships  if  possible. 

"  With  great  esteem  for  yourself  and  the 
committee,  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 
«B.  FRANKLIN." 


342 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


Dr.  Cooper. 


"  PASSY,  Oct.  27.  1779. 

"DEAR  SIR, — It  is  a  long-  time  since  I  have 
had  the  pleasure  of  hearing  from  you.  The  in 
telligence  you  were  used  to  favour  me  with, 
was  often  useful  to  our  affairs.  I  hope  I  have  not 
lost  your  friendship,  together  with  your  cor 
respondence.  Our  excellent  Mr.  Winthrop, 
I  see,  is  gone.  He  was  one  of  those  old 
friends  for  the  sake  of  whose  society  I  wished 
to  return  and  spend  the  small  remnant  of  my 
days  in  New  England.  A  few  more  such 
deaths  will  make  me  a  stranger  in  my  own 
country.  The  loss  of  friends  is  the  tax  a  man 
pays  for  living  long  himself.  I  find  it  a  heavy 
^>ne. 

*  "  You  will  see  by  the  newspapers  that  we 
have  given  some  disturbance  to  the  British 
coasts  this  year.  One  little  privateer  out 
of  Dunkirk,  the  Black  Prince,  with  a  con 
gress  commission,  and  a  few  Americans  mix 
ed  with  Irish .  and  English  smugglers,  went 
round  their  islands  and  took  thirty-seven 
prizes  in  less  than  three  months.  The  little 
squadron  of  commodore  Jones,  under  the  same 
commissions  and  colours,  has  alarmed  those 
coasts  exceedingly,  occasioned  a  good  deal  of 
internal  expense,  done  great  damage  to  their 
trade,  and  taken  two  frigates,  with  four  hun 
dred  prisoners.  He  is  now  with  his  princi 
pal  prizes  in  Holland,  where  he  is  pretty  well 
received,  but  must  quit  that  neutral  country 
as  soon  as  his  damages  are  repaired.  The 
English  watch  with  a  superior  force,  his  com 
ing  out,  but  we  hope  he  will  manage  so  as  to 
escape  their  vigilance.  Few  actions  at  sea 
have  demonstrated  such  steady,  cool,  deter 
mined  bravery  as  that  of  Jones  in  taking  the 
Serapis. 

"  There  has  been  much  rumour  this  summer 
throughout  Europe,  of  an  approaching  peace, 
through  the  mediation  of  Russia  and  Holland : 
but  it  is  understood  to  arise  from  the  inven 
tion  of  stock-jobbers  and  others  interested  in 
propagating  such  opinions.  England  seems 
not  to  be  yet  sufficiently  humbled,  to  acknow 
ledge  the  independence  of  the  American 
States,  or  to  treat  with  them  on  that  footing, 
and  our  friends  will  not  make  a  peace  on  any 
other.  So  we  shall  probably  see  another  cam 
paign. 

"  By  the  invoices  I  have  seen  and  heard  of, 
sent  hither  with  Congress  Interest  Bills  of 
Exchange  to  purchase  the  goods,  it  would 
seem  that  there  is  not  so  great  a  want  of  ne 
cessaries  as  of  superfluities  among  our  people. 
It  is  difficult  to  conceive  that  your  distresses 
can  be  great,  when  one  sees  that  much  the 
greatest  part  of  that  money  is  lavished  in 
modes,  gewgaws,  and  tea !  It  is  impossible  for 
us  to  become  wiser,  when  by  simple  economy, 
and  avoiding  unnecessary  expenses,  we  might 


more  than  defray  the  charge  of  the  war.  We 
export  solid  provision  of  all  kinds  which  is  ne 
cessary  for  the  sustenance  of  man,  and  we  im 
port  fashions,  luxuries,  and  trifles.  Such  trade 
may  enrich  the  traders,  but  never  the  coun 
try. 

"  The  good  will  of  all  Europe  to  our  cause, 
as  being  the  cause  of  liberty,  which  is  the 
cause  of  mankind,  still  continues,  as  does  the 
universal  wish  to  see  the  English  pride  humi 
liated,  and  their  power  curtailed.  Those  cir 
cumstances  are  encouraging-,  and  give  hopes 
of  a  happy  issue.  Which  may  God  grant,  and 
that  you  my  friend  may  live  long  a  blessing- 
to  your  country.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"Mr.  B.  Vaughan. 


"DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  several  kind 
letters  from  you,  which  I  have  not  regularly 
answered.  They  gave  me  however  great 
pleasure,  as  they  acquainted  me  with  your 
welfare,  and  that  of  your  family,  and  other 
friends:  and  I  hope  you  will  continue  writing- 
to  me  as  often  as  you  can  do  it  conveniently.. 

I  thank  you  much  for  the  great  care  and 
pains  you  have  taken  in  regulating  and  cor 
recting  the  edition  of  those  papers.  Your 
friendship  for  me  appears  in  almost  every 
page  ;  and  if  the  preservation  of  any  of  them 
should  prove  of  use  to  the  public,  it  is  to  you 
that  the  public  will  owe  the  obligation.  In 
looking  them  over,  I  have  noted  some  faults 
of  impression  that  hurt  the  sense,  and  some 
other  little  matters,  which  you  will  find  all  in 
a  sheet  under  the  title  of  errata.  You  can 
best  judge  whether  it  may  be  worth  while  to 
add  any  of  them  to  the  errata  already  printed, 
or  whether  it  may  not  be  as  well  to  reserve 
the  whole  for  correction  in  another  edition,  if 
such  should  ever  be.  Enclosed  I  send  a  more 
perfect  copy  of  the  chapter.* 

"  If  I  should  ever  recover  the  pieces  that 
were  in  the  hands  of  my  son,  and  those  I  left 
among  my  papers  in  America,  I  think  there 
may  be  enough  to  make  three  more  such  vo 
lumes,  of  which  a  great  part  would  be  more 
interesting. 

"  As  to  the  time  of  publishing,  of  which  you 
ask  my  opinion,  I  am  not  furnished  with  any 
reasons,  or  ideas  of  reasons  on  which  to  form 
any  opinion.  Naturally  I  should  suppose  the 
bookseller  should  be  from  experience  the  best 
judge,  and  I  should  be  for  leaving  it  to  him. 

"  I  did  not  write  the  pamphlet  you  mention. 
I  know  nothing  of  it.  I  suppose  it  is  the  same, 
concerning  which,  Dr.  Priestley  formerly 
asked  me  the  same  question.  That  for  which 
he  took  it,  was  entitled,  A  Dissertation  on 

*  A  parable  against  persecution.— See  Miscellane 
ous  Subjects. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


Liberty  and  Necessity,  Pleasure  and  Pain, 
with  these  lines  in  the  title-page. 

"  Whatever  is,  is  right.    But  purblind  man,' 

Sees  but  a  part  o'  the  chain,  the  nearest  link  . 
His  eye  not  carrying  to  that  equal  beam 

That  poises  all  above" Dryden. 

"London:  printed  MDCXXV. 

"I  return  the  manuscripts  you  were  so 
obliging  as  to  send  me ;  I  am  concerned  at 
your  having  no  other  copies ;  I  hope  these  will 
get  safe  to  your  hands ;  I  do  not  remember 
the  duke  de  Chartres  showing  me  the  letter 
you  mention.  I  have  received  Dr.  Crawfurd's 
book,  but  not  your  abstract,  which  I  wait  for, 
as  you  desire. 

"  I  send  you  also  Mr.  Dupont's  Table  Eco- 
nomique,  which  I  think  an  excellent  thing, 
as  it  contains  in  a  clear  method  all  the  prin 
ciples  of  that  new  sect,  called  here  les  econo- 
mistes. 

"Poor  Henley's  dying  in  that  manner  is 
inconceivable  to  me.  Is  any  reason  given 
to  account  for  it,  besides  insanity  ? 

"  Remember  me  affectionately  to  all  the  good 
family,  and  believe  me  with  great  esteem,  my 
dear  friend,  yours,  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Pere  Beccaria* 

"  PASSY,  November  19,  1779. 

"DEAR  SIR, — Having  some  time  since 
heard  of  your  illness  with  great  concern,  it 
gave  me  "infinite  pleasure  to  learn  this  day 
from  M.  Chantel,  (who  did  me  the  honour  of 
a  visit)  that  you  were  so  far  recovered  as  to 
be  able  to  make  little  excursions  on  horseback ; 
I  pray  God  that  your  convalescence  may  be 
quick  and  perfect,  and  your  health  be  again 
firmly  established:  science  would  lose  too 
much  in  losing  one  so  zealous  and  active  in 
its  cause,  and  so  capable  of  accelerating  its 
progress,  and  augmenting  its  dominions. 

"  I  find  myself  here  immersed  in  affairs 
which  absorb  my  attention,  and  prevent  my 
pursuing  those  studies  in  which  I  always 
found  the  highest  satisfaction :  and  I  am  now 
grown  so  old  as  hardly  to  hope  for  a  return  of 
that  leisure  and  tranquillity  so  necessary  for 
philosophical  disquisitions.  I  have  however, 
not  long  since,  thrown  a  few  thoughts  on  pa 
per  relative  to  the  Aurora  Borealis,  which  I 
would  send  you,  but  that  I  suppose  you  may 
have  seen  them  hi  the  journal  of  the  abbe 

*  GIOVANNI  BATTISTE  BACCARIA,  a  religious  of  the 
school  of  Piety,  was  a  native  of  Mondovi,  a  teacher  of 
mathematics  and  philosophy  at  Palermo,  at  Rome,  and 
at  Turin,  where  he  filled  the  chair  of  experimental  lec 
turer.  His  correspondence  was  sought  by  men  of  let 
ters  in  various  countries.  He  imparted  to  Dr.  Franklin 
many  important  facts  on  philosophical  subjects.  He 
died  at  Turin,  in  an  advanced  age,  in  1781.  His  "  Dis 
sertations  on  Electricity,"  have  been  published;  but 
the  most  curious  of  his  pieces  is  an  "  Essay  on  the 
cause  of  Storms  and  Tempests."  He  is  frequently  mis 
taken  for  Cesar  Bonesana,  marquis  of  Beccaria,  author 
of  the  "  Essay  on  Crimes  and  Punishments,"  who  died 
in  1794. 


Rozier ;  if  not  I  will  make  out  a  copy  and 
send  it  to  you,  perhaps  with  some  corrections. 
"  Every  thing  of  your  writing  is  always 
very  welcome  to  me.  If,  therefore,  you  have 
lately  published  any  new  experiments  or  ob 
servations  in  physics,  I  shall  be  happy  to  see 
them  when  you  have  an  opportunity  of  send- 
ino-  them  to  me.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Count  Bernstorjf. 

"  PASSY,  near  Paris,  December  21,  1779 

"  SIR, — I  have  received  a  letter  from  M. 
de  Chezaulx,  consul  of  France  at  Bergen  in 
Norway,  acquainting  me  that  two  ships,  viz. 
the  Betsey  and  the  Union,  prizes  taken  from  the 
English  on  their  coasts,  by  captain  Landai>, 
commander  of  the  Alliance  frigate,  appertain 
ing  to  the  United  States  of  North  America, 
which  prizes  having  met  with  bad  weather  at 
sea,  that  had  damaged  their  rigging  and  oc 
casioned  leaks,  and  being  weakly  manned,  had 
taken  shelter  in  the  supposed  neutral  port  of 
Bergen,  in  order  to  repair  their  damages,  pro 
cure  an  additional  number  of  sailors,  and  the 
necessary  refreshments ;  that  they  were  in  the 
said  port  enjoying,  as  they  conceived,  the  com 
mon  rights  of  hospitality,  established  and  prac 
tised  by  civilized  nations,  under  the  care  of  the 
above  said  consul,  when,  on  the  28th  of  Octo 
ber  last,  the  said  ships  with  their  cargoes  and 
papers,  were  suddenly  seized  by  officers  of  his 
majesty  the  king  of  Denmark,  to  whom  the 
said  port  belongs,  the  American  officers  and 
seamen  turned  out  of  their  possession,  and 
the  whole  delivered  to  the  English  consul 
M.  de  Chezaulx  has  also  sent  me  the  follow 
ing,  as  a  translation  of  his  majesty's  order,  by 
which  the  above  proceedings  are  said  to  be 
authorized,  viz.  "  Le  ministre  d'Angleterre 
ayant  insiste  sur  la  restitution  de  deux  Bati- 
ments  dont  s'etoit  empare  le  corsaire  Ameri- 
cain  nomme  PAlliance  commande  par  le  cap. 
Landais,  et  qui  out  ete  conduits  a  Bergen,  sa- 
voir,  the  Betsey  de  Liverpool  et  T  Union  de 
Londres,  sa  majeste  lui  a  accorde  cette  de- 
mande,  sur  le  fondement  quelle  n'a  pas  encore 
reconnne  1'Independance  des  colonies  asso- 
ciees  contre  L'Angleterre,  et  parceque  ces 
batiments  a  cause  de  cela,  ne  peuvent  pas 
etre  regardes  comme  bonnes  et  legitimes 
prises;  c'est  pourquoi  les  dits  deux  navires 
seront  sans  retardement  declares  libres,  et 
auront  la  liberte  de  partir  avec  leur  charge- 
ments." 

TRANSLATION. 

"The  English  minister  having  insisted  on 
the  restitution  of  two  vessels  which  had  been 
taken  by  the  American  privateer  called  the 
Alliance,  commanded  by  captain  Landais,  and 
which  were  brought  into  Bergen,  viz.  the  Bet 
sey  of  Liverpool,  and  the  Union  of  London ;  his 
majesty  has  granted  this  demand,  on  this  ac 
count,  because  he  has  not  as  yet  acknowledged 


S44 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


the  independence  of  the  colonies  associated 
against  England,  and  because  that  these  ves 
sels  for  this  reason  cannot  be  considered  as 
good  and  lawful  prizes;  therefore  the  said 
two  ships  shall  be  immediately  liberated  and 
allowed  to  depart  with  their  cargoes.' 

"  By  a  subsequent  letter  from  the  same  con 
sul,  I  am  informed,  that  a  third  prize  belong 
ing  to  the  United  States,  viz.  the  Charming 
Polly,  which  arrived  at  Bergen,  after  the 
others,  has  also  been  seized  and  delivered  up 
in  the  same  manner,  and  that  all  the  people 
of  the  three  vessels,  after  being  thus  stript  of 
their  property  (for  every  one  of  them  had  an 
interest  in  the  prizes)  were  turned  on  shore 
to  shift  for  themselves,  without  money,  in  a 
strange  place — no  provision  being  made  for 
their  subsistence  or  for  sending  them  back  to 
their  country.  Permit  me.  sif.  to  observe  on 
this  occasion,  that  the  United  States  of  Ame 
rica  have  no  war  but  with  the  English :  they 
have  never  done  any  injury  to  other  nations, 
particularly  none  to*  the  Danish  nation.  On 
the  contrary,  they  are  in  some  degree  its  bene 
factors,  as  they  have  opened  a  trade  of  which 


pable  in  their  present  infant  state  of  exacting 
justice  from  other  nations  not  disposed  to 
grant  it;  but  it  is  in  human  nature  that  in 
juries  as  well  as  benefits  received  in  times  of 
weakness  and  distress,  national  as  well  as 
personal,  make  deep  and  lasting  impressions , 
and  those  ministers  are  wise  who  look  into 
futurity,  and  quench  the  first  sparks  of  mis 
understanding  between  two  nations,  which, 
neglected,  may,  in  time  grow  into  a  flame, 
all  the  consequences  whereof  no  human  pru 
dence  can  foresee,  which  may  produce  much 
rniscliief  to  both,  and  cannot  possibly  produce 
any  good  to  either.  I  beg  leave  through 
your  excellency  to  submit  these  considera 
tions  to  the  wisdom  and  justice  of  his  Danish 
majesty,  whom  I  infinitely  respect,  and  who 
I  hope  will  reconsider  and  repeal  the  order 
above  recited ;  and  that  if  the  prizes,  which  I 
hereby  reclaim  in  behalf  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  are  not  actually  gone  to  England, 
they  may  be  stopped  and  re-a*elivered  To  Mr. 
de  Chersauld,  the  consul  of  France,  at  Bergen : 
in  whose  care  they  before  were  with  liberty 
to  depart  for  America  when  the  season  shall 


the  English  made  a  monopoly,  and  of  which  the  permit.  But  if  they  should  be  already  gone  to 
Danes  may  now  have  their"  share :  and  by  di-  England,  I  must  then  claim  from  liis  majes- 
viding  the  British  empire,  have  made  it  "less  ty's  equity,  the  value  of  the  said  three  prizes, 
dangerous  to  its  neighbours.  They  conceiv- .  which  is  estimated  at  fifty  thousand  pounds 
ed  That  every  nation  whom  they  had  not  of- ;  sterling,  but  which  may  be  regulated  by  the 
fended,  was  "by  the  rights  of  humanity  their  best  information  that  can  by  any  means  be 
friend ;  they  confided  in  the  hospitality  of  Den 
mark,  and  thought  themselves  and  their  pro 
perty  safe  when  under  the  roof  of  his  Danish 
majesty.  But  they  find  themselves  stript  of 
that  property,  and  the  same  given  up  to  their 
enemies,  on  this  principle  only,  that  no  ac 
knowledgment  had  yet  been  formally  made  ..  }[r  Dumas. 
by  Denmark  of  the  independence  of  the  Unit 
ed  States :  which  is  to  say,  that  there  is  no 
obligation  of  justice  towards  any  nation,  with 
whom  a  treaty  promising  the  same,  has  not 


obtained. — With  great  respect,  &c. 

••  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"Minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  United 
States  of  America  at  the  court  of  France." 


PASST.  Jan.C"     "- 


"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  yours  of  the  10th 
be 


instant  I  shall  be  glad  to  learn  how  the 

been  previously  made.  This  was  indeed  the  i  taking  of  the  Dutch  ships  has  been  accommo- 
doctrine  of  ancient  barbarians,  a  doctrine  long '  dated.  We  have  yet  no  news  of  the  Alliance ; 
since  exploded,  and  which  it  would  not  be  for  |  but  suppose  she  is'cruizing.  We  are  more  in 

pain  for  the  Confederacy, which  sailed  the  2^:j. 

of  October  from  the  capes  of  Delaware.  There 


the  honour  of  the  present  age  to  revive,  and 
it  is  hoped  that  Denmark  will  not,  by  support 


ing  and  persisting  in  this  decision,  obtained 
of  his  majesty  apparently  by  surprise,  be  the 
first  modern  nation  that"  shall  attempt  to  re- 


is  some  hope  that  she  went  to  Charleston  to 
take  in  Mr.  Laurens ;  for  some  passengers  ar 
rived  in  France  who  left  Philadelphia  several 


vive  it*    The  United  States  oppressed  by,    weeks  after  her  sailing,  say,  that  it  was  a  o-e- 


and  in  war  with  one  of  the  most  powerful  na 
tions  of  Europe,  may  well  be  supposed  inca- 

*  The  ancients,"  says  Vattel,  tc.,  "  do  not  conceive 
IbMMelres  bound  under  any  obligation  towards  a  peo 
ple  with  whom  they  were  not  connected  by  a  treaty  of 
friendship.  At  length  the  voice  of  nature  was  heard 
by  cirilized  nations;  they  acknowledged  all  mankind 
as  brothers."  An  injustice  of  the  same  kind  done  a 
century  or  two  since,  by  some  English  in  the  East  In 
dies.  Grotius  tells  us  was  not  without  its  partisans,  who 
maintain,  ••  that  by  the  ancient  laws  of  England,  no  one 
was  liaMe  to  punishment  in  that  kingdom  for  outrages 
-  WTremlydr*: 
Jem."  Bat  this  princi- 
terms-— ffi*t*ry  tf  Uu 
16. 


neral  opinion  she  would  call  there  before  she 
departed  for  Europe,  If  this  was  not  the  case, 
we  fear  she  must  be  lost,  and  the  loss  will  be  a 
very  severe  one. 

"  I  send  you  enclosed  a  translation  of  a  let 
ter,  that  I  think  I  sent  you  the  original  of  be 
fore.  Perhaps  it  may  serve  our  Leyden  friend. 

"  I  am  sorry  you  have  any  difference  with 
the  ambassador,  and  wish  you  to  accommodate 
it  as  soon  as  possible.  Depend  upon  it  that  no 
one  ever  knew  from  me  that  you  had  spoken 
or  written  against  any  person.  There  is  one 
concerning  ~whom  I  think  you  sometimes  re- 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL 


ceive  erroneous  information.  In  one  particu 
lar,  I  know  you  were  misinformed,  that  of  his 
selling  us  arms  at  an  enormous  profit,  the  truth 
is  we  never  bought  any  of  him. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  David  Hartley,  M.  P. 

-  PASSY,  Feb.  2, 1780. 

"  DEAR  FRIEND, — It  is  some  time  since  I 
procured  the  discharge  of  your  captain  Ste- 
phenson.  He  did  not  call  "here  in  his  way 
home.  I  hope  he  arrived  safely,  and  had  a 
happy  meeting  with  his  friends  and  family. 

"  I  have  long  postponed  answering  your  let 
ter  of  the  29th  of  June.  A  principal  point  in 
it,  on  which  you  seemed  to  desire  my  opinion, 
was,  the  conduct  you  thought  America  ought 
to  hold,  in  case  her  allies  should,  from  motives 
of  ambition  or  resentment  of  former  injuries, 
desire  her  to  continue  the  war,  beyond  what 
should  be  reasonable  and  consistent  with  her 
particular  interests.  As  often  as  I  took  up  your 
letter  hi  order  to  answer  it,  this  suggestion 
displeased  me,  and  I  laid  it  down  again.  I  saw 
no  occasion  for  discussing  such  a  question  at 
present,  nor  any  good  end  it  could  serve,  to 
discuss  it  before  the  case  should  happen  ;  and 
I  saw  inconveniences  in  discussing  it  I  wish 
therefore  you  had  not  mentioned  it.  For  the 
rest,  I  am"  as  much  for  peace  as  ever  I  was, 
and  as  heartily  desirous  of  seeing  the  war 
ended,  as  I  was  to  prevent  its  beginning ;  of 
which  your  ministers  know  I  gave  a  - 
proof  before  I  left  England,  when  in  order  to 
an  accommodation,  I  offered  at  my  own  risk, 
without  orders  for  so  doing,  and  without 
knowing  whether  I  should  be  owned  in  doing 
it,  to  pay  the  whole  damage  of  destroying  the 
tea  at  Boston,  provided  the  acts  made  against 
that  province  were  repealed.  This  offer  was 
refused.  I  still  think  it  would  have  been 
wise  to  have  accepted  it  If  the  congress 
have  therefore  entrusted  to  others  rather  than 
to  me,  the  negotiations  for  peace,  when  such 
shall  be  set  on  foot,  as  has  been  reported ;  it 
is  perhaps  because  they  may  have  heard  of 
a  very  singular  opinion  of  mine,  that  there 
hardly  ever  existed  such  a  thing  as  a  bad 
peace"  or  a  good  war :  and  that  I  might  there 
fore  easily  be  induced  to  make  improper  con 
cessions.  But  at  the  same  time  they  and  you 
may  be  assured,  that  I  should  think  the  de 
struction  of  our  whole  country,  and  the  extir 
pation  of  our  whole  people,  preferable  to  the 
infamy  of  abandoning  our  allies, 

••  As  neither  you  nor  I  are  at  present  au 
thorized  to  treat  of  peace,  it  seems  to  little 
purpose  to  make  or  consider  propositions  re 
lating  to  it  I  have  had  so  many  such  put 
into  my  hands  that  I  am  tired  of  them.  I  will 
however  give  your  proposal  of  a  ten  years' 
truce  this\nsw*er :  that,  though  I  think  a  so- 
VOL.  I. . .  2  X 


lid  peace  made  at  once,  a  much  better  thing-; 
yet,  if  the  truce  is  practicable  and  the  peace 
not,  I  should  be  for  agreeing  to  it  At  least 
I  see  at  present  no  sufficient  reasons  for  re 
fusing  it,  provided  our  allies  approved  of  it  But 
this  is  merely  a  private  opinion  of  mine,  which 
perhaps  may  be  changed  by  reasons  that  at  pre 
sent  do  not  offer  themselves.  This,  however. 
I  am  clear  in,  that  withdrawing  your  troops 
will  be  best  for  you,  if  you  wish  a  cordial  re 
conciliation,  and  that  the  truce  should  produce 
a  peace.  To  show  that  it  was  not  done  by 
compulsion,  being  required  as  a  condition  of 
the  truce,  they  might  be  withdrawn  before 
hand,  for  various  good  reasons.  But  all  this 
is  idle  chat,  as  I  am  persuaded  that  there  is 
no  disposition  for  peace  on  your  side,  and  that 
this  war  will  yet  last  many  years,  I  know 
nothing  and  be'lieve  nothing  of  any  terms  of 
fered  unto  sir  Henry  Clinton. 

••Tiie  prisoners  taken  in  the  Serapis  and 
Countess  of  Scarborough  being  all  treated  for 
in  Holland,  and  exchanged  there,  I  hope  Mr. 
Brown's  son  is  now  safe  at  home  with  his  fa 
ther.  It  grieved  me  that  the  exchange  there, 
which  you  may  remember  I  immediately  pro 
posed,  was  so  long  delayed.  Much  human 
misery  might  have  been  prevented  by  a 
prompt  compliance;  and  so  might  a  great 
deal,  by  the  execution  of  parole  promises  taken 
at  sea :"  but  since  I  see  no  regard  is  paid  to 
them  in  England,  I  must  give"  orders  to  our 
armed  ships  that  cruise  in"  Europe,  to  secure 
their  prisoners  as  well  as  they  can,  and  lodge 
them  in  French  or  Spanish  prisons.  I  have 
written  something  on  this  afiair  to  Mr.  Hodg 
son,  and  sent  to  him  the  second  passport  for  a 
cartel  to  Morlaix,  supposing  you  to  be  out  of 
town.  The  number  of  prisoners  we  now  have 
in  France  is  not  easily  ascertained.  I  suppose 
it  exceeds  one  hundred  ;  but  you  may  be  as 
sured  that  the  number  which  may  be  brought 
over  by  the  two  cartels,  shall  be  fully  ex 
changed  by  adding  to  those  taken  by  us  as 
many^  as  will  make  up  the  complement  out 
of  those  taken  by  the  French,  with  whom  we 
have  an  account  since  the  exchange  in  Holland 
of  those  we  carried  in  there.  I  wish  there 
fore  you  would,  as  was  proposed,  clear  your 
prisons  of  the  Americans  who  have  been  so 
long  confined  there.  The  cartels  that  may 
arrive  at  Morlaix.  will  not  be  detained. 

"  You  may  have  heard,  that  accounts  upon 
oath  have  been  taken  in  America,  by  order  of 
congress,  of  the  British  barbarities  committed 
there.  It  is  expected  of  me  to  make  a  school 
book  of  them,  and  to  have  thirty-five  prints 
designed  here  by  good  artists  anil  engraved, 
each  expressing  one  or  more  of  the  different 
horrid  facts,  to  be  inserted  in  the  book,  in  or 
der  to  impress  the  minds  of  children  and  pos 
terity,  with  a  deep  sense  of  your  bloodv.  and 
insatiable  malice  and  wickedness.  Every 
kindness  I  hear  of,  done  by  an  Englishman  to 


346 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


an  American  prisoner,  makes  me  resolve  not 
to  proceed  in  the  work :  hoping  a  reconcilia 
tion  may  yet  take  place.  But  every  fresh  in 
stance  of  your  devilism  weakens  that  resolu 
tion,  and  makes  me  abominate  the  thought  of 
a  reunion  with  such  a  people.  You,  my  friend, 
have  often  persuaded  me,  and  I  believed  it, 
that  the  war  was  not  theirs,  nor  approved  by 
them.  But  their  suffering  it  so  long  to  con 
tinue,  and  the  wretched  rulers  to  remain  who 
carry  it  on,  makes  me  think  you  have  too  good 
an  opinion  of  them.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Dr.  Price,  London. 

"  PASSY,  February  6,1780. 

"DEAR  SIR,— I  received  but  very  lately 
your  kind  favour  of  October  14th.  Dr.  Ingen- 
housz,  who  brought  it,  having  staid  long  in 
Holland.  I  sent  the  enclosed  directly  to  Mr. 
L.  It  gave  me  great  pleasure  to  understand 
that  you  continue  well.  Your  writings,  after 
ail  the  abuse  you  and  they  have  met  with, 
begin  to  make  serious  impressions  on  those 
who  at  first  rejected  the  counsels  you  gave ; 
and  they  will  acquire  new  weight  every  day, 
and  be  in  high  esteem  when  the  cavils  against 
them  are  dead  and  forgotten.  Please  to  pre 
sent  my  affectionate  respects  to  that  honest, 
sensible,  and  intelligent  society,  who  did  me 
so  long  the  honour  of  admitting  me  to  share 
in  their  instructive  conversations.  I  never 
think  of  the  hours  I  so  happily  spent  in  that 
company,  without  regretting  that  they  are 
never  to  be  repeated ;  for  I  see  no  prospect  of 
an  end  to  this  unhappy  war  in  my  time.  Dr. 
Priestley,  you  tell  me,  continues  his  experi 
ments  with  success.  We  make  daily  great 
improvements  in  natural — there  is  one  I  wish 
to  see  in  moral  philosophy  ;  the  discovery  of 
a  plan  that  would  induce  and  oblige  nations 
to  settle  their  disputes  without  first  cutting  one 
another's  throats.  When  will  human  reason 
be  sufficiently  improved  to  see  the  advantage 
of  this  1  When  will  men  be  convinced  that 
even  successful  wars,  at  length  become  mis 
fortunes  to  those  who  unjustly  commenced 
them,  and  who  triumphed  blindly  in  their 
success,  not  seeing  all  its  consequences. 
Your  great  comfort  and  mine  in  this  war  is, 
that  we  honestly  and  faithfully  did  every 
thing  in  our  power  to  prevent  it.  Adieu,  and 
believe  me  ever,  my  dear  friend,  yours,  &c. 
"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Dr.  Priestley. 

"  PA.SST,  February  8, 1780. 

"  DEAR  SIR,— Your  kind  letter  of  September 
27th,  came  to  hand  but  very  lately,  the  bearer 
having  staid  long  in  Holland. 

"I  always  rejoice  to  hear  of  your  being 


still  employed  in  experimental  researches  into 
nature,  and  of  the  success  you  meet  with. 
The  rapid  progress  true  science  now  makes, 
occasions  my  regretting  sometimes  that  I  was 
born  so  soon  :  it  is  impossible  to  imagine  the 
height  to  which  may  be  carried,  in  a  thousand 
years,  the  power  of  man  over  matter ;  we  may 
perhaps  learn  to  deprive  large  masses  of  their 
gravity,  and  give  them  absolute  levity  for  the 
sake  of  easy  transport.  Agriculture  may  di 
minish  its  labour  and  double  its  produce  :  all 
diseases  may  by  sure  means  be  prevented  or 
cured,  (not  excepting  even  that  of  old  age) 
and  our  lives  lengthened  at  pleasure  even  be 
yond  the  antediluvian  standard.  O!  that 
moral  science  were  in  as  fair  a  way  of  im 
provement;  that  men  would  cease  to  be 
wolves  to  one  another ;  and  that  human  be 
ings  would  at  length  learn  what  they  now  im 
properly  call  humanity ! 

"  I  am  glad  that  my  little  paper  on  the 
Aurora  Borealis  pleased.     If  it  should  occa 
sion  farther  inquiry,  and  so  produce  a  better 
hypothesis,  it  will  not  be  wholly  useless. 
"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


[Enclosed  in  the  foregoing  letter ;  being  an  answer  to 
a  separate  paper  received  from  Dr.  Priestley.] 

"  I  HAVE  considered  the  situation  of  that 
person  very  attentively ;  I  think  that  with  a 
little  help  from  the  Moral  Algebra,  he  might 
form  a  better  judgment  than  any  other  person 
can  form  for  him.  But  since  my  opinion 
seems  to  be  desired,  I  give  it  for  continuing 
to  the  end  of  the  term,  under  all  the  present 
disagreeable  circumstances:  the  connexion 
will  then  die  a  natural  death.  No  reason 
will  be  expected  to  be  given  for  the  separa 
tion,  and  of  course  no  offence  taken  at  reasons 
given ;  the  friendship  may  still  subsist,  and  in 
some  other  way  be  useful.  The  time  dimi 
nishes  daily,  and  is  usefully  employed.  All 
human  situations  have  their  inconveniences; 
we  feel  those  that  we  find  in  the  present,  and 
we  neither  feel  nor  see  those  that  exist  in 
another.  Hence  we  make  frequent  and  trou 
blesome  changes  without  amendment,  and 
often  for  the  worse.  In  my  youth,  I  was  pas 
senger  in  a  little  sloop,  descending  the  river 
Delaware.  There  being  no  wind,  we  were 
obliged,  when  the  ebb  was  spent,  to  cast  an 
chor,  and  wait  for  the  next.  The  heat  of  the 
sun  on  the  vessel  was  excessive,  the  company 
strangers  to  me,  and  not  very  agreeable. 
Near  the  river  side  I  saw  what  I  took  to  be  a 
pleasant  green  meadow,  in  the  middle  of 
which  was  a  large  shady  tree,  where  it  struck 
my  fancy  I  could  sit  and  read,  (having  a  book 
in  my  pocket)  and  pass  the  time  agreeably  till 
the  tide  turned;  I  therefore  prevailed  with 
the  captain  to  put  me  ashore.  Being  landed, 
I  found  the  greatest  part  of  my  meadow  was 
really  a  marsh,  in  crossing  which,  to  come  at 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


347 


my  tree,  I  was  up  to  my  knees  in  mire :  and 
I  had  not  placed  myself  under  its  shade  five 
minutes  before  the  muskitoes  in  swarms 
found  me  out,  attacked  my  legs,  hands,  and 
face,  and  made  my  reading  and  my  rest  im 
possible  ;  so  that  I  returned  to  the  beach,  and 
called  for  the  boat  to  come  and  take  me  on 
board  again,  where  I  was  obliged  to  bear  the 
heat  I  had  strove  to  quit,  and  also  the  laugh 
of  the  company.  Similar  cases  in  the  affairs 
of  life,  have  since  frequently  fallen  under  my 
observation. 

"  I  have  had  thoughts  of  a  college  for  him  in 
America ;  I  know  no  one  who  might  be  more 
useful  to  the  public  in  the  institution  of  youth. 
But  there  are  possible  unpleasantnesses  in  that 
situation :  it  cannot  be  obtained  but  by  a  too 
hazardous  voyage  at  this  tune  for  a  family : 
and  the  time  for  experiments  would  be  all 
:  otherwise  engaged.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Samuel  Huntingdon,  President  of  Con 
gress. 

"  PASSY,  March  4, 1780. 

"  SIR, — Mr.  Gerard,  under  whose  care  I 
understand  the  despatches  from  congress  to 
me  were  forwarded,  is  not  yet  arrived  here, 
and  I  have  not  received  them.  I  cannot,  there 
fore,  at  present,  answer  any  thing  that  may  be 
contained  in  them.  He  is,  however,  expect 
ed  next  week,  and  I  may  afterwards  have  time 
to  write  farther  by  the  Alliance.  Mr.  Adams 
is  come,  but  did  not  bring  duplicates  of  those 
despatches.  I  have,  in  obedience  to  the  order 
of  congress,  which  he  produced  to  me,  furnish 
ed  him  with  one  thousand  louis  d'ors.  I  have 
also  given  a  credit  to  Mr.  Jay,  upon  the  corres 
pondent  of  our  banker  at  Madrid,  for  an  equal 
sum.  I  have  not  yet  heard  of  his  arrival  there. 
His  letter  to  me  was  of  the  28th  January,  from 
Cadiz.  In  my  last  I  gave  some  account  of 
the  success  of  our  little  squadron  under  com 
modore  Jones.  Three  of  their  prizes,  sent  in 
to  Bergen  in  Norway,  were  at  the  instance  of 
the  British  minister  seized  by  order  of  the 
court  of  Denmark,  and  delivered  up  to  him. 
I  have,  with  the  approbation  of  the  ministry 
here,  drawn  up  and  sent  to  that  court,  a  me 
morial  reclaiming  those  prizes.  It  went 
through  the  hands  of  the  French  minister  re 
siding  there,  who  has  delivered  it ;  but  I  have 
yet  no  answer.  I  understand  from  the  French 
consul  at  Bergen,  that  the  prizes  remain  still 
in  that  port,  and  it  is  said  there  is  some  hope 
that  the  order  may  be  reversed.  But  this  is 
doubtful,  and  I  suppose  the  congress  will  im 
mediately  consider  this  important  affair,  and 
give  me  such  instructions  upon  it  as  they  may 
judge  proper.  With  this  I  send  a  copy  of  the 
memorial. 

*'  During  the  cruise  a  mortal  quarrel  arose 
between  the  commodore  and  captain  Landais. 


On  their  arrival  in  Holland,  M.  de  Sartine, 
minister  of  the  marine,  proposed  to  me  the 
sending  for  Landais,  in  order  to  inquire  into 
his  conduct.  I  doubted  of  the  propriety  of  my 
meddling  in  the  affair,  but  captain  Landais* 
friends  conceiving  it  a  measure  that  might  be 
serviceable  to  him,  and  pressing  it,  I  complied, 
and  he  came  accordingly  to  Paris.  I  send  the 
minutes*  of  the  inquiry  for  the  consideration  of 
congress.  I  have  not  presumed  to  condemn 
or  acquit  him,  doubting  as  well  my  own  judg 
ment  as  my  authority.  He  proposes  to  de 
mand  a  court  martial  in  America.  In  his  ab 
sence  from  the  ship,  the  commodore  took  the 
command  of  her,  and  on  quitting  the  Texel, 
made  a  cruise  through  the  channel  to  Spain, 
and  is  since  returned  to  L'Orient,  where  the 
ship  is  now  refitting  in  order  to  return  to 
America.  Captain  Landais  has  not  applied 
to  me  to  be  replaced  in  her,  and  I  imagine  has 
no  thought  of  that  kind,  having  before  on  seve 
ral  occasions  expressed  to  me  and  others,  his 
dissatisfaction  with  his  officers,  and  his  incli 
nation,  on  that  account,  to  quit  her.  Captain 
Jones  will,  therefore,  carry  her  home,  unless 
he  should  be  prevailed  with  to  enter  anoL  r 
service,  which,  however,  I  think  is  not  like 
ly  ;  though  he  has  gained  immense  reputation 
all  over  Europe  for  his  bravery.  As  vessels 
of  war  under  my  care  create  me  a  vast  deal 
of  business,  of  a  kind  too  that  I  am  unexperi 
enced  in,  and  by  my  distance  from  the  coast 
is  very  difficult  to  be  well  executed,  I  must 
repeat  my  earnest  request,  that  some  person 
of  skill  in  such  affairs,  may  be  appointed  in  the 
character  of  consul,  to  take  charge  of  them. 
I  imagine  that  much  would  by  that  means  be 
saved  in  the  expense  of  their  various  refittings 
and  supplies,  which  to  me  appear  enormous. 
Agreeably  to  the  order  of  congress,  I  have  em 
ployed  one  of  the  best  artists  here  in  cutting 
the  dies  for  the  medal  intended  for  M.  de  Fleu- 
ry.  The  price  of  such  work  is  beyond  my 
expectation,  being  a  thousand  livres  for  each 
die.  I  shall  try  if  it  is  not  possible  to  have 
the  others  done  cheaper. 

"  Our  exchange  of  prisoners  has  been  for 
some  time  at  a  stand,  the  English  admiralty 
refusing,  after  long  consideration,  to  give  us 
any  men  in  return  for  those  who  had  been 
dismissed  by  our  armed  vessels  on  parole,  and 
the  actual  prisoners  we  had  being  all  exchang 
ed.  When  the  squadron  of  commodore  Jones 
arrived  in  the  Texel  with  five  hundred  Eng 
lish  prisoners,  I  proposed  exchanging  there  ; 
but  this  was  declined,  in  expectation,  as  I 
heard  from  England,  of  retaking  them  in  their 
way  to  France.  The  stay  of  our  ships  in 
Holland,  through  the  favour  of  the  states  be 
ing  prolonged,  and  the  squadrons  stationed  to 
intercept  us,  being  tired  of  cruising  for  us,  the 
British  ministry  consented  at  length  to  a  car- 

*  This  paper  does  not  appear. 


348 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


tel  with  France,  and  brought  Frenchmen  to 
Holland  to  exchange  for  those  prisoners  in 
stead  of  Americans.     These  proceedings  have 
occasioned  our  poor  people  to  be  kept  longer 
in  confinement ;  but  the  minister  of  the  ma 
rine  having  given  orders  that  I  should  have 
as  many  English,  another  cartel  charged  with 
Americans  is  now  daily  expected,  and  I  hope 
in  a  few  months  to  see  them  all  at  liberty. 
This  for  their  sakes,  and  also  to  save  us  ex 
pense  ;  for  their  long  and  hard  imprisonment 
induces  many  to  hazard  attempts  of  escaping, 
and  those  who  get  away  through  London,  and 
Holland,  and  come  to  Paris  in  their  way  to 
some  seaport  in  France,  cost  one  with  another 
[  believe  near  twenty  pounds  sterling  a  head. 
The  delays  in  the  exchange,  have  I  think 
been  lengthened  by  the  admiralty,  partly  with 
the  view  of  breaking  the  patience  of  our  peo 
ple,  and  inducing  them  to  enter  the  English 
service.     They  have  spared  no  pains  for  this 
purpose,  and  have  prevailed  with  some.     The 
number  of  these  has  not  indeed  been  great, 
and  several  of  them  lost  their  lives  in  the 
blowing  up  of  the -Quebec.     I  am  also  lately 
informed  from  London,  that  the  flags  of  truce 
with  prisoners  from  Boston,  one  of  which  is 
seized  as  British  property,  will  obtain  no  Ame 
ricans  in  exchange;  the  returned  English 
being  told  that  they  had  no  authority  or  right 
to  make  such  agreements  with  the  rebels, 
&c.     This  is  not  the  only  instance  in  which 
it  appears  that  a  few  late  successes  have  given 
that  nation  another  hour  of  insolence.     And 
yet  their  affairs  upon  the  whole,  wear  a  very 
unpromising  aspect.     They  have  not  yet  been 
able  to  find  any  allies  in  Europe ;  Holland 
grows  daily  less  and  less  disposed  to  comply 
with  their  requisitions ;  Ireland  is  not  satis 
fied,  but  is  making  new  demands ;  Scotland 
and  the  Protestants  in  England  are  uneasy  ; 
and  the  associations  of  counties  in  England, 
with  the  committees  of  correspondence,  to 
make  reforms  in  the  government,  all  taken 
together,  give  a  good  deal  of  apprehension  at 
present,  even  to  their  mad  ministers ;  while 
their  debt,  on  the  point  of  amounting  to  the 
amazing  sum  of  two  hundred  millions,  hangs 
as  a  millstone  upon  the  neck  of  their  credit, 
and  must,  ere  long,  sink  it  beyond  redemption. 
The  disposition  of  this  court  continues  as  fa 
vourable  as  ever,  though  it  cannot  comply 
with  all  our  demands.     The  supplies  required 
in  the  invoice  sent  me  by  the  committee,  ap 
peared  too  great  and  numerous  to  be  immedi 
ately  furnished.  Three  millions  of  livres  were, 
however,  granted  me,  with  which,  after  de 
ducting  what  will  be  necessary  to  pay  the 
interest  bills  and  other  late  drafts  of  congress, 
I  could  not  venture  on  ordering  more  than  ten 
thousand  suits  of  clothes.     With  these  we 
shall  have  fifteen  thousand  arms  and  accou 
trements.    A  good  deal  of  cloth  goes  over  in 
the  Alliance,  purchased  by  Mr.  Ross,  which 


it  is  computed  may  make  seven  or  eight  thou 
sand  suits  more.  But  although  we  have  not 
obtained  that  invoice  of  goods,  this  court,  be 
ing  at  immense  expense  in  the  preparations 
for  the  next  campaign,  I  have  reason  to  be 
lieve  that  a  part  of  those  preparations  will  be 
employed  in  essential  assistance  to  the  United 
States,  and  I  hope  effectual,  though  at  present 
I  cannot  be  more  particular. 

"  I  have  sent  to  Mr.  Johnson  the  vote  of 
congress,  relative  to  the  settlement  of  the  ac 
counts.  He  has  expressed  his  readiness  to 
enter  on  the  service.  Mr.  Deane  is  soon 
expected  here,  whose  presence  is  very  ne 
cessary,  and  I  hope  with  his  help  they  may  be 
gone  through  without  much  difficulty.  I 
could  have  wished  it  had  suited  Mr.  Lee  to 
have  been  here  at  the  same  time.  The  mar 
quis  de  la  Fayette,  who  during  his  residence 
in  France,  has  been  extremely  zealous  in  sup 
porting  our  cause  on  all  occasions,  returns 
again  to  fight  for  it.  He  is  infinitely  esteem 
ed  and  beloved  here,  and  I  am  persuaded  will 
do  every  thing  in  his  power  to  merit  a  con 
tinuance  of  the  same  affection  from  America. 

"With  the  greatest  respect,  I  have  the 
honour  to  be,  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"jTb  General  Washington. 

"  PASSY,  March  5, 1780. 

"  SIR, — I  received  but  lately  the  letter  your 
excellency  did  me  the  honour  of  writing  to 
me  in  recommendation  of  the  marquis  de  la 
Fayette.  His  modesty  detained  it  long  in  his 
own  hands.  We  became  acquainted,  how- 

ver,  from  the  time  of  his  arrival  at  Paris ; 
and  his  zeal  for  the  honour  of  our  country, 

lis  activity  in  our  affairs  here,  and  his  firm 
attachment  to  our  cause,  and  to  you,  impress 
ed  me  with  the  same  regard  and  esteem  for 

lim  that  your  excellency's  letter  would  have 
done  had  it  been  immediately  delivered  to  me. 
"  Should  peace  arrive  after  another  cam 
paign  or  two,  and  afford  us  a  little  leisure,  1 
should  be  happy  to  see  your  excellency  in 
Europe,  and  to  accompany  you,  if  my  age  and 
strength  would  permit,  in  visiting  some  of  its 
most  ancient  and  famous  kingdoms.  You 
would  on  this  side  the  sea,  enjoy  the  great 
reputation  you  have  acquired,  pure  and  free 
from  those  little  shades  that  the  jealousy  and 
envy  of  a  man's  countrymen  and  cotempo- 
raries  are  ever  endeavouring  to  cast  over  liv 
ing  merit.  Here  you  would  know,  and  en 
joy,  what  posterity  will  say  of  Washington. 
For  a  thousand  leagues  have  nearly  the  same 
effect  with  a  thousand  years.  The  feeble  voice 
of  those  grovelling  passions  cannot  extend  so 
far  either  in  time  or  distance.  At  present  I 
enjoy  that  pleasure  for  you,  as  I  frequently 
hear  the  old  generals  of  this  martial  country 
(who  study  the  maps  of  America,  and  mark 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


upon  them  all  your  operations)  speak  with 
sincere  approbation  and  great  applause  of 
your  conduct,  and  join  in  giving  you  the  cha 
racter  of  one  of  the  greatest  captains  of  the 
age. 

"  I  must  soon  quit  the  scene,  but  you  may 
live  to  see  our  country  flourish,  as  it  wif 
amazingly  and  rapidly  after  the  war  is  over 
Like  a  field  of  young  Indian  corn,  which 
long  fair  weather  and  sunshine  had  enfeebled 
and  discoloured,  and  which  in  that  weak 
state,  by  a  thunder  gust  of  violent  wind,  hail, 
and  rain  seemed  to  be  threatened  with  abso 
lute  destruction ;  yet  the  storm  being  past,  it 
recovers  fresh  verdure,  shoots  up  with  double 
vigour,  and  delights  the  eye  not  of  its  owner 
only,  but  of  every  observing  traveller. 

"  The  best  wishes  that  can,  be  formed  for 
your  health,  honour,  and  happiness,  ever  at 
tend  you,  from  yours,  &c. 

"  B.  FRANKLLN." 


"  To  the  Chevalier  De  la  Luzerne,  Minister 
from  France  to  the  United  States. 

"PASSY,  March  5,  1780. 

"  SIR, — I  received  with  great  pleasure  the 
letter  you  did  me  the  honour  of  writing  to  me 
from  Boston.  I  rejoiced  to  hear  of  your  safe 
arrival,  and  that  the  reception  you  met  with 
iu  my  country,  had  been  agreeable  to  you. 
I  hope  its  air  will  suit  you,  and  that  while 
you  reside  in  it  you  will  enjoy  constant  health 
and  happiness. 

"  Your  good  brother  does  me  sometimes  the 
honour  of  calling  on  me,  and  we  converse  in 
English,  which  he  speaks  very  intelligibly. 
I  suppose  that  by  this  time  you  do  the  same. 
Mr.  De  Malesherbes  did  rne  lately  the  same 
honour.  That  great  man  seems  to  have  no 
wish  of  returning  into  public  employment,  but 
amuses  himself  with  planting,  and  is  desirous 
of  obtaining  all  those  trees  6f  North  America 
that  have  not  yet  been  introduced  into  France. 
Your  sending  him  a  box  of  the  seeds,  would, 
I  am  persuaded,  much  oblige  him.  They 
may  be  obtained  of  my  youngYriend  Bartram, 
living  near  Philadelphia. 

"  You  will  have  heard  that  Spain  has  late 
ly  met  with  a  little  misfortune  at  sea,  but  the 
bravery  with  which  her  ships  fought  a  vastly 
superior  force,  have  gained  her  great  honour. 
We  are  anxious  here  for  farther  news  from 
that  coast,  which  is  daily  expected.  Great 
preparations  are  making  here  for  the  ensuing 
campaign,  and  we  flatter  ourselves  that  it 
will  be  more  active  and  successful  in  Europe 
than  the  last. 

"  One  of  the  advantages  of  great  states,  is 
that  the  calamity  occasioned  by  a  foreign  war 
falls  only  on  a  very  small  part  of  the  com 
munity,  who  happen  from  their  situation  and 
particular  circumstances  to  be  exposed  to  it 
30 


!  Thus  as  it  is  always  fair  weather  in  our  par- 
1  lours,  it  is  at  Paris  always  peace.  The  peo 
ple  pursue  their  respective  occupations,  the 
playhouses,  the  opera,  and  other  public  di 
versions,  are  as  regularly  and  fully  attended, 
as  in  times  of  profbundest  tranquillity,  and 
the  same  small  concerns  divide  us  into  parties. 
Within  these  few  weeks  we  are  for  or  against 
Jeannot,  a  new  actor.  This  man's  perform 
ance,  and  the  marriage  of  the  duke  de 
Richelieu,  fills  up  much  more  of  our  present 
conversation,  than  any  thing  that  relates  to 
the  war.  A  demonstration  this  of  the  public 
felicity. 

"  My  grandson  joins  with  me  in  best 
wishes  for  your  health  and  prosperity.  He 
is  much  flattered  by  your  kind  remembrance 
of  him.  We  desire  also  that  Mr.  De  Mar- 
bois*  would  accept  our  assurances  of  esteem. 
"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Count  R.  Bernstof,  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs  of  Denmark,  to  Dr.  Franklin. 
"Sm, — Were  you  a  person  less  known 
and  respected,  I  should  have  been  quite  at  a 
loss  on  the  subject  of  the  letter  which  I  have 
had  the  honour  of  receiving  from  you,  which 
did  not  come  to  hand  'till  the  31st  of  January. 
I  should  have  considered  it  as  a  measure  cal 
culated  to  place  us  under  a  new  embarrass 
ment  as  painful  as  the  first ;  but  there  is  no 
risk  with  such  a  sage  as  you  are,  sir,  general 
ly  respected  by  that  universe  which  you  have 
enlightened,  and  known  for  that  prevailing 
love  for  truth  which  characterizes  the  well 
informed  man  and  true  philosopher.  These 
are  the  titles  which  will  transmit  your  name 
to  the  remotest  posterity ;  and  in  which  I  am 
particularly  interested,  at  the  time  when  the 
situation  of  affairs  imposes  on  me  the  necessi 
ty  of  divesting  myself  in  writing  to  you  of 
every  public  character,  and  only  to  aspire  at 
appearing  to  you  what  I  truly  am.  the  passion 
ate  friend  of  peace,  truth,  and  merit.  This 
mode  of  thinking  not  only  decides  my  person 
al  sentiments  with  respect  to  you,  but  also 
those  I  have  respecting  the  unfortunate  affair 
which  you  have  thought  fit  to  mention  to  me, 
and  which,  from  its  commencement,  has  giv 
en  me  the  utmost  pain.  You  will  readily  agree 
with  me,  sir,  in  granting  that  there  are  per- 
jlexing  situations,  in  which  it  is  impossible  to 
avoid  displeasing  one  party.  You  are  too 
equitable  not  to  enter  into  ours.  There  would 
be  no  consolation  in  such  cases,  nor  would  the 
persons  who  have  led  them  into  them  ever  be 
brgiven,  were  it  not  that  opportunities  some- 
;imes  presented  themselves  of  being  heard, 
and  preventing  in  future  such  essential  em- 
>arrassments. 

Secretary  of  the  French  Legation  in  the  United 
States. 


350 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


"  The  baron  de  Blome  will  speak  to  you  in 
confidence,  and  with  the  utmost  freedom  on 
this  subject ;  and  if  my  wishes  can  be  accom 
plished,  I  shall  be  recompensed  for  all  my 
pains,  and  there  will  only  remain,  the  agreea 
ble  recollection  of  having  had  the  satisfaction 
of  assuring  you  from  under  my  hand,  of  that 
superior  and  perfect  esteem  with  which  I  have 
the  honour  of  being,  sir,  &c. 

"  R.  BERNSTORF. 

"  Copenhagen,  March  8,  1780." 


"  James  Lovell. 

"  PASSY,  March  16, 1780. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — The  marquis  de  la  Fayette, 
our  firm  and  constant  friend,  returning  to 
America,  I  have  written  a  long  letter  by  him 
to  the  president,  of  which  a  copy  goes  by  this 
ship.  M.  Gerard  is  since  arrived,  and  I  have 
received  the  despatches  you  mentioned  to  me, 
but  no  letter  in  answer  to  mine,  a  very  long 
one  by  the  chevalier  de  la  Luzerne,  nor  any 
acknowledgment  that  it  came  to  hand. 

"  By  the  many  newspapers  and  pamphlets 
I  send,  you  will  see  the  present  state  of  Eu 
ropean  affairs  in  general.  Ireland  continues 
to  insist  on  complete  liberty,  and  will  proba 
bly  obtain  it.  The  meetings  of  counties  in 
England,  and  the  committees  of  correspon 
dence  they  appoint,  alarm  a  good  deal  the 
ministry,  especially  since  it  has  been  proposed 
to  elect  of  each  committee,  a  few  persons  to 
assemble  in  London,  which  if  carried  into 
execution,  will  form  a  kind  of  congress,  that 
will  have  more  of  the  confidence  and  support 
of  the  people  than  the  old  parliament.  If  the 
nation  is  not  too  corrupt,  as  I  rather  think  it 
is,  some  considerable  reformation  of  internal 
abuses  may  be  expected  from  this ;  with  re 
gard  to  us  the  only  advantage  to  be  reasona 
bly  expected  from  it  is  a  peace,  the  general 
bent  of  the  nation  being  for  it.  The  success 
of  admiral  Rodney's  fleet  against  our  allies, 
has  a  little  elated  our  enemies  for  the  present, 
and  probably  they  will  not  now  think  of  pro 
posing  it.  If  the  approaching  campaign,  for 
which  great  preparations  are  making  here, 
should  end  disadvantageously  to  them,  they 
will  be  more  treatable,  for  their  debts  and 
taxes  are  daily  becoming  more  burdensome, 
while  their  commerce,  the  source  of  their 
wealth,  diminishes;  and  though  they  have 
flattered  themselves  with  obtaining  assistance 
from  Russia,  and  other  powers,  it  does  not  ap 
pear  that  they  are  likely  to  succeed  ;  on  the 
contrary,  they  are  in  danger  of  losing  the 
neutrality  of  Holland. 

"  Their  conduct  with  regard  to  the  exchange 
of  prisoners,  has  been  very  unjust.  After 
long  suspense  and  affected  delays,  for  the 
purpose  of  wearing  out  our  poor  people,  they 
have  finally  refused  to  deliver  us  a  man  in  ex 


change  for  those  set  at  liberty  by  our  cruisers 
on  parole.  A  letter  I  send  enclosed  from  cap 
tain  Mitchell,  will  show  the  treatment  of  the 
late  flags  of  truce  from  Boston.  There  is  no 
gaining  any  thing  upon  these  barbarians  by 
advances  of  civility  or  humanity. 

"  Enclosed  I  send  for  congress,  the  justifi 
cation  of  this  court  against  the  accusation 
published  in  the  late  English  memorials. 
"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Samuel  Huntingdon,  President  of  Con 
gress. 

"  PASSY,  March  16,  1780. 

"  SIR, — The  bearer  of  this,  captain  Hutch- 
ins,  a  native  of  New  Jersey,  but  many  years 
in  the  English  service,  has  lately  escaped 
from  England,  where  he  suffered  considera 
bly  for  his  attachment  to  the  American  cause. 
He  is  esteemed  a  good  officer  and  an  excel 
lent  engineer,  and  is  desirous  of  being  ser 
viceable  to  his  country.  I  enclose  his  memo 
rial  to  me,  a  great  part  of  which  is  consistent 
with  my  knowledge,  and  I  beg  leave  to  re 
commend  him  to  the  favourable  notice  of  con 
gress,  when  any  affair  occurs  in  which  his 
talents  may  be  useful. — I  have  the  honour  to 
be,  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  Captain  Hutchin's  memorial. 

"  To  his  excellency,  Benjamin  Franklin,  Esq. 
minister   plenipotentiary  from  the  United 
States  of  America,  at  the  court  of  France. 
"  The  memorial  of  Thomas  Hutchins,  a  na 
tive  of  New  Jersey,  in  America,  and  late  a 
captain  and  engineer  in  the  British  king's 
service : — HUMBLY  SHOWETH — 
"  THAT  your  excellency's  memorialist  was 
in  the  month  of  August  last,  taken  into  cus 
tody  by  virtue   of  a   warrant  from  sir  John 
Fielding,  of  the  city  of  London,  in  which  your 
memorialist  was  charged  with  high  treason,  for 
having  conveyed  information  to,  and  corres 
ponded  with  the  friends  of  the  United  States 
of  America  in  France.     That  your  memorial 
ist  was  committed  to  and  kept  in  Clerkenwell 
prison,  upwards  of  seven  weeks,  loaded  with 
irons,  put  among  felons,  and  treated  with  every 
kind  of  severity  and  insult,  and  forbidden  to 
see  or  write  to  his  friends. 

"  That  after  several  long  examinations  at 
the  board  of  trade,  the  British  ministers  thought 
proper  to  discharge  him  from  prison,  and  be 
ing  reduced  to  great  distress  by  his  pay  both 
as  captain  and  engineer  being  stopped,  and 
being  also  refused  payment  of  an  account 
which  the  British  government  owed  him,  (to 
the  amount  of  eight  hundred  and  sixty-nine 
pounds,  nineteen  shillings  sterling)  he  was 
obliged  to  take  lodgings  in  a  garret,  within 
the  verge  of  the  court.  Your  memorialist 
was  offered  two  thousand  guineas  for  his 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


351 


captain's  commission;  but  although  he  had 
frequently  petitioned  to  sell  it  from  the  be 
ginning  of  the  war  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britian,  he  was  as  often  refused ; 
and  about  three  weeks  before  he  was  commit 
ted  to  prison,  he  was  offered  a  majority  in  one 
of  the  new  regiments  then  raising,  which  he 
would  not  accept,  as  he  would  not  bear  arms 
against  his  countrymen.  Therefore  on  the 
llth  of  this  month,  (February,)  finding  him 
self  treated  with  contempt  by  the  British  offi 
cers,  and  despairing  of  obtaining  liberty  to  sell 
his  commission,  he  sent  his  resignation  to  lord 
Amherst,  both  as  captain  and  engineer,  and  in 
a  private  manner  withdrew  from  Great  Britain 
and  came  to  France  entirely  destitute  of  money ; 
choosing  rather  to  abandon  his  commission 
(though  the  whole  of  his  fortune)  and  incur  a 
loss  of  two  thousand  nine  hundred  and  sixty- 
nine  pounds,  nineteen  shillings  sterling  (exclu 
sive  of  his  appointment  as  engineer)  than  conti 
nue  in  a  service  altogether  irksome  and  painful 
to  him.  Your  memorialist  begs  leave  further 
to  represent,  that  he  has  served  with  reputa 
tion  as  a  British  officer  more  than  twenty-two 
years,  (eighteen  whereof  he  was  constantly 
employed  as  an  engineer)  and  that  he  is  most 
anxiously  solicitous  of  entering  into  the  army 
of  the  United  States.  For  these  considera 
tions,  your  memorialist  humbly  hopes,  that 
your  excellency  will  be  pleased  to  recommend 
his  request,  sufferings,  and  losses  to  the  ho 
nourable  congress  of  the  United  States,  and 
your  memorialist  as  in  duty  bound,  shall  ever 
pray,  &c.  THOS.  HUTCHINS." 


"  F.    Hopkinson. 

"  PASSY,  March  1C,  1780. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  thank  you  for  your  political 
Squibs,  they  are  well  made.  I  am  glad  to 
find  you  have  such  plenty  of  good  powder. 

"  You  propose  that  Kill-pig,  the  butcher, 
should  operate  upon  himself.  You  will  find 
some  thoughts  on  that  subject  in  a  little  piece 
called  '  A  merry  Song  about  Murder?  in  a 
London  newspaper  I  send  herewith. 

"  The  greatest  discovery  made  in  Europe 
for  some  time  past  is  that  of  Dr.  Ingenhausz's, 
relating  to  the  great  use  of  the  leaves  of 
trees  in  producing  wholesome  air :  I  would 
send  you  his  book  if  I  had  it.  A  new  instru 
ment  is  lately  invented  here,*  a  kind  of  tele 
scope,  which  by  means  of  Iceland  chrystal 
occasions  the  double  appearance  of  an  object, 
and  the  two  appearances  being  farther  distant 
from  each  other  in  proportion  to  the  distance 
of  the  object  from  the  eye,  by  moving  an  in 
dex  on  a  graduated  line  till  the  two  appear 
ances  coincide,  you  find  on  the  line  the  real 
distance  of  the  object.  I  am  not  enough 

*By  the  Abbe  Rochon,  of  the  French  Academy  of 
Sciences. 


master  of  this  instrument  to  describe  it  ac 
curately,  having  seen  it  but  once ;  but  it  is 
very  ingeniously  contrived. 

"Remember  me  respectfully  to  your  mother 
and  sisters,  and  believe  me  ever,  my  dear  friend, 
«B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Dr.  Bond,  Philadelphia. 

"  PASSY,  March  16,  1780. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  kind  letter 
of  September  the  2*2d,  and  I  thank  you  for  the 
pleasing  account  you  give  me  of  the  health 
and  welfare  of  my  old  friends  Hugh  Roberts, 
Luke  Morris,  Philip  Syng,  Samuel  Rhoades, 
&c.  with  the  same  of  yourself  and  family. 
Shake  the  old  ones  by  the  hand  for  me,  and 
give  the  young  ones  my  blessing.  For  rny 
own  part,  I  do  not  find  that  I  grow  any  older. 
Being  arrived  at  70,  and  considering  that  by 
travelling  further  in  the  same  road  I  should 
probably  be  led  to  the  grave,  I  stopped  short, 
turned  about,  and  walked  back  again  ;  which 
having  done  these  four  years,  you  may  now 
call  me  66.  Advise  those  old  friends  of  ours 
to  follow  my  example,  keep  up  your  spirits 
and  that  will  keep  up  your  bodies,  you  will  no 
more  stoop  under  the  weight  of  age  than  if 
you  had  swallowed  a  handspike.  But  it  is 
right  to  abate  a  little  in  the  article  of  labour ; 
and  therefore  as  your  demonstrations  of  mid 
wifery  '  are  useful,  and  it  is  a  pity  you  should 
give  them  up  for  want  of  subjects  in  the  ly 
ing-in  wards,'  I  advise  you  to  get  some  of 
your  young  pupils  to  help  you. 

"  I  am  glad  the  Philosophical  Society  made 
that  compliment  to  Mr.  Gerard.*  I  wish  they 
would  do  the  same  to  Mr.  Feutry,  a  worthy 
gentleman  here ;  and  to  Dr.  Ingenhausz,  v/ho 
has  made  some  great  discoveries  lately  re 
specting  the  leaves  of  trees  in  improving  air 
for  the  use  of  animals:  he  will  send  you  his 
book.  He  is  physician  to  the  Empress  Queen. 
I  have  not  yet  seen  your  piece  on  inoculation. 
«B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  P.  S.  I  have  bought  some  valuable  books 
which  I  intend  to  present  to  the  society ;  bur 
shall  not  send  them  till  safer  times." 


"  Dr.  Cooper,  Boston. 

"PASSY,  March  16, 1780. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  kind  favour 
by  captain  Chavagnes,  which  I  communicated 
to  the  minister  of  marine,  who  was  much 
pleased  with  the  character  you  give  of  the 
captain.  I  have  also  yours  of  Nov.  12,  by 
your  grandson,  who  appears  a  very  promising 
lad,  in  whom  I  think  you  will  have  much  sa 
tisfaction.  He  is  in  a  boarding  school  just 
by  me,  and  was  well  last  Sunday,  when  I  had 
the  pleasure  of  his  company  to  dinner  with 

*  Formerly  Minister  from  France  to  the  United 
States. 


352 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


Mr.  Adams'  sons  and  some  other  young 
Americans.  He  will  soon  acquire  the  lan 
guage  ;  and  if  God  spares  his  life  may  make 
a  very  serviceable  man  to  his  country. 

"  It  gives  me  infinite  satisfaction  to  find  that 
with  you  the  wisest  and  best  among  our  peo 
ple,  are  so  hearty  in  endeavouring  to  strength 
en  the  alliance.  We  certainly  owe  much  to 
this  nation  ;  and  we  shall  obtain  much  more, 
if  the  same  prudent  conduct  towards  them 
continues,  for  they  really  and  strongly  wish 
our  prosperity,  and  will  promote  it  by  every 
means  in  their  power.  But  we  should  at  the 
same  time  do  as  much  as  possible  for  ourselves, 
and  not  ride  (as  we  say)  a  free  horse  to  death. 
There  are  some  Americans  returning  hence, 
with  whom  our  people  should  be  upon  their 
guard ;  as  carrying  with  them  a  spirit  of  en 
mity  to  this  country.  Not  being  liked  here 
themselves,  they  dislike  the  people ;  for  the 
same  reason,  indeed,  they  ought  to  dislike  all 
that  know  them. 

"  With  the  sincerest  respect  and  esteem,  I 
am  ever  my  dear  friend, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


UC.  Griffin. 

"  PASSY,  March  16,  1780. 

"  SIR, — I  have  just  received  the  letter  you 
have  done  me  the  honour  to  write  to  me,  and 
shall  immediately  deliver  the  packet  it  recom 
mends  to  my  care.  I  will  take  the  first  op 
portunity  of  mentioning  to  M.  Gerard  what 
you  hint,  relative  to  our  not  entertaining 
strangers  so  frequently  and  liberally,  as  is  the 
custom  in  France.  But  he  has  travelled  in 
Europe,  and  knows  that  morles  of  nations  dif 
fer.  The  French  are  convivial,  live  much  at 
one  another's  tables,  and  are  glad  to  feast  tra 
vellers.  In  Italy  and  Spain  a  stranger,  howe 
ver  recommended,  rarely  dines  at  the  house  of 
any  gentleman,  but  lives  at  his  inn.  The 
Americans  hold  a  medium. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Joseph  Reed,  President  of  the.  State  of 
Pensylvania. 

"PASSY,  March  19,  1780. 

"  SIR, — I  have  just  received  the  pam 
phlet  you  did  me  the  honour  to  send  me  by 
M.  Gerard,  and  have  read  it  with  pleasure ; 
not  only  as  the  clear  state  of  facts,  it  does 
you  honour,  but  as  it  proves  the  falsehood  of  a 
man,*  who  also  showed  no  regard  to  truth  in 
what  he  said  of  me,  '  that  I  approved  of  the 

*  The  person  here  referred  to  is  best  known  under 
the  title  of  commodore  Johnstone  ;  he  it  was  who  offer 
ed  temptations  to  several  distinguished  Americans 
when  he  was  joined  in  a  commission  with  lord  Car 
lisle  and  sir  William  Eden.  It  was  when  acting  as 
commissioner  he  made  those  false  allegations  also" 


propositions  lie  carried  over.'  The  truth  is 
this,  his  brother,  Mr.  Pultney,  came  here 
with  those  propositions ;  and  after  stipulating, 
that  if  I  did  not  approve  of  them,  I  should  not 
speak  of  them  to  any  person,  he  communicat 
ed  them  to  me.  I  told  him  frankly,  on  his  de 
siring  to  know  my  sentiments,  that  I  DID  NOT 
approve  of  them,  and  that  I  was  sure  they 
WOULD  NOT  be  accepted  in  America.  But,  I 
said  the^e  are  two  other  commissioners  here. 
I  will,  if  you  please,  show  your  propositions 
to  them,  and  you  will  hear  their  opinions.  I 
will  also  show  them  to  the  ministry  here, 
without  whose  knowledge  and  concurrence 
we  can  take  no  step  in  such  affairs.  No,  said 
he ;  as  you  do  not  approve  of  them,  it  can  an 
swer  no  purpose  to  show  them  to  any  body 
else :  the  reasons  that  weigh  with  you  will 
also  weigh  with  them ;  therefore  I  now  pray 
that  no  mention  may  be  made  of  my  having 
been  here,  or  my  business.  To  this  I  agreed, 
and  therefore  nothing  could  be  more  astonish 
ing  to  me,  than  to  see  in  an  American  news 
paper,  that  direct  lie,  in  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Johnstone,  joined  with  two  other  falsehoods, 
relating  to  the  time  of  the  treaty,  and  to  the 
opinion  of  Spain ! 

"  In  proof  of  the  above,  I  enclose  a  certifi 
cate  of  a  friend  of  Mr.  Pultney 's,  the  only 
person  present  at  our  interview ;  and  I  do  it 
the  rather  at  this  time,  because  I  am  inform 
ed  that  another  calumniator  (the  &arne  who 
formerly  in  his  private  letters  to  particular 
members,  accused  you  with  Messrs.  Jay,  Du- 
ane,  Langdon,  and  Harrison,  of  betraying  the 
secrets  of  congress  in  a  correspondence  with 
the  ministry)  has  made  this  transaction  with 
Mr.  Pultney,  an  article  of  accusation  against 
me,  as  having  approved  the  same  propositions. 
He  proposes,  I  understand,  to  settle  in  your 
government.  I  caution  you  to  beware  of  him ; 
for  in  sowing  suspicions  and  jealousies,  in 
creating  misunderstandings  and  quarrels 
among  friends,  in  malice,  subtility,  and  inde 
fatigable  industry,  he  has,  I  think,  no  equal.* 

"  I  am  glad  to  see  that  you  continue  to  pre 
side  in  our  new  state,  as  it  shows  that  your 
public  conduct  is  approved  by  the  people.  You 
have  had  a  difficult  time,  which  required  abun 
dance  of  prudence;  and  you  have  been  equal 
to  the  occasion.  The  disputes  about  the  con 
stitution  seem  to  have  subsided.  It  is  much 
admired  here  and  all  over  Europe,  and  will 
draw  over  many  families  of  fortune,  to  settle 
under  it  as  soon  as  there  is  a  peace.  The  de 
fects  that  may  on  seven  years'  trial  be  found 
in  it,  can  be  amended,  when  the  time  comes 
for  considering  them. 

"  With  great  and  sincere  esteem  and  re 
spect  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


*  Who  this  execrable  character  is,  cannot  be  discover 
ed  from  the  text. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


"M.  Dumas. 

"  PASSY,  March  29,  1780. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — It  is  some  time  since  I  have 
written  to  you,  having  nothing-  material  to 
communicate:  but  I  received  duly  your  seve 
ral  letters  of  Feb.  1,  18,  25 ;  March  2, 11, 13, 
17,  and  23,  and  thank  you  for  the  intelligence 
they  contain.  The  last  this  minute  come  to 
hand,  and  I  shall  answer  it  separately. 

"  I  pray  you  to  assure  MFLXOPBN 
L  Z  P.  A  A  P  C  of  my  respect,  and  that  it 
was  only  on  one  packet  for  him  that  I  put  my 
name,  when  I  thought  to  have  sent  it  by  a 
friend.  The  baseness  of  the  post-office  in 
opening  it,  surprises  me.  No  other  letter  for 
him  has  since  past  through  my  hands.  If 
any  others  come  to  me  for  him,  I  shall  send 
them  under  cover  to  you. 

"  The  suite  you  mentioned  is  not  a  North 
American,  but  a  West  Indian ;  i.  e.  a  native 
of  one  of  the  English  sugar  islands.  17  is  not 
21  of  196.  X.  P.  acts  only  for  824  Ca. 

"  I  forwarded  your  letter  to  captain  Jones. 
I  do  not  know  which  of  his  English  pilots  it 
was  that  is  mentioned  in  yours  to  the  647.  I 
know  he  has  been  generous  to  an  excess  with 
them.  Explain  to  me,  if  you  please,  the  fact 
that  is  the  subject  of  that  letter,  and  who  Mr. 
Gordon  is. 

"  I  am  curious  to  know  what  the  States  will 
do  about  the  confiscation  of  the  goods  taken 
in  Byland's  convoy. 

"  I  received  your  large  packets.  That  for 
captain  Jones  shall  be  carefully  sent  him.  I 
thank  you  for  the  philosophical  pieces,  which 
I  will  read  attentively  as  soon  as  I  have  a  lit 
tle  time.  The  original  acts  of  confederation 
are  very  curious,  and  will  be  acceptable  to 
congress.  Please  to  present  my  thanks  to 
Mr.  Enschede  for  his  curious  specimen  of 
characters ;  and  request  him  to  send  me  the 
price  of  the  following  articles  by  the  pound 
weight,  and  what  is  the  proportion  between 
the  Holland  and  the  English  pound  weight. 

"  Nonparel  (Fr.  Mignonne)  Romein  and 
Curef. 

"  Caractere  de  Finance. 

"  Debbelde  Descendiaan  Geschreeven 
Schrift. 

"  Debbelde  Gamond  Geschreeven  Schrift. 

"  Descendiaan  Duits,  No.  I. 

"  Garment  Duits. — Brevier  Duits. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  same. 

"  PASSY,  March  29,  1780. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  did  receive  the  letter  you 
mentioned  to  have  enclosed  for  Mr.  Car- 
michael,  in  yours  of  the  25th  February.  I 
had  before  received  a  letter  from  him  dated 
at  Cadiz,  acquainting  me  that  he  was  just 
setting  out  for  Madrid,  and  desiring  I  would 

VOL.I....2Y  30* 


send  him  a  credit  there  for  200  louis.  Mr. 
F.  Grande  our  banker  here,  had  undertaken 
to  do  this  with  his  correspondent,  a  banker 
there.  I  not  knowing  how  to  address  your 
letter  to  Mr.  Carmichael  at  Madrid ;  sent  it 
to  Mr.  Grand's,  to  be  put  under  his  cover  to 
his  banker,  who  might  deliver  it  to  Mr.  Car 
michael,  as  he  would  necessarily  find  out  his 
lodging  to  acquaint  him  with  the  credit. 

"The  day  after  sir  George  Grand  was 
gone  for  Holland  his  brother  came  to  me,  and 
expressing  a  great  deal  of  concern  and  vexa 
tion,  told  me  that  sir  George  seeing  that  let 
ter  on  his  desk,  said  this  superscription  is  M. 
Dumas's  handwriting  ;  and  some  time  after 
wards  came  to  him  with  the  letter  in  his  hand 
open,  saying,  this  letter  is  full  of  ingratitude, 
(or  some  words  to  that  purpose)  and  I  will 
carry  it  to  Holland  and  show  it  to  the  am 
bassador  ;  and  that  he  had  accordingly  car 
ried  it  away  with  him,  notwithstanding  all 
that  was  or  could  be  said  to  the  contrary. 
That  it  gave  him  infinite  pain  to  acquaint  me 
with  this  action  of  his  brother,  but  he  thought 
it  right  I  should  know  the  truth.  I  did  not 
mention  this  to  you  before,  hoping  that  upon 
reflection,  sir  Geogre  would  not  show  the 
letter  to  the  ambassador,  but  seal  it  up  again 
and  send  it  forward ;  and  I  was  desirous  to 
avoid  increasing  the  misunderstanding  be 
tween  you  and  sir  G.  But  as  I  understood 
by  yours  to  M.  Boudoin,  that  he  has  actually 
done  it,  I  see  no  reason  to  keep  it  longer  a 
secret  from  you. — If  I  had  known  it  to  be  a 
letter  of  consequence,  I  should  nevertheless 
have  taken  the  same  method  of  forwarding  it, 
not  having  the  least  suspicion  that  any  per 
son  in  that  house  would  have  taken  so  unwar 
rantable  a  liberty  with  it.  But  I  am  now  ex 
ceedingly  sorry  that  I  did  not  rather  send  it 
to  the  Spanish  ambassador's.  Let  me  know  in 
your  next  what  you  may  think  proper  to  com 
municate  to  me  of  the  contents  of  it. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  same. 

"  PASSY,  March  30,  1780. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  wrote  to  you  yesterday, 
relating  to  the  affair  of  your  letter  to  Mr.  Car 
michael,  that  you  might  know  exactly  the 
truth  of  the  transaction.  On  reflection  I 
think  it  proper  to  add,  that  what  I  wrote  was 
for  your  satisfaction  only ;  and  that  as  the 
making  it  public  would  give  infinite  pain  to 
a  very  worthy  man,  Mr.  F.  Grand,  who  would 
then  appear  in  the  light  of  delateur  de  son 
frere  ;  and  it  can  serve  no  other  purpose  but 
that  of  vengeance  on  sir  George,  and  be  of 
no  advantage  to  you,  I  must  insist  on  your  ge 
nerosity  in  keeping  it  a  secret  to  yourself. — 
In  this  you  will  also  very  much  oblige  me, 
who  would  by  no  means  have  my  name  pub- 


354 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


licly  mentioned  on  this  occasion ;  and  I  de 
pend  on  your  compliance. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 

The  same. 

"  PASSY,  April  23,  1780. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  am  much  pleased  with  the 
account  you  give  me  of  the  disposition  with 
which  the  proposals  from  the  empress  of 
Russia  have  been  received,  and  desire  to  be 
informed,  from  time  to  time,  of  the  progress 
of  that  interesting  business. 

';  I  shall  be  glad  to  hear  of  your  reconcili 
ation  with  the  ambassador,  because  a  continu 
ance  of  your  difference  will  be  extremely  in 
convenient.  Permit  me  to  tell  you  frankly, 
what  I  formerly  hinted  to  you,  that  I  appre 
hend  you  suffer  yourself  too  easily  to  be  led 
into  personal  prejudices  by  interested  people, 
who  would  engross  all  our  confidence  to 
themselves.  From  this  source  have  arisen,  I 
imagine,  the  charges  and  suspicions  you  have 
insinuated  to  me  against  several  who  have  al 
ways  declared  a  friendship  for  us,  in  Holland. 
It  is  right  that  you  should  have  an  opportuni 
ty  of  giving  the  carte  du  pais  to  Mr.  Laurens, 
when  he  arrives  in  Holland.  But  if,  in  order 
to  serve  your  particular  friends,  you  fill  his 
head  with  these  prejudices,  you  will  hurt 
him  and  them,  and  perhaps  yourself.  There 
does  not  appear  to  me  the  least  probability,  in 
your  supposition,  that  the  ambassador  is  an 
enemy  to  America. 

"Here  has  been  with  me  a  gentleman 
from  Holland,  who  was  charged,  as  he  said, 
with  a  verbal  commission  from  divers  cities, 
to  inquire  whether  it  was  true  that  Amster 
dam  had,  as  they  heard,  made  a  treaty  of 
commerce  with  the  United  States,  and  to  ex 
press,  in  that  case,  their  willingness  to  enter 
into  a  similar  treaty.  Do  you  know  any  thing 
of  this?  what  is  become,  or  likely  to  become, 
of  the  plan  of  a  treaty,  formerly  under  consider 
ation  1  By  a  letter  from  Middlebourg,  to  which 
the  enclosed  is  an  answer,  a  cargo  seized  and 
sent  to  America,  as  English  property,  is  re 
claimed,  partly  on  the  supposition  that  free 
ships  make  free  goods.  They  ought  to  do  so 
between  England  and  Holland,  because  there 
is  a  treaty  which  stipulates  it;  but  there  be- 
.  ing  yet  no  treaty  between  Holland,  and  Ame 
rica  to  that  purpose,  I  apprehend  that  the  goods 
being  declared  by  the  captain  to  be  English,  a 
neutral  ship  will  not  protect  them,  the  law 
of  nations  governing  in  this  case,  as  it  did  be 
fore  the  treaty  above  mentioned.  Tell  me,  if 
you  please,  your  opinion. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  Samuel  Huntingdon,  President   of  Con 
gress. 

"  PASSY,  May  3,  1780. 

"  SIR, — I  wrote  to  your  excellency  the  4th 
of  March  past,  to  go  by  this  ship,  (the  Alli 


ance)  then  expected  to  sail  immediately,, 
But  the  men  refusing  to  go  till  paid  their 
shares  of  prize  money,  and  sundry  difficulties 
arising  with  regard  to  the  sale  and  division, 
she  has  been  detained  thus  long  to  my  great 
mortification ;  and  I  am  yet  uncertain  when  I 
shall  be  able  to  get  her  out.  The  trouble 
and  vexation  these  maritime  officers  give  me, 
is  inconceivable;  I  have  often  expressed 
to  congress  my  wish  to  be  released  from 
them,  and  that  some  person  better  acquaint 
ed  with  them,  and  better  situated,  might  be 
appointed  to  manage  them.  Much  money 
as  well  as  time,  would,  I  am  sure,  be  saved 
by  such  an  appointment. 

"The  Alliance   is  to   carry  some  of  the 
cannon  long  since  ordered,  and  as  much  of 
the  powder,  arms,  and  clothing,  (furnished 
by  government  here)  as  she,  together  with  a 
frigate,  the   Ariel  we  have  borrowed,  can 
take.     I  hope  they  may  between  them  take 
the  whole,  with  what  has  been  provided  by 
Mr.  Ross.     This  gentleman  has,  by  what  I 
can  learn,  served  the  congress  well  in  the 
quality  and  prices  of  the  goods  he  has  pur 
chased.     I  wish  it  had  been  in  my  power  to 
have  discharged  his  balance  here,  for  which 
he  has  importuned  me  rather  too  much.     We 
furnished  him  with  about  twenty  thousand 
pounds  sterling,  to  discharge  his  first  accounts, 
which  he  was  to  replace  as  soon  as  he  received 
remittances  from  the  committee  of  commerce. 
This  has  not  been  done,  and  he  now  demands 
another  nearly  equal  sum ;  urging  as  before, 
that  the  credit  of  the  States,  as  well  as  his 
own,  will  be  hurt  by  my  refusal.     Mr.  Bing- 
ham  too  complains  of  me  for  refusing  some  of 
his  drafts,  as  very  hurtful  to  his  credit,  though 
he  owns  he  had  no  orders  from  congress  to  au 
thorize  those  drafts.     I  never  undertook  to  pro 
vide  for  more  than  the  payment  of  the  interest 
bills  of  the  first  loan.     The  congress  have 
drawn  on  me  very  considerably  for  other  pur 
poses,  which  has  some  times  greatly  embar 
rassed  me;   but  I  have  duly  accepted  and 
found  means  to  pay  their  drafts,  so  that  their 
credit  in  Europe  has  been  well  supported. 
But  if  every  agent  of  congress  in  different, 
parts  of  the  world,  is  permitted  to  run  in 
debt,  and  draw  upon  me  at  pleasure,  to  sup 
port  his  credit,  under  the  idea  of  its  being 
necessary  to  do  so  for  the  honour  of  congress, 
the  difficulty  upon  me  will  be  too  great,  and 
I  may  in  time  be  obliged  to  protest  the  in 
terest  bills.     I  therefore  beg  leave  that  a  stop 
may  be   put   to  such  irregular  proceedings. 
Had  the  loans  proposed  to  be  made  in  Eu 
rope,  succeeded,   these  practices  might  not 
have  been  so  inconvenient.     But  the  number 
of  agents  from  separate  states,  running  all 
over  Europe  and  asking  to  borrow  money,  has 
given  such  an  idea  of  our  distress  and  pover 
ty,  as  makes  every  body  afraid  to  trust  us. 
I  am  much  pleased  to  find  that  congress  has 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


355 


at  length  resolved  to  borrow  of  our  own  peo 
ple,  by  making  their  future  bills  bear  interest. 
The  inte rest  duly  paid  in  hard  money,  to  such 
as  require  hard  money,  will  fix  the  value  of 
the  principal,  and  even  make  the  payment  of 
the  interest  in  hard  money,  for  the  most  part 
unnecessary,  provided  always  that  the  quan 
tity  of  principal  be  not  excessive.  A  great 
clamour  has  lately  been  made  here,  by  some 
merchants,  who  say  they  have  large  sums  in 
their  hands  of  paper  money  in  America,  and 
that  they  are  ruined  by  some  resolution  of 
congress,  which  reduces  its  value  to  one  part 
in  forty.  As  I  have  had  no  letter  explaining 
this  matter,  I  have  only  been  able  to  say  that 
it  is  probably  misunderstood,  and  that  I  am 
confident,  the  congress  have  not  done  nor  will 
do  any  thing  unjust  towards  strangers  who 
have  given  us  credit. 

"  I  have  indeed  almost  been  ready  to  com 
plain,  that  I  hear  so  little  and  so  seldom  from 
congress,  or  from  the  committee  of  corres 
pondence  :  but  I  know  the  difficulty  of  com 
munication,  and  the  frequent  interruption  it 
meets  with  in  this  time  of  war.  I  have  not 
yet  received  a  line  this  year,  and  the  letters 
wrote  by  the  confederacy,  as  I  suppose  some 
must  have  been  written  by  her,  have  not  yet 
come  to  hand. 

"  I  mentioned  in  a  former  letter,  my  having 
communicated  to  Mr.  Johnson  of  Nantes,  the 
order  of  congress  appointing  him  to  examine 
the  accounts,  and  his  acceptance  of  the  ap 
pointment.  Nothing  has  yet  been  done  in 
pursuance  of  it,  for  Mr.  Deane  having  wrote 
that  he  might  have  been  expected  here,  by 
the  middle  of  March,  and  as  his  presence 
would  be  very  necessary  in  explaining  the 
mercantile  transactions,  I  have  waited  his  ar 
rival,  to  request  Mr.  Johnson's  coming  to 
Paris,  that  his  detention  here  from  his  affairs 
at  Nantes,  might  be  as  short  as  possible. 
Mr.  Deane  has  not  yet  come :  but  as  we  have 
heard  of  the  arrival  of  the  Pendant  in  Mar 
tinique,  in  which  ship  he  took  his  passage, 
we  imagine  he  may  be  here  in  some  of  the 
first  ships  from  that  island. 

"The'  medal  from  M.  de  Fleury  is  done, 
and  delivered  to  his  order,  he  being  absent. 
I  shall  get  the  others  prepared  as  soon  as  pos 
sible  by  the  same  hand,  if  I  cannot  find  a 
cheaper  equally  good,  which  I  am  now  in 
quiring  after ;  two  thousand  livres  appearing 
to  me  a  great  sum  for  the  work. 

"  With  my  last  I  sent  a  copy  of  my  memo 
rial  to  the  court  of  Denmark ;  I  have  since  re 
ceived  an  answer  from  the  minister  of  that 
court  for  foreign  affairs,  a  copy  of  which  I  en 
close  ;  it  referred  me  to  the  Danish  minister 
here,  with  whom  I  have  had  a  conference  on 
the  subject.  He  was  full  of  professions  of  the 
good  will  of  his  court  to  the  United  States, 
and  would  excuse  the  delivery  of  our  prizes 


to  the  English,  as  done  in  conformity  to  trea 
ties,  which  it  was  necessary  to  observe. 

"He  had  not  the  treaty  to  show  me,  and  I 
have  not  been  able  to  find  such  a  treaty  on 
inquiry.  After  my  memorial,  our  people  left 
at  Bergen  were  treated  with  the  greatest 
kindness,  by  an  order  from  court,  their  ex 
penses  during  the  winter  that  they  had  been 
detained  there,  all  paid  ;  necessaries  furnish 
ed  to  them  for  their  voyage  to  Dunkirk,  and 
a  passage  thither  found  tor  them,  all  at  the 
king's  expense. 

"  I  have  not  dropt  the  application  for  a  res 
titution,  but  shall  continue  to  push  it,  not  with 
out  some  hopes  of  success.  I  wish  however 
to  receive  instructions  relating  to  it;  and  I 
think  a  letter  from  congress  to  that  court 
might  forward  the  business ;  for  I  believe 
they  are  sensible  they  have  done  wrong,  and 
are  apprehensive  of  the  inconveniences  that 
may  follow. 

"  With  this  I  send  the  protests  taken  at 
Bergen  against  the  proceeding. 

"  The  Alliance  in  her  last  cruize  met  with, 
and  sent  to  America,  a  Dutch  ship,  supposed 
to  have  on  board  an  English  cargo.  Tho 
owners  have  made  application  to  me.  I  have 
assured  them,  that  they  might  depend  on  the 
justice  of  the  courts ;  and  that  if  they  could 
prove  their  property  there,  it  would  be  restor 
ed.  Mr.  Dumas  has  written  to  me  about  it. 
I  enclose  his  letter,  and  wish  despatch  may  be 
given  to  the  business,  as  well  as  to  prevent 
the  inconveniences  of  a  misunderstanding 
with  Holland,  as  for  the  sake  of  justice.  A 
ship  of  that  nation  has  been  brought  in  here 
by  the  Black  Prince,  having  an  English  car 
go.  I  consulted  with  Messrs.  Adams  and 
Dana,  who  informed  me  that  it  was  an  esta 
blished  rule  with  us  in  such  cases,  to  confis 
cate  the  cargo,  but  to  release  the  ship,  paying 
her  freight,  &c.  This  I  have  accordingly  or 
dered  in  the  case  of  this  ship,  and  hope  it  may 
be  satisfactory.  But  it  is  a  critical  time  with 
respect  to  such  cases.  For  whatever  may 
formerly  have  been  the  law  of  nations,  all  the 
neutral  powers,  at  the  instance  of  Russia, 
seem  at  present  disposed  to  change  it,  and  to 
enforce  the  rule,  that  free  ships  shall  make 
free  goods,  except  in  the  case  of  contraband. 
Denmark,  Sweden,  and  Holland,  have  already 
acceded  to  the  propositon,  and  Portugal  is 
expected  to  follow.  France  and  Spain  in 
their  answers,  have  also  expressed  their  ap 
probation  of  it.  I  have  therefore  instructed 
our  privateers  to  bring  in  no  more  neutral 
ships,  as  such  prizes  occasion  much  litigation 
and  create  ill  blood.  The  Alliance,  captain 
Landais,  took  two  Swedes  in  coming  hither, 
who  demand  of  us  for  damages,  one  upwards 
of  sixty  thousand  livres,  and  the  other  near 
five  hundred  pounds  sterling :  and  I  cannot 
well  see  how  the  demand  is  to  be  settled.  In 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


the  newspapers  that  I  send,  the  congress  will 
see  authentic  pieces  expressing  the  sense  of 
the  European  powers  on  the  subject  of  neu 
tral  navigation.  I  hope  to  receive  the  sense 
of  congress  for  my  future  government,  and 
for  the  satisfaction  of  the  neutral  nations  now 
entering  into  the  confederacy,  which  is  con 
sidered  here  as  a  great  stroke  against  Eng 
land.  In  truth,  that  country  seems  to  have 
no  friends  on  this  side  the  water,  no  other  na 
tion  wishes  it  success  in  its  present  war,  but 
rather  desires  to  see  it  effectually  humbled. 
No  one,  not  even  their  old  friends  the  Dutch, 
will  afford  them  any  assistance ;  such  is  the 
mischievous  effect  of  pride,  insolence,  and  in 
justice  on  the  affairs  of  nations,  as  well  as  on 
those  of  private  persons.  The  English  party 
in  Holland  is  daily  diminishing,  and  the  states 
are  arming  vigorously  to  maintain  the  free 
dom  of  their  navigation.  The  consequences 
may  possibly  be  a  war  with  England,  or  a  se 
rious  disposition  in  that  mad  nation  to  save 
what  they  can  by  a  timely  peace. 

"  Our  cartel  for  the  exchange  of  American 
prisoners  has  been  some  time  at  a  stand. 
When  our  little  squadron  brought  near  five 
hundred  into  Holland,  England  would  not  at 
first  exchange  Americans  for  them  there,  ex 
pecting  to  take  them  in  their  passage  to 
France.  But  at  length  an  agreement  was 
made  between  the  English  and  French  em- 
bassadors,  and  I  was  persuaded  to  give  them 
up,  on  a  promise  of  having  an  equal  number 
of  English  delivered  to  my  order  at  Morlaix. 
So  those  were  exchanged  for  Frenchmen. 
But  the  English  now  refuse  to  take  any  Eng 
lish  in  exchange  for  Americans,  that  have 
not  been  taken  up  by  American  cruisers.  They 
also  refuse  to  send  me  any  Americans  in  ex 
change  for  their  prisoners  released  and  sent 
home  by  the  two  flags  of  truce  from  Boston. 
Thus  they  give  up  all  pretensions  to  equity 
and  honour,  and  govern  themselves  by  caprice, 
passion,  and  transient  views  of  present  inte 
rest. 

"  Be  pleased  to  present  my  duty  to  con 
gress,  and  believe  me  to  be  with  great  re 
spect,  &c.,  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  Count  de  Vergennes  to  Doctor  Franklin. 

"  VERSAILLES,  May  11,  1780. 

"  THE  baron  de  Goltz  has  warmly  entreat 
ed  me,  sir,  to  recommend  the  baron  d'Arendt, 
a  Prussian  officer  in  the  service  of  the  United 
States,  to  you.  I  the  more  readily  acquiesce 
in  satisfying  his  demand,  as  you  will  certain 
ly  take  a  pleasure  in  obliging  this  minister, 
as  far  as  in  your  power. 

"The  baron  d'Arendt  will  explain  him 
self,  the  different  matters  in  which  he  thinks 
he  wants  your  aid  with  congress. — I  have  the 
honour  to  be,  with  great  sincerity,  &c. 

"DE  VERGENNES." 


"  COPY  OF  THE  JUDGMENT. 

"  To  the  Judges  of  the  Admiralty  at  Cher 
bourg. 

"  PASSY,  May  16th,  1780. 

"  GENTLEMEN,— I  have  received  the  proces 
verbaux,  and  other  papers  you  did  me  the 
honour  to  send  me,  agreeable  to  the  llth  ar 
ticle  of  the  regulation  of  the  27th  September, 
1778.  These  pieces  relate  to  the  taking  of 
the  ship  Flora,  whereof  was  captain  Henry 
Rooderiberg,  bound  from  Rotterdam  to  Dublin, 
and  arrived  at  Cherbourg  in  France,  being 
taken  the  7th  day  of  April  by  captain  Dowlin, 
commander  of  the  American  privateer  the 
Black  Prince. 

"  It  appears  to  me  from  the  abovementioned 
papers,  that  the  said  ship  Flora  is  not  a  good 
prize,  the  same  belonging  to  the  subjects  of  a 
neutral  nation :  but  that  the  cargo  is  really 
the  property  of  the  subjects  of  the  king  of 
England,  though  attempted  to  be  masqued  as 
neutral.  I  do  therefore  request  that  after  the 
cargo  shall  be  landed,  you  would  cause  the 
said  ship  Flora  to  be  immediately  restored  to 
her  captain,  and  that  you  would  oblige  the 
captors  to  pay  him  his  full  freight,  according 
to  his  bills  of  lading,  and  also  to  make  good 
all  the  damages  he  may  have  sustained  by 
plunder  or  otherwise  ;  and  I  farther  request, 
that  as  the  cargo  is  perishable,  you  would 
cause  it  to  be  sold  immediately,  and  retain  the 
produce  deposited  in  your  hands,  to  the  end 
that  if  any  of  the  freighters,  being  subjects  of 
their  high  mightiness  the  states-general,  will 
declare,  upon  oath,  that  certain  parts  of  the 
said  cargo  were  bona  fide  shipped  on  their 
own  account  and  risk,  and  not  on  the  ac 
count  and  risk  of  any  British  or  Irish  sub 
jects,  the  value  of  such  parts  may  be  restored : 
or,  that  if  the  freighters,  or  any  of  them,  should 
think  fit  to  appeal  from  this  judgment  to  the 
congress,  the  produce  so  deposited  may  be 
disposed  of  according  to  their  final  determina 
tion.  B.  FRANKLIN, 
"  Minister  Plenipotentiary  for  the  United 
States  at  the  Court  of  France. 


John  Adams  to  M.  Dumas. 

"  May  21,  1780. 

"  SIR — His  excellency  Dr.  Franklin  lent 
me  the  enclosed  letter  from  sir  Henry  Clin 
ton  to  lord  George  Germaine,  upon  condition 
that  I  would  send  a  copy  of  it  to  you. — A  pri 
vateer  from  Boston,  had  the  good  fortune  to 
take  the  packet,  bound  to  London,  and  the 
mails,  in  which,  among  others,  this  letter  was 
found.  It  was  sent  from  Boston  to  Philadel 
phia,  and  there  published  in  a  newspaper  of 
the  8th  of  April.  One  of  these  papers  arriv 
ed,  within  a  few  days,  at  L'Orient,  in  a  vessel 
from  Philadelphia. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


857 


"  It  is  a  pity  but  it  should  be  published  in 
every  newspaper  in  the  world,  in  an  opposite 
column  to  a  late  speech  of  lord  George  Ger- 
maine  in  the  house  of  commons,  as  his  do 
cument  in  support  of  his  assertions. 

"JOHN  ADAMS." 


"  To  an  Agent  of  American  Cruisers. 
"  PASSY,  May  30,  1780. 

"  SIR,— In  my  last,  of  the  27th  instant,  I 
omitted  one  thing  I  had  intended,  viz.  to  de 
sire  you  would  give  absolute  orders  to  your 
cruisers  not  to  bring  any  more  Dutch  vessels, 
though  charged  with  enemies'  goods,  unless 
contraband.  All  the  neutral  states  of  Europe 
seem  at  present  disposed  to  change  what  had 
before  been  deemed  the  law  of  nations,  to  wit : 
that  an  enemy's  property  may  be  taken 
wherever  found ;  and  to  establish  a  rule  that 
free  ships  shall  make  free  goods.  This  rule 
is  itself  so  reasonable,  and  of  a  nature  to  be  so 
beneficial  to  mankind,  that  I  cannot  but  wish 
it  may  become  general.  And  I  make  no  doubt 
but  that  the  congress  will  agree  to  it  in  as 
full  an  extent  as  France  and  Spain.  In  the 
mean  time,  and  until  I  have  received  their 
orders  on  the  subject,  it  is  my  intention  to  con 
demn  no  more  English  goods  found  in  Dutch 
vessels,  unless  contraband ;  of  which  I  thought 
it  right  to  give  you  this  previous  notice  ;  that 
you  may  avoid  the  trouble  and  expense  likely  j 
to  arise  from  such  captures,  and  from  the  de 
tention  of  them  for  a  decision.  With  great 
regard,  and  best  wishes  for  the  success  of  your 
enterprise.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"Samuel  Huntingdon,  President  of  Con 
gress. 

"  PASSY,  June  1,  1780. 

"  SIR, — Commodore  Jones,  who  by  his  bra 
very  and  conduct,  has  done  great  honour  to 
the  American  flag,  desires  to  have  that  also, 
of  presenting  a  line  to  the  hands  of  your  ex 
cellency.  I  cheerfully  comply  with  his  re 
quest  in  recommending  him  to  the  notice  of 
congress,  and  to  your  excellency's  protection, 
though  his  actions  are  a  more  effectual  re 
commendation,  and  render  any  from  me  un 
necessary.  It  gives  me,  however,  an  opportu 
nity  of  showing  my  readiness  to  do  justice  to 
merit,  and  of  professing  the  esteem  and  re 
spect  with  which  I  am,  &c. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"M.  Dumas. 

"  PASSY,  June  5, 1780. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — The  gentleman  whose  name 
you  wished  to  know,  in  one  of  your  late  let 
ters,  is  M.  Westhuysen,  echevin  et  conseiller 
de  la  Ville  de  Harlem.  I  shall  probably  send 


an  order  to  that  place  for  some  of  the  types, 
of  which  you  have  sent  me  the  prices,  before  I 
leave  Europe.  I  think  them  very  good  and 
not  dear. 

"  A  Dutch  ship  belonging  to  Messrs.  Little, 
Dale,  and  Co.  of  Rotterdam,  being  brought 
into  France  as  having  an  English  cargo  on 
board,  I  have  followed  your  opinion  with  re 
gard  to  the  condemnation  of  the  cargo,  which 
I  think  the  more  right,  as  the  English  have  in 
the  West  Indies  confiscated  several  of  our 
cargoes  found  in  Dutch  ships.  But  to  show 
respect  to  the  declaration  of  the  empress  of 
Russia,  I  have  written  to  the  owners  of  our 
privateers,  a  letter  of  which  I  enclose  a  copy, 
together  with  a  copy  of  the  judgment,  for 
your  use,  if  you  hear  of  any  complaint.  I  ap 
prove  much  of  the  principles  of  the  confede 
racy  of  the  neutral  powers,  and  am  not  only 
for  respecting  the  ships  as  the  house  of  a 
friend,  though  containing  the  goods  of  an  ene 
my,  but  I  even  wish  for  the  sake  of  humanity, 
that  the  law  of  nations  may  be  farther  improv 
ed,  by  determining  that  even  in  time  of  war, 
all  those  kinds  of  people  who  are  employed 
in  procuring  subsistence  for  the  species,  or  in 
exchanging  the  necessaries  or  conveniences 
of  life,  which  is  for  the  common  benefit  of 
mankind ;  such  as  husbandmen  on  their  lands, 
fishermen  in  their  barques,  and  traders  in  un 
armed  vessels,  shall  be  permitted  to  prosecute 
their  several  innocent  and  useful  employ 
ments  without  interruption  or  molestation, 
and  nothing  taken  from  them,  even  when 
wanted  by  an  enemy,  but  on  paying  a  fair 
price  for  the  same. 

"  J  think  you  have  done  well  to  print  the 
letter  of  Clinton ;  for  though  I  have  myself 
had  suspicions  whether  some  parts  of  it  were 
really  written  by  him,  yet  I  have  no  doubt  of 
the  facts  stated,  and  think  the  piece  valuable, 
as  giving  a  true  account  of  the  state  of  Bri 
tish  and  American  affairs  in  that  quarter.  On 
the  whole,  it  has  the  appearance  of  a  letter 
written  by  a  general  who  did  not  approve  of 
the  expedition  he  was  sent  upon, — who  had 
no  opinion  of  the  judgment  of  those  who  drew 
up  his  instructions, — who  had  observed  that 
preceding  commanders,  Gage,  Burgoyne,  Kep- 
pel,  and  the  Howes,  had  all  been  censured  by 
the  ministers  for  having  unsuccessfully  at 
tempted  to  execute  injudicious  instructions 
with  unequal  force, — and  he  therefore  wrote 
such  a  letter,  not  merely  to  give  the  informa 
tion  contained  in  it,  but  to  be  produced  in  his 
vindication,  when  he  might  be  recalled,  and 
his  want  of  success  charged  upon  him  as  a 
crime;  though,  in  truth,^owing  to  the  folly 
of  the  ministers  who  had  ordered  him  on  im 
practicable  projects,  and  persisted  in  them 
notwithstanding  his  faithful  informations, 
without  furnishing  the  necessary  number  of 
troops  he  had  demanded. — In  this  view  much 
of  the  letter  may  be  accounted  for,  without 


358 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


supposing  it  fictitious ;  and  therefore  if  not  ge 
nuine  it  is  ingeniously  written :  but  you  will 
easily  Conceive,  that  if  the  state  of  public  facts 
it  contains,  were  known  in  America  to  be 
false,  such  a  publication  there  would  have  been 
absurd,  and  of  no  possible  use  to  the  cause  of 
the  country.  I  have  written  to  Mr.  Neufville 
concerning  the  bills  you  mention.  I  have  no 
orders  or  advice  about  them,  know  nothing  of 
them,  and  therefore  cannot  prudently  meddle 
with  them ;  especially  as  the  funds  in  my 
power  are  not  more  than  sufficient  to  answer 
the  congress  bills  for  interest,  and  other  in 
evitable  demands.  He  desired  to  know  whe 
ther  I  would  engage  to  reimburse  him  if  he 
should  accept  and  pay  them  ;  but  as  I  know 
not  the  amount  of  them,  I  cannot  enter  into 
any  such  engagement :  for  though,  if  they  are 
genuine  congress  bills,  I  am  persuaded  all 
possible  care  will  be  taken  by  congress  to  pro 
vide  for  their  punctual  payment,  yet  there  are 
so  many  accidents  by  which  remittances  are 
delayed  or  intercepted  in  the  time  of  war,  that 
I  dare  not  hazard  for  these  new  bills,  the  pos 
sibility  of  being  rendered  unable  to  pay  the 
others.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  P.  S.  I  cannot  prescribe,  as  you  desire,  any 
thing  relating  to  your  affair  with  62.  Your 
own  judgment  ought  to  guide  you.  I  shall  be 
careful  to  furnish  you  early  with  any  good 
news  we  may  receive.  If  the  732  cannot  be 
immediately  made,  it  may  with  prudence 
come  on  by  degrees. 

"The  copy  of  the  judgment  will  be  sent 
by  next  post." 


"  John  Adams  to  M.  Dumas. 

"  June  6,  1780. 

"  SIR, — I  thank  you  for  your  letter  in  an 
swer  to  mine  of  21st  May,  and  for  your  kind 
congratulations  on  my  arrival  here. 

"  Mr.  Brown,  with  whom  you  took  your 
walks  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Paris,  has  been 
gone  from  hence,  some  weeks,  on  his  way 
hence.  I  should  have  had  much  pleasure,  if 
I  had  been  one  of  the  party.  I  have  rambled, 
in  most  of  the  scenes  round  this  city,  and  find 
them  very  pleasant,  but  much  more  indebted 
to  art  than  to  nature. — Philadelphia,  in  the 
purlieus  of  which,  as  well  as  these  of  Balti 
more,  and  York  Town,  I  have  often  sought 
health  and  pleasure,  in  the  same  way,  in  com 
pany  with  our  venerable  secretary  Charles 
Thompson,  will,  in  future  times,  when  the 
arts  shall  have  established  their  empire  in  the 
new  world,  present  scenes  much  more  strik 
ing.  But  Boston,  above  all,  around  which  I 
have  much  oftener  wandered,  in  company 
with  another  venerable  character,little  known 
in  Europe,  but  to  whose  virtues  and  public 
merit  in  the  cause  of  mankind,  history  will 


do  justice,  will  one  day  exhibit  scenes  of 
grandeur  and  beauty,  superior  to  any  other 
place  I  have  ever  yet  seen. 

"  The  letter  of  general  Clinton,  when  I 
transmitted  it  to  you,  was  not  suspected  to  be 
an  imposition. — There  are  some  circumstan 
ces,  which  are  sufficient  to  raise  a  question ; 
but  I  think  none  of  them  are  conclusive ;  and, 
upon  the  whole,  I  have  little  doubt  of  its  au 
thenticity. — I  shall  be  much  mortified  if  it 
proves  a  fiction — not  on  account  of  the  import 
ance  of  the  letter,  but  the  stain  that  a  prac 
tice  so  disengenuous  will  bring  upon  Ameri 
ca. — When  I  first  left  America,  such  a  fic 
tion,  with  all  its  ingenuity,  would  have  ruined 
the  reputation  of  the  author  of  it  if  discover 
ed,  and  I  think  that  both  he  and  the  printer 
would  have  been  punished. — With  all  the  free 
dom  of  our  presses,  I  really  think  that  not 
only  the  government  but  the  populace  would 
have  resented  it. — I  have  had  opportunities  of 
an  extensive  acquaintance  with  Americans, 
and  I  must  say,  in  justice  to  my  countrymen, 
that  I  know  not  a  man  whom  I  think  capable 
of  a  forgery  at  once  so  able  and  so  base. — 
Truth  is  indeed  respected  in  America,  and  so 
gross  an  affront  to  her  I  hope  will  not.  and  I 
hope  cannot,  go  unpunished. 

"  Whether  it  is  genuine  or  not,  I  have  no 
doubt  of  the  truth  of  the  facts,  in  general — and 
I  have  reason  to  believe,  that  if  the  secret  cor 
respondences  of  Bernard,  Hutchinson,  Gage, 
Howe,  and  Clinton,  could  all  be  brought  to 
light,  the  world  would  be  equally  surprised  at 
the  whole  thread  of  it.  The  British  admi 
nistration  and  their  servants  have  carried  on 
from  the  beginning  a  system  of  duplicity  in 
the  conduct  of  American  affairs,  that  will  ap 
pear  horrible  to  the  public  whenever  it  shall 
be  known. 

"  You  have  seen  admiral  Rodney's  account 
of  the  battle  of  the  17th  of  April.— The  sceptre 
of  the  ocean  is  not  to  be  maintained  by  such 
actions  as  this,  or  by  Byrons  and  Keppels. 
They  must  make  themselves  more  terrible 
upon  the  ocean  to  preserve  its  dominion. — 
Their  empire  is  founded  only  in  fear — for  no 
nation  loves  it.  JOHN  ADAMS." 


"  To  W.  Carmichael,  Madrid. 

"  PASSY,  June  17,  1780. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — Your  favours  of  the  22d  past 
came  duly  to  hand.  Sir  J.  Dalrymple  has 
been  here  some  time,  but  I  hear  nothing  of  his 
political  operations.  The  learned  talk  of  the 
discovery  he  has  made  in  the  Escurial  Libra 
ry,  of  40  epistles  of  Brutus,  a  missing  part  of 
Tacitus,  and  a  piece  of  Seneca,  that  have 
never  yet  been  printed,  which  excite  much 
curiosity.  He  has  not  been  with  me,  and  I 
am  told  by  one  of  his  friends  that  though  he 
vyished  to  see  me,  he  did  not  think  it  prudent 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


359 


fusion  for  7  or  8  days.     The  beginning  of  this 
month,  a  mob  of  fanatics  joined  by  a  mob  oi 


So  I  suppose  I  shall  have  no  communication 
with  him  ;  for  I  shall  not  seek  it.  As  Count 
de  Vergennes  has  mentioned  nothing  to  me  of 
any  memorial  from  him,  I  suppose  he  has  not 
presented  it  ;*  perhaps  discouraged  by  the  re 
ception  it  met  with  in  Spain. — So  I  wish,  for 
curiosity's  sake,  you  would  send  me  a  copy 
of  it. — The  marquis  de  la  Fayette  arrived 
safely  at  Boston  the  28th  of  April,  and  it  is 
said  gave  expectations  of  the  coming  of  a 
squadron  and  troops. — The  vessel  that  brings 
this,  left  New-London  the  2d  of  May ;  her 
captain  reports  that  the  siege  of  Charlestown 
was  raised,  the  troops  attacked  in  their  retreat, 
and  Clinton  killed ;  but  this  wants  confirma 
tion.  London  has  been  in  the  utmost  con- 

lis 

joined  by  a  mob  of 
rogues,  burnt  and  destroyed  property  to  the 
amount,  it  is  said,  of  a  million  sterling.  Cha 
pels  of  foreign  ambassadors,  houses  of  mem 
bers  of  parliament  that  had  promoted  the  act 
for  favouring  Catholics ;  and  the  houses  of 
many  private  persons  of  that  religion,  were 
pillaged  and  consumed,  or  pulled  down  to  the 
number  of  50,  among  the  rest,  lord  Mans 
field's  is  burnt  with  all  his  furniture,  pic 
tures,  books,  and  papers.  Thus  he  who  ap 
proved  the  burning  American  houses,  has  had 
lire  brought  home  to  him.  He  himself  was 
horribly  scared,  and  governor  Hutchinson,  it 
is  said,  died  outright  of  the  fright.  The  mob, 
tired  with  roaring  and  rioting  seven  days  and 
nights,  were  at  length  suppressed,  and  quiet 
restored  on  the  9th  in  the  evening.  Next 
day  lord  George  Gordon  was  committed  to 
the  tower. 

"  Enclosed  1  send  you  the  little  piece  you 
desire. t  To  understand  it  rightly  you  should 
be  acquainted  with  some  few  circumstances. 
The  person  to  whom  it  was  addressed  is  Ma 
dame  Brillon,  a  lady  of  most  respectable  cha 
racter  and  pleasing  conversation  ;  mistress  of 
an  amiable  family  in  this  neighbourhood,  with 
which  I  spend  an  evening  twice  in  every 
week.  She  has  among  other  elegant  accom 
plishments,  that  of  an  excellent  musician ;  and 
with  her  daughters  who  sing  prettily,  and 
some  friends  who  play,  she  kindly  entertains 
me  and  my  grandson  with  little  concerts,  a 
cup  of  tea,  and  a  game  of  chess.  I  call  this 
my  Opera;  for  I  rarely  go  to  the  opera  at  Pa 
ris. — The  Moulin  Joli  is  a  little  island  in  the 
Seine  about  2  leagues  hence,  part  of  the  coun 
try-seat  of  another  friend  ,J  where  we  visit 
every  summer,  and  spend  a  day  in  the  pleas 
ing  society  of  the  ingenious,  learned,  and  very 
polite  persons  who  inhabit  it.  At  the  time 
when  the  letter  was  written,  all  conversation 
at  Paris  were  filled  with  disputes  about  the 
music  of  Gluck  and  Picini,  a  German  and 

*  This  memorial  appears  among  the  Miscellanies. 
t  The  Ephemera.    See  Miscellanies. 
t  Monsieur  Watelet. 


Italian  musician,  who  divided  the  town  into 
violent  parties.  A  friend  of  this  lady  having 
obtained  a  copy  of  it  under  a  promise  not  to 
give  another,  did  not  observe  that  promise,  so 
that  many  have  been  taken,  and  it  is  become 
as  public  as  such  a  thing  can  well  be,  that  is 
not  printed,  but  I  could  not  dream  of  its  being 
heard  of  at  Madrid !  The  thought  was  partly 
taken  from  a  little  piece  of  some  unknown 
writer  which  I  met  with  50  years  since  in  a 
newspaper,*  and  which  the  sight  of  the  Ephe 
mera  brought  to  my  recollection.  Adieu,  my 
dear  friend,  and  believe  me  ever, 

«  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Dr.  Fothergill 

"  PASSY,  June  19,  1780. 

"  MY  dear  old  friend,  Dr.  Fothergill,  may 
assure  lady  H.  of -my  respects,  and  of  any  ser 
vice  in  my  power  to  render  her,  or  her  affairs 
in  America.  I  believe  matters  in  Georgia 
cannot  much  longer  continue  in  their  present 
situation,  but  will  return  to  that  state  in  which 
they  were  when  her  property,  and  that  of  our 
common  friend  G.  W.  received  the  protection 
she  acknowledges. 

"  I  rejoiced  most  sincerely  to  hear  of  your 
recovery  from  the  dangerous  illness  by  which 
I  lost  my  very  valuable  friend  P.  Collinson. 
As  I  am  sometimes  apprehensive  of  the  same 
disorder,  I  wish  to  know  the  means  that  were 
used  and  succeeded  in  your  case ;  and  shall  be 
exceedingly  obliged  to  you  for  communicating 
them  when  you  can  do  it  conveniently. 

"  Be  pleased  to  remember  me  respectfully 
to  your  good  sister,  and  to  our  worthy  friend 
David  Barclay,  who  I  make  no  doubt  laments 
with  you  and  me,  that  the  true  pains  we  took 
jether  to  prevent  all  this  horrible  mis 
chief  proved  ineffectual. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  M.  Dumas. 

"  PASSY,  June  22,  1760. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  duly  yours  of  May 
23d,  June  2,  6,  8,  and  15. — Enclosed  you  have 
a  letter  for  the  gentleman  you  recommend  to 
me.  He  seems  to  be  a  man  of  abilities. 

"  The  words  before  I  leave  Europe  had  no 
relation  to  my  particular  immediate  intention, 
but  to  the  general  one  I  flatter  myself  with, 
of  being  able  to  return  and  spend  there  the 
small  remains  of  life  that  are  left  me. 

'I  have  written  distinctly  to  Messrs,  de 
Neufville  concerning  those  bills. — I  hear 
that  484  was  at  Newbern  the  12th  of  April, 
and  soon  to  sail  from  thence,  or  from  Virginia 
for  France.  Probably  he  might  not  sail  in 
some  weeks  after,  as  vessels  are  often  longer 

*  The  original  alluded  to  was  his  own,  and  publish 
ed  in  his  own  paper  at  Philadelphia  at  the  period  refer- 
•ed  to. 


360 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


in  fitting  out  than  was  expected.  If  it  is  the 
Fier  Roderique,  a  50  gun  ship,  that  he 
comes  in,  I  have  just  heard  that  she  would  not 
sail  till  the  middle  of  May. 

"  Herewith  you  have  the  judgment  relat 
ing  to  the  Flora,  which  I  thought  had  been 
sent  before.  The  mischiefs  done  by  the  mob 
in  London  are  astonishing!  They  were,  I 
heard,  within  an  ace  of  destroying  the  bank, 
with  all  the  books  relating  to  the  funds, 
which  would  have  created  infinite  confusion. 

"  I  am  grieved  at  the  loss  of  Charleston. 
Let  me  hope  soon  to  hear  better  news  from 
the  operations  of  the  French  and  Spanish 
forces  gone  to  America. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  same. 

"  PASSY,  June  22, 1780. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — As  the  English  do  not  allow 
that  we  can  make  legal  prizes,  they  certainly 
cannot  detain  the  Dutch  ships  the  Berkenloos, 
on  pretence  that  it  was  become  American 
property  before  they  took  it.  For  the  rest, 
there  is  no  doubt  but  the  congress  will  do 
what  shall  appear  to  be  just,  on  a  proper  re 
presentation  of  facts  laid  before  them,  which 
the  owners  should  appoint  some  persons  in 
America  to  do.  Those  gentlemen  may  depend 
on  my  rendering  them  everv  service  in  my 
power.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  To  David  Hartley,  M.  P. 

"  PASSY,  June  30,  1781. 

"  I  RECEIVED  my  dear  friend's  kind  letter  of 
the  15th  instant,  and  immediately  communi 
cated  your  request  of  a  passport  to  M.  le 
comte  de  Vergennes.  His  answer,  which  I 
nave  but  just  received,  expresses  an  opinion, 
that  the  circumstance  of  his  granting  a  pass 
port  to  you,  as  you  mention  the  purpose  of 
your  coming,  to  be  the  discoursing  with  me  on 
the  subject  of  peace,  might,  considering  your 
character,  occasion  many  inconvenient  reports 
and  speculations;  but  that  he  would  make 
no  difficulty  of  giving  it,  if  you  assured  me 
that  you  were  authorized  for  such  purpose,  by 
your  ministry,  which  he  does  not  think  at  all 
likely ;  otherwise  he  judges  it  best  that  [ 
should  not  encourage  your  coming.  Thus  it 
seems  I  cannot  have,  at  present,  the  pleasure 
you  were  so  kind  as  to  propose  forme.  I  can 
only  join  with  you  in  earnest  wishes  for  peace, 
a  blessing  which  I  shall  hardly  live  to  see. 

"  With  the  greatest  esteem  and  respect,  I 
am  ever,  dear  sir,  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


David  Hartley,  M.  P.  to  Dr.  Franklin. 
"  LONDON,  July  17,  1780. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — Enclosed  I  send  you 


a  copy  of  a  conciliatory  bill*  which  was  pro 
posed  in  the  house  of  commons  on  the  27th  of 

*  Draft  of  a  proposed  Bill  for  Conciliation  with 
America. 

"  A  Bill  to  invest  the  crown  with  sufficient  powers  to 
treat,  consult,  and  finally  to  agree  upon  the  means 
of  restoring  peace  with  the  provinces  of  North  Ame 
rica. 

"  Whereas  many  unfortunate  subjects  of  contest 
have  of  late  years  subsisted  between  Great  Britain  and 
the  several  provinces  of  North  America,  hereinafter 
recited,  viz.  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts'  Bay,  Rhode 
Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylva 
nia,  the  Three  Lower  Counties  on  Delaware,  Maryland, 
Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia, 
which  have  brought  on  the  calamities  of  war  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  aforesaid  provinces  :  to  the  end 
therefore  that  the  farther  effusion  of  blood  may  be  pre 
vented,  and  that  peace  may  be  restored,  may  it  please 
your  majesty,  that  it  be  enacted,  and  be  it  enacted  by 
the  king's  most  excellent  majesty,  by  and  with  the  ad 
vice  and  consent  of  the  lords  spiritual  and  temporal,  and 
commons  in  this  present  parliament  assembled,  and  by 
the  authority  of  the  same :  that  it  shall  and  may  be 
lawful  for  his  majesty,  by  letters  patent,  under  the 
great  seal  of  Great  Britain,  to  authorize  and  empower 
any  person  or  persons,  to  treat,  consult,  and  finally  to 
agree  with  any  person  or  persons,  properly  authorized 
on  the  part  of  the  aforesaid  provinces  of  North  America, 
upon  the  means  of  restoring  peace  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  aforesaid  provinces,  according  to  the 
powers  in  this  act  contained. 

"  And  be  it  further  enacted,  that  in  order  to  facilitate 
the  good  purposes  of  this  act,  his  majesty  may  lawfully 
enable  any  such  person  or  persons,  so  appointed  by  his 
majesty's  letters  patent,  as  aforesaid,  to  order  and  pro 
claim  a  cessation  of  hostilities,  on  the  part  of  his  ma 
jesty's  forces,  by  sea  and  land,  for  any  time,  and  under 
any  conditions  or  restrictions. 

"  And  be  it  further  enacted,  that  in  order  to  lay  a  good 
foundation  for  a  cordial  reconciliation  and  lasting 
peace  between  Great  Britain  and  the  aforesaid  pro 
vinces  of  North  America,  by  restoring  an  amicable  in 
tercourse  between  the  same,  as  soon  as  possible,  his  ma 
jesty  may  lawfully  enable  any  such  person  or  persons, 
so  appointed  by  his  majesty's  letters  patent,  as  afore 
said,  to  enter  into,  and  to  ratify,  from  time  to  time, 
any  article  or  articles  of  intercourse  and  pacification, 
which  article  or  articles  so  entered  into  and  ratified, 
from  time  to  time,  shall  remain  in  full  force  and  effect 
for  the  certain  term  of  ten  years,  from  the  first  day  of 
August,  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  eighty. 

"  Provided  also,  and  be  it  further  enacted,  by  the  au 
thority  aforesaid,  that  in  order  to  remove  any  obstruc 
tions  which  may  arise  to  the  full  and  effectual  execu 
tion  of  any  article  or  articles  of  intercourse  and  pacifi 
cation,  as  before  mentioned,  that  it  shall  and  may  be 
lawful  for  his  majesty,  by  any  instrument  under  his 
sign  manual,  countersigned  by  one  or  more  of  his  ma 
jesty's  principal  secretaries  of  state,  to  authorize  and 
empower  any  such  person  or  persons,  so  appointed  by 
his  majesty's  letters  patent,  as  aforesaid,  to  suspend  for 
the  term  often  years,  from  the  first  day  of  August,  one 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  eighty,  the  operation  and 
effect  of  any  act  or  acts  of  parliament,  which  are  now 
in  force,  respecting  the  aforesaid  provinces  of  North 
America,  or  any  clause  or  clauses,  proviso  or  provisoes, 
in  any  such  act  or  acts  of  parliament  contained ;  in  as 
much  as  they,  or  any  of  them,  may  obstruct  the  full  ef 
fect  arid  execution  of  any  such  article  or  articles  of  in 
tercourse  and  pacification,  which  may  be  entered  into 
and  ratified  as  before  mentioned,  between  Great  Bri- 
ain  and  the  aforesaid  provinces  of  North  America. 

"And  be  it  further  enacted,  that  in  order  to  establish 
perpetual  reconcilement  and  peace  between  Great  Bri 
tain  and  the  aforesaid  provinces  of  North  America,  it 
is  hereby  required,  and  be  it  enacted,  that  all  or  any  ar 
ticle  or  articles  of  intercourse  and  pacification,  which 
shall  be  entered  into  and  ratified,  for  the  certain  term  of 
ten  years,  as  before  mentioned,  shall  from  time  to  time 
be  laid  before  the  two  houses  of  parliament,  for  their 
consideration,  as  the  perpetual  basis  of  reconcilement 
and  peace,  between  Great  Britain  and  the  aforesaid  pro 
vinces  of  North  America;  and  that  any  such  article  or 
articles  of  intercourse  and  pacification  as  before  men- 
oned,  when  the  same  shall  have  been  confirmed  in 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


361 


last  month.  It  was  rejected.  You  and  I 
have  had  so  much  intercourse  upon  the  sub 
ject  of  restoring  peace  between  Great  Britian 
and  America,  that  I  think  there  is  nothing 
farther  left  to  be  said  upon  the  subject.  You 
will  perceive  by  the  general  tenor  of  the  bill, 
that  it  proposes  a  general  power  to  treat.  It 
chalks  out  a  line  of  negotiation  in  very  ge 
neral  terms.  I  remain  in  the  sentiments 
which  I  ever  have,  and  which  I  believe  I 
ever  shall  entertain,  viz.  those  seeking  of 
peace  upon  honourable  terms.  I  shall  always 
be  ready  and  most  desirous  to  conspire  in  any 
measures  which  may  facilitate  peace. 

"  D.  HARTLEY." 

" Mr.  Small*  Paris. 

"  PASSY,  July  22, 1780. 

"You  see,  my  dear  sir,  that  I  was  not 
afraid  my  masters  would  take  it  amiss  if  I  ran 
to  see  an  old  friend  though  in  the  service  of 
their  enemy.  They  are  reasonable  enough  to 
allow  that  differing  politics  should  not  prevent 
the  intercommunication  of  philosophers  who 
study  and  converse  for  the  benefit  of  mankind. 
But  you  have  doubts  about  coming  to  dine 
with  me.  I  suppose  you  will  not  venture  it ; 
your  refusal  will  not  indeed  do  so  much  honour 
to  the  generosity  and  good  nature  of  your 
government,  as  to  your  sagacity.  You  know 
your  people,  and  I  do  not  expect  you.  I  think 
too  that  in  friendship  I  ought  not  to  make  you 
more  visits  as  I  intended  :  but  I  send  my 
grandson  to  pay  his  duty  to  his  physician. 

"  You  inquired  about  my  gout,  and  I  forgot 
to  acquaint  you,  that  I  had  treated  it  a  little 
cavalierly  in  its  two  last  accesses.  Finding 
one  night  that  my  foot  gave  me  more  pain 
after  it"  was  covered  warm  in  bed,  I  put  it  out 
of  bed  naked  ;  and  perceiving  it  easier,  I  let 
it  remain  longer  than  I  at  first  designed,  and 
at  length  fell  asleep,  leaving  it  there  till  mor 
ning.  The  pain  did  not  return,  and  I  grew 
well.  Next  winter,  having  a  second  attack, 
I  repeated  the  experiment ;  not  with  such  im 
mediate  success  in  dismissing  the  gout,  but 
constantly  with  the  effect  of  rendering  it  less 
painful,  so  that  it  permitted  me  to  sleep  every 
night.  1  should  mention,  that  it  was  my  son,f 
who  gave  me  the  first  intimation  of  this  prac 
tice.  He  being  in  the  old  opinion,  that  the 
gout  was  to  be  drawn  out  by  transpiration. 
And  having  heard  me  say  that  perspiration 
was  carried  on  more  copiously  when  the  body 
was  naked  that  when  clothed,  he  put  his  foot 


parliament,  shall  remain  in  full  force  and  effect  for 
ever. 

"And  be  it  further  enacted,  that  this  act  shall  continue 
to  be  in  force  until  the  thirty-first  day  of  December,  one 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  eighty-one." 

*  A  surgeon  of  eminence  in  the  British  army,  then 
passing  through  Paris:  brother  to  colonel  Small,  who 
particularly  distinguished  himself  by  bis  humanity  at 
the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill,  near  Boston. 

t  Governor  Franklin. 

VOL.  I. ...  2  Z  31 


out  of  bed  to  increase  that  discharge,  and  found 
ease  by  it,  which  he  thought  a  confirmation 
of  the  doctrine.  But  this  method  requires  to 
be  confirmed  by  more  experiments,  before  one 
can  conscientiously  recommend  it.  I  give  it 
you,  however,  in  exchange  for  your  receipt 
of  tartar  emetic,  because  the  commerce  of 
philosophy  as  well  as  other  commerce,  is  best 
promoted  by  taking  care  to  make  returns. 
"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"M.  Dumas. 

"  Passv,  July  26,  1780. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  wrote  to  Messrs,  de  Neuf- 
ville  by  the  last  post,  in  answer  to  theirs  of 
the  14th.  I  hope  they  received  my  letter. 
It  signified  that  I  could  accept  the  bills  drawn 
on  Mr.  Laurens.  I  find,  by  a  vote  of  con 
gress,  on  the  4th  of  March,  that  they  then 
stopt  drawing,  and  I  am  informed  no  more  bills 
have  been  issued  since.  I  could  not  relish 
those  gentlemen's  proposal  of  mortgaging  all 
our  estates,  for  the  little  money  Holland  is 
likely  to  lend  us.  But  I  am  obliged  to  them 
for  their  zeal  in  our  cause. 

"  I  received  and  thank  you  for  the  protest 
relating  to  the  election  of  the  coadjutor.  You 
seem  to  be  too  much  affected  with  the  taking 
of  Charleston.  It  is  so  far  a  damage  to  us,  as 
it  will  enable  the  enemy  to  exchange  a  great 
part  of  the  prisoners  we  had  in  our  hands, 
otherwise  their  affairs  will  not  be  much  ad 
vanced  by  it.  They  have  successively  been 
in  possession  of  the  capitals  of  five  provinces, 
viz.  Massachusetts'  Bay,  Rhode  Island,  Penn 
sylvania,  New  York,  and  Georgia ;  but  were 
not  therefore  in  possession  of  the  provinces 
themselves.  New  York  and  Georgia  still  con 
tinue  their  operations  as  free  states ;  and  so  I 
suppose  will  South  Carolina.  The  cannon 
will  be  recovered  with  the  place ;  if  not,  our 
furnaces  are  constantly  at  work  in  making^ 
more.  The  destroying  of  our  ships  by  the 
English  is  only  like  shaving  our  beards,  which 
will  grow  again.  Their  loss  of  provinces  is 
like  the  loss  of  a  limb,  which  can  never  again 
be  united  to  their  body.  I  was  sorry  to  hear 

f  your  indisposition.  Take  care  of  yourself. 
Honey  is  a  good  thing  for  obstructions  in  the 
reins.  I  hope  your  health  is  by  this  time  re- 

stablished. 

"  I  am  less  committed  than  you  imagine  in 
the  affair  between  Jones  and  Landais.  The 
latter  was  not  dispossessed  by  me  of  his  com 
mand,  but  quitted  it.  He  afterwards  took 
nto  his  head  to  resume  it,  which  the  former's 
too  long  stay  at  Paris,  gave  him  an  opportunity 
of  effecting.  Captain  Jones  is  going  in  the 
Ariel  frigate  to  America,  where  they  may 
settle  their  affairs  as  they  can. 

"  The  captain  commandant  of  Dunkirk,  who 
occasioned  the  loss  of  our  despatches,  is  him 
self  taken  by  the  English. — I  have  no  doubt 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


of  the  truth  of  what  Mr.  White  told  you  ahout 
the  facility  with  which  the  tax  was  collected. 

"That  same  baron  de  Wulffen  has  not 
pleased  me,  having  left  little  debts  behind 
him  unpaid,  though  I  furnished  him  with 
twenty  guineas.  As  he  had  been  with  his 
brother  at  Venloo,  before  he  saw  you,  where 
he  might  get  money,  I  wonder  at  his  bor 
rowing  of  you. 

"  I  thank  you  for  the  vote  of  congress  you 
sent  me,  dated  the  23d  March. — I  imagine 
484  went  in  that  vessel  to  533,  and  may  have 
been  detained  there  for  convoy. 

"  Your  despatches  by  M.  Gillon,  are  in  the 
Alliance,  which  sailed  the  7th  or  9th  instant. 

"  This  will  be  delivered  to  you  by  his  ex 
cellency  John  Adams,  Esq.  whom  I  earnestly 
recommend  to  your  best  civilities.  He  has 
never  been  in  Holland,  and  your  counsels  will 
be  of  use  to  him.  "  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Samuel  Huntingdon,  President  of  Con 
gress. 

"PASSY,  August  9,  1780. 

"  SIR, — With  this  your  excellency  will  re 
ceive  a  copy  of  my  last,  dated  May  31st,  the 
original  of  which  with  copies  of  preceding 
letters  went  by  the  Alliance,  captain  Landais, 
who  sailed  the  beginning  of  last  month,  and 
who  I  wish  may  arrive  safe  in  America  :  be 
ing  apprehensive,  that  by  her  long  delay  in 
port,  from  the  mutiny  of  the  people,  who  after 
she  was  ready  to  sail,  refused  to  weigh  anchor 
'till  paid  wages,  &c.  she  may  fall  in  the  way 
of  the  English  fleet  now  out,  or  that  her  crew, 
who  have  ever  been  infected  with  disorder 
and  mutiny,  may  carry  her  into  England. 
She  had  on  her  first  coming  out  a  conspiracy 
for  that  purpose,  besides  which,  her  officers 
and  captain  quarrelled  with  each  other ;  the 
captain  with  commodore  Jones;  and  there 
have  been  so  many  broils  among  them,  that  it 
was  impossible  to  get  the  business  forward 
while  she  staid ;  and  she  is  at  length  gone 
without  taking  the  quantity  of  stores  which 
she  was  capable  of  taking,  and  was  ordered 
to  take.  I  suppose  the  conduct  of  that  captain 
will  be  inquired  into  by  a  court  martial.  Cap 
tain  Jones  goes  home  in  the  Ariel,  a  ship  we 
have  borrowed  of  government  here,  and  car 
ries  one  hundred  and  forty-six  chests  of  arms, 
and  four  hundred  barrels  of  powder.  To  take 
the  rest  of  the  stores  and  clothing,  I  have 
been  obliged  to  freight  a  ship,  which  being 
well  armed  and  well  manned,  will  I  hope  get 
safe.  The  clothes  for  ten  thousand  men, 
are  I  think  all  made  up ;  there  are  also  arms 
for  fifteen  thousand  new  and  good,  with  two 
thousand  barrels  of  powder ;  besides  this,  there 
is  a  great  quantity  of  cloth  I  have  bought,  of 
which  you  will  have  the  invoices  sent  by  Mr. 
Williams;  and  another  large  quantity  pur 
chased  by  Mr.  Ross,  all  going  in  the  same  ship. 


"  The  little  authority  we  have  here  to  go 
vern  our  armed  ships,  and  the  inconvenience 
of  distance  from  the  ports,  occasion  abundance 
of  irregularities  in  the  conduct  of  both  men 
and  officers.  I  hope  therefore  that  no  more 
of  those  vessels  will  be  sent  hither,  till  our 
code  of  laws  is  perfected  respecting  ships 
abroad,  and  proper  persons  appointed  to  ma 
nage  such  affairs  in  the  sea  ports.  They  give 
me  infinite  trouble,  and  though  I  endeavour 
to  act  for  the  best,  it  is  without  satisfaction 
to  myself,  being  unacquainted  with  that  kind 
of  business.  I  have  often  mentioned  the  ap 
pointment  of  a  consul  or  consuls.  The  con 
gress  have  perhaps  not  yet  had  time  to  con 
sider  that  matter. 

"  Having  already  sent  you  by  different  con 
veyances,  copies  of  my  proceedings  with  the 
court  of  Denmark,  relative  to  the  three  prizes 
delivered  up  to  the  English,  and  requested  the 
instructions  of  congress ;  I  hope  soon  to  re 
ceive  them.  I  mentioned  a  letter  from  the 
congress  to  that  court,  as  what  I  thought 
might  have  a  good  effect.  I  have  since  had 
more  reasons  to  be  of  that  opinion.  The  un 
expected  delay  of  Mr.  Deane's  arrival,  has 
retarded  the  settlement  of  the  joint  accounts 
of  the  commission,  he  having  had  the  chief 
management  of  the  commercial  part,  and  being 
therefore  best  able  to  explain  difficulties.  I 
have  just  now  the  pleasure  to  hear  that  the 
Fier  Rodrique  with  her  convoy  from  Virginia, 
is  arrived  at  Bordeaux,  all  safe,  except  one  to 
bacco  ship  that  foundered  at  sea,  the  men  sav 
ed.  And  I  have  a  letter  from  Mr.  Deane,  that 
he  is  at  Rochelle,  proposes  to  stop  a  few  days 
at  Nantes,  and  then  proceed  to  Paris,  when  I 
shall  endeavour  to  see  that  business  completed 
with  all  possible  expedition. 

"  Mr.  Adams  has  given  offence  to  the  court 
here,  by  some  sentiments  and  expressions 
contained  in  several  of  his  letters  written  to 
the  count  de  Vergennes.  I  mention  this  with 
reluctance,  though  perhaps  it  would  have 
been  my  duty  to  acquaint  you  with  such  a 
circumstance,  even  were  it  not  required  of 
me  by  the  minister  himself.  He  has  sent  me 
copies  of  the  correspondence,  desiring  I  would 
communicate  them  to  congress,  and  I  send 
them  herewith.  Mr.  Adams  did  not  show  me 
his  letters  before  he  sent  them.  I  have  in  a 
former  letter  to  Mr.  Lovell,  mentioned  some 
of  the  inconveniences  that  attend  the  having 
more  than  one  minister  at  the  same  court,  one 
of  which  inconveniences  is,  that  they  do  not 
hold  the  same  language,  and  that  the  im 
pressions  made  by  the  one,  and  intended  for 
the  sense  of  his  constituents,  may  be  effaced 
by  the  discourse  of  the  other.  It  is  true  that 
Mr.  Adams'  proper  business  is  elsewhere,  but 
the  time  not  being  come  for  that  business,  and 
having  nothing  else  here  wherewith  to  em 
ploy  himself,  he  seems  to  have  endeavoured 
supplying  what  he  may  suppose  my  negotia- 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL 


tions  defective  in.     He  thinks,  as  he  tells  me 
himself,  that  America  has  been  too  free  in  ex 
pressions  of  gratitude  to  France,  for  that  she 
is  more  obliged  to  us  than  we  are  to  her,  ant 
that  we  should  show   spirit  in  our  applica 
tions.     I  apprehend   that    he    mistakes    his 
ground,  and  that  this  court  is  to  be  treated 
with  decency  and  delicacy.     The  king,   a 
young  and  virtuous  prince,  has,  I  am  persuad 
ed,  reflected  on  the  generous   benevolence 
of  the  action  in  assisting  an  oppressed  people, 
and  proposes  it  as  a  part  of  the  glory  of  his 
reign.     I  think  it  right  to  increase  this  plea 
sure  by  our  thankful  acknowledgments,  and 
that  such  an  expression  of  gratitude,  is  not  on 
ly  our  duty  but  our  interest.     A  different  con 
duct  seems  to  me  what  is  not  only  improper 
and  unbecoming,  but  what  may  be  hurtful  to 
us.     Mr.  Adams,  on  the  other  hand,  who  at 
the  same  time  means  our  welfare  and  inter 
est  as  much  as  I  or  any  man  can  do,  seems  to 
think  a  little  apparent  stoutness  and  greater 
air  of  independence  and  boldness  in  our  de 
mands,  will  procure  us  more  ample  assistance. 
It  is  for  the  congress  to  judge  and  regulate 
their  affairs  accordingly.     M.  de  Vergennes, 
who  appears  much  offended,  told  me  yester 
day  that  he  would  enter  into  no  further  dis 
cussions  with   Mr.  Adams,  nor  answer  any 
more  of  his  letters.     He  is  gone  to  Holland  to 
try,  as  he  told  me,  whether  something  might 
not  be  done  to  reader  us  a  liitb  loss  depend 
ent  on  France.     He  says  tlu  idea  of  this 
court  and  those  of  the  people  in  America,  are 
so  totally  different,  as  that  it  is  impossible  for 
any  minister   to  please  both.     He  ought  to 
know  America  better  than  I  do,  having  been 
there  lately,  and  he  may  choose  to  do  what  he 
thinks  will  best  please  the  people  of  America  : 
but  when  I  consider  the  expressions  of  con 
gress  in  many  of  their  public  acts,  and  parti 
cularly  in  their  letter  to  the  chevalier  de  la 
Luzerne,  of  the  24th  May  last,  I  cannot  but 
imagine  that  he  mistakes  the  sentiments  of  a 
few  for  a  general  opinion.     It  is  my  intention 
while  I  stay  here,  to  procure  what  advan 
tages  I  can  for  our  country,  by  endeavouring 
to  please  this  court,  and  I  wish  I  could  pre 
vent  any  thing  being  said  by  any  of  our  coun 
trymen  here  that  may  have  a  contrary  effect, 
and  increase  an  opinion  lately  showing  itself 
in  Paris,  that  we  seek  a  difference,  and  with 
a  view  of  reconciling  ourselves  to  England, 
some  of  them  have  of  late  been  very  indis 
creet  in  their  conversations. 

"  I  have  received,  eight  months  after  their 
date,  the  instructions  of  congress  relating  to 
a  new  article  for  guaranteeing  the  fisheries. 
The  expected  negotiations  for  a  peace  ap 
pearing  of  late  more  remote,  and  being  too 
much  occupied  with  other  affairs,  I  have  not 
hitherto  proposed  that  article  ;  but  I  purpose 
doing  it  next  week.  It  appears  so  reasonable 
and  equitable,  that  I  do  not  foresee  any  diffi 


culty.     In  my  next  I  shall  give  you  an  account 
of  what  passes  on  the  occasion. 

"The  silver  medal  ordered  for  the  cheva 
lier  de  Fleury,  has  been  delivered  to  his  order 
here,  he  being  gone  to  America.  The  others 
for  brigadier  general  Wayne,  and  colonel 
Stuart,  I  shall  send  by  the  next  good  oppor 
tunity. 

"  The  two  thousand  pounds  I  furnished  to 
Messrs.  Adams  and  Jay,  agreeable  to  an  or 
der  of  congress  for  themselves  and  secreta 
ries,  being  nearly  expended,  and  no  supplies 
to  them  arriving,  I  have  thought  it  my  duty 
to  furnish  them  with  further  sums,  hoping  the 
supplies  promised  will  soon  arrive  to  reim 
burse  me,  and  to  enable  me  to  pay  the  bills 
drawn  on  Mr.  Laurens,  in  Holland,  which  I 
have  engaged  for,  to  save  the  public  credit ; 
the  holders  of  those  bills  threatening  other 
wise  to  protest  them.  Messrs.  De  Neufville 
of  Amsterdam  had  accepted  of  them.  I  have 
promised  those  gentlemen  to  provide  for  the 
payment  before  they  become  due,  and  to  ac 
cept  such  others  as  shall  be  presented  tome. 
I  hear,  and  hope  it  is  true,  that  the  drawing 
of  such  bills  is  stopt,  and  that  their  number 
and  value  is  not  very  great. 

"  The  bills  drawn  in  favour  of  M.  de  Beau- 
marchais,  for  the  interest  of  his  debt,  are  paid. 

"  The  German  prince  who  gave  me  a  pro 
posal  some  months  since,  for  furnishing  troops 
to  the  congress,  has  lately  desired  an  answer. 
I  gave  no  expectation  that  it  was  likely  you 
would  agree  to  such  a  proposal,  but  they  be 
ing  pressed  to  send  it  you,  it  went  with  some 
of  my  former  letters. 

"  M.  Fouquet  who  was  employed  by  con- 
ress,  to  instruct  people  in  making  gunpow 
der,  is  arrived  here  after  a  long  passage ;  he 
las  requested  rne  to  transmit  a  memorial  to 
congress,  which  I  do  enclose. 

"The  great  public  event  in  Europe  of  this 
year,  is  the  proposal  by  Russia  of  an  armed 
leutrality,  for  protecting  the  liberty  of  com 
merce.  The  proposition  is  accepted  now  by 
most  of  the  maritime  powers.  As  it  is  likely 
^,o  become  the  law  of  nations,  that  free  ships 
should  make  free  goods,  I  wish  the  congress 
o  consider  whether  it  may  not  be  proper 
o  give  orders  to  their  cruizers  net  to  molest 
"oreign  ships,  but  to  conform  to  the  spirit  of 
hat  treaty  of  neutrality. 

"  The  English  have  been  much  elated  with 
heir  success  at  Charleston.  The  late  news 
)f  the  junction  of  the  French  and  Spanish 
leets,  has  a  little  abated  their  spirits,  and  I 
iope  that  junction  and  the  arrival  of  the  French 
roops  and  ships  in  North  America,  will  soon 
)roduce  news  that  may  afford  us  also  in  our 
urn  some  satisfaction. 

Application  has  been  made  here,  request- 
ng  that  I  would  solicit  congress  to  permit  the 
xchange  of  William  John  Mawhood,  a  lieu- 
enant  in  the  seventeenth  regiment,  taken 


864 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


prisoner  at  Stony  Point,  July  15th,  1779,  and  j 
confined  near  Philadelphia:  or  if  the  exchange 
cannot  conveniently  be  made,  that  he  may 
be  permitted  to  return  to  England  on  his  pa 
role.  By  doing  this  at  my  request,  the  con 
gress  will  enable  me  to  oblige  several  friends 
of  ours,  who  are  persons  of  merit  and  dis 


tinction  in  this  country. 


B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  P.  S.  A  similar  application  has  been  made 
to  me  in  favour  of  Richard  Croft,  lieutenant 
in  the  the  20th  regiment,  a  prisoner  at  Char- 
lotteville.  I  shall  be  much  obliged  by  any 
kindness  shown  to  that  young  gentleman,  and 
so  will  some  friends  of  ours  in  England,  who 
respect  his  father." 


"  James  LovelL 

"PASSY,  August  10,  1780. 

"  SIR,— I  received  on  the  12th  June,  1780, 
copies  of  your  several  favours  of  April  29th, 
1779;  June  13th,  1779;  July  9th  and  16th, 
August  6,  and  September  16th,  1779.  You 
will  see  by  this,  what  delays  our  correspond 
ence  sometimes  meets  wutfi.  I  have  lately 
received  two  of  fresher  date,  viz.  February  24 
and  May  4.  I  than  k  you  much  for  the  newspa 
pers  and  journals  you  have  from  time  to  time 
sent  me.  I  endeavour  to  make  full  returns  in 
the  same  way.  I  could  furnish  a  multitude 
of  despatches  with  confidential  information, 
taken  out  of  the  papers  I  send  you,  if  I  chose 
to  deal  in  that  kind  of  manufacture.  I  know 
the  whole  art  of  it,  for  I  have  had  several  vo 
lunteer  correspondents  in  England,  who  have 
in  their  letters,  for  years  together,  communi 
cated  to  me  secrets  of  state  extracted  from 
the  newspapers,  which  sometimes  come  to 
hand  in  those  papers  by  the  same  post,  and 
sometimes  by  the  post  before,  you  and  I  send 
the  papers  themselves.  Our  letters  may  ap 
pear  the  leaner,  but  what  fat  they  have  is 
their  own. 

"  I  wrote  to  you  the  17th  of  October,  and 
the  16th  of  March,  and  have  sent  duplicates, 
some  of  which  I  hope  got  to  hand.  You  men 
tion  receiving  one  of  September  30th,  and 
one  of  December  30th,  but  not  that  of  Octo 
ber  the  17th.  The  cypher  you  have  commu 
nicated,  either  from  some  defect  in  your  ex 
planation  or  in  my  comprehension,  is  not  yet 
of  use  to  me,  for  I  cannot  understand  by  it 
the  little  specimen  you  have  wrote  in  it.  If 
you  have  that  of  M.  Dumas,  which  I  left  with 
Mr.  Morris,  we  may  correspond  by  it,  when 
a  few  sentences  only  are  required  to  be  writ 
in  cypher ;  but  it  is  too  tedious  for  a  whole 
letter. 

"  I  send  herewith  copies  of  the  instruments 
annulling  the  llth  and  12th  articles  of  the 
treaty.  The  treaty  printed  here  by  the  court 
omitted  them,  and  numbered  the  subsequent 
articles  accordingly. 


"  I  write  fully  to  the  president.  The  fre 
quent  hinderances  the  committee  of  corres 
pondence  meet  with  in  writing  as  a  committee, 
which  appears  from  the  excuses  in  your  par 
ticular  letters,  and  the  many  parts  of  my  let 
ters  that  have  long  been  unanswered,  incline 
me  to  think  that  your  foreign  correspondence 
would  be  best  managed  by  one  secretary, 
who  could  write  when  he  had  an  opportunity, 
without  waiting  for  the  concurrence  or  opi 
nions  of  his  brethren,  who  cannot  always  be 
conveniently  got  together.  My  chief  letters 
will  therefore,  for  the  future,  be  addressed  to 
the  president,  till  futher  orders. 

"  I  send  you  enclosed  some  more  of 

letters.  He  continues  passionately  to  desire 
peace  with  America;  but  wishes  we  could  be 
separated  from  France. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


TRANSLATION. 

Instrument  annulling  the  \\th  and  12th  ar 
ticles  of  the  treaty  of  commerce  with  France. 

"  THE  general  congress  of  the  United 
States  of  North  America,  having  represented 
to  the  king,  that  the  execution  of  the  llth 
article  of  the  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce, 
signed  the  6th  of  February  last,  might  be  pro 
ductive  of  inconveniences,  and  having-  therefore 
desired  the  suppression  of  this  article,  con 
senting  in  return,  that  the  12th  article  shall 
be  considered  likewise  of  no  effect.  His  ma 
jesty  in  order  to  give  a  new  proof  of  his  affec 
tion,  as  also  his  desire  to  consolidate  the  union 
and  good  correspondence  established  between 
the  two  states,  has  been  pleased  to  consider 
their  representations.  His  majesty  has  con 
sequently  declared,  and  does  declare  by  these 
presents,  that  he  consents  to  the  suppression 
of  the  llth  and  12th  articles  aforementioned, 
and  that  it  is  his  intention  that  they  be  con 
sidered  as  having  never  been  comprehended 
in  the  treaty  signed  the  6th  February  last. 

"  Done  at  Versailles,  the  1st  day  of  the 
month  of  September,  1778. 

"GRAVIER  DE  VERGENNES." 


TRANSLATION. 

Instrument  annulling  the  llth  and  I2tk 
articles. 

"THE  most  Christian  king,  having  been 
pleased  to  regard  the  representations  made  to 
him  by  the  general  congress  of  North  Ameri 
ca,  relating  to  the  llth  article  of  the  treaty  of 
commerce,  signed  the  6th  of  February  in  the 
present  year ;  and  his  majesty  having  there 
fore  consented,  that  the  said  article  should  be 
suppressed,  on  condition  that  the  12th  article 
of  the  same  treaty  be  equally  regarded  as  of 
none  effect :  the  above  said  general  congress 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


365 


hath  declared  on  their  part,  and  do  declare, 
that  they  consent  to  the  suppression  of  the 
llth  and  12th  articles  of  the  abov  ementioned 
treaty ;  and  that  their  intention  is,  that  these 
articles  be  regarded  as  having  never  been 
comprised  in  the  treaty  signed  the  6th  of 
February.  In  faith  whereof,  &c. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  ARTHUR  LEE. 

"JOHN  ADAMS." 


"M.  Dumas. 

"  PASSY,  October  2,  1780. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  duly  your  seve 
ral  letters  of  the  12th,  15th,  17th,  19th,  and 
2lst  of  September.  I  am  much  pleased  with 
the  intelligence  you  sent  me,  and  with  the 
papers  you  have  had  printed. 

"Mr.  Searle  is  a  military  officer  in  the 
Pennsylvania  troops,  and  a  member  of  con 
gress.  He  has  some  commission  to  execute 
for  that  province,  but  none  that  I  know  of 
from  congress.  He  has  an  open  letter  for 
you  from  Mr.  Lovell,  which  he  has  shown 
me.  It  is  full  of  expressions  of  his  esteem ; 
and  I  understand  from  Mr.  Searle,  that  you 
stand  exceeding  well  with  the  committee  and 
with  the  congress  in  general.  I  am  sorry  to 
see  any  marks  of  uneasiness  and  apprehension 
in  your  letters.  Mr.  Chaumont  tells  me  that 
you  want  some  assurance  of  being  continued. 
The  congress  itself  is  changeable  at  the  plea 
sure  of  their  electors,  and  none  of  their  ser 
vants  have,  or  can  have  any  such  assurance. 
If,  therefore,  any  thing  better  for  you,  and 
more  substantial  should  offer,  no  body  can 
blame  you  for  accepting  it,  however  satisfied 
they  may  be  with  your  services.  But  as  to 
the  continuance  of  what  you  may  enjoy,  or  of 
something  as  valuable  in  the  service  of  the 
congress,  I  think  you  may  make  yourself  easy, 
for  that  your  appointment  seems  more  likely 
to  be  increased  than  diminished,  though  it 
does  not  belong  to  me  to  promise  any  thing. 

"  Mr.  Laurens  was  to  sail  three  days  after 
Mr.  Searle,  who  begins  to  fear  he  must  be 
lost,  as  it  was  a  small  vessel  he  intended  to  em 
bark  in. — He  was  bound  directly  to  Holland. 

"  I  enclose  some  extracts  of  letters  from 
two  French  officers  of  distinction  in  the  army 
of  M.  de  Rochambeau,  which  are  pleasing,  as 
they  mark  the  good  intelligence  that  subsists 
between  the  troops,  contrary  to  the  reports  cir 
culated  by  the  English. 

"  They  will  do  perhaps  for  your  Leyden 
Gazette.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  To  Miss  Georgiana  Shipley* 

"  PASSY,  October  8,  1780. 

"  IT  is  long,  very  long,  my  dear  friend,  since 
I  had  the  great  pleasure  of  hearing  from  you, 
and  receiving  any  of  your  very  pleasing  letters. 
*  Daughter  of  Dr.  Shipley,  bishop  of  St.  Asaph. 


But  it  is  my  fault.  I  have  long  omitted  my 
part  of  the  correspondence.  Those  who  love 
to  receive  letters  should  write  letters.  I  wish 
I  could  safely  promise  an  amendment  of  that 
fault.  But  besides  the  indolence  attending 
age,  and  growing  upon  us  with  it,  my  time  is 
engrossed  by  too  much  business,  and  I  have 
too  many  inducements  to  postpone  doing, 
what  I  feel  I  ought  to  do  for  my  own  sake, 
and  what  I  can  never  resolve  to  omit  entirely. 

"  Your  translations  from  Horace,  as  far  as 
I  can  judge  of  poetry  and  translations,  are 
very  good.  That  of  the  Quo  quo  ruitis  is  so 
suitable  to  the  times,  that  the  conclusion  (in 
your  version)  seems  to  threaten  like  a  prophe 
cy  ;  and  methinks  there  is  at  least  some  ap 
pearance  of  danger  that  it  maybe  fulfilled. — 
I  am  unhappily  an  enemy,  yet  I  think  there 
has  been  enough  of  blood  spilt,  and  I  wish 
what  is  left  in  the  veins  of  that  once  loved 
people,  may  be  spared  ;  by  a  peace  solid  and 
everlasting. 

"  It  is  great  while  since  I  have  heard  any 
thing  of  the  good  Bishop.  Strange  that  so 
simple  a  character  should  sufficiently  distin 
guish  one  of  that  sacred  body  !  Donnez  moi 
de  ses  Nouvelles. — I  have  been  sometime 
flattered  with  the  expectation  of  seeing  the 
countenance  of  that  most  honoured  and  ever 
beloved  friend,  delineated  by  your  pencil. 
The  portrait  is  said  to  have  been  long  on  the 
way,  but  is  not  yet  arrived :  nor  can  I  hear 
where  it  is. 

"  Indolent  as  I  have  confessed  myself  to  be, 
I  could  not,  you  see,  miss  this  good  and  safj 
opportunity  of  sending  you  a  few  lines,  with 
my  best  wishes  for  your  happiness,  and  that 
of  the  whole  dear  and  amiable  family  in 
whose  sweet  society  I  have  spent  so  many 
happy  hours.  Mr.  Jones*  tells  me  he  shall 
have  a  pleasure  in  being  the  bearer  of  my 
letter,  of  which  I  make  no  doubt ;  I  learn  from 
him,  that  to  your  drawing,  and  music,  and 
painting,  and  poetry,  and  Latin,  you  have 
added  a  proficiency  in  chess;  so  that  you  are, 
as  the  French  say,  remplie  de  Talens.  May 
they  and  you  fall  to  the  lot  of  one  that  shall 
duly  value  them,  and  love  you  as  much  as 
I  do.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  M.  Dumas. 

"  PASSY,  Oct.  9,  1780. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  yours  of  29th 
September,  and  3d  October. — It  is  a  very 
good  addition  you  made  to  your  memoir  for 
the  ministers  of  Russia  and  Sweden.  I  am 
glad  to  find  you  are  again  on  such  good 
terms  with  the  ambassador,  as  to  be  invited  to 
his  comedy.  I  doubt  not  of  your  continuing  to 
cultivate  that  good  understanding.— I  like 
much  your  insertions  in  the  gazettes.  Such 
things  have  good  effects. 

"  Your  information  relative  to  the  transac- 

*  Afterwards  sir  William  Jones,  who  married  into 
the  bishop  of  St.  Asaph's  family. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


tions  at  Petersburg,  and  in  Denmark,  are 
very  interesting-,  and  afforded  me  a  good  deal 
of  satisfaction ;  particularly  the  former. — Mr. 
Searle  will  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you. 
I  recommend  him  warmly  to  your  civilities. 
He  is  much  your  friend,  and  will  advise  Mr. 
Laurens  to  make  you  his  secretary,  which  I 
hope  you  will  accept.  I  have  given  it  as  my 
opinion,  that  Mr.  L.  can  no  where  find  one 
better  qualified,  or  more  deserving.  The 
choice  is  left  to  that  minister,  and  he  is  im- 
powered  to  give  a  salary  of  £500  sterling  a 
year.  I  am  in  pain  on  account  of  his  not  be 
ing  yet  arrived;  but  hope  you  will  see  him 
soon. — I  request  you  would  find  means  to 
introduce  Mr.  Searle  to  the  Portuguese  am 
bassador. — Pray  consider  the  enclosed  pa 
pers,  and  after  advising  with  your  friend,  give 
me  your  opinion  as  to  the  manner  of  the  ap 
plication  to  the  states  general,  whether  I 
should  make  it  through  their  ambassador,  or 
directly  with  a  letter  to  the  Grand  Pensionary, 
or  in  what  other  manner.  You  know  we 
wrote  to  him  formerly,  and  received  no  an 
swer.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  You  say  nothing  of  Mr.  Adams  ?  How  do 
you  stand  with  him]  What  is  he  doing]" 


"  To  Dr.  Rushton,  London. 

"  PASSY,  Oct.  9,  1780. 

"  SIR, — I  received  and  read  with  pleasure 
your  thoughts  on  American  Finance,  and  your 
scheme  of  a  Bank.  I  communicated  them  to 
the  Abbe  Morellet.  who  is  a  good  judge  of  the 
subject,  and  he  has  translated  them  into  French. 
He  thinks  them  generally  very  just,  and  very 
clearly  expressed ;  I  shall  forward  them  to  a 
friend  in  the  congress.  That  body  is,  as  you 
suppose,  not  well  skilled  in  financing.  But 
their  deficiency  in  knowledge  has  been  amply 
supplied  by  good  luck.  They  issued  an  im 
mense  quantity  of  paper-bills,  to  pay,  clothe, 
arm,  and  feed  their  troops,  and  fit  out  ships ; 
and  with  this  paper,  without  taxes  for  the 
first  three  years,  they  fought  and  baffled  one 
of  the  most  powerful  nations  of  Europe.  They 
hoped,  notwithstanding  its  quantity,  to  have 
kept  up  the  value  of  their  paper.  In  this  they 
were  mistaken.  It  depreciated  gradually.  But 
this  depreciation,  though  in  some  circumstan 
ces  inconvenient,  has  had  the  general  good 
and  great  effect,  of  operating  as  a  tax,  and 
perhaps  the  most  equal  of  all  taxes,  since  it 
depreciated  in  the  hands  of  the  holders  of  mo 
ney,  and  thereby  taxed  them  in  proportion  to 
the  sums  they  held  and  the  time  they  held  it, 
which  generally  is  in  proportion  to  men's 
wealth.  Thus,  after  having  done  its  business, 
the  paper  is  reduced  to  the  sixtieth  part  of  its 
original  value.  Having  issued  200  millions 
of  dollars,  the  congress  stopped,  and  supplied 
themselves  by  borrowing.  These  sums  were 


borrowed  at  different  periods  during  the  pro 
gress  of  the  depreciation ;  those  who  lent  to 
the  public,  thereby  fixed  the  value  of  the  pa 
per  they  lent,  since  it  is  to  be  repaid  in  silver 
according  to  its  value  at  the  time  of  the  loan. 
The  rest  went  on  depreciating ;  and  the  de 
preciation  is  at  length  only  stopped  by  the 
vast  nominal  sums  called  in  easily  by  taxes, 
and  which  will  be  by  that  means  destroyed. 
Thus  so  much  of  the  public  debt  has  been  in 
this  manner  insensibly  paid,  that  the  remain 
der,  which  you  desire  to  know,  does  not  ex 
ceed  six  millions  sterling.  And  now  they  are 
working  with  new  paper  expressed  to  be 
equal  in  value  to  silver,  which  they  have 
made  to  bear  interest ;  and  I  have  provided 
such  funds  to  pay  that  interest,  that  probably 
its  original  value  will  be  supported.  In  the 
meantime  the  vigour  of  their  military  opera 
tions  is  again  revived,  and  they  are  now  as 
able,  with  respect  to  money,  to  carry  on  the 
war,  as  they  were  at  the  beginning,  and  much 
more  so  with  regard  to  troops,  anus,  and  disci 
pline.  It  is  also  an  increasing  nation,  sixty 
thousand  children  having  been  born  annually 
in  the  United  States  since  the  beginning  of 
the  war  ;  while  their  enemies  are  said  to  be 
diminishing.  I  am,  sir,  &c. 

"B.  FRANKLIN," 


"Dr.  Price. 

'•  PASSY,  October  9,  1780. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — Besides  the  pleasure  of  their 
company,  I  had  the  great  satisfaction  of  hear 
ing  by  your  two  valuable  friends,  and  learning 
from  your  letter,  that  you  enjoy  a  good  state  of 
health.  May  God  continue  it,  as  well  for  the 
good  of  mankind,  as  for  your  comfort.  I 
thank  you  much  for  the  second  edition  of  your 
excellent  pamphlet:  I  forwarded  that  you 
sent  to  Mr.  Dana,  he  being  in  Holland.  I 
wish  also  to  see  the  piece  you  have  written, 
(as  Mr.  Jones  tells  me)  on  toleration  :  I  do 
not  expect  that  your  new  parliament  will  be 
either  wiser  or  honester  than  the  last.  All 
projects  to  procure  an  honest  one,  by  place 
bills,  &c.  appear  to  me  vain  and  impracticable. 
The  true  cure  I  imagine  is  to  be  found  only 
in  rendering  all  places  unprofitable,  and  the 
king  too  poor  to  give  bribes  and  pensions. 
'Till  this  is  done,  which  can  only  be  by  a 
revolution,  and  I  think  you  have  not  virtue 
enough  left  to  procure  one,  your  nation  will 
always  be  plundered  ;  and  obliged  to  pay  by 
taxes  the  plunderers  for  plundering  and  ruin 
ing.  Liberty  and  virtue  therefore  join  in  the 
call,  COME  OUT  OF  HER,  MY  PEOPLE  !  I  am  fully 
of  your  opinion  respecting  religious  tests ;  but 
though  the  people  of  Massachusetts  have  not 
in  their  new  constitution  kept  quite  clear  of 
them ;  yet  if  we  consider  what  that  people 
were  one  hundred  years  ago,  we  must  allow 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL 


they  have  gone  greater  lengths  in  liberality  of 
sentiment,  on  religious  subjects :  and  we  may 
hope  for  greater  degrees  of  perfection,  when 
their  constitution  some  years  hence  shall  be 
revised.  If  Christian  preachers  had  continued 
to  teach  as  Christ  and  his  apostles  did,  with 
out  salaries,  and  as  the  Quakers  now  do,  I 
imagine  tests  would  never  have  existed :  for 
I  think  they  were  invented  not  so  much  to  se 
cure  religion  itself  as  the  emoluments  of  it. 
When  a  religion  is  good,  I  conceive  that  it 
will  support  itself;  and  when  it  cannot  sup 
port  itself,  and  God  does  not  take  care  to  sup 
port  it,  so  that  its  professors  are  obliged  to  call 
for  the  help  of  the  civil  power,  'tis  a  sign,  I 
apprehend,  of  its  being  a  bad  one.  But  I 
shall  be  out  of  rny  depth  if  I  wade  any  deeper 
in  theology,  and  I  will  not  trouble  you  with 
politics,  nor  with  news  which  are  almost  as 
uncertain :  but  conclude  with  a  heartfelt  wish 
to  embrace  you  once  more,  and  enjoy  your 
sweet  society  in  peace,  among  our  honest, 
worthy,  ingenious  friends  at  the  London. — 
Adieu,  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


Dr.  Franklin,  from  Newport,  Rhode  Island. 

"  October  10,  3780. 

"  BY  this  ship  you  will  receive  an  account 
of  the  treason  and  apostacy  of  one  of  our 
greatest  generals  (who  went  over  from  us  to 
the  enemy  25th  September  last)  and  the  hap 
py  detection  of  it  before  the  treason  was  car 
ried  into  execution.  General  Arnold  has 
buried  all  his  military  glory,  and  sent  his 
name  down  in  history  execrated  with  con 
tempt  and  infamy.  He  will  be  despised  not 
only  by  us  in  the  United  States,  but  by  all 
the  nations  of  Europe,  and  in  all  future  ages. 
There  is  reason  to  believe  that  he  meditated 
with  the  reduction  of  West-Point  on  the  27th 
September,  the  betraying  at  the  same  time 
of  general  Washington  and  the  minister  of 
France  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy ;  for  his 
excellency  the  chevalier  de  la  Luzerne  told 
me,  that  passing  through  West-Point  on  his 
way  hither  on  the  24th,  the  day  before  the 
detection,  general  Arnold  importuned  him 
even  to  indecency  to  tarry  and  rest  there 
four  or  five  days.  And  Arnold  also  knew 
that  general  Washington  would  meet  there 
about  the  same  time  on  his  return  from  an 
interview  with  the  French  officers  at  Hart 
ford.  General  Arnold  is  a  loss.  But  Ameri 
ca  is  so  fertile  in  patriots,  that  we  can  afford 
to  lose  a  capital  patriot  or  two  every  year 
without  any  essential  injury  to  the  glorious 
cause  of  liberty  and  Independence.  The 
greatest  injury  he  can  do  us  will  be  in  informa 
tion.  However  the  present  state  of  the  Ameri 
can  army  is  now  so  good,  as  that  the  most  tho 
rough  knowledge  of  it  will  rather  do  us  bene 
fit  that  an  injury.  The  seasonable  execution 


of  major  Andre  (the  seducer)  adjutant-gene 
ral  of  the  British  army,  on  the  2d  instant, 
will  probably  deter  such  adventurers  for  the 
future. 

"  Congress  and  the  assemblies  through  the 
states  continue  firm  and  unshaken ;  and  they 
have  a  cordial  support  in  the  union  of  the 
main  body  of  the  people  at  large,  notwith 
standing  the  efforts  oftories  and  governmental 
connexions  intermixt  in  all  parts,  whose  Sy- 
siphean  labours  only  pull  ruin  upon  them 
selves. 

"The  storm  still  blows  heavy.  But  our 
ship  will  ride  it  through.  With  joy  we  look 
forward,  and  with  undoubting  assurance  anti 
cipate  the  sweets  and  the  final  triumph  of 
the  American  liberty. 


From  Dr.  Jebb. 

"  LONDON,  Oct.  11,  1780. 

"  THE  consciousness  of  a  sincere  desire  to 
promote  the  interests  of  human  kind,  as  far  as 
my  confined  abilities  and  humble  station  will 
permit,  induce  me  to  give  you  my  sentiments 
upon  a  subject  which,  I  have  no  doubt,  is  ever 
present  to  your  thoughts.  Excuse  the  pre 
sumption  ;  the  intention  is  honest ;  let  this  con 
sideration  compensate  for  the  want  of  every 
other  qualification.  Independent  in  my  prin 
ciples  and  unconnected  with  party,  I  speak 
those  sentiments,  which  circumstances  appear 
to  me  to  dictate,  and  I  speak  them  without  re 
serve. 

"A  federal  union  between  America  ar,d 
England,  upon  the  broad  basis  of  mutual  con 
venience,  appears  to  me  a  point  of  so  much 
consequence,  that  I  cannot  conceive,  in  the 
present  circumstances,  how  either  country  can 
fully  enjoy  the  means  of  happiness,  which  in 
dulgent  Providence  has  poured  forth  on  each 
with  so  much  profusion,  unless  such  union 
immediately  take  place. 

"  I  also  am  persuaded,  that  the  present  war 
between  this  country  and  the  house  of  Bour 
bon,  is  of  so  peculiar  a  kind,  that  no  solid  rea 
son  can  be  assigned  for  its  continuance,  a 
moment  after  America  and  England  shall 
cordially  agree  upon  a  termination  of  their 
dispute. 

"  It  is  obviously  for  the  advantage  of  Eng 
land,  that  America  should  employ  her  ma 
nufacturers,  and  that  her  fleets  should  have 
free  access  to  the  shores,  from  whence  she 
derived  those  various  sources  of  strength, 
which  enabled  her  so  long  to  reign  the  un 
rivalled  mistress  of  the  deep. 

"On  the  other  hand,  the  rising  states  of 
America,  wisely  intent  on  such  measures,  as 
tend  to  increase  their  population,  and  perfect 
those  forms  of  civil  polity,  which,  at  the  same 
time  that  they  promise  internal  security  and 
happiness,  will  probably  establish  an  asylum 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


for  the  rest  of  mankind,  must  derive  con 
siderable  advantage  from  the  free  importa 
tion  of  those  articles,  which,  in  their  present 
circumstances,  they  cannot  with  convenience 
manufacture  themselves. 

"  And  why  should  England  envy  to  France 
and  Spain,  nay,  to  all  the  world,  that  por 
tion  of  trade,  whatever  that  be,  which  suits 
the  circumstances  of  each  power ;  and  from 
which  all  deriving  the  sources  of  rational 
enjoyment  would,  perhaps,  remain  in  the 
same  ratio  as  at  present,  with  respect  to  re 
lative  strength  ? 

"How  strange  therefore  to  persevere  in 
an  appeal  to  arms,  when  neutral  interest,  and 
the  ties  of  blood ;  the  sameness  of  religion, 
language,  and  laws,  so  loudly  call  for  peace  ! 
We  might  reasonably  have  hoped,  that  in 
the  course  of  eighteen  centuries  the  gospel 
of  peace  might  have  suggested  to  us  a  more 
rational  mode  of  terminating  our  contests. 

"  As  it  never  was  the  interest,  so  neither 
was  it  in  fact  the  inclination  of  the  English 
people,  to  break  the  bonds  of  union  with  their 
American  brethren,  until  seduced  thereto  by 
the  arts  of  designing  men.  Their  motives  I 
leave  to  themselves — they  will  be  revealed 
in  their  day. 

"  Had  the  English  people  been  equally  re 
presented  in  an  annual  parliament,  that  par 
liament,  acting  in  strict  conformity  with  the 
interests  of  its  constituents,  would  have  seen 
that  every  consideration  required,  that  the 
bond  of  union  between  the  countries  should  be 
preserved  inviolate. — It  would  have  perceiv 
ed,  that  those  restrictions,  which  were  the 
offspring  of  the  occasion,  or  suggested  by 
narrow  systems  of  policy,  ought  to  have  been 
removed  the  moment  that  they  occasioned 
the  first  murmur  of  complaint. — But  unhappi 
ly  for  England,  the  love  of  arbitrary  sway  so 
far  operated  upon  those,  who  most  are  expos 
ed  to  its  temptations,  as  to  engage  them 
in  the  desperate  measure  of  deluding  one 
half  of  the  empire,  in  order  to  subjugate  the 
rest. 

"  The  period  of  this  delusion,  however,  is 
now  rapidly  advancing  to  its  termination.  Ca 
lamity  has  brought  home  the  perception  of  the 
consequences,  attendant  upon  national  error, 
to  every  private  breast. — It  has  taught  us 
wisdom — and  has  begun  to  humanize  our 
hearts. — The  many  are  now  ready  to  exclaim, 
in  the  expressive  language  of  scripture,  '  We 
are  verily  guilty  concerning  our  brother,  in 
that  we  saw  the  anguish  of  his  soul  when  he 
besought  us,  and  we  would  not  hear ;  there 
fore  is  this  evil  come  upon  its.1 

"  But  although  the  people  are  disposed  to 
accommodation,  a  mighty  power  continues  to 
oppose  itself  to  the  general  wish. 

"And  were  the  aristocratic  strength  of  our 
constitution  to  prevail  in  its  conflict  with  that 
power,  I  am  far  from  being  satisfied,  that  a 


general  and  permanent  pacification  would  be 
the  result. 

"  The  restoration  of  the  English  constitu 
tion  to  its  primeval  purity,  appears  to  be  an 
essential  preliminary  to  an  honourable  and 
lasting  peace. 

"  Peace  and  war  are  relations  which  the 
inhabitants  of  different  countries  stand  in  to 
each  other.  In  this  sense  the  people  of  Ame 
rica  are  not  at  war  with  the  people  of  Eng 
land.  The  latter  having  lost  their  power  of 
self-government,  are  merely  the  instruments 
of  administration.  The  present  war  is  a  war 
between  the  people  of  America  and  the  admi 
nistration  of  this  country.  Were  the  inha 
bitants  of  this  country  restored  to  their  elect 
ive  rights,  and  other  constitutional  franchises, 
a  state  of  peace  would  immediately  ensue. 

"  Upon  this  idea  alone  can  America  have  a 
proper  security  for  the  due  observance  of  that 
solemn  compact,  which  I  should  rejoice  to  see 
established  between  my  native  country,  and 
her  free  and  independent  states. 

"  The  supporters  of  the  septennial  bill,  at 
the  time  that  ruinous  and  unconstitutional 
measure  took  place,  strongly  insisted  upon 
the  advantage  that  would  ensue  from  that 
increased  confidence,  which  foreign  nations 
would  thenceforth  repose  in  us,  on  account  of 
the  consequent  stability  of  our  public  counsels. 

"Experience  has  shown  this  measure  to 
have  been  founded  in  policy  the  most  unwise. 

"Reason  surely  dictates,  that  the  confi 
dence,  which  nations  repose  in  each  other's 
public  counsels,  must  be  the  greatest,  when 
the  agents  speak  the  real  sentiments  of  their 
constitutent  bodies. 

"  It  is  also  to  be  considered,  that  the  changes 
of  sentiment,  in  the  constituent  body  of  the 
nation,  must  unavoidably  be  gradual,  as  ge 
neral  interest,  always  slowly  unveiling  itself, 
shall  direct.  Whereas  the  agent,  who  has 
a  permanent  estate  in  his  office,  will  vary 
his  conduct  in  conformity  to  the  quick  re 
volutions  of  those  numerous  temptations,  to 
which  views  of  private  interest,  and  prospects 
of  power  hourly  expose  him. 

"  For  England  therefore  to  be  free,  and  to 
regain  the  confidence  of  nations,  her  parlia 
ments  must  be  free  and  independent:  and  the 
same  measure  which  gives  independency  to 
the  English  parliament,  will,  under  God's  pro 
vidence,  restore  to  us  peace  with  America, 
and  with  all  the  world. 

"  I  write  not  thus,  induced  thereto  solely 
from  an  attachment  to  my  native  soil— the 
world  is  my  country — and  the  region  which 
is  the  seat  of  freedom  has  in  my  eyes  charms 
more  attractive  than  my  native  soil.  I  write 
not  thus  from  an  attachment  to  a  favourite 
measure,  but  from  a  full  conviction  that  such 
a  preliminary  as  I  have  mentioned,  being  in 
serted  in  every  proposition  for  peace  on  the 
part  of  America,  would  lay  a  lasting  founda- 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL 


tioft  for  that  peace — and  would  be  a  perpetual 
security  that  the  independence,  which  Ame 
rica  so  justly  claims,  and  in  the  establishment 
of  which  every  nation  under  heaven  is  inter 
ested,  would  never  be  brought  into  question 
to  the  end  of  time. 

"  The  sum  and  substance  of  what  I  urge  is 
this — That  as  a  more  equal  representation  of 
the  English  people,  in  annual  parliaments,  is 
a  point  essential  to  the  restoration  of  our  free 
dom  ;  it  is  equally  essential,  as  a  foundation 
for  a  federal  union  with  the  American  states. 

"  After  all — the  changes  in  the  affairs  of 
men,  whether  they  be  revolutions  in  the  for 
tunes  of  nations,  or  of  individuals,  are  in  the 
hands  of  Providence  ;  and  are  directed  by  its 
resistless  power  to  the  general  good.  That 
good  will  finally  prevail,  whatever  the  hearts 
and  heads  of  politicians  may  devise.  The  only 
differences  will  be,  a  difference  in  the  time 
and  manner  in  which  the  ends  of  Providence 
are  brought  to  pass ;  and  a  difference  in  the 
final  fate  of  those  who  are  employed  as  the 
means  of  their  accomplishment. 

"  The  fell  destroyers  of  their  species  shall 
see  their  measures,  though  planned  with 
Machiavelian  policy,  and  for  a  time  success 
ful,  finally  abortive — failing  in  the  attainment 
of  the  end  wished  for,  and  productive  of  the 
good  they  hate. 

"  On  the  contrary,  if  virtue,  honour,  zeal 
for  the  interests  of  our  country  and  of  human 
kind,  form  the  outline  of  the  character,  the 
agent  of  Heaven  will  be  renowned  in  his  day; 
and  long  futurity,  through  every  successive 
age,  shall  impart  increase  of  glory.  The  joys 
of  self-complacency  shall  gild  the  evening  of 
his  days.  They  will  also  be  the  earnest  of 
an  happiness  which  will  know  no  bounds. 
"JOHNJEBB." 


"M.  Dumas. 

"  PASSY,  6th  November,  1780. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — My  grandfather  has  been  for 
a  long  time  past  laid  up  with  the  gout,  and  is 
so  still.  He  directs  me  to  inform  you  that  he 
has  received  several  of  your  letters,  which  he 
has  not  as  yet  been  able  to  answer ;  he  hopes 
however,  that  in  a  few  days  he  shall  be  able 
to  do  it,  as  his  sufferings  are  much  diminished. 

"  You  have  heard,  I  suppose,  of  the  arrival 
at  Brest  of  M.  de  Guichen. 

«W.  T.  FRANKLIN." 

"  Sir  Grey  Cooper. 

"  PASSY,  November  7,  1780. 
SIR, — I  understand  that  Mr.  Laurens,  an 
American  gentleman,  for  whom  I  have  a  great 
esteem,  is  a  prisoner  in  the  Tower,  and  that 
his  health  suffers  by  the  closeness  and  rigour 
of  his  confinement.     As  I  do  not  think  that 
your  affairs  receive  any  advantage  from  the 
VOL.  I.... 3 A 


harshness  of  this  proceeding,  I  take  the  free 
dom  of  requesting  your  kind  interposition,  to 
obtain  for  him  such  a  degree  of  air  and  liberty 
on  his  parole  or  otherwise,  as  may  be  neces 
sary  for  his  health  and  comfort.  The  fortune 
of  war,  which  is  daily  changing,  may  possibly 
put  it  in  my  power  to  do  the  like  good  office 
for  some  friend  of  yours,  which  I  shall  per 
form  with  much  pleasure,  not  only  for  the 
sake  of  humanity,  but  in  respect  to  the  ashes 
of  our  former  friendship. 

«  B.  FRANKLIN." 


Sir  Grey  Cooper  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  November  29,  1780. 

"  SIR, — I  have  received  the  honour  ofyour 
letter,  in  which  you  acquainted  me,  that  you 
understood  that  the  health  of  Mr.  Laurens 
suffered  by  the  closeness  and  rigour  of  his 
confinement  in  the  Tower,  and  after  com 
plaining  of  the  harshness  of  this  proceeding, 
you  request  me  to  endeavour  to  obtain  for  Mr. 
Laurens,  such  a  degree  of  air  and  liberty  as 
may  be  necessary  for  his  health  and  comfort. 
The  enclosed  letter,  which  I  received  from 
the  lieutenant-governor  of  the  Tower,  will 
show  that  I  have  not  been  inattentive  to  your 
request,  and  at  the  same  time  prove  that  the 
intelligence  you  receive  of  what  passes  in  this 
country,  is  not  always  what  is  to  be  depended 
on  for  its  accuracy  and  correctness. 

"GREY  COOPER." 


[ENCLOSED  IN  THE  FOREGOING.] 

From  the  Lieutenant- Governor  of  the  Tower 
of  London,  to  Sir  Grey  Cooper. 

"  HAMPSTEAD,  Nov.  27,  1780. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  am  much  ashamed  to  think 
1  shall  appear  so  dilatory  in  answering  the 
favour  of  your  letter,  but  the  truth  is,  I  was 
not  in  town  when  the  messenger  left  it  in 
Cork-street,  and  by  the  neglect  of  my  ser 
vants,  I  received  it  only  on  Sunday  last.  1 
went  immediately  to  the  Tower,  to  know  from 
Mr.  Laurens  himself,  if  he  had  any  cause  of 
complaint,  and  if  he  had  availed  himself  of 
the  indulgence  allowed  him  by  the  secretary 
of  state,  of  walking  within  the  Tower  when 
ever  it  was  agreeable  to  himself;  his  answer 
to  me  was  full  and  frank  to  the  questions, 
that  he  had  received  every  reasonable  indul 
gence  since  his  confinement :  and  that  by  the 
liberty  allowed  him  of  walking,  he  found  his 
health  much  mended.  He  said  at  the  same 
time,  he  had  always  thought  himself  highly 
honoured,  by  the  distinguished  place  of  his 
confinement,  and  regretted  much  it  was  not 
in  his  power,  to  make  known  to  all  the  world 
the  acknowledgments  he  had  more  than  once 
made  to  me  upon  this  subject* 

*  The  tenor  of  the  foregoing  does  not  quadrate  with 
the  sentiments  expressed  by  Mr.  Laurens,  about  a  year 


370 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


"  I  beg  you  will  do  me  the  favour  to  com 
municate  these  particulars  to  lord  George 
Germaine  as  soon  as  convenient. 

«  CH.  VERNON." 


James  Lovell. 

"  PASSY,  December  2, 1780. 

"  SIR, — I  duly  received  your  several  favours 
of  August  the  15th  and  September  7th,  with 
the  resolves  of  congress,  for  drawing  on  me 
bills  extraordinary  to  the  amount  of  near  three 
hundred  thousand  dollars ;  to  keep  up  the 
credit  of  congress,  I  had  already  engaged  for 
those  drawn  on  Mr.  Laurens ;  you  cannot  con 
ceive  how  much  these  things  perplex  and  dis 
tress  me.  For  the  practice  of  this  govern 
ment,  being  yearly  to  apportion  the  revenue 
to  the  several  expected  services,  any  after- 
demands  made  which  the  treasury  is  not  fur 
nished  to  supply,  meet  with  great  difficulty, 
and  are  very  disagreeable  to  the  ministers. 
To  enable  me  to  look  these  drafts  in  the  face, 
I  have  agreed  to  a  proposal  contained  in  the 
enclosed  letter,  to  the  president  of  furnishing 
provisions  to  the  king's  forces  in  America, 
which  proposal  I  hope  will  be  approved  and 
executed,  and  that  the  congress  will  strictly 
comply  with  the  assurances  you  have  given 
me,  not  to  draw  on  me  any  more  without  first 
knowing  that  they  have  funds  in  my  hands. 

"  I  wrote  to  you  more  fully  by  captain  Jones ; 
he  sailed  some  time  since  in  the  Ariel;  but 
met  with  a  severe  storm,  that  entirely  dis 
masted  him,  and  obliged  him  to  put  back  for 
France.  He  has  been  long  re-fitting,  but  will 
sail  again  soon,  every  thing  goes  well  here. 
«B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Samuel  Huntingdon,  President  of  Con 
gress. 

"  PASSY,  December  2, 1780. 

"  SIR, — The  many  mutual  advantages  that 
must  arise  from  carrying  into  execution,  the 
proposition  already  communicated  to  congress, 
of  furnishing  provisions  to  the  king's  forces  in 
America,  to  be  paid  for  here,  have,  I  make  no 
doubt,  already  induced  them  to  begin  the 

afterwards  in  his  petition  to  the  house  of  commons, 
written  by  himself  in  the  Tower,  with  a  black  lead 
pencil,  on  a  blank  leaf  of  an  octavo  book,  and  private 
ly  conveyed  to  Mr.  Burke,  who  presented  it  in  that 
state  to  the  house.  In  this  petition,  dated  Dec.  7, 1781, 
he  expressly  states :  "  That  he  was  captured  on  the 
American  coast,  and  committed  to  the  Tower  on  the 
6th  of  October,  1780,  being  then  dangerously  ill :  that 
in  the  meantime  he  has  in  many  respects,  particularly 
by  being  deprived  (with  very  little  exception)  of  the  vi 
sits  and  consolations  of  his  children  and  other  rela 
tions  and  friends,  suffered  under  a  degree  of  rigour,  al 
most,  if  not  altogether,  unexampled  in  modern  British 
history. 

"That  from  long  confinement,  and  the  want  of  pro 
per  exercise,  and  other  obvious  causes,  his  bodily  health 
is  greatly  impaired,  and  that  he  is  now  in  a  languishing 
state,"  &c.  &c.  (See  Dodsley's  Annual  Register  for  I78i 
and  1782.) 


operation.  But  as  the  proposition  has  lately 
been  renewed  to  me,  on  occasion  of  my  re 
questing  further  aids  of  money  to  answer  the 
unexpected  drafts  upon  me,  ordered  by  the 
resolutions  of  May  and  August  last,  which 
drafts  it  is  absolutely  necessary  I  should  find 
funds  to  pay,  and  as  the  congress  have  long 
desired  to  have  the  means  of  forming  funds  in 
Europe,  and  an  easier,  cheaper,  and  safer 
method  cannot  possibly  be  conceived ;  and  as 
I  see  by  the  journals  of  February,  that  the 
several  states  were  to  furnish  provisions  in 
quantities  instead  of  supplies  in  money, 
whereby  much  will  be  in  the  disposition  of 
congress ;  I  flatter  myself,  that  they  will  not 
disapprove  of  my  engaging  in  their  behalf, 
with  the  minister  of  the  finances  here  ;  that 
they  will  cause  to  be  delivered  for  the  king's 
land  and  sea  forces  in  North  America,  such 
provisions  as  maybe  wanted  from  time  to  time, 
to  the  amount  of  four  hundred  thousand  dollars, 
value  of  five  livres  Tournois,  per  dollar  the 
said  provisions  to  be  furnished  at  the  current 
prices  for  which  they  might  be  bought  for 
silver  specie.  I  have  constantly  done  my  ut 
most  to  support  the  credit  of  congress,  by 
procuring  wherewith  punctually  to  pay  all 
their  drafts,  and  I  have  no  doubt  of  their  care 
to  support  mine  in  this  instance,  by  fulfilling 
honourably  my  engagement,  in  which  case, 
receipts  in  due  form  should  be  taken  of  the 
persons  to  whom  the  provisions  are  delivered 
in  the  several  states,  and  those  receipts  sent 
to  me  here."  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  P.  S.  This  value  of  four  hundred  thousand 
dollars,  is  to  be  considered  as  exclusive  of 
any  provisions  already  furnished  :  but  the  re 
ceipts  for  those  should  also  be  sent  me  if  not 
paid  for  there." 

To  the  same. 

"  PASSY,  December  3.  1789. 

"  SIR, — I  duly  received  the  letter  your  ex 
cellency  did  me  the  honour  of  writing  to  me, 
the  12th  of  July  past,  by  Mr.  Searle,  and  have 
paid  the  bills  drawn  on  me  by  order  of  con 
gress,  in  favour  of  the  president  and  council 
of  Pennsylvania,  for  one  thousand  pounds  ster 
ling,  which  were  presented  by  him.  He  is  at 
present  in  Holland. 

"  The  news  of  Mr.  Laurens  being  taken 
must  have  reached  you  long  since.  He  is 
confined  in  the  Tower,  but  of  late  has  some 
more  liberty  for  taking  air  and  exercise  than 
first  was  allowed  him.  Certain  papers  found 
with  him  relating  to  the  drafts  of  a  treaty  pro 
posed  in  Holland,  have  been  sent  over  to  the 
stadtholder,  who  laid  them  before  their  high 
mightinesses,  who  communicated  them  to  the 
government  of  the  city  of  Amsterdam ;  which 
justified  the  transaction.  This  has  drawn 
from  England,  a  memorial  delivered  by  sir  Jo- 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


371 


seph  Yorke,  demanding  that  the  pensionary 
and  magistrates  of  that  city,  should  be  pu 
nished  ;  and  declaring  that  the  king  will  re 
sent  a  refusal  of  the  states  to  comply  with 
this  demand.  What  answer  will  be  given  to 
this  insolent  memorial  we  do  not  yet  know. 
But  I  hear  it  has  produced  much  displeasure 
in  Holland,  and  it  is  thought  to  have  occasioned 
a  more  prompt  accession  to  the  armed  neutra 
lity  which  had  before  met  with  obstructions 
from  the  English  party  there. 

"  We  have  met  with  a  variety  of  unaccoun 
table  delays  and  difficulties  in  the  affair  of 
shipping  the  clothing  and  stores.  The  Alli 
ance  went  away  without  taking  her  part. 
The  Ariel  sailed,  but  met  a  storm  at  sea  that  dis 
masted  her,  and  obliged  her  to  return  to  France. 
She  is  nearly  again  ready  to  sail.  Mr.  Ross, 
with  his  cargo  of  clothes  in  the  duke  of  Lein- 
ster,  sailed  under  convoy  of  the  Ariel,  but  did 
not  return  with  her,  and  I  hope  may  get  safe 
to  America.  The  great  ship  we  hired  to 
come  to  L' Orient,  and  take  in  the  rest  of 
what  we  had  to  send,  has  been  long  unexpect 
edly  detained  at  Bourdeaux.  I  am  afraid  the 
army  has  suffered  for  want  of  the  clothes,  but 
it  has  been  as  impossible  for  me  to  avoid,  as  it 
was  to  foresee  these  delays. 

"  The  late  minister  of  the  marine  here,  M. 
de  Sartine,  is  removed,  and  his  place  supplied 
by  M.  le  marquis  de  Castries.  But  this 
change  does  not  affect  the  general  system  of 
the  court,  which  continues  favourable  to  us. 

;'  I  have  received  a  copy  of  the  resolutions 
of  congress  of  the  19th  of  May,  and  the  9th, 
15th,  23d,  and  30th  of  August,  directing  bills 
to  be  drawn  on  me  for  near  300,000  dollars. 
I  shall  accept  the  bills,  hoping  the  congress 
will  approve  of,  and  readily  comply  with  the 
proposition  contained  in  a  letter  to  your  ex 
cellency  accompanying  this,  dated  the  2d  in 
stant.  Probably  an  answer  may  arrive  here 
before  many  of  those  bills  shall  become  due,  as 
few  of  them  are  yet  arrived.  If  that  answer 
ratifies  the  agreement  I  have  made,  I  shall 
have  no  difficulty  in  finding  means  to  pay  the 
rest.  If  not,  I  shall  scarce  be  able  to  bear 
the  reproaches  of  merchants,  that  I  have  mis 
led  them  to  their  loss,  by  my  acceptations, 
which  gave  a  promise  of  payment,  that  not 
being  fulfilled,  has  deranged  their  affairs,  to 
say  nothing  of  the  power  I  am  told  the  con 
sul's  court  here  has  over  the  persons  even  of 
ministers,  in  cases  of  bills  of  exchange.  Let 
me  therefore  beg  your  excellency  to  use  your 
endeavours  with  congress,  that  this  matter 
may  be  immediately  attended  to. 

"  Mr.  Jay,  no  doubt,  has  made  you  acquaint 
ed  with  his  difficulties  respecting  the  drafts 
upon  him.  I  am  sorry  I  cannot  extricate  him, 
but  I  hope  he  will  still  find  means. 

"  The  Mars,  an  armed  ship  belonging  to  the 
state  of  Massachusetts,  in  her  way  to  France, 
took,  and  sent  to  New  England,  a  Portu 


guese  ship,  bound  to  Cork,  with  salt,  belong 
ing  to  some  merchant  there.  The  Portuguese 
captain,  who  is  brought  in  here,  complains 
heavily  of  ill  usage  and  plunder,  besides  taking 
his  vessel,  and  the  ambassador  of  that  nation 
has  communicated  to  me  these  complaints,  to 
gether  with  all  the  papers,  proving  the  pro 
perty  of  the  vessel ;  representing,  at  the  same 
time,  the  good  disposition  of  the  queen  to  our 
states,  and  his  wishes  that  nothing  might 
lessen  it,  or  tend  to  prevent  or  delay  a  com 
plete  good  understanding  between  the  two 
nations.  I  advised  that  the  owners  should 
send  over  their  claim,  and  impower  some 
persons  to  prosecute  it,  in  which  case,  I  did 
not  doubt  our  courts  would  do  them  justice. 
I  hope  the  congress  may  think  fit  to  take 
some  notice  of  this  affair,  and  not  only  for 
ward  a  speedy  decision,  but  give  orders  to  our 
cruizers  not  to  meddle  with  neutral  ships  for 
the  future,  it  being  a  practice  apt  to  produce 
ill  blood,  and  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  new 
league  which  is  approved  by  all  Europe ;  and 
the  English  property  found  in  such  vessels 
will  hardly  pay  the  damages  brought  on  us  by 
the  irregular  proceedings  of  our  captain?,  in 
endeavouring  to  get  at  such  property. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  M.  Dumas. 

"  PASSY,  December  3,  1780. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  before  me  yours  of 
the  9th  and  16th  of  November,  which  I  think 
are  the  last  I  received  from  you. 

"  With  regard  to  the  augmentation  of  your 
salary,  I  would  not  have  you  place  too  great 
a  dependence  on  it,  lest  a  disappointment 
should  thereby  be  rendered  more  afflicting. 

"  If  a  good  peace  were  once  established,  we 
should  soon  be  richer,  and  better  able  to  re 
ward  those  that  serve  us. — At  present  the  ex 
pense  of  the  war  hangs  heavy  on  the  United 
States,  and  we  cannot  pay  like  old  and  rich 
kingdoms. 

"  Mr.  W.  Lee  has,  as  you  observe,  acted 
very  imprudently  in  that  affair :  but  perhaps 
some  good  may  come  of  it. 

"  Mr.  Adams  has  written  to  me  for  a  copy 
of  a  letter  I  formerly  wrote  to  873,  373,  657. 
If  you  have  such  a  one  please  to  give  it  to  him. 
I  remember  of  but  one,  which  went  with  a 
copy  of  873,  897,  948,  337.  I  imagine  that 
he  rather  means  a  letter  I  wrote  to  you,  in 
which  I  represented  our  girl  as  a  jolly  one, 
and  who  would  be  a  good  fortune  in  time,  &c. 
I  have  no  copy  of  that.  If  you  still  have  that 
letter,  please  to  give  Mr.  Adams  a  copy  of  that 
also. 

"  I  wish  much  to  see  the  answer,  that  their 
high  mightinesses  will  give  to  the  insolent 
memorial  presented  by  sir  Joseph  Yorke.  If 
they  comply  with  it,  and  punish  or  censure  the 
pensionary  of  Amsterdam,  I  shall  think  it  a 


372 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


pierre  de  louche  for  the  stadtholder  as  well  as 
for  the  king  of  England ;  and  that  neither  Mr. 
Adams  will  be  safe  at  Amsterdam,  nor  our 
ships  in  any  port  of  Holland.  Let  me  there 
fore  know  by  the  earliest  means  the  turn  this 
affair  is  like  to  take,  that  I  may  advertise  our 
government  and  our  merchants. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  same. 

"  PASSY,  Jan.  18, 1781. 

"  DEAR  SIR,— Since  my  last  I  have  been 
favoured  by  yours  of  December  1,  7, 14,  21, 
25,  and  January  1,  by  which  you  have  kept 
me  constantly  well  informed  of  the  state  of 
aifairs.  Accept  my  thanks.  You  may  de 
pend  on  my  mentioning  your  diligence  and 
services  to  congress  in  the  manner  they  merit. 
"Though  I  have  been  some  weeks  free 
from  the  gout,  my  feet  are  still  tender,  and 
my  knees  feeble,  so  that  going  up  and  down 
stairs  is  exceedingly  difficult  and  inconveni 
ent  to  me.  This  has  prevented  my  going 
much  out,  so  that  I  had  not  the  honour  I  wish 
ed  of  waiting  on  the  ambassador  when  he  was 
here,  and  paying  the  respects  I  owe  him ;  and 
he  returned  suddenly. 

"  I  much  approve  of  the  step  you  took  the 
16th  of  December,  before  Messrs.  Adams  and 
Searle.  I  received  the  copy.  I  wondered 
to  find  that  you  had  not  in  Holland,  on  the 
28th,  received  the  declaration  of  war,  but  have 
since  learnt  how  it  happened.  Surely  there 
never  was  a  more  unjust  war ;  it  is  manifest 
ly  such  from  their  own  manifesto.  The  spirit 
of  rapine  dictated  it ;  and  in  my  opinion  every 
man  in  England  who  fits  out  a  privateer  to 
take  advantage  of  it,  has  the  same  spirit,  and 
would  rob  on  the  highway  in  his  own  coun 
try,  if  he  was  not  restrained  by  fear  of  the 
gallows.  They  have  qualified  poor  captain 
Jones,  with  the  title  of  pirate,  who  was  only 
at  war  with  England  :  but  if  it  be  a  good  de 
finition  of  a  pirate  that  he  is  hostis  humani 
generis,  they  are  much  more  pirates  than  he, 
having  already  made  great  progress  towards 
being  at  war  with  all  the  world.  If  God  go 
verns,  as  I  firmly  believe,  it  is  impossible  such 
wickedness  should  long  prosper. 

"  You  will  receive  this  by  Mr.  Deane,  who 
has  a  great  regard  for  you,  and  whom  I  re 
commend  to  your  civilities ;  though  the  gen 
tleman  at  present  with  you  may  be  prejudiced 
against  him :  prejudices  that  time  will  cause 
to  vanish,  by  showing  they  were  groundless 
I  enclose  a  packet  for  Leyden,  which  I  shal 
be  glad  to  hear  is  delivered  safe,  and  there 
fore  desire  your  care  of  it. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  P.  S.  Jan.  20.  Since  writing  the  above 
I  have  received  yours  of  the  12th  instant.  I 


am  glad  to  hear  that  the  aifairs  of  the  repub- 
ic  have  taken  so  good  a  turn  in  Russia.    If 

not  inconvenient  or  improper,  I  should  be  glad 

to  hear  what  passed  relating  to  public  affairs 

while  67  was  at  your  31,  and  whether  he  saw 

25,  &c. 

"  With  this  you  will  receive  three  letters 

for  Mr.  Laurens,  which  I  request  you  would 

forward  to  Mr.  Adams. 

« Be  of  good  courage,  and  keep  up  your 

spirits.    Your  last  letter  has  a  melancholy 
;urn.     Do  you  take  sufficient  bodily  exercise  ? 

Walking  is  an  excellent  thing  for  those  whose 

employment  is  chiefly  sedentary." 


"  Sir  Edward  Newenham,  Dublin. 

"  PASSY,  Feb.  12, 1781. 

'  SIR, — I  have  received  the  letter  you  did 
me  the  honour  of  writing  to  me  the  12th  ult. 
Enclosed  with  this,  I  send  you  the  passport 
desired,  which  I  hope  will  be  respected  and 
effectual.  With  great  esteem  I  have  the  ho 
nour  to  be,  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  To  all  captains  and  commanders  of  vessels 
of  war  belonging  to  the  thirteen  United 
States  of  America,  or  either  of  them,  or  to 
any  of  the  citizens  of  the  said  States,  or  to 
any  of  the  allies  thereof. 
"Gentlemen, — It  being  authentically  re 
presented  to  me,  that  the  worthy  citizens  of 
Dublin,  touched  with  the  general  calamities 
with  which  Divine  providence  has  thought  fit 
lately  to  visit  the  West  India  Islands,  have 
charitably  resolved  to  contribute  to  their  re 
lief,  by  sending  them  some  provisions  and 
clothing ;  and  as  the  principles  of  common 
humanity  require  of  us  to  assist  our  fellow- 
creatures,  though  enemies,  when  distressed 
by  the  hand  of  God,  and  by  no  means  to  im 
pede  the  benevolence  of  those  who  commis 
erate  their  distresses,  and  would  alleviate 
them ;  I  do  hereby  earnestly  recommend  it  to 
you,  that  if  the  ship  or  vessel  in  which  the 
said  charitable  supplies  will  be  sent  to  the  said 
islands,  should  by  fortune  of  war  fall  into  any 
of  your  hands,  and  it  shall  appear  to  you  by 
her  authentic  papers  that  the  cargo  is  bona 
fide  composed  of  such  beneficent  donations 
only,  and  not  of  merchandise  intended  to  be 
sold  for  the  profit  of  the  shippers ;  you  would 
kindly  and  generously  permit  the  said  vessel 
to  pass  to  the  place  of  her  destination :  in  do- 
ino-  of  which,  you  will  not  only  have  the  pre 
sent  and  lasting  satisfaction  of  having  gratifi 
ed  your  own  humane  and  pious  feelings  as 
men  and  as  Christians,  but  will  undoubtedly 
recommend  yourselves  to  the  favour  of  God, 
of  the  congress,  of  your  employers,  and  of 
your  country. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


373 


"  Wishing  you  success  in  your  cruises,  I 
have  the  honour  to  be,  gentlemen,  &c. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  Minister  plenipotentiary  from  the  United 
States  at  the  Court  of  France." 


"  Count  (le,  Vergennes. 

"PASSY,  February  13,  1781. 

"  Sm, — I  HAVE  just  received  from  congress 
their  letter  for  the  king,  which  I  have  the 
honour  of  putting  herewith  into  the  hands  of 
your  excellency. 

"  I  am  charged  at  the  same  time  to  repre 
sent,  in  the  strongest  terms,  the  unalterable 
resolution  of  the  United  States,  to  maintain 
their  liberties  and  independence,  and  invio 
lably  to  adhere  to  the  alliance  at  every  ha 
zard,  and  in  every  event ;  and  that  the  mis 
fortunes  of  the  last  campaign,  instead  of  re 
pressing,  have  redoubled  their  ardour ;  that 
congress  are  resolved  to  employ  every  re 
source  in  their  power  to  expel  the  enemy 
from  every  part  of  the  United  States,  by  the 
most  vigorous  and  decisive  co-operation  with 
the  marine  and  other  forces  of  their  illustri 
ous  ally :  that  they  have  accordingly  called  on 
the  several  states,  for  a  powerful  army  and 
ample  supplies  of  provisions ;  and  that  the 
states  are  disposed  effectually  to  comply  with 
their  requisitions. 

"  That  if  in  aid  of  their  own  exertions,  the 
court  of  France  can  be  prevailed  on  to  assume 
a  naval  superiority  in  the  American  seas,  to 
furnish  the  arms,  ammunition,  and  clothing 
specified  in  the  estimate  heretofore  transmit 
ted,  and  to  assist  with  the  loan  mentioned  in 
the  letter,  they  flatter  themselves  that  under 
the  Divine  blessings,  the  war  must  speedily 
be  terminated  with  glory  and  advantage  to 
both  nations.  By  several  letters  to  me  from 
intelligent  persons,  it  appears,  that  the  great 
and  expensive  exertions  of  the  last  year,  by 
which  a  force  was  assembled  capable  of  fa 
cing  the  enemy,  and  which  accordingly  drew 
towards  New  York  and  lay  long  near  that 
city,  was  rendered  ineffectual  by  the  superi 
ority  of  the  enemy  at  sea,  and  that  their  suc 
cess  in  Carolina  had  been  chiefly  owing  to 
that  superiority,  and  to  the  want  of  the  ne 
cessary  means  for  furnishing,  marching,  and 
paying  the  expense  of  troops,  sufficient  to  de 
fend  that  province. 

"  The  marquis  de  la  Fayette  writes  to  me, 
that  it  is  impossible  to  conceive,  without  see 
ing  it,  the  distress  the  troops  have  suffered  for 
want  of  clothing;  and  the  following  is  a  para 
graph  of  a  letter  from  general  Washington, 
which  I  ought  not  to  keep  back  from  your 
excellency,  viz. 

"  '  I  doubt  not  you  are  so  fully  informed  by 

congress  of  our  political  and  military  state,  that 

it  would  be  superfluous  to  trouble  you  with 

any  thing  relative  to  either.     If  I  were  to 

32 


speak  on  topics  of  the  kind,  it  would  be  to 
show,  that  our  present  situation  makes  one 
of  two  things  essential  to  us — a  peace — or 
the  most  vigorous  aid  of  our  allies,  particu 
larly  in  the  article  of  money ;  of  their  dispo 
sition  to  serve  us  we  cannot  doubt:  their  ge 
nerosity  will  do  every  thing,  their  means  will 
permit.' 

"  They  had  in  America  great  expectations, 
I  know  not  on  what  foundation,  that  a  con 
siderable  supply  of  money  would  be  obtained 
from  Spain,  but  that  expectation  has  failed  : 
and  the  force  of  that  nation  in  those  seas  has 
been  employed  to  reduce  small  forts  in  Flo 
rida,  without  rendering  any  direct  assistance 
to  the  United  States ;  and  indeed  the  long 
delay  of  that  court,  in  acceding  to  the  treaty 
of  commerce,  begins  to  have  the  appearance 
of  its  not  inclining  to  have  any  connexion 
with  us;  so  that,  for  effectual  friendship,  and 
for  the  aid  so  necessary  in  the  present  con 
juncture,  we  can  rely  on  France  alone,  and 
in  the  continuance  of  the  king's  goodness 
towards  us. 

"  I  am  grown  old,  I  feel  myself  much  en 
feebled  by  my  late  long  illness,  and  it  is  pro 
bable  I  shall  not  long  have  any  more  concern 
in  these  affairs.  I  therefore  take  this  occa 
sion  to  express  my  opinion  to  your  excellen 
cy,  that  the  present  conjuncture  is  critical ; 
that  there  is  some  danger  lest  the  congress 
should  lose  its  influence  over  the  people,  if  ii 
is  found  unable  to  procure  the  aids  that  are 
wanted;  and  that  the  whole  system  of  the 
new  government  in  America  may  thereby  be 
shaken. 

"  That  if  the  English  are  suffered  once  to 
recover  that  country,  such  an  opportunity  of 
effectual  separation  as  the  present,  may  not 
occur  again  in  the  course  of  ages ;  and  that 
the  possession  of  those  fertile  and  extensive 
regions,  and  that  vast  sea-coast,  will  afford 
them  so  broad  a  basis  for  future  greatness,  by 
the  rapid  growth  of  their  commerce,  and 
breed  of  seamen  and  soldiers,  as  will  enable 
them  to  become  the  terror  of  Europe,  and  to 
exercise  with  impunity  that  insolence  which 
is  so  natural  to  their  nation,  and  which  will 
increase  enormously  with  the  increase  of 
their  power.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

To  the  same. 

"  PASSY,  March  6,  1781. 

'  SIR, — By  perceiving  the  enclosed  instruc 
tions  to  colonel  Laurens  and  myself,  your 
excellency  will  see  the  necessity  I  am  under, 
of  being  importunate  for  an  answer  to  the  ap 
plication  lately  made  for  aids  of  stores  and 
money. 

"  As  vessels  are  about  to  depart  for  Ame 
rica,  it  is  of  the  utmost  importance  that  con 
gress  should  receive  advice  by  some  of  them, 
of  what  may  or  may  not  be  expected. — 


374 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


I  therefore  earnestly  entreat  your  excellency 
to  communicate  to  me  as  soon  as  possible  the 
necessary  information. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"Mans.  Nogaret. 

"  PASSY,  March  8, 1781. 

"  SIR, — I  received  the  letter  you  have  done 
me  the  honour  of  writing  to  me  the  2d  instant, 
wherein,  after  overwhelming  me  with  a  flood 
of  compliments,  which  I  can  never  hope  to 
merit,  you  request  my  opinion  of  your  trans 
lation  of  a  Latin  verse,  that  has  been  applied 
to  me.*  If  I  were,  which  I  really  am  not, 
sufficiently  skilled  in  your  excellent  language 
to  be  a  proper  judge  of  its  poesy,  the  supposi 
tion  of  my  being  the  subject  must  restrain  me 
from  giving  any  opinion  on  that  line,  except 
that  it  ascribes  too  much  to  me,  especially  in 
what  relates  to  the  tyrant;  the  revolution 
having  been  the  work  of  many  able  and  brave 
men,  wherein  it  is  sufficient  honour  for  me  if 
I  am  allowed  a  small  share. 

"  I  am  much  obliged  by  the  favourable  sen 
timents  you  are  pleased  to  entertain  of  me ; 
and  I  shall  be  glad  to  see  your  remarks  on 
Gay's  Fan,  as  well  as  your  own  poem  on  the 
same  subject.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Memorial  to  the  States- General  of  the  Low 
Countries. 

"  HIGH  AND  MIGHTY  LORDS, — The  sub 
scriber,  a  minister  plenipotentiary  from  the 
United  States  of  America,  has  the  honour  to 
lay  before  your  high  mightinesses,  as  one  of 
the  high  contracting  parties  to  the  maritime 
treaty  lately  concluded,  relative  to  the  rights 
of  neutral  vessels,  a  resolution  of  congress  of 
the  fifth  of  October  last,  concerning  the  same 
subject. 

"  As  the  American  resolution  furnished  the 
occasion  of  a  reformation  in  the  maritime  law 
of  nations,  of  so  much  importance  to  a  free 
communication  among  mankind  by  sea,  the 
subscriber  hopes  it  may  not  be  thought  im 
proper,  that  the  United  States  should  become 
parties  to  it,  entitled  to  its  benefits,  and  sub 
jected  to  its  duties — to  this  end,  the  subscriber 
has  the  honour  of  requesting,  that  the  reso 
lution  of  congress  may  be  taken  into  the  consi 
deration  of  your  high  mightinesses,  andtrans- 

*  Eripuit  Coelo  Fulmen,  Sceptrumque  Tyrannis. 
Thus  translated  by  D'Alembert : — 
"  Tu  vois  le  sage  courageux 
Dont  1'heureux  et  male  genie ; 
Arracha  le  tonnerre  aux  Dieux, 
Et  le  sceptre  a  la  tyrannei." 
English  translation  by  James  Elphinston  : — 
"  He  snatcht  the  bolt  from  Heaven's  avenging  hand, 
Disarm'd  and  drove  the  tyrant  from  the  land." 

Another : — 

"  He  snatch'd  thunder  from  the  heavens, 
And  the  sceptre  from  the  hands  of  tyrants." 


mitted  to  the  courts  of  Russia,  Sweden,  and 
Denmark. 

'The  subscriber  begs  leave  to  subjoin, 
that  he  should  esteem  it  one  of  the  most  fortu 
nate  events  of  his  life,  if  this  proposition  should 
meet  with  the  approbation  of  your  high  migh- 
inesses,  and  the  other  powers  who  are  par 
ies  to  the  neutral  confederacy,  and  he  should 
)e  admitted,  as  the  instrument  of  pledging 
the  faith  of  the  United  States,  to  the  observ 
ance  of  regulations,  which  do  so  much  honour 
to  the  present  age.  JOHN  ADAMS. 

'  The  Hague,  8th  March,  1781." 

"  John  Adams  to  Prince  Gallitzin. 

"  LEYDEN,  March  8, 1781. 

;'Sm, — I  have  lately  received  from  con 
gress,  as  one  of  their  ministers  plenipotenti 
ary,  their  resolution  of  the  5th  of  October  last, 
relative  to  the  rights  of  neutral  vessels,  a  copy 
of  which  I  do  myself  the  honour  to  enclose  to 
your  excellency,  as  the  representative  of  one 
of  the  high  contracting  parties  to  the  mari 
time  treaty  lately  concluded,  concerning  this 
subject. 

"  As  I  am  fixed  by  my  duty,  for  the  present, 
to  this  part  of  Europe,  I  have  no  other  way 
of  communicating  this  measure  of  congress  to 
the  northern  courts,  but  by  the  favour  of  their 
ministers  in  this  republic.  I  must  therefore 
request  of  your  excellency,  if  their  is  no  im 
propriety  in  it,  to  transmit  the  resolution  to 
the  minister  of  foreign  affairs  of  her  imperial 
majesty. 

"  Your  excellency  will  permit  me  to  add, 
that  I  should  esteem  myself  very  fortunate, 
to  be  the  instrument  of  pledging,  in  form,  the 
faith  of  the  United  States  of  America  to  a  re 
formation,  in  the  maritime  law  of  nations, 
which  does  so  much  honour  to  the  present 
age.  JOHN  ADAMS." 


"M.  Rayneval,  secretary  to  the  council  of 
state. 

"PASSY,  March  11,  1781. 

"  SIR, — I  have  examined  the  list  of  sup 
plies  wanted  in  America,  which  I  received 
yesterday  from  you,  in  order  to  mark,  as  desir 
ed,  what  may  be  most  necessary  to  forward 
thither.  As  that  list  is  of  old  date,  and  I  do 
not  know  what  part  of  it  may  have  been  al 
ready  procured  by  other  channels,  and  I  un 
derstand  by  my  letters,  that  a  new  list  has 
been  made  out,  which  is  given  to  colonel 
Laurens,  and  though  mentioned  to  be  sent  to 
me  also,  is  not  yet  come  to  my  hands,  I  have 
thought  it  may  be  well  for  the  present  to  or 
der  the  making  of  a  quantity  of  soldiers' and 
officers'  clothing,  equal  to  one  third  part  of 
what  has  been  demanded  from  page  31  to  page 
42,  inclusive ;  and  to  collect  and  get  ready 
also  one  third  of  the  other  articles  mentioned 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


375 


in  the  said  pages,  which  I  have  marked  with 
a  red  line  in  the  margin ;  the  whole  to  be 
sent  by  the  first  good  opportunity.  I  think  it 
would  be  well  also  to  send  five  thousand  more 
good  fusils,  with  fifty  tons  of  lead,  and  two 
hundred  thousand  flints  for  fusils.  If  these 
could  go  with  the  fleet,  it  would  be  of  great 
service.  More  powder  is  not  necessary  to  be 
sent  at  present,  as  there  goes  in  the  marquis 
de  la  Fayette  the  remainder  of  the  two  thou 
sand  barrels  granted  last  year,  and  also  two 
hundred  tons  of  salt  petre,  which  they  will 
make  into  powder.  For  the  other  articles  that 
may  be  wanted,  as  colonel  Laurens  will  come 
fully  instructed,  as  well  by  the  list  given  to 
him,  as  from  his  own  observation  and  experi 
ence  in  the  army,  and  from  the  informations 
he  will  receive  from  general  Washington, 
with  whom  and  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette,  he 
was  to  consult  before  his  departure,  I  conceive 
it  will  be  best  to  wait  a  little  for  his  arrival. 
"  I  return  the  lists,  and  having  by  some  un 
accountable  accident  mislaid  and  lost  the  pa 
per*  you  gave  me  containing  what  count  de 
Vergennes  said  to  me  yesterday,  I  must  beg 
the  favour  of  you  to  report  it,  and  send  it  by 
the  bearer.  I  am  ashamed  to  give  you  this 
trouble,  but  I  wish  to  be  exact  in  what  1  am 
writing  of  it  to  congress.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"Samuel  Huntingdon,  President  of  Con 
gress. 

"  PAS3T,  march  12, 1781. 

"  SIR, — I  had  the  honour  of  receiving,  on 
the  13th  of  last  month,  your  excellency'!  let 
ter  of  the  first  of  January,  together  with  the 
instructions  of  November  23th  and  December 
27th,  a  copy  of  those  to  colonel  Laurens,  and 
the  letter  to  the  king.  I  immediately  drew  up 
a  memorial,  enforcing  as  strongly  as  I  could, 
the  request  contained  in  that  letter,  and  di 
rected  by  the  instructions,  and  delivered  the 
same  with  the  letter,  which  were  both  well 
received ;  but  the  ministry  being  extremely 
occupied  with  other  weighty  affairs,  and  I  ob 
taining  for  some  time  only  general  answers, 
that  something  would  be  done  for  us,  &c.  and 
Mr.  Laurens  not  arriving,  I  wrote  again,  and 
pressed  strongly  for  a  decision  on  the  subject, 
that  I  might  be  able  to  write  explicitly  by 
this  opportunity,  what  aids  the  congress  were 
or  were  not  to  expect — the  regulation  of  their 
operations  for  the  campaign  depending  on  the 
information  I  should  be  enabled  to  give.  Up 
on  this  I  received  a  note  appointing  Saturday 
last  for  a  meeting  with  the  minister,  which  I 
attended  punctually.  He  assured  me  of  the 
king's  good  will  to  the  United  States ;  re 
marking,  however,  that  being  on  the  spot,  I 
must  be  sensible  of  the  great  expense  France 

*  The  paper  was  found  soon  after  this  letter  was  sent. 


was  actually  engaged  in,  and  the  difficulty  of 
providing  for  it,  which  rendered  the  lending 
us  twenty-five  millions  at  present  impractica 
ble,  but  he  informed  me  that  the  letter  from 
the  congress,  and  my  memorial,  had  been  un 
der  his  majesty's  consideration,  and  observed, 
as  to  loans  in  general,  that  the  sum  we  wanted 
to  borrow  in  Europe  was  large,  and  that  the  de 
preciation  of  our  paper,  hurt  our  paper  on  this 
side  of  the  water,  adding  that  the  king  could  not 
possibly  favour  a  loan  for  us  in  his  dominions, 
because  it  would  interfere  with,  and  be  a  preju 
dice  to  those  he  was  under  the  necessity  of 
obtaining  himself  to  support  the  war ;  but  in 
order  to  justice,  states  a  signal  proof  of  his 
friendship,  his  majesty  had  resolved  to  grant 
them  the  sum  of  six  millions,  not  as  a  loan, 
but  as  a  free  gift ;  this  sum,  the  minister  in 
formed  me,  was  exclusive  of  the  three  mil 
lions  which  he  had  before  obtained  for  me,  to 
pay  the  congress  drafts,  for  interest,  &c.  ex 
pected  in  the  current  year.  He  added,  that 
as  it  was  understood  the  clothing,  &c.  with 
which  our  army  had  been  heretofore  supplied 
from  France,  was  often  of  bad  quality,  and 
dear,  the  ministers  themselves  would  take 
care  of  the  purchase  of  such  articles  as  should 
be  immediately  wanted,  and  send  them  over, 
and  it  was  desired  of  me  to  look  over  the 
great  invoice  that  had  been  sent  hither  last 
year,  and  mark  out  those  articles ;  that  as  to 
the  money  remaining  after  such  purchases,  it 
was  to  be  drawn  for  by  general  Washington, 
upon  M.  d'Harvelay,  garde  du  tresor  royal, 
and  the  bills  would  be  duly  honoured,  but  it 
was  desired  that  they  might  be  drawn  gradu 
ally,  as  the  money  should  be  wanted,  and  as 
much  time  given  for  the  payment,  after  sight, 
as  could  be  conveniently,  that  the  payment 
might  be  the  more  easy.  I  assured  the  mi 
nister,  that  the  congress  would  be  very  sen 
sible  of  this  token  of  his  majesty's  continued 
goodness  towards  the  United  States,  but  re 
marked,  that  it  was  not  the  usage  with  us  for 
the  general  to  draw,  and  proposed  that  it 
might  be  our  treasurer,  who  should  draw  the 
bills  for  the  remainder,  but  was  told  that  it 
was  his  majesty's  order.  And  I  afterwards 
understood  from  the  secretary  of  the  council, 
that  as  the  sum  was  intended  for  the  supply 
of  the  army,  and  could  not  be  so  large  as  we 
had  demanded  for  general  occasions,  it  was 
thought  best  to  put  it  in  the  general's  hands, 
that  it  might  not  get  into  those  of  the  differ 
ent  boards  or  committees,  who  might  think 
themselves  under  the  necessity  of  diverting  it 
to  other  purposes.  There  was  no  room  to  dis 
pute  on  this  point,  every  donor  having  the 
right  of  qualifying  his  gifts  with  such  terms 
as  he  thinks  proper.  I  look  with  me  the  in 
voice,  and  having  examined  it,  I  returned  it 
immediately  with  a  letter,  of  which  a  copy  is 
enclosed,  and  I  suppose  its  contents  will  be 
followed,  unless  colonel  Laurens,  on  his  arri- 


376 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


val,  should  make  any  changes.  I  hope  he  and 
colonel  Palfrey  are  safe,  though  as  yet  not 
heard  of. 

"  After  the  discourse  relating  to  the  aid  was 
ended,  the  minister  proceeded  to  inform  me, 
that  the  courts  of  Petersburg  and  Vienna  had 
offered  their  mediation,  that  the  king  had  an 
swered  it  would  to  him  personally  be  agree 
able,  but  that  he  could  not  yet  accept  it,  be 
cause  he  had  allies  whose  concurrence  was 
necessary.  And  that  his  majesty  desired  that 
I  would  acquaint  the  congress  with  this  offer 
and  answer,  and  urge  their  sending  such  in 
structions  as  they  may  think  proper  to  their 
plenipotentiary,  it  being  not  doubted  that  they 
would  readily  accept  the  proposed  mediation, 
from  their  own  sense  of  its  being  both  useful 
and  necessary.  I  mentioned  that  I  did  sup 
pose  Mr.  Adams  was  already  furnished  with 
instructions  relating  to  any  treaty  of  peace 
that  might  be  proposed. 

"  I  must  now  beg  leave  to  say  something 
relating  to  myself,  a  subject  with  which  I 
have  not  often  troubled  the  congress.  I  have 
passed  my  seventy-fifth  year,  and  I  find  that 
the  long  and  severe  fit  of  the  gout  which  I 
had  the  last  winter,  has  shaken  me  exceed 
ingly  ;  and  I  am  yet  far  from  having  recover 
ed  the  bodily  strength  I  before  enjoyed.  I  do 
not  know  that  my  mental  faculties  are  im 
paired.  Perhaps  I  shall  be  the  last  to  disco 
ver  that ;  but  I  am  sensible  of  great  diminu 
tion  in  my  activity,  a  quality,  I  think  parti 
cularly  necessary  in  your  minister  at  this 
court.  I  am  afraid  therefore,  that  your  af 
fairs  may  some  time  or  other  suffer  by  my  de 
ficiency.  I  find  also  that  the  business  is  too 
heavy  for  me,  and  too  confining.  The  con 
stant  attendance  at  home  which  is  necessary 
for  receiving  and  accepting  your  bills  of  ex 
change,  (a  matter  foreign  to  my  ministerial 
functions}  to  answer  letters,  and  perform 
other  parts  of  my  employment,  prevents  my 
taking  the  air  and  exercise  which  my  annual 
journies  formerly  used  to  afford  me,  and 
which  contributed  much  to  the  preservation 
of  my  health.  There  are  many  other  little 
personal  attentions  which  the  infirmities  of 
age  render  necessary  to  an  old  man's  comfort, 
even  in  some  degree  to  the  continuance  of 
his  existence,  and  with  which  business  often 
interferes.  I  have  been  engaged  in  public 
affairs,  and  enjoyed  public  confidence  in  some 
shape  or  other  during  the  long  term  of  fifty 
years,  an  honour  sufficient  to  satisfy  any  rea 
sonable  ambition,  and  I  have  no  other  left  but 
that  of  repose,  which  I  hope  the  congress  will 
grant  me  by  sending  some  person  to  supply 
my  place. 

"  At  the  same  time  I  beg  they  may  be  assur 
ed,  that  it  is  not  any  the  least  doubt  of  their  suc 
cess  in  the  glorious  cause,  nor  any  disgust 
received  in  their  service,  that  induces  me  to 
decline  it,  but  purely  and  simply  the  reasons 


abovementioned ;  and  as  I  cannot  at  present 
undergo  the  fatigues  of  a  sea  voyage,  (the  last 
having  been  almost  too  much  for  me)  and 
would  not  again  expose  myself  to  the  hazard 
of  capture  and  imprisonment  in  this  time  of 
war,  I  purpose  to  remain  here  at  least  till  the 
peace ;  perhaps  it  may  be  for  the  remainder  of 
my  life ;  and  if  any  knowledge  or  experience  I 
have  acquired  here,  may  be  thought  of  use  to 
my  successor,  I  shall  freely  communicate  it, 
and  assist  him  with  any  influence  I  may  be 
supposed  to  have,  or  counsel  that  may  be  de 
sired  of  me. 

"  I  have  one  request  more  to  make,  which, 
if  I  have  served  the  congress  to  their  satisfac 
tion,  I  hope  they  will  not  refuse  me.  It  is, 
that  they  will  be  pleased  to  take  under  their 
protection  my  grandson,  William  Temple 
Franklin.  I  have  educated  him  from  his  in 
fancy,  and  I  brought  him  over  with  an  inten 
tion  of  placing  him  where  he  might  be  quali 
fied  for  the  profession  of  the  law,  but  the 
constant  occasion  I  had  for  his  services  as  a 
private  secretary,  during  the  time  of  the  com 
missioners,  and  more  extensively  since  their 
departure,  has  induced  me  to  keep  him  al 
ways  with  me ;  and  indeed  being  continually 
disappointed  of  the  secretary  congress  had  at 
different  times  intended  me,  it  would  have 
been  impossible  for  me,  without  this  young 
gentleman's  assistance,  to  have  gone  through 
the  business  incumbent  on  me ;  he  has  there 
by  lost  so  much  of  the  time  necessary  to  law 
studies,  that  I  think  it  rather  advisable  for 
him  to  continue,  if  it  may  be,  in.  the  line  of 
public  foreign  affairs,  for  which  he  seems  qua 
lified  by  a  sagacity  and  judgment  above  his 
years.  Great  diligence  and  exact  probity,  a 
genteel  address,  a  facility  in  speaking  well 
the  French  tongue,  and  all  the  knowledge  of 
business  to  be  obtained  by  a  four  years'  con 
stant  employment  in  the  secretary's  office ; 
where  he  may  be  said  to  have  served  a  kind 
of  apprenticeship.  After  all  the  allowance  I 
am  capable  of  making  for  the  partiality  of  a 
parent  to  his  offspring,  I  cannot  but  think  he 
may  in  time  make  a  very  able  foreign  minis 
ter  for  the  congress,  in  whose  service  his  fide 
lity  may  be  relied  on ;  but  I  do  not  at  present 
propose  him  as  such,  as  a  few  years  more  of 
experience  will  not  be  amiss.  In  the  mean 
time,  if  they  shall  think  fit  to  employ  him  as  a 
secretary  to  their  minister  at  any  European 
court,  I  am  persuaded  they  will  have  reason 
to  be  satisfied  with  his  conduct,  and  I  shall 
be  thankful  for  his  appointment  as  a  favour  to 


"M.  Dumas. 

"  PASSY,  March  J4,  1781. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  duly  received  youj 
late  letters,  and  thank  you  for  the  intelligence 
they  contained.  Your  three  letters  to  the 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


377 


president  ofcongress,  will  go  by  different  ships 
and  I  hope  you  will  succeed  in  your  application 
for  a  farther  allowance,  which  I  think  you 
merit,  though  I  do  not  know  what  the  diffi 
culties  are  which  you  mention,  as  being  in 
volved  in  them  by  the  congress.     Please  to 
explain  them  to  me,  that  I  may  write  abou 
them  more  exactly.  Your  last  news  from  Rus 
sia  is  very  good,  if  true,  that  the  independence 
of  America  is  to  be  a  fundamental  article. 

"  The  bearer,  Mr.  Hazlehurst,  is  a  mer 
chant  of  Philadelphia,  who  visits  Holland  with 
commercial  views.  He  is  a  gentleman  of  ex 
cellent  character  and  much  esteemed  there. 
I  recommend  him  warmly  to  your  civilities. 
Please  to  let  me  know  how  the  loan  goes  on, 
and  believe  me  ever.  R  FRANKLIN." 

"  M.  Lafayette. 

(EXTRACT.) 

"PASSY,  March  14,  1781. 

"You  mention  my  having  enemies  in  Ame 
rica.  You  are  luckier,  for  I  think  you  have 
none  here,  nor  any  where.  Your  friends 
have  heard  of  your  being  gone  against  the 
traitor  Arnold,  and  are  anxious  to  hear  of  your 
success,  and  that  you  have  brought  him  to 
justice.  Enclosed  is  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  his 
agent  in  England,  by  which  the  price  of  his 
treason  may  be  nearly  guessed  at.  Judas  sold 
only  one  man,  Arnold  three  millions ;  Judas 
got  for  his  one  man  30  pieces  of  silver,  Arnold 
not  a  half  penny  a  head.  A  miserable  bar 
gainer!  Especially  when  one  considers  the 
quantity  of  infamy  he  has  acquired  to  himself, 
and  entailed  on  his  family. 

"  The  English  are  in  a  fair  way  of  gaining 
still  more  enemies;  they  play  a  desperate 
game.  Fortune  may  favour  them,  as  it  some 
times  does  a  drunken  dicer ;  but  by  their  ty 
ranny  in  the  east  they  have  at  lenth  roused 
the  powers  there  against  them ;  and  I  do  not 
know  that  they  have  in  the  west  a  single 
friend.  If  they  loose  their  India  commerce, 
which  is  one  of  their  present  great  supports, 
and  one  battle  at  sea,  their  credit  is  gone,  and 
the  power  follows.  Thus  empires  by  pride, 
and  folly,  and  extravagance,  ruin  themselves 
like  individuals.  M.  la  Motte  Piquet  has 
snatched  from  between  their  teeth,  a  good 
deal  of  their  West  India  prey,  having  taken 
22  sail  of  their  homeward  bound  prizes;  one 
of  our  American  privateers  has  taken  two 
more,  and  brought  them  into  Brest ;  and  two 
were  burnt  There  were  thirty-four  in  com 
pany,  with  two  men  of  war  of  the  line  and 
two  frigates ;  who  saved  themselves  by  flight, 
but  we  do  not  hear  of  their  being  yet  got  in. 
«B.  FRANKLIN." 


Francis  Lewis,  and  the  board  of  admi 
ralty. 

"  PASSY,  March  17,  1781. 

"  GENTLEMEN, —  I  received  the  honour  of 
VOL.  I. ...  3  B  32* 


yours,  dated  January  the  2d,  containing  sun 
dry  questions  relating  to  the  ship  Alliance, 
and  the  expedition  under  the  command  of 
John  Paul  Jones,  esquire. 

"  I  apprehend  that  the  letters  and  oapers 
sent  by  the  Alliance,  if  they  came  to  your 
hands,  and  those  which  went  in  the  Ariel, 
taken  together,  would  pretty  well  inform  you 
of  most  of  the  particulars  you  inquire  about, 
and  the  deficiencies  might  be  supplied  by 
captain  Jones  himself,  and  others  who  were 
engaged  in  the  expedition.  But  as  I  learn 
from  colonel  Laurens,  that  his  arrival  was  not 
heard  of  at  Boston,  the  llth  of  February, 
though  he  sailed  the  18th  of  December,  and 
possibly  he  may  have  miscarried,  I  shall  en 
deavour  to  answer,  as  well  as  I  can,  your  se 
veral  queries,  and  will  hereafter  send  you  du 
plicates  of  the  papers  that  may  be  lost.  But 
I  would  previously  remark,  as  to  the  expedi 
tion  in  general,  that  this  court  having,  I  sup 
pose,  some  enterprise  in  view,  which  captain 
Jones,  who  had  signalized  his  bravery  in 
taking  the  Drake,  was  thought  a  proper  "per 
son  to  conduct,  had  soon  after  the  action  re 
quested  we  could  spare  him  to  them,  which 
was  the  more  readily  agreed  to,  as  a  difference 
subsisted  between  him  and  his  lieutenant, 
which  laid  us  under  a  difficulty  that  was  by 
that  means  got  over.  Some  time  passed, 
however,  before  any  steps  were  taken  to  em 
ploy  him  in  a  manner  agreeable  to  him,  and 
possibly  the  first  project  was  laid  aside,  many 
difficulties  attending  any  attempt  of  introduc 
ing  a  foreign  officer  into  the  French  marine, 
as  it  disturbs  the  order  of  their  promotion,  &c. ; 
and  he  himself  choosing  to  act  rather  under 
the  commission  of  congress.  However,  a  pro 
ject  was  at  length  formed,  of  furnishing  him 
with  some  of  the  king's  ships,  the  officers  of 
which  were  to  have  temporary  American 
commissions,  which  being  posterior  in  date  to 
'lis  commission,  would  put  them  naturally 
inder  his  command  for  the  time,  and  the  fina'l 
ntention,  after  various  changes,  was  to  in- 
;ercept  the  Baltic  fleet.  The  Alliance  was 
at  that  time  under  orders  to  carry  Mr.  Adams 
back  to  America,  but  the  minister  of  the  ma- 
•ine,  by  a  written  letter,  requesting  I  would 
end  her  to  strengthen  the  little  squadron, 
and  offering  a  passage  for  Mr.  Adams  in  one  of 
he  king's  ships,  I  consented  to  the  request, 
loping^that  besides  obliging  the  minister,  I 
might  obtain  the  disposition  of  some  prisoners, 
o  exchange  for  our  countrymen  in  England. 


Questions  of  the  Admiralty  Board  respect 
ing  the  squadron  under  chevalier  Jones, 
answered. 

Question  1st.  "  Whether  the  ships  with 
which  the  frigate  Alliance  was  concerted  in 
in  expedition,  of  which  captain  John  Paul 
Jones  had  the  command,  were  the  property  of 


378 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


private  persons,  and  if  so,  who  were  the  own 
ers  of  those  ships!" 

Answer.  The  ships  with  which  the  Alli 
ance  was  concerted,  were,  1st.  the  Bonhomme 
Richard,  bought  and  fitted  by  the  king  on  pur 
pose  for  captain  Jones.  2d.  The  Pallas  fri 
gate.  3d.  The  Vengeance,  a  corvette.  4th. 
The  Cerf,  a  cutter,  all  belonging  to  the  king, 
and  the  property  of  no  private  person  what 
ever,  as  far  as  I  have  ever  heard  or  believe. 

Two  privateers,  the  Monsieur  and  the 
Granville,  were  indeed  with  the  little  squad 
ron  on  going  out.  I  suppose  to  take  advan 
tage  of  its  convoy,  but  being  on  their  own  ac 
count,  and  at  their  own  discretion,  the  Mon 
sieur  quitted  company  on  the  coast  of  Ireland, 
and  the  Granville  returned  about  the  same 
time  to  France.  I  have  not  heard  that  the 
Monsieur  ever  claimed  any  part  of  the  prizes ; 
the  Granville  has  made  some  claim  on  ac 
count,  not  only  of  what  were  taken  while  she 
was  with  the  squadron,  but  of  the  whole  tak 
en  after  her  departure,  on  this  pretence,  that 
some  prisoners  being  put  on  board  her,  and 
losing  company,  she  found  herself  obliged  to 
go  back  with  them,  not  having  wherewith  to 
maintain  them,  &c.  but  this  claim  is  opposed 
by  the  other  ships,  being  regarded  as  frivo 
lous,  as  she  was  not  concerted ;  the  claim, 
however,  is  not  yet  decided,  but  hangs  in  the 
courts.  These  circumstances  show  that  the 
vessels  were  not  considered  as  a  part  of  the 
armament.  But  it  appears  more  plainly  by 
the  concordat  of  the  captains,  whereof  I  send 
you  a  copy.  Who  the  owners  were  of  those 
privateers,  I  have  not  heard.  I  suppose  they 
may  be  inhabitants  of  Bourdeaux  and  Gran 
ville. 

Question  2d.  "  Whether  any  agreement 
was  made  by  you,  or  any  person  in  your  be 
half,  with  the  owners  of  the  ships,  connected 
with  the  Alliance,  in  that  expedition  respect 
ing  the  shares  they  were  severally  to  draw,  of 
the  prizes  which  might  be  taken  during  said 
expedition  1" 

Answer.  I  never  made  any  such  agree 
ment,  nor  any  person  in  my  behalf.  I  lent 
the  vessel  to  the  king,  simply  at  the  minister's 
request,  supposing  it  would  be  agreeable  to 
congress  to  oblige  their  ally,  and  that  the  di 
vision,  if  there  should  be  any  thing  to  divide, 
would  be  according  to  the  laws  of  France,  or 
of  America,  as  should  be  found  most  equitable. 
But  the  captains,  before  they  sailed,  entered 
into  an  agreement,  called  the  concordat 
abovementioned,  to  divide,  according  to  the 
rules  of  America,  as  they  acted  under  Ameri 
can  commissions  and  colours. 

Question  3d.  "  Whether  the  Serapisand  the 
Scarborough,  and  other  captures  made  during 
said  expedition,  were  divided  among  the  cap 
tors,  and  the  distribution  made  according  to  the 
resolutions  of  congress ;  and  if  not,  what  mode 
was  pursued  in  making  the  distributions  T' 


Answer.  No  division  has  yet  been  made  of 
the  Serapisand  Scarborough.  It  is  but  lately 
that  I  have  heard  of  the  money  being  ready 
for  division  at  L'Orient.  I  suppose  the  mode 
will  be,  that  agreed  on  by  the  captains. 

Question  4th.  "  What  were  the  neat  pro- 
ceeds  of  the  Serapis,  Scarborough,  and  the 
other  prizes  taken  during  the  said  expe 
dition  '?" 

Answer.  I  have  not  yet  heard  what  were 
the  neat  proceeds  of  the  prizes,  nor  have  seen 
any  account.  As  soon  as  such  shall  come  to 
my  hands,  I  will  transmit  it  to  you,  and  will 
endeavour  to  obtain  it  speedily.  No  satisfac 
tion  has  yet  been  obtained  for  the  prizes  car 
ried  into  Norway,  and  delivered  up  by  the  king 
of  Denmark. 

Question  5th.  "  What  benefit  the  United 
States  of  America  have  received  from  the 
prisoners  made  during  said  expedition." 

Answer.  I  did  expect  to  have  had  all  the 
prisoners  taken  by  the  squadron,  to  exchange 
for  Americans,  in  consideration  of  my  having 
lent  the  Alliance ;  and  captain  Pearson,  en 
gaged  in  behalf  of  the  British  government,  by 
a  written  instrument,  that  those  set  on  shore 
in  Holland,  should  be  considered  as  prisoners 
of  war  to  the  United  States,  and  exchanged 
accordingly.  But  I  was,  nevertheless,  disap 
pointed  in  this  expectation.  For  an  exchange 
of  all  the  prisoners  being  proposed  to  be  made 
in  Holland,  it  was  found  necessary,  at  that 
time,  by  the  Dutch  government,  in  order  to 
avoid  embroiling  their  state  with  England,  that 
those  prisoners  should  be  considered  as  taken 
by  France,  and  they  were  accordingly  ex 
changed  for  Frenchmen,  on  the  footing  of  the 
French  cartel  with  England.  This  I  agreed 
to,  on  the  request  of  the  French  ambassador 
at  the  Hague,  and  also  to  avoid  the  risk  of 
sending  them  by  sea  to  France,  (the  English 
cruising,  with  seven  ships,  off"  the  Texal,  to 
retake  them)  and  as  it  would  be  more  conve 
nient  and  certain  for  us  to  have  an  equal  num 
ber  of  English,  delivered  to  me  by  France,  at 
or  near  Morlaix,  to  be  sent  over  in  the  cartel. 
But  the  English  government  afterwards  re 
fused,  very  unjustly,  to  give  any  Americans 
in  exchange  for  English  that  had  not  been 
taken  by  Americans.  So  we  did  not  reap  the 
benefit  we  hoped  for. 

Question  6th.  "  What  orders  were  given  to 
captain  LandaisT' 

Answer.  That  we  should  obey  the  orders 
of  captain  Jones. 

Question  7th.  "  What  was  the  ground  of 
the  dispute  between  captain  Jones  and  him  ?" 

Answer.  That  when  at  sea  together  he 
refused  to  obey  captain  Jones's  orders. 

Question  8th.  "  What  the  disbursements 
were  on  the  Alliance,  from  the  time  of  her 
first  arrival  in  France,  until  she  left  that 
kingdom  ?" 

Answer.    The  disbursements  on  the  Alii* 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL 


379 


ance,  from  the  time  of  her  first  arrival  in 
France  till  the  commencement  of  the  cruise 
under  captain  Jones,  as  appears  by  the  ac 
counts  of  Mr.  Schweighauser,  agent  appoint 
ed  by  William  Lee,  Esq.  amounted  to 

which  I  paid.  The  disbursements  on 

her  refit  in  Holland  were  paid  by  the  king, 
as  were  also  those  on  her  second  refit,  after 
her  return  to  L'Orient,  as  long  as  she  was  un 
der  the  care  of  captain  Jones.  But  captain 
Landais,  when  he  re-assumed  the  command 
of  her,  thought  fit  to  take  what  he  wanted,  of 
Mr.  Schweighauser's  agent,  to  the  amount  of 
£31,668  12s.  3rf.  for  which,  it  being  contrary 
to  my  orders  given  to  Mr.  Schweighauser,  on 
his  asking  them  upon  the  occasion,  I  refused 
to  pay,  (my  correspondence  with  him  on  the 
occasion  will  show  you  my  reasons)  and  of 
those  paid  by  the  king  I  have  no  account. 

Question  9th.  "  Why  the  Alliance  laf  so 
long  at  port  L'Orient,  after  her  arrival  there 
from  Texel,  and  in  general,  every  informa 
tion  in  your  power  respecting  the  Alliance, 
and  the  expedition  referred  to  ?" 

Answer.  Her  laying  so  long  at  L'Orient, 
was  first  occasioned  by  the  mutinous  disposi 
tion  of  the  officers  and  men,  who  refused  to 
raise  the  anchors  till  they  should  receive 
wages  and  prize  money.  I  did  not  conceive 
they  had  a  right  to  demand  payment  of  wages 
in  a  foreign  country,  or  any  where  but  at  the 
port  they  came  from,  no  one  here  knowing  on 
what  terms  they  were  engaged,  what  they 
had  received,  or  what  was  due  to  them.  The 
prize  money  I  wished  them  to  have,  but  as 
that  could  not  soon  be  obtained,  I  thought  it 
wrong  in  them  to  detain  the  vessel  on  that 
account,  and  as  I  was  informed  many  of 
them  were  in  want  of  necessaries,  I  advanced 
twenty-four  thousand  livres  on  account,  and 
put  it  into  captain  Jones's  hands,  to  relieve 
and  pacify  them,  that  they  might  go  more 
willingly.  But  they  were  encouraged  by  some 
meddling  passengers  to  persist.  The  king 
would  have  taken  the  prizes,  and  paid  for 
them,  at  the  rate  per  gun,  &c.  as  he  pays  for 
warlike  vessels,  taken  by  his  ships,  but  they 
raised  a  clamour  at  this,  it  being  put  into  their 
heads  that  it  was  a  project  for  cheating  them, 
and  they  demanded  a  sale  by  auction.  The 
minister,  who  usually  gives  more,  when  ships 
are  taken  for  the  king,  than  they  will  produce 
by  auction,  readily  consented  to  this,  when  I 
asked  it  of  him ;  but  then  this  method  requir 
ed  time  to  have  them  inventoried,  advertised 
in  different  ports,  to  create  a  fuller  concur 
rence  of  buyers,  &c.  Captain  Jones  came  up 
to  Paris,  to  hasten  the  proceedings ;  in  his  ab 
sence,  captain  Landais,  by  the  advice  of  Mr. 
Lee  and  commodore  Gillon,  took  possession 
of  the  ship,  and  kept  her  long  in  writing  up 
to  Paris,  waiting  answers,  &c.  I  have  often 
mentioned  to  congress  the  inconvenience  of 


living  perhaps  one  hundred  leagues  from  the 
port  they  arrive  at,  which  necessarily  creates 
delays,  and  of  course  enormous  expenses,  and 
for  a  remedy,  I  have  as  often  recommended 
the  appointment  of  consuls,  being  very  sensi 
ble  of  my  own  insufficiency  in  maritime 
affairs,  which  have  taken  up  a  vast  deal  of  my 
time,  and  given  me  abundance  of  trouble,  to 
the  hindrance,  sometimes,  of  more  important 
business.  I  hope  these  inconveniences  will 
now  be  soon  removed,  by  the  arrival  of  Mr. 
Palfrey. 

"As  the  ministry  have  reasons,  if  some  of 
the  first  plans  had  been  pursued,  to  wish  the 
expedition  might  be  understood  as  American, 
the  instructions  were  to  be  given  by  me,  and 
the  outfit  was  committed  to  Monsieur  de 
Chaumont,  known  to  be  one  of  our  friends, 
and  well  acquainted  with  such  affairs.  Mon 
sieur  le  marquis  de  la  Fayette,  who  was  to 
have  been  concerned  in  the  execution,  can 
probably  acquaint  you  with  those  reasons ;  if 
not,  I  shall  do  it  hereafter.  It  afterwards 
continued  in  the  hands  of  M.  de  Chaumont  to 
the  end.  I  never  paid  or  received  a  farthing, 
directly  or  indirectly,  on  account  of  the  ex 
pedition,  and  the  captains  having  made  him 
their  trustee  and  agent,  it  is  to  him  they  are 
to  apply  for  their  proportions  of  the  captures. 
There  may  be  something,  though  I  believe 
very  little,  coming  to  the  United  States,  from 
the  Alliance's  share  of  a  small  ransom  made 
contrary  to  orders.  No  account  has  been 
rendered  to  me  of  that  ransom,  therefore  1 
cannot  say  how  much,  but  I  will  inquire 
about  it,  and  inform  you  hereafter.  Most  of 
the  colliers  taken  were  burnt  or  sunk ;  the 
ships  of  war  taken,  I  understand,  belong 
wholly  to  the  captors. 

"  If  any  particulars  remain,  on  which  you 
desire  information,  be  pleased  to  mention 
them.  I  think  it  my  duty  to  give  you  all  the 
satisfaction  in  my  power,  and  shall  do  it 
willingly. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


**  Charter  party  made  between  captain  John 
Paul  Jones,  and  the  officers  of  the  squad 
ron. 

"AGREEMENT  between  Messieurs  John 
Paul  Jones,  captain  of  the  Bonhomme  Ri 
chard  ;  Pierre  Landais,  captain  of  the  Alli 
ance  ;  Dennis  Nicolas  Cottineau,  captain  of  the 
Pallas ;  Joseph  Verage,  captain  of  the  Stag ; 
and  Philip  Nicolas  Ricot,  captain  of  the  Ven 
geance  ;  composing  a  squadron  that  shall  be 
commanded  by  the  oldest  officer  of  the  highest 
grade,  and  so  on  in  succession  in  case  of 
death  or  retreat.  None  of  the  said  command 
ers,  whilst  they  are  not  separated  from  the 
said  squadron,  by  order  of  the  minister,  shall 


380 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


act  but  by  virtue  of  the  brevet,  which  they 
shall  have  obtained  from  the  United  States  of 
America,  and  it  is  agreed  that  the  flag  of  the 
United  States  shall  be  displayed. 

"  The  division  of  prizes  to  the  superior 
officers  and  crews  of  the  said  squadron,  shall 
be  made  agreeable  to  the  American  laws: 
but  it  is  agreed  that  the  proportion  of  the 
whole,  coming  to  each  vessel  in  the  squad 
ron,  shall  be  regulated  by  the  minister  of  the 
marine  department  of  France,  and  the  minis 
ter  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  of 
America. 

"  A  copy  of  the  American  laws  shall  be 
annexed  to  the  present  agreement,  after  hav 
ing  been  certified  by  the  commander  of  the 
Bonhomme  Richard :  but  as  the  said  laws 
cannot  foresee  nor  determine  as  to  what  may 
concern  the  vessels  and  subjects  of  other  na 
tions  ;  it  is  expressly  agreed,  that  whatever 
may  be  contrary  to  them,  shall  be  regulated 
by  the  minister  of  the  French  marine,  and 
the  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  United 
States  of  America. 

"It  is  likewise  agreed  that  the  orders  giv 
en  by  the  minister  of  the  French  marine,  and 
the  minister  plenipotentiary  of  the  United 
States  of  America  shall  be  executed. 

"  Considering  the  necessity  there  is  of  pre 
serving  the  interests  of  each  individual,  the 
prizes  that  shall  be  taken  shall  be  remitted  to 
the  orders  of  Monsieur  le  Ray  de  Chaumont, 
honorary  intendant  of  the  royal  Hotel  of  Inva 
lids,  who  has  furnished  the  expenses  of  the 
armament  of  the  said  squadron. 

"  It  has  been  agreed,  that  Mr.  le  Ray  de 
Chaumont  be  requested  not  to  give  up  the 
part  of  the  prizes  coming  to  all  the  crews,  and 
to  each  individual  of  the  said  squadron,  but  to 
their  order,  and  to  be  responsible  for  the  same 
in  his  own  and  proper  name. 

"Whereas  the  said  squadron  has  been 
formed  for  the  purpose  of  injuring  the  common 
enemies  of  France  and  America :  it  has  been 
agreed  that  such  armed  vessels,  whether 
French  or  American,  may  be  associated  there 
with  as  by  common  consent  shall  be  found 
suitable  for  the  purpose,  and  that  they  shall 
have  such  proportion  of  the  prizes  which  shall 
be  taken,  as  the  laws  of  their  respective  coun 
tries  allow  them. 

"  In  case  of  the  death  of  the  beforemen- 
tioned  commanders  of  vessels,  he  shall  be  re 
placed  agreeably  to  the  order  of  the  tariff, 
with  liberty  however,  for  the  success,  or  to 
choose  whether  he  will  remain  on  board  his 
own  vessel,  and  give  up  to  the  next  in  order, 
the  command  of  the  vacant  ship. 

"It  has  moreover  been  agreed,  that  the 
commander  of  the  Stag  shall  be  excepted 
from  the  last  article  of  this  present  agreement, 
because  in  case  of  a  disaster  to  Mr.  de  Varage, 
he  shall  be  replaced  by  his  second  in  command, 


and  so  on  by  the  other  officers  of  his  cutter 
the  Stag.  «J.  P.  JONES, 

"P.  LANDAIS, 
"DECOTTINEAU, 
"VARAGE. 

«  LE  RAY  DE  CHAUMONT, 
"P.  RICOT." 


"  Mr.  Hodgson,  London. 

"  PASSY,  April  1,  1781. 

"DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  respected 
favour  of  the  20th  past,  and  am  shocked  ex 
ceedingly  at  the  account  you  give  me  of 
Digges.  He  that  robs  the  rich  even  of  a 
single  guinea  is  a  villain,  but  what  is  he  who 
can  break  his  sacred  trust,  by  robbing  a  poor 
man  and  a  prisoner  of  eighteen  pence  given 
charitably  for  his  relief,  and  repeat  that  crime 
as  often  as  there  are  weeks  in  a  winter,  and 
multiply  it  by  robbing  as  many  poor  men  every 
week  as  make  up  the  number  of  near  600 ! 
We  have  no  name  in  our  language  for  such 
atrocious  wickedness.  If  such  a  fellow  is  not 
damned,  'tis  not  worth  while  to  keep  a  devil.* 

"  I  am  sorry  you  have  been  obliged  to  ad 
vance  money.  I  desired  Mr.  Grand  some  time 
since  to  order  £200  to  be  paid  you  in  London. 
If  that  is  not  done,  draw  on  him  for  the  sum 
£250  payable  at  30  days'  sight,  and  your  bill 
shall  be  duly  honoured. 

"  I  enclose  a  copy  of  Digges's  last  letter  to 
me  in  which  he  acknowledges  the  drafts  made 
on  me,  (omitting  one  of  £75,)  and  pretends 
that  he  only  draws  as  he  is  drawn  upon  by 
his  friends,  who  hand  the  money  to  the  prison 
ers,  and  that  those  friends  are  almost  tired  of 
the  charitable  employment,  but  he  encourages 
them,  &c.  Be  so  good  as  to  let  them  know 
of  this  letter.  I  wish  with  you,  and  with  all 
good  men,  for  peace  :  proposals  of  mediation 
have  been  made,  but  the  effect  is  yet  uncer 
tain.  I  shall  be  mindful  of  your  request,  and 
you  may  depend  on  my  doing  any  thing  in  my 
power  that  mav  be  serviceable  to  you. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  W.  Carmichael,  Madrid. 

'•«  PASSY,  April  12,  1781. 

"DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favour  by 
M.  Cabarrus,  and  should  have  been  glad  if  I 

*Extract  of  a  Letter  toJ.  Jay,  dated  Passy,  Aug.  20.,  1781. 

"Digges,  a  Maryland  merchant,  residing   in 

London,  who  pretended  to  be  a  zealous  American,  and 
to  have  much  concern  for  our  poor  people  in  the  English 
prisons,  drew  upon  me  for  their  relief  at  different  times 
last  winter  to  the  amount  of  £495  sterling,  which  he 
said  had  been  drawn  for  upon  him  by  the  gentlemen  at 
Portsmouth  and  Plymouth,  who  had  the  care  of  the  dis 
tribution.  To  my  utter  astonishment,  I  have  since 
learnt,  that  the  villain  had  not  applied  above  £30  of 
the  money  to  that  use,  and  that  he  has  failed  and  ab 
sconded." 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


381 


could  have  rendered  him  any  service  here 
He  appears  an  amiable  man,  and  expert  in  af 
fairs.     I  have  also  your  obliging-  letters  of  the 
28th  of  February,  and  the  12th  and  30th  of 
March.     I  thank  you  much  for  your  friendl) 
hints  of  the  operations  of  my  enemies,  and 
of  the  means  I  might  use  to  defeat  them 
Having  in  view  at  present  no  other  poin 
to  gain  but  that  of  rest,  I  do  not  take  their  ma 
lice  so  much  amiss,  as  it  may  farther  my  pro 
ject,  and  perhaps  be  some  advantage  to  you 
:  *  and  *  *  *  are  open  and  so  far  honours 
ble  enemies ;  the  *  *  *  if  enemies,  are  more 
covered.     I  never  did  any  of  them  the  least 
injury,  and  can  conceive  no  other  source  o 
their  malice  but  envy.     To  be  sure,  the  ex 
cessive  respect  shown  me  here  by  all  ranks 
of  people,  and  the  little  notice  taken  of  them, 
was  a  mortifying  circumstance;  but  it  was 
what  I  could  neither  prevent  or  remedy. 
Those  who  feel  pain  at  seeing  others  enjoy 
pleasure,  and  are  unhappy,  must  meet  daily 
with  so  many  causes  of  torment,  that  I  con 
ceive  them  to  be  already  in  a  state  of  damna 
tion  ;  and  on  that  account,  I  ought  to  drop  all 
resentment  with  regard  to  those  two  gentle 
men.     But  I  cannot  help  being  concerned  at 
the  mischief  their  ill  tempers  will  be  continu 
ally  doing  in  our  public  affairs,  whenever  they 
have  any  concern  in  them. 

"  I  remember  the  maxim  you  mention  of 
Charles  V.,  yo  y  el  Tiempo ;  and  have  some 
where  met  with  an  answer  to  it  in  this  dis 
tich, 

I  and  Time  'gainst  any  two. 
Chance  ana  I,  'gainst  Time  and  you. 

and  I  think  the  gentlemen  you  have  at  pre 
sent  to  deal  with,  would  do  wisely  to  guard  a 
little  more  against  certain  chances. 

"  The  price  of  the  Biblioteca  Hispana  is 
too  high  for  me.  I  thank  you  for  the  gazettes 
you  sent  me  by  the  ambassador's  courier.  I 
received  none  by  the  last.  I  shall  be  ex 
ceedingly  glad  to  receive  the  memoirs  of  the 
Sociedad  Economica,  and  the  works  on  poli 
tical  (Economy  of  its  Founder.  The  prince 
of  Maceran,  with  several  other  persons  of  his 
nation,  did  me  the  honour  of  breakfasting  with 
me  on  Monday  last,  when  I  presented  the 
compliments  you  charged  me  with. 

"  Mr.  Cumberland  has  not  yet  arrived  at 
Paris,  as  far  as  I  have  heard. 

"  The  discontents  in  our  army  have  been 
quieted.  There  was  in  them  not  the  least 
disposition  of  revolting  to  the  enemy. 

"  I  thank  you  for  the  Maryland  Captain's 
news,  which  I  hope  will  be  confirmed.  They 
have  heard  something  of  it  in  England,  as  you 
will  see  by  the  papers,  and  are  very  uneasy 
about  it,  as  well  as  about  their  news  from  the 


John  Jay  to  the  President  of  Congress. 
"  MADRID,  April  21, 1781. 

(PRIVATE.) 

"  BY  the  letter  from  Doctor  Franklin,  here 
with  enclosed,  and  which  he  was  so  obliging  as 
to  leave  open  for  my  perusal,  I  find  he  has  re 
quested  permission  to  retire  on  account  of  his 
age,  infirmities,  &c. :  how  far  his  health  may 
be  impaired  I  know  not.  The  letters  I  have 
received  from  him,  bear  no  marks  of  age,  and 
there  is  an  acuteness  and  sententious  brevity 
in  them,  which  do  not  indicate  an  under 
standing  injured  by  years.  I  have  many  rea 
sons  to  think  our  country  much  indebted  to 
him,  and  I  confess  it  would  mortify  my  pride 
as  an  American,  if  his  constituents  should  be 
the  only  people  to  whom  his  character  is 
known,  that  should  deny  his  merit  and  services. 
The  testimony  given  them  by  other  nations, 
justice  demands  of  me  to  assure  yon,  that  his 
reputation  and  respectability  are  acknowledg 
ed,  and  have  weight  here,  and  that  I  have  re 
ceived  from  him  all  that  uniform  attention  and 
aid  whicli  was  due  to  the  importance  of  the 
affairs  committed  to  me. 

'The  affectionate  mention  he  makes  of  his 
only  descendant,  on  whom  the  support  of  his 
name  and  family  will  devolve,  is  extremely 
amiable,  and  flows  in  a  delicate  manner  from 
:hat  virtuous  sensibility  by  which  nature 
dndly  extends  the  benefits  of  parental  affec- 
ion,  to  a  period  beyond  the  limits  of  our  lives ; 
.his  is  an  affectionate  subject,  and  minds  sus 
ceptible  of  the  finer  sensations,  are  insensibly 
ed  at  least  to  wish  that  thu  feelings  of  an  an- 
:ient  patriot,  going  in  the  evening  of  a  long- 
ife  early  devoted  to  the  public,  to  enjoy  re- 
>ose  in  the  bosom  of  philosophic  retirement, 
nay  be  gratified  by  seeing  some  little  sparks 
)f  the  affection  of  his  country  rest  on  the  only 
upport  of  his  age  and  hope  of  his  family. 
Such  are  the  effusions  of  my  heart  on  thisoc- 
asion,  and  I  pour  them  into'yours  from  a  per- 
uasion  that  they  will  meet  with  a  hospitable 
eception  from  congenial  emotions." 


East  Indies. 


B.  FRANKLIN." 


From  Joh7i  Jay. 

"  MADRID,  April  25,  1781. 

"  THE  letters  herewith  enclosed  from  Doc 
tor  Franklin,  were  left  open  for  my  perusal ; 
the  short  stay  of  my  courier  at  Paris  not  al 
lowing  time  for  copies  to  be  made  of  the  in 
formation  conveyed  in  and  with  it. 

"  I  perceive  that  Doctor  Franklin  desires 
to  retire ;  this  circumstance  calls  upon  me  to- 
assure  congress,  that  I  have  reason  to  be  per 
fectly  satisfied  with  his  conduct  towards  me, 
and  that  I  have  received  from  him  all  the  aid 
and  attention  I  could  wish  or  expect;  his 
character  is  very  high  here,  and  I  really  be-* 


382 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


lieve  that  the  respectability  he  enjoys 
throughout  Europe,  has  been  of  general  use 
to  our  cause  and  country." 

"  To  His  Excellency  John  Adams,  Esq. 
(EXTRACT.) 

"  PASSY,  April  29,  1781. 

"  I  ENCLOSE  you  extracts  of  two  letters 
ministerial,  found  in  the  same  packet  with 
the  former,  written  in  the  fond  belief  that  the 
States  were  on  the  point  of  submitting,  and 
cautioning  the  commissioners  for  peace  not  to 
promise  too  much  respecting  the  future  con 
stitutions.  They  are  indeed  cautiously  word 
ed,  but  easily  understood,  when  explained  by 
two  court  maxims  or  assertions,  the  one  of 
lord  Granville's,  late  President  of  the  Coun 
cil,  that  the  king  is  the  legislator  of  the  co 
lonies  ;  the  other  of  the  present  Chancellor, 
when  in  the  House  of  Commons,  that  the  Que 
bec  constitution  was  the  only  proper  consti 
tution  for  colonies,  ought  to  have  been  given 
to  them  all  when  first  planted,  and  what  all 
ought  now  to  be  reduced  to.  We  may  hence 
see  the  danger  of  listening  to  any  of  their 
deceitful  propositions,  though  piqued  by  the 
negligence  of  some  of  thoselEuropean  powers 
who  will  be  much  benefited  by  our  revolu 
tion.  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  your  most 
obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


"M.  Dumas. 

"  PASSY,  May  4,  1781. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — It  is  so  long  since  I  heard 
from  you  that  I  begin  to  fear  you  are  ill. — 
Pray  write  to  me,  and  let  me  know  the  state 
of  your  health.  I  enclose  Morgan's  account 
of  his  engagement  with  Tarleton.  If  he  has 
not  already  received  it,1  it  may  be  agreeable 
to  our  friend  the  gazetteer  of  Leyden. 

"Every  thing  goes  well  here,  and  I  am 
ever,  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  To  M.  Court  de  Gebelin,*  Paris. 

"  PASSY,  May  7,  1761 

"  DEAR  SIR,— I  am  glad  the  little  booki 
proved  acceptable.  It  does  not  appear  to  me 

*  Antoine  Court  de  Gebelin,  born  at  Nismes,  in  1725 
became  a  minister  of  a  protestant  communion  in  the  Ce 
vennes,then  at  Lausane:  he  quitted  the  clerical  function 
for  literature,  at  Paris,  where  he  acquired  so  great  a  re 
putation  as  an  antiquary  and  philologer,  that  he  was 
appointed  to  superintend  one  of  the  museums.  His  re 
putation  suffered  by  his  zeal  in  favour  of  animal  mag 
netism.  He  died  at  Paris,  May  13,  1784.  His  great  work 
is  entitled,  "  Monde  Primitif,  analyst  et  compare  avec 
]e  Monde  Moderne,"  9  torn.  4to.  The  excellency  of  his 
character  may  be  appreciated  from  the  fact,  that  on 
quitting  Switzerland,  he  voluntarily  gave  to  his  sister 
the  principle  part  of  his  patrimony,  reserving  but 
little  for  himself,  and  relying  for  a  maintenance  upon 
the  exercise  of  his  talents. 

t  A  Vocabulary  of  the  Language  of  one  of  the  In 
dian  Tribes  in  North  America. 


.ntended  for  a  grammar  to  teach  the  language. 
[t  is  rather  what  we  call  in  English  a  spell 
ing-book,  in  which  the  only  method  observed, 
s,  to  arrange  the  words  according  to  their  num- 
3er  of  syllables,  placing  those  of  one  syllable 
together,  then  those  of  two  syllables,  and  so 
on.  And  it  is  to  be  observed,  that  Sa  hi  ma 
for  instance,  is  not  three  words,  but  one  word 
of  three  syllables ;  and  the  reason  that  hy 
phens  are  not  placed  between  the  syllables 
s,  that  the  printer  had  not  enough  of  them. 

'  As  the  Indians  had  no  letters,  they  had  no 
orthography.  The  Delaware  language  being 
differently  spelt  from  the  Virginian,  may  not 
always  arise  from  a  difference  in  the  lan 
guages  ;  for  strangers  who  learn  the  lan 
guage  of  an  Indian  nation,  finding  no  ortho 
graphy,  are  at  liberty  in  writing  the  language 
to  use  such  compositions  of  letters  as  they 
think  will  best  produce  the  sounds  of  the 
words.  I  have  observed  that  our  Europeans 
of  different  nations,  who  learn  the  same  In 
dian  language,  form  each  his  own  orthogra 
phy  according  to  the  usual  sounds  given  to 
the  letters  in  his  own  language.  Thus  the 
same  words  of  the  Mohock  language  written 
by  an  English,  a  French,  and  a  German  in 
terpreter,  often  differ  very  much  in  the  spell 
ing  ;  and  without  knowing  the  usual  powers 
of  the  letters  in  the  language  of  the  interpre 
ter,  one  cannot  come  at  the  pronunciation  of 
the  Indian  words.  The  spelling  book  in  ques 
tion  was,  I  think,  written  by  a  German. 

"  You  mention  a  Virginian  Bible.  Is  it  not 
the  Bible  of  the  Massachusetts  language, 
translated  by  Elliot,  and  printed  in  New  Eng 
land,  about  the  middle  of  the  last  century  ?  I 
know  this  Bible,  but  have  never  heard  of  one 
in  the  Virginian  language.  Your  observation 
of  the  similitude  between  many  of  the  words, 
and  those  of  the  ancient  world,  are  indeed 
very  curious. 

"  This  inscription  which  you  find  to  bePhe- 
nician,  is,  I  think,  near  Taunton  (not  Janns- 
ton,  as  you  write  it.)  There  is  some  account 
of  it  in  the  old  Philosophical  Transactions ;  I 
have  never  been  at  the  place,  but  shall  be 
glad  to  see  your  remarks  on  it. 

"  The  compass  appears  to  have  been  long 
known  in  China,  before  it  was  known  in  Eu 
rope  ;  unless  we  suppose  it  known  to  Homer, 
who  makes  the  prince,  that  lent  ships  to 
Ulysses,  boast  that  they  had  a  spirit  in  them  by 
whose  directions  they  could  find  their  way  in  a 
cloudy  day,  or  the  darkest  night.  If  any  Phe- 
nicians  arrived  in  America,  I  should  rather 
think  it  was  not  by  the  accident  of  a  storm, 
but  in  the  course  of  their  long  and  adventu 
rous  voyages ;  and  that  they  coasted  from  Den 
mark  and  Norway,  over  to  Greenland,  and 
down  southward  by  Newfoundland,  Nova 
Scotia,  &c.  to  New  England ;  as  the  Danes 
themselves  certainly  did  some  ages  before 
Columbus, 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


"  Our  new  American  society  will  be  happy 
in  the  correspondence  you  mention,  and  when 
it  is  possible  for  me,  I  shall  be  glad  to  at 
tend  the  meeting-s  of  your  society,*  which  I 
am  sure  must  be  very  instructive. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Samuel  Huntingdon,  President  of  Con 
gress. 

"  PASSY,  May  14,  1781. 

"  SIR, — I  did  myself  the  honour  of  writing 
to  your  excellency  pretty  fully  on  the  12th  of 
March,  to  which  I  beg  leave  to  refer.  Colonel 
Laurens  arriving  soon  after,  we  renewed  the 
application  for  more  money.  His  indefatiga 
ble  endeavours  have  brought  the  good  disposi 
tions  of  this  court  to  a  more  speedy  determina 
tion  of  making  an  addition,  than  could  well 
have  been  expected  so  soon  after  the  former 
grant.  As  he  will  have  an  opportunity  of  ac 
quainting  you  personally  with  all  the  particu 
lars  of  importance,  a  circumstantial  account 
of  the  transaction  from  me  is  unnecessary.  I 
would  only  mention,  that  as  it  is  the  practice 
here  to  consider  early  in  the  year,  the  proba 
ble  expenses  of  the  campaign,  and  appropriate 
the  revenues  to  the  several  necessary  ser 
vices,  all  subsequent  and  unexpected  demands 
are  extremely  inconvenient  and  disagreeable, 
as  they  cannot  be  answered  without  difficulty, 
occasion  much  embarrassment,  and  are  some 
times  impracticable.  If  therefore,  the  con 
gress  have  not  on  this  occasion  obtained  all 
they  wished,  they  will  impute  it  to  the  right 
cause,  and  not  suppose  a  want  of  good-will  in 
our  friends,  who  indeed  are  such,  most  firmly 
and  sincerely.  The  whole  supply  for  the  cur 
rent  year  now  amounts  to  twenty  millions, 
but  out  of  this  are  to  be  paid  your  usual  drafts 
for  interest  money,  those  in  favour  of  M.  Beau- 
marchais,  and  those  heretofore  drawn  on  Mr. 
Jay  and  Mr.  Laurens,  which  I  have  already 
either  paid  or  engaged  for,  with  the  support 
of  your  several  ministers,  &c.  which  I  men 
tion,  that  the  congress  may  avoid  the  embar 
rassing  my  successor  with  drafts  which  per 
haps  he  may  not  have  the  means  in  his  hands 
of  honouring. 

"  Besides  paying  the  second  year's  salaries 
of  Messieurs  Adams  and  Dana,  Jay  and  Car- 
michacl,  I  have  furnished  Mr.  Dana  with 
£1500  sterling  credit  on  Petersburg,  for 
which  place  I  suppose  he  is  now  on  his  way. 
You  will  receive  from  Holland  advices  of  the 
late  declaration  of  that  court,  with  regard  to 
the  English  refusal  of  its  mediation,  and  of  the 
assistance  requested  by  the  States-General.  I 
hope  Mr.  Dana  will  find  it  well  disposed  to 
wards  us. 

"  I  have  received  no  answer  yet  to  my  let 
ters  relating  to  the  proposed  mode  of  lodging 

*  L' Academic  des  Inscriptions  et  Belles  Lettres. 


funds  here,  by  supply  ing  the  French  fleet  and 
army. 

"  Having  as  yet  heard  nothing  of  colonel 
Palfrey,  and  it  being  now  more  than  four 
months  since  he  sailed,  there  is  a  great  reason 
to  fear  he  may  be  lost.  If  that  should  unhap 
pily  be  the  case,  the  congress  cannot  too  soon 
appoint  another  consul,  such  an  officer  being 
really  necessary  here.  Your  minister  pleni 
potentiary  has  hitherto  had  all  that  sort  of 
business  upon  his  hands,  and  as  I  do  not  now 
speak  for  myself,  I  may  speak  more  freely,  I 
think  he  should  be  freed  from  the  burden  of 
such  affairs,  from  all  concerns  in  making  con 
tracts  for  furnishing  supplies,  and  from  all 
your  bill  of  exchange  business,  &c.  that  he 
may  be  more  at  liberty  to  attend  to  the  duties 
of  his  political  functions. 

"  The  prisoners  in  England  are  increasing 
by  the  late  practice  of  sending  our  people  from 
New  York,  and  the  refusal  of  tire  English  ad 
miralty  to  exchange  any  Americans  for  Eng 
lishmen  not  taken  by  American  armed  ves 
sels.  I  would  mention  it  for  the  considera 
tion  of  congress,  whether  it  may  not  be  well 
to  set  apart  five  or  six  hundred  English  prison 
ers,  and  refuse  them  all  exchange  in  America, 
but  for  our  countrymen  now  confined  in  Eng 
land. 

"  Agreeable  to  the  vote  of  congress,  and 
your  excellency's  letter  of  the  4th  of  Janua 
ry,  I  have  requested  the  assistance  of  this 
court  for  obtaining  the  release  of  Mr.  Presi 
dent  Laurens :  it  does  not  yet  appear  that  the 
thing  is  practicable.  What  the  present  situ 
ation  is  of  that  unfortunate  gentleman,  may 
be  gathered  from  the  enclosed  letters. 

"I  hope  the  Alliance,  with  the  ship  Mar 
quis  de  la  Fayette  under  her  convoy,  are  by 
this  time  arrived,  as  they  sailed  the  twenty- 
seventh  of  March.  I  flatter  myself  that  the 
supplies  of  clothing,  &c.  which  they  carry 
will  be  found  good  of  the  kind,  and  well 
bought. 

"  I  have  by  several  late  opportunities,  sent 
copies  of  the  government  letters,  taken  in  the 
New  York  packet.  Your  excellency  will  see 
that  they  are  written  in  the  perfect  persuasion 
of  our  submitting  speedily,  and  that  the  com 
missioners  are  cautioned  not  to  promise  too 
much  with  regard  to  the  future  constitutions 
to  be  given  us,  as  many  changes  of  the  old 
may  be  necessary,  &c.  One  cannot  read  those 
letters  from  the  American  secretary  of  state 
and  his  under  secretary  Knox,  without  a  va 
riety  of  reflections  on  the  state  we  should  ne 
cessarily  be  in,  if  obliged  to  make  the  submis 
sion  they  so  fondty  hope  for,  but  which  I  trust 
in  God  they  will  never  see. 

"  Their  affairs  in  the  East  Indies  by  the  late 
accounts  grow  worse  and  worse.  And  twen 
ty-two  ships  of  the  prey  they  made  in  the 
west,  are  wrenched  out  of  their  jaws  by  the 
squadron  of  M.  de  la  Motte  Piquet. 


384 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


"  I  mentioned  in  a  former  letter,  my  pur 
pose  of  remaining  here  for  some  time  after  I 
should  be  superseded.  I  mean  it  with  the 
permission  of  congress,  and  on  the  supposition 
of  no  orders  being-  sent  me  to  the  contrary, 
and  I  hope  it  will  be  so  understood. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Dr.  Cooper,  Boston. 

"  PASSY,  May  15,  1781. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  kind  letter 
of  Feburary  1st,  by  colonel  Johonnot.  Your 
sentiments  of  the  present  state  of  our  affairs 
appear  to  me  very  judicious,  and  I  am  much 
obliged  by  your  free  communication  of  them. 
They  are  often  of  use  here ;  for  you  have  a 
name  and  character  among  us,  that  give 
weight  to  your  opinions. 

"  It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  learn  that 
your  new  constitution  is  at  length  settled 
with  so  great  a  degree  of  unanimity  and  ge 
neral  satisfaction.  It  seems  to  me  upon  the 
whole  an  excellent  one ;  and  that  if  there  are 
some  particulars  that  one  might  have  wished 
a  little  different,  they  are  such  as  could  not  in 
the  present  state  of  things  have  been  well  ob 
tained  otherwise  than  they  are,  and  if  by  expe 
rience  found  inconvenient  will  probably  be 
changed  hereafter.  I  would  only  mention  at 
present  one  article,  that  of  maintenance  for  the 
clergy.  It  seems  to  me,  that  by  the  constitution, 
the  Quakers  may  be  obliged  to  pay  the  tax  for 
that  purpose.  But  as  the  great  end  in  impos 
ing  it  is  professedly  the  promotion  of  piety,  reli 
gion,  and  morality,  and  those  people  have  found 
means  of  securing  that  end  among  themselves, 
without  a  regular  clergy,  and  their  teachers 
are  not  allowed  to  receive  money ;  I  should 
think  it  not  right  to  tax  them,  and  give  the 
money  to  the  teacher  of  the  parish,  but  I 
imagine  that  in  the  laws  to  be  made  for  levy 
ing  parish  taxes,  this  matter  may  be  regulat 
ed  to  their  contentment. 

"  I  am  very  sensible  of  the  honour  done 
me  by  the  American  Academy  of  Arts  and 
Sciences,  in  choosing  me  one  of  their  members. 
I  wish  I  could  be  of  some  utility  in  promoting 
the  noble  design  of  their  institution.  Perhaps 
I  may,  by  sending  them  from  time  to  time 
some  of  the  best  publications  that  appear  here. 
1  shall  begin  to  make  a  collection  for  them. 

"  Your  excellent  sermon  gave  me  abundance 
of  pleasure,  and  is  much  admired  by  several 
of  my  friends  who  understand  English.  I  pro 
pose  to  get  it  translated  and  printed  at  Ge 
neva,  at  the  end  of  a  transition  of  your  new 
Constitution.  Nothing  coiTld  be  happier  than 
your  choice  of  a  text,  and  your  application  of 
it  It  was  not  necessary  in  New  England, 
where  every  body  reads  the  Bible,  and  is  ac 
quainted  with  Scripture  phrases,  that  you 
should  note  the  texts  from  which  you  took 
them;  but  I  have  observed  in  England,  as 


well  as  in  France,  that  verses  and  expressions 
taken  from  the  sacred  writings,  and  not  known 
to  be  such,  appear  very  strange  and  awkward 
to  some  readers ;  and  1  shall  therefore  in  my 
edition,  take  the  liberty  of  marking  the  quo 
ted  texts  in  the  margin. 

"  I  know  not  whether  a  belly-full  has  been 
given  to  any  body  by  the  picking  of  my  bones, 
but  picked  they  now  are,  and  I  think  it  time 
they  should  be  at  rest.  I  am  taking  mea 
sures  to  obtain  that  rest  for  them ;  happy  if 
before  I  die,  I  can  find  a  few  days  absolutely 
at  my  own  disposal.  I  often  form  pleasing 
imaginations  of  the  pleasure  I  should  enjoy  as 
a  private  person  among  my  friends  and  com 
patriots  in  my  native  Boston.  God  only  knows 
whether  this  pleasure  is  reserved  for  me. 
With  the  greatest  and  most  sincere  esteem, 
I  am,  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Francis  Lewis. 

"  PASSY,  May  16,  1781. 

"  SIR, — I  received  the  letter  you  did  me 
the  honour  of  writing  to  me  the  1st  January. 
The  bill  for  four  thousand  four  hundred  and 
forty-four  Mexican  dollars,  which  you  remitted 
to  Mr.  Schweighauser,  being  refused  payment 
by  Mr.  Jay,  for  want  of  a  regular  endorsement 
by  Mr.  Laurens,  in  whose  favour  it  was  drawn, 
and  which  endorsement  could  not  now  be  ob 
tained,  Mr.  Schweighauser  applied  to  me,  in 
forming  me  that  he  should  not  send  the  things 
ordered  by  your  board,  unless  the  bill  was 
paid ;  and  it  appearing  on  the  face  of  the  bill 
that  it  was  drawn  for  public  service,  I  con 
cluded  to  take  it  up,  on  which  he  has  pur 
chased  the  things  and  shipped  them.  Colonel 
Laurens  has  put  on  board  some  other  supplies 
for  the  army,  and  I  suppose  she  will  now  sail 
directly. 

"  The  drafts  from  congress  upon  me  for  va 
rious  services,  and  those  on  Mr.  Jay  and  Mr. 
Laurens,  all  coming  upon  me  for  payment,  to 
gether  with  the  expenses  on  the  ships,  &c. 
have  made  it  impracticable  for  me  to  advance 
more  for  loading  the  Active ;  but  as  we  have 
obtained  lately,  promises  of  a  considerable  aid 
for  this  year,  I  shall  now  try  what  I  can  do, 
as  the  money  comes  in,  towards  supplying 
what  is  demanded  in  the  invoice  you  men 
tion.  You  will  receive,  I  hope,  twenty-eight 
cannon,  and  a  large  quantity  of  powder  and 
saltpetre,  by  the  ship  Marquis  de  la  Fayette. 

"  I  have  by  several  opportunities  written  in 
answer  to  vour  questions,  relative  to  the  ship 
Alliance."*  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  To  John  Adams. 

"  PASSY,  May  19, 1781. 

"  I  HAVE  with  you  no  doubt  that  America 
will  be  easily  able  to  pay  off  not  only  the  in 
terest  but  the  principal  of  all  the  debt  siie  may 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


contract  in  this  war.  But  whether  duties 
upon  her  exports  will  be  the  best  method  of 
doing-  it,  is  a  question  I  am, not  so  clear  in. 
England  raised  indeed  a  grea't  revenue  by  du 
ties  on  tobacco.  But  it  was  by  virtue  of  a 
prohibition  of  foreign  tobaccoes",  and  thereby 
obliging-  the  internal  consumer  to  pay  those 
duties.  If  America  were  to  lay  a  duty  of  five 
pence  sterling  per  Ib.  on  the  exportation  of 
her  tobacco,  would  any  European  nation  buy 
it  1  Would  not  the  colonies  of  Spain  and  Por 
tugal,  and  Ukraine  of  Russia  furnish  it  much 
cheaper  I  Was  not  England  herself  obliged 
for  such  reasons  to  drop  the  duty  on  tobacco 
she  furnished  to  France  ]  Would  it  not  cost 
an  immense  sum  in  officers,  &c.  to  guard  our 
long  coast  against  smuggling  of  tobacco,  and 
running  it  out  to  avoid  a  duty!  and  would  not 
many  even  of  those  officers  be  corrupted  and 
connive  at  if?  It  is  possibly  an  erroneous 
opinion,  but  I  find  myself  rather  inclined  to 
adopt  that  modern  one,  which  supposes  it 
best  for  every  country  to  leave  its  trade  en 
tirely  free  from  all  incumbrances.  Perhaps 
no  country  does  this  at  present:  Holland 
comes  the  nearest  to  it;  and  her  commer 
cial  wealth  seems  to  have  increased  in  pro 
portion. 

"  Your  excellency  has  done  me  the  honour 
of  announcing  to  me  your  appointment :  I  hope 
soon  to  return  the  compliment  by  informing 
you  of  my  demission.  I  find  the  various  em 
ployments  of  merchant,  banker,  judge  of  ad 
miralty,  consul,  &c.  &c.  besides  my^ministe- 
rial  function,  too  multifarious  and  too  heavy 
for  my  old  shoulders ;  and  have  therefore  re 
quested  congress  that  I  may  be  relieved  :  for 
in  this  point  I  agree  even  with  my  enemies, 
that  another  may  easily  be  found  who  can 
better  execute  them.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  Dr.  Cooper. 

"  PASSY,  May  -25,  1781. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to 
learn  that  your  new  constitution  is  at  length 
settled  with  so  great  a  degree  of  unanimity 
and  general  satisfaction.  It  seems  to  me 
upon  the  whole  an  excellent  one  ;  and  that  if 
there  are  some  particulars  that  one  might 
have  wished  a  little  different,  they  are  such  as 
could  not  in  the  present  state  of  things  have 
been  well  obtained  otherwise  than  they  are, 
and  if  by  experience  found  inconvenient,  will 
probably  be  changed  hereafter.  I  would  only 
mention  at  present  one  article,  that  of  main 
tenance  for  the  clergy.  It  seems  to  me  that 
by  the  constitution,  the  Quakers  may  be  ob 
liged  to  pay  the  tax  for  that  purpose.  But  as 
the  great  end  in  imposing  it  is  professedly  the 
promotion  of  piety,  religion,  and  morality,  and 
those  people  have  found  means  of  securing 
that  end  among  themselves  without  a  regular 

VOL.  I. . .  3  C  33 


365 


clergy,  arid  their  teachers  are  not  allowed  to 
receive  money ;  I  should  think  it  not  right  to 
tax  them  and  give  the  money  to  the  teacher 
of  the  parish  ;  but  I  imagine  tiiat  in  the  laws 
to  be  made  for  levying  parish  taxes,  this 
matter  may  be  regulated  to  their  contentment. 
Yours,  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  PASSY,  July  6,  17B1. 

"  The  following  paper  was  delivered  this 
day  to  M.  de  Rayneval  to  be  by  him  commu 
nicated  to  count  Vergennes  in  order  to  cor 
rect  some  wrong  ideas  of  that  minister. 

"B.  F." 


(TRANSLATION.) 
Count  de  Vergennes  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"VERSAILLES,  June  8,  1?.-!. 

"  SIR, — I  have  received  the  letter  you  did 
me  the  honour  to  write  me  the  4th  instant. 
I  do  not  know  whether  Mr.  Laurens  has  pur 
chased  the  clothing  in  Holland  on  account  of 
congress ;  I  only  know,  and  you  were  likewise 
informed  of  it  at  the  same  time,  that  this  offi 
cer  was  to  employ  for  his  purchases  in  France, 
part  of  the  six  millions  the  king  has  granted 
to  the  congress ;  and  that  the  residue  of  this 
sum  was  intended  to  be  sent  to  America,  with 
a  view  of  re-establishing  the  credit  of  tho 
United  States.  If  Mr.  Laurens,  instead  of 
paying  ready  money  in  Holland,  has  content 
ed  himself  with  giving  bills  on  you,  I  have  no 
concern  in  it,  and  the  king  can  furnish  no 
means  for  your  reimbursement. 

"As  to  the  monies  arising  from  the  loan 
opened  in  Holland,  we  have  no  pretensions  to 
regulate  the  employment  of  them,  as  they 
belong  to  the  United  States.  You  must 
therefore,  sir,  apply  to  congress  for  the  power 
of  disposing  of  them,  in  discharge  of  the  drafts 
drawn  on  you  from  all  quarters. 

"DE  VERGENNES." 


To  Dr.  Wendorp  and  Hope  Heyhger. 
"PASSY,  June8,  1761. 

"  GENTLEMEN, — I  received  the  letter  you 
did  me  the  honour  of  writing  to  me  the  31st 
past,  relating  to  your  ship  supposed  to  be  re 
taken  from  the  English  by  an  American  pri- 
vateeer,  and  carried  into  Morlaix.  I  appre 
hend  that  you  have  been  misinformed,  as  I  do 
not  know  of  any  American  privateer  at 
present  in  these  seas.  I  have  the  same  sen 
timents  with  you  of  the  injustice  of  the  Eng 
lish,  in  their  treatment  of  your  nation.  They 
seem  at  present  to  have  renounced  all  pre 
tension  to  any  other  honour  than  that  of  being 
the  first  piratical  state  in  the  world.  There 
are  three  employments  which  I  wish  the  law 
of  nations  would  protect,  so  that  they  should 
never  be  molested  or  interrupted  by  enemies 


386 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


even  in  time  of  war ;  I  mean  farmers,  fisher 
men,  and  merchants ;  because  their  employ 
ments  are  not  only  innocent,  but  for  the  com 
mon  subsistence  and  benefit  of  the  human 
species  in  general.  As  men  grow  more  en 
lightened,  we  may  hope  that  this  will  in  time 
be  the  case.  Till  then  we  must  submit  as 
well  as  we  can  to  the  evils  we  cannot  remedy. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be,  gentlemen,  &c.  &c. 
"B.  FRANKLIN." 


Col.  J.  Laurens  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

" leagues  W.  of  ORTEGAL,  June  9,  1781. 

"  I  SNATCH  a  moment  to  pay  my  last  respects 
to  your  excellency,  and  to  mention  a  matter 
which  has  occurred  to  me  since  my  being  on 
board.  I  have  frequently  reflected  upon  the 
mention  which  your  excellency  has  made  of 
retiring  from  your  present  important  station, 
and  have  never  varied  the  opinion  which  I 
took  the  liberty  of  giving  you  once  at  the 
count  de  Vergennes',  viz.  that  the  best  ar 
rangement  would  be  to  give  your  excellency 
an  active,  intelligent  secretary  of  the  embas 
sy,  who  might  relieve  you  from  the  drudgery 
of  office ;  and  that  your  country  should  not  be 
deprived  of  the  advantages  of  your  wisdom 
and  influence.  The  difficulty  hitherto  has 
been  to  find  a  person  properly  qualified.  The 
advantages  which  your  grandson  derives  from 
his  knowledge  of  the  language,  and  manners 
of  the  people,  and  his  having  been  so  long  in 
your  office,  and  with  your  excellency,  are 
very  great.  The  prejudices  which  have  been 
entertained  against  him  (owing  to  his  father's 
politics  and  situation)  may  be  removed  by  a 
personal  introduction  to  congress,  especially 
if  it  is  combined  with  rendering  a  popular 
service.  I  take  the  liberty  therefore,"  &c. 


"  Samuel  Huntingdon,  President  of  Con 
gress. 

"PASSY,  June  11,  1781. 

gIRi — I  have  lately  done  myself  the  honour 
of  writing  largely  to  your  excellency,  by  di 
vers  conveyances,  to  which  I  beg  leave  to  re 
fer.  This  is  chiefly  to  cover  the  copy  of  a 
letter  I  have  just  received  from  the  minister, 
relative  to  the  disposition  of  the  late  loans,  by 
which  will  be  seen  the  situation  I  am  in, 
with  respect  to  my  acceptances  of  the  quan 
tity  of  bills  drawn  by  congress  on  Mr.  Jay, 
Mr.  Laurens,  Mr.  Adams,  and  self,  which  I 
entered  into,  in  the  expectation  both  colonel 
Laurens  and  myself  entertained,  that  a  part 
of  these  loans  might  be  applied  to  the  pay 
ment  of  these  bills,  but  which  I  am  now  told 
cannot  be  done  without,  an  express  order  from 
congress.  I  shall  endeavour  to  change  the 


sentiments  of  the  court  in  this  respect,  but  am 
not  sure  of  succeeding. 

"I  must  therefore  request  that  a  resolution 
of  congress  may  immediately  be  sent,  impow- 
ering,  me  to  apply  as  much  of  those  loans  as 
shall  be  necessary  for  the  discharge  of  all 
such  drafts  of  congress,  or  for  the  repayment 
of  such  sums  as  I  may  in  the  mean  time  be 
obliged  to  borrow  for  the  discharge  of  those 
drafts.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  John  Adams. 

"PASSY,  June  11,  1781. 

"  SIR, — Mr.  Grand  has  communicated  to 
me  a  letter  from  your  excellency  to  him,  re 
lating  to  certain  charges  in  your  account,  on 
which  you  seem  to  desire  to  have  my  opinion. 

"  As  we  are  all  new  in  these  matters,  I  con 
sulted,  when  I  was  making  up  my  accounts, 
one  of  the  oldest  foreign  ministers  here,  as 
to  the  custom  in  such  cases.  He  informed 
me,  that  it  was  not  perfectly  uniform  with  the 
ministers  of  all  courts ;  but  that  in  general, 
where  a  salary  was  given  for  service  and  ex 
pense,  the  expenses  understood  were  merely 
those  necessary  to  the  man,  such  as  house 
keeping,  clothing,  and  coach;  but  that  the 
rent  of  the  hotel  in  which  he  dwells,  the  pay 
ment  of  couriers,  the  postage  of  letters,  the 
salary  of  clerks,  the  stationary  for  his  bureau, 
with  the  feasts  and  illuminations  made  on  pub 
lic  ocasions,  were  esteemed  expenses  of  the 
prince  or  state  that  appointed  him,  being  for 
the  service  or  honour  of  the  prince  or  nation, 
and  either  entirely,  or  in  great  part  expenses, 
that  as  a  private  man  he  would  have  been 
under  no  necessity  of  incurring ;  these  there 
fore  were  to  be  charged  in  his  accounts.  He 
remarked,  that  it  was  true,  the  minister's 
housekeeping,  as  well  as  his  house,  was  usu 
ally  and  in  some  sort  necessarily  more  ex 
pensive  than  those  of  a  private  person  ;  but 
this  he  said  was  considered  in  his  salary,  to 
avoid  trouble  in  accounts ;  but  that  where  the 
prince  or  state  had  not  purchased,  or  built  a 
house  for  their  minister,  which  was  sometimes 
the  case,  they  always  paid  his  house  rent.  I 
have  stated  my  own  accounts  according  to 
these  informations ;  and  I  mention  them,  that 
if  they  seem  to  you  reasonable,  we  may  be 
uniform  in  our  charges,  by  your  charging  in 
the  same  manner ;  or  if  objections  to  any  of 
them  occur  to  you,  you  would  communicate 
them  to  me  for  the  same  reason. 

"  Thus  you  see  my  opinion,  that  the  arti 
cles  you  mention  of  courtage,  commission,  and 
portes  de  lettres,  are  expenses  that  ought  to 
be  borne,  not  by  you,  but  by  the  United  States. 
Yet  it  seems*  to  me  more  proper,  that  you 
should  pay  them,  and  charge  them  with  the 
other  articles  above-mentioned,  than  that  they 
should  be  paid  by  me,  who  not  knowing  the 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


circumstances,  cannot  judge  as  you  can,  of 
the  truth  or  justice  of  such  an  account  when 
presented,  and  who  besides  have  no  orders  to 
pay  more  on  your  account  than  your  net  salary. 
"  With  regard  to  that  salary,  though  your 
receipts  to  Fizeaux  and  Grand,  shown  to  me, 
might  be  quite  sufficient  to  prove  they  had 
paid  you  the  sums  therein  mentioned  ;  yet  as 
there  are  vouchers  for  them,  and  which  they 
have  a  right  to  retain,  I  imagine  that  it  will 
be  clearest  if  you  draw  upon  me  agreeable  to 
the  order  of  congress,  and  if  this  is  quarterly 
it  will  be  most  convenient  to  me. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Major  W.  Jackson. 

"  PASSY,  June  28, 1731. 

"  SIR, — Since  my  acceptance  of  your  bills, 
I  have  applied  to  the  ministry  for  more  mo 
ney  to  discharge  the  other  engagements  I  en 
tered  into  for  payment  of  the  congress  bills 
drawn  on  Holland  and  Spain.  I  find  so  much 
difficulty,  and  even  impossibility  of  obtaining 
it  at  this  time,  that  I  am  under  the  absolute 
necessity  of  stopping  the  cash  that  is  in  Hol 
land,  or  of  ruining  all  the  credit  of  the  states 
in  Europe,  and  even  in  America,  by  stopping 
payment. 

"This  is  therefore  to  order,  that  in  case 
the  said  cash  has  been  delivered  to  you  by 
Messieurs  Fizeaux  and  Grand,  you  would  im 
mediately  return  it  into  their  hands  to  remain 
there  at  my  disposal. 

"  I  am  sorry  that  this  operation  is  necessa 
ry,  but  it  must  be  done,  or  the  consequences 
will  be  terrible. — I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 
«  B.  FRANKLIN." 


387 
will 


Major  Jackson  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  AMSTERDAM,  June  29,  1781. 

"  SIR, — I  have  the  honour  to  inform  your 
excellency,  that  I  got  to  Amsterdam  on  Tues 
day  morning.  It  has  been  thought  advisable 
to  wait  a  few  days,  that  we  may  sail  with  a 
Dutch  squadron  of  fourteen  sail,  destined  as  a 
convoy  to  the  Baltic.  The  loss  of  the  ship 
Marquis  de  la  Fayette,  which  is  confirmed 
by  Lloyd's  list,  renders  every  precaution  ne 
cessary,  and  essential  to  prevent  a  farther  dis 
appointment  in  supplies. 

"  I  hope  your  excellency  will  approve  of 
the  reasons  for  delay  ing  our  departure,  which 
must  be  amply  compensated  by  the  benefit  of 
a  convoy  through  the  North  Sea.  I  beg 
leave  to  request,  that  colonel  Laurens's  ser 
vant  may  be  informed,  should  he  apply  to 
your  excellency,  that,  if  he  leaves  Paris  im 
mediately,  and  travels  with  despatch,  he  will 
reach  this  place  in  time  to  embark  with  us 
for  America.  Any  commands  which  your 
excellency  may  please  to  honour  me  with, 


and  which  may  be  transmitted  by  him, 
be  faithfully  attended  to. 

"  I  beg  you  will  present  my  best  respects 
to  your  grandson.  W.  J/^a™  " 


"  To  David  Hartley,  Esq. 

"PASSY,  June  30,  1781. 

"I  RECEIVED  my  dear  friend's  kind  letter 
of  the  15th  instant,  and  immediately  communi 
cated  your  request  of  a  passport  to  M.  le 
Comte  de  Vergennes.  His  answer,  which  I 
have  but  just  received,  expresses  an  opinion, 
that  the  circumstance  ofhis  granting  a  passport 
to  you,  as  you  mention  the  purpose  of  your  com 
ing  to  be  the  discoursing  with  me  on  the  sub 
ject  of  peace,  might,  considering  your  charac 
ter,  occasion  many  inconvenient  reports  and 
speculations ;  but  that  he  would  make  no  dif 
ficulty  of  giving  it,  if  you  assured  me  that  you 
were  authorized  for  such  purpose  by  your 
ministry,  which  he  does  not  think  at  all  like 
ly  ;  otherwise  he  judges  it  best  that  I  should 
not  encourage  your  coming.  Thus  it  seems 
I  cannot  have  at  present  the  pleasure  you 
were  so  kind  as  to  propose  for  me.  I  can  only 
join  with  you  in  earnest  wishes  for  peace,  a 
blessing  which  I  shall  hardly  live  to  see. 

"  With  the  greatest  esteem  and  respect,  I 
am  ever,  dear  sir,  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


Major  Jackson  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

'•  AMSTERDAM,  July  2,  1781. 

"Sm, — I  was  yesterday  honoured  with 
your  excellency's  letter  of  the  28th  ult.  while 
at  the  Texel,  superintending  some  matters 
relating  to  the  ship.  Equally  concerned  for 
the  cause,  as  surprised  at  the  manner  in 
j  which  Mr.  Fizeaux  was  resolved  to  execute 
it  in  case  the  money  had  been  already  shipped, 
I  must  beg  leave  to  inform  you  fully  of  this 
business,  and  to  request  your  excellency's 
final  determination  thereon. 

"Colonel  Laurens,  as  your  excellency 
knows,  was  sent  by  congress  to  the  court  of 

Versailles,  with  a  special  commission the 

purport  of  his  mission  you  are  well  acquaint 
ed  with ;  it  was  to  obtain  certain  supplies  in 
specie  and  military  stores. 

"By  the  most  unremitting  assiduity,  he  so 
far  succeeded  as  to  procure,  amongst  others, 
a  sum  of  money  to  be  shipped  in  Holland  by 
the  South  Carolina  frigate,  which  was  deem 
ed  by  the  court  of  France  a  safe  and  conveni 
ent  conveyance,  as  it  would  divide  the  risk 
which  must  have  been  incurred,  by  placing 
the  whole  on  board  of  one  vessel.  That  sum 
was  sent  to  this  place  by  Mr.  Necker,  and 
lodged  in  the  house  of  Fizeaux  and  Grand,  to 
be  by  them  delivered  to  me,  agreeable  to  the 
following  order,  the  original  of  which  is  now 
in  my  possession,  having  very  fortunately  for 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


me,  recovered  it  from  them  after  they  receiv 
ed  your  instructions. 


(TRANSLATION.) 

"  PARIS,  May  12,  1781. 

"  Gentlemen,— This  letter  will  be  delivered 
to  you  by  Mr.  William  Jackson,  captain  of  in 
fantry  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  to 
whom  I  request  you  to  deliver  the  130,655 
dollars  and  the  £720,000  in  crowns,  which 
you  have  received  on  my  account  by  the  way 
of  Brussels.  Mr.  Jackson  will  give  you  a  re 
ceipt  for  it,  in  which  he  will  express  that 
these  two  sums  have  been  delivered  to  him 
pursuant  to  the  intention  of  Mr.  John  Lau- 
rens,  an  American  officer  now  at  Paris,  whose 
orders  he  will  follow  on  this  subject.  You 
will  be  pleased  to  send  me  afterwards  this  re 
ceipt,  with  a  statement  of  all  the  expenses  due 
to  you.  I  will  have  them  reimbursed  here  to 
Mr.  Grand.— I  am,  gentlemen,  &c. 

"NECKER." 


"  .If.  M.  Grand,  Fizeaux,  <f  Co.  Amster 
dam. 

"Messieurs  Fizeaux  and  Grand  have,  in 
pursuance  of  your  excellency's  directions,  re 
fused  to  deliver  it.  This  sir,  being-  a  distinct 
transaction,executed  altogether  at  the  instance 
of  the  honourable  John  Laurens,  Esq.  special 
minister  at  the  court  of  Versailles  from  the 
United  States,  and  by  him  committed  to  my 
further  care,  I  conceive  myself  indispensably 
bound  to  remonstrate  to  your  excellency,  on 
the  late  order  given  by  you  to  Messieurs  Fi 
zeaux  and  Grand,  directing  the  detention  of 
that  money,  and  to  inform  you  that  if  they  are 
not  repealed,  I  must  embark  without  it;  and 
however  I  may  lament  the  disappointment  and 
distress,  in  which  this  measure  must  involve 
congress,  whose  arrangements  are  undoubted 
ly  taken,  on  the  certainty  of  this  supply  being 
sent  from  Europe  ;  however  much  I  may  re 
gret  colonel  Laurens's  absence,  which  induces 
it,  I  shall  possess  the  pleasing  reflection  of 
having  done  my  duty  in  demanding,  conform 
ably  to  the  intentions  of  Mr.  Necker,  and  by 
his  order,  that  money  which  the  court  of 
France  had  accorded  to  the  United  States  by 
the  application  of  colonel  Laurens,  in  virtue 
of  his  special  commission,  and  which  was  par 
ticularly  and  expressly  destined  to  reanimate 
the  credit  of  continental  currency. 

"  The  ship  waits  for  nothing  else  but  this 
money.  I  shall  attend  your  excellency's  ul 
timate  decision  thereon",  which  I  expect  to 
receive  by  return  of  the  express,  who  only 

waits  your  commands. — I  have  the  honour  to 
be,  &c.  W.  JACKSON." 

"  P.  S.  Mr.  Fizeaux  informed  me  that  he 
had  resolved  to  arrest  the  ship,  had  the  mo 


ney  been  on  board.  I  need  not  inform  your 
excellency,  that  a  like  opportunity  may  not 
again  offer,  to  transport  this  essential  supply, 
rendered  still  more  so,  by  the  capture  of  the 
ship  Marquis  de  la  Fayette. 

"W.JACKSON." 

"  My  fever,  which  was  greatly  increased  by 
my  late  jaunt  to  Passy,  will  not  admit  of  my 
waiting  upon  your  excellency  in  person,  and 
I  am  persuaded,  your  justice  will  render  it 
unnecessary  after  this  representation. 

"  W.  JACKSON." 


Major  Jackson  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  AMSTERDAM,  July  2,  1781. 

"  SIR, — Since  the  departure  of  my  express, 
I  find  myself  obliged  in  conformity  to  colonel 
Laurens's  instructions  (from  which,  as  his 
agent. I  cannot  recede,  unless  compelled  there 
to  by  forcible  means,  and  which  unless  such 
are  practised  against  me,  I  must  carry  into 
execution)  to  retain  the  money  which  he  has 
confided  to  my  care,  and  which  the  minister 
of  finance's  order  makes  deliverable  to  me 
specially ;  and  to  arrest  it  in  the  hands  of  Mr. 
Fizeaux,  should  he  continue  to  refuse  the  de 
livery  of  it,  but  by  your  excellency's  orders. 

"  I  rely  upon  your  excellency's  attachment 
to  the  welfare  of  America,  to  prevent  this 
painful  operation,  which  must  inevitably  take 
place,  should  your  determination  decide  other 
wise  ;  for  as  this  money  is  subject  to  no  other 
control  in  Europe,  but  the  immediate  order 
of  the  court  of  France,  I  cannot  relinquish 
my  charge  of  it,  but  by  their  special  order. — 
I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

"  W.  JACKSON." 


From  the  same. 

"AMSTERDAM,  July  2,  1781. 

"  SIR. — Your  excellency  will  not  wonder 
at  the  determination  which  I  have  adopted 
to  arrest  the  money  now  in  Mr.  Fizeaux's 
hands,  (and  which  I  have  communicated  to 
you  by  a  second  express  this  afternoon)  when 
you  reflect,  that  this  money  is  absolutely  com 
mitted  to  my  charge,  for  a  special  purpose, 
and  that  I  stand  accountable  for  the  execu 
tion  of  this  commission.  Your  excellency 
must  likewise  be  sensible  that  you  cannot 
have  the  disposal  of  it,  as  it  was  obtained  with 
out  either  your  knowledge  or  concurrence, 
by  colonel  Laurens,  appointed  special  minis 
ter  for  that  purpose.  These  considerations, 
and  the  knowledge  I  have  how  much  Ame 
rica  must  suffer  from  a  disappointment  in  this 
supply,  about  to  be  transported  by  so  excellent 
a  conveyance,  must  plead  my  excuse  indi 
vidually,  for  this  plain  and  candid  avowal  of 
circumstances,  and  my  determination  thereon. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


I  am  further  persuaded,  that  the  court  of 
France  is  not  disposed,  was  there  even  a  sha 
dow  of  an  excuse  for  an  alteration  of  the  al 
lotment  of  this  money,  to  infringe  their  ho 
nour  and  injure  the  essential  interests  of  Ame 
rica  by  detaining  it ;  I  must  therefore  again 
entreat  your  excellency's  repeal  of  those  or 
ders  to  Mr.  Fizeaux,  which  now  detain  the 
ship  and  supplies,  so  much  required  in  Ame 
rica. — I  have  the  honour  to  he,  &c. 

"  W.  JACKSON." 


To  Major  Jackson. 
"  PASSY,  July  5, 1781,  at  6  in  the  morning. 

"  SIR, — I  have  this  instant  received  your 
letter  of  the  2d,  urging  the  delivery  of  the 
money.  I  must  be  short  in  my  reply,  as 
your  express  waits. 

"  Colonel  Laurens  indeed  obtained  a  pro 
mise  of  ten  millions  to  be  raised  by  a  loan  in 
Holland.  I  understood  while  he  was  here, 
that  that  loan  was  in  train,  and  that  the  mil 
lion  and  a  half  to  be  sent  with  you  was  a  part 
of  it.  I  since  learn  that  nothing  has  yet  been 
obtained  in  Holland  ;  that  the  success  is  not 
yet  certain,  and  that  the  money  in  question 
is  part  of  the  six  millions  obtained  before  his 
arrival,  upon  the  strength  of  which  I  accepted 
the  bills  drawn  on  his  father  and  on  Mr.  Jay, 
and  without  which  acceptances  the  congress 
credit  in  America  would  have  been  ruined, 
and  a  loss  incurred  of  twenty  per  cent,  upon 
the  protests.  I  cannot  obtain  more  money 
here  at  present,  and  those  bills  being  accept 
ed  must  be  paid,  as  well  as  those  I  accepted 
on  your  earnest  request  for  the  great  unex 
pected  purchase  you  made  in  Holland.  Co 
lonel  Laurens  has  carried  two  millions  and  a 
half  of  that  six  millions  with  him,  which  will 
serve  till  the  loan  in  Holland  produces  a  fur 
ther  supply.  In  the  mean  time  I  cannot  suf 
fer  the  credit  of  our  country  to  be  destroyed, 
if  by  detaining  this  money  it  may  be  saved ; 
and  if  I  were  to  consent  to  its  going,  our 
banker  would  be  obliged  to  arrest  great  part 
of  it  as  belonging  to  the  states,  he  being  in 
advance  for  them,  which  would  occasion  much 
disagreeable  noise  and  very  ill  consequences 
to  our  credit  in  Europe.  I  find  by  Mr.  Vie- 
merange's  account  just  received,  that  Mr. 
Laurens's  orders  have  more  than  absorbed  all 
the  money  he  did  not  take  with  him.  I  ap 
plaud  the  zeal  you  have  both  shown  in  the 
affair,  but  I  see  that  nobody  cares  how  much 
I  am  distressed,  provided  they  can  carry  their 
own  points.  I  must  therefore  take  what  care  I 
can  of  mine;  theirs  and  mine  being  equally  in 
tended  for  the  service  of  the  public.  I  am 
sorry  to  learn  that  the  vessel  is  detained  for 
this  express.  I  understood  by  your  last,  that 
she  waited  for  convoy.  I  heartily  wish  you  a 
good  voyage,  and  am,  with  sreat  esteem,  &c. 
"B.  FRANKLIN." 
33* 


To  the  same. 

"  PASSY,  July  5,  1781,  at  10  A.  M. 

"SiR, — I  received  your  letter  of  the  se 
cond  instant  by  your  first  express  this  morning 
at  six,  answered  it,  and  sent  him  away  imme 
diately.  I  have  just  now  received  your  se 
cond  express  of  the  same  date,  in  which  you 
threaten  me  with  a  proceeding,  that  I  appre 
hend  exceedingly  imprudent,  as  it  can  answer 
no  good  end  to  you,  must  occasion  much  scan 
dal,  and  be  thereby  very  prejudicial  to  the  af 
fairs  of  the  congress.  But  1  cannot  therefore 
consent  to  suffer  their  bills  to  the  amount 
of  more  than  a  million,  accepted  and  expect 
ed  to  go  back  protested  for  want  of  this  mo 
ney.  I  have  nothing  to  change  in  the  answer 
abovementioned.  You  will  however,  follow 
your  own  judgment,  (as  I  must  follow  mine) 
and  you  will  take  upon  yourself  the  conse 
quences. — I  have  the  honour  to  be,  .&c. 
"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  same. 

"  PASSY,  July  6,  1781. 

"Sm, — I  received  and  answered  two  of 
your  expresses  yesterday  morning,  and  in  the 
evening  I  received  a  third  letter  from  you, 
all  dated  the  2d  instant. 

"  In  this  last  you  tell  me,  '  that  I  must  be 
sensible  I  cannot  have  the  disposal  of  the  mo 
ney,  as  it  was  obtained  without  either  my 
knowledge  or  concurrence,  by  colonel  Lau 
rens,  appointed  special  minister  for  that  pur 
pose.' 

"  I  do  not  desire  to  diminish  the  merit  of 
colonel  Laurens.  I  believe  he  would  have 
been  glad  if  it  had  been  in  his  power  to  have 
procured  ten  times  the  sum,  and  that  no  ap 
plication  or  industry  on  his  part  for  that  pur 
pose,  would  have  been  wanting.  But  I  can 
not  let  this  injurious  assertion  of  yours  pass 
without  expressing  my  surprise,  that  you  who 
were  always  with  that  gentleman,  should 
be  so  totally  ignorant  of  that  transaction. 
The  six  millions,  of  which  he  took  with  him 
two  and  a  half,  of  which  one  and  a  half  was 
sent  to  Holland,  and  of  which  more  than  the 
remainder  is  ordered  in  stores,  from  hence, 
was  a.  free  gift  from  the  king's  goodness,  (not 
a  loan  to  be  repaid  with  interest")  and  was  ob 
tained  by  my  application  long  before  colonel 
Laurens's  arrival.  I  had  also  given  in  a  list 
of  the  stores  to  be  provided,  though  on  his 
coming  I  cheerfully  gave  up  the  farther  pro 
secution  of  that  business  into  his  hands,  as  he 
was  better  acquainted  with  the  particular 
wants  of  the  army  than  I  could  be,  and  it  was 
one  of  the  purposes  of  his  appointment.  Thus 
no  part  of  the  affair  was  done  without  my 
knowledge  and  concurrence,  except  the  send 
ing  a  million  and  a  half  of  the  specie  to  Hol 
land.  This  was  indeed  a  secret  to  me ;  I  had 
heard  of  that  sum's  being  ready  there  to  em- 


390 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


bark,  but  I  always  till  lately  understood  it  to  j  that  credit,  if  by  the  rash   proceeding  you 
be  a  part  of  the  Dutch  loan,  which  I  am  about   threaten,  the  situation  of  their  affairs  becomes 


to  mention,  or  I  should  certainly  have  oppos 
ed  that  operation.     What   colonel  Laurens 
really  obtained,  and  a  great  service  I  hope  it 
will  prove,  was  a  loan  upon  interest  of  ten 
millions,  to  be  borrowed  on  the  credit  of  this 
court  in  Holland.     I  have  not  heard  that  this 
loan  has  yet  produced  any  thing ;  and  there 
fore  I  do  not  know  that  a  single  livre  exists, 
or  has  existed  in  Europe,  of  his  procuring  for 
the  states.     On  the  contrary,  he  and  you 
have  drawn  from  me  considerable  sums  as  ne 
cessary  for  your  expenses,  and  he  left  me 
near  forty  thousand  livres  to  pay  for  the  Al 
liance  ;  and  moreover  engaged  me  in  a  debt 
in  Holland,  which  I  understood  might  amount 
to  about  fifteen  thousand  pounds  sterling,  and 
which  you  contrived  to  make  fifty  thousand 
pounds.     When  I  mentioned  to  him  the  diffi 
culty  I  should  find  to  pay  the  drafts,  he  said 
you  had  the  remainder  of  the  six  millions. 
He  gave  me  no  account  of  the  dispositions  he 
had  made,  and  it  is  but  lately  I  have  learnt 
that  there  is  no  remainder.     To  gratify  you, 
and  to  get  that  ship  out  which  could  not  have 
stirred  without  me,  I  have  engaged  for  the 
vast  sum  abovementioned;  which  I  am  sure 
I  shall  be  distressed  to  pay,  and  therefore, 
have  not  deserved  at  your  hands  the  affront 
you  are  advised  to   menace  me  with;   and 
since  I  find  you  make  it  a  point  of  reflection 
upon  me,  that  I  want  to  apply  money  to  the 
payment  of  my  engagements  for  the  congress, 
which  was  obtained  by  colonel  Laurens  for 
other  purposes,  I  must  request  that  you  would 
upon  this  better  information,  take  occasion  to 


correct  that  error,  if  you  have  communicated 
it  to  any  other  person.  By  the  letters  you 
showed  mo,  that  had  passed  between  Mr. 
Adams  and  you,  I  perceive  that  he  had  im 
bibed  an  opinion  that  colonel  Laurens  had,  as 
he  expresses  it,  done  more  for  the  United 
States  in  the  short  time  of  his  being  in  Eu 
rope,  than  all  the  rest  of  their  diplomatic  corps 
put  together.  I  should  never  have  disputed 
this,  because  I  had  rather  lend  a  little  credit 
to  a  friend  than  take  any  from  him,  especially 
when  I  am  persuaded  he  will  make  a  good 
use  of  it.  13ut  when  his  friends  will  make 
such  suppositions  credit,  a  matter  of  reproach 
to  me,  it  is  not  right  to  continue  silent. 

"  As  to  the  safety  of  the  excellent  convey 
ance  you  mention,  I  must  own  I  have  some 
doubts  about  it,  and  I  fear  I  shall  hear  of  the 
arrival  of  that  ship  in  England  before  she  sees 
America.  Be  that  as  it  may,  I  am  clear  that 
no  use  can  possibly  be  made  of  the  money  in 
America,  for  supporting  the  credit  of  the 
states,  equal  in  any  degree  to  the  effect  it 
must  have  for  the  same  purpose,  when  ap 
plied  to  the  payment  of  their  bills  here,  which 
must  otherwise  go  back  protested.  And  I 
am  sure  it  will  be  exceedingly  prejudicial  to 


the  subject  of  public  talk  and  discussion  in 
Europe.— I  am,  &c.       B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  P.  S.  I  request  you  would  read  again,  and 
consider  well,  my  first  letter  to  you  on  this 
subject.  The  reasons  therein  contained  sub 
sist  and  are  still  in  their  full  force." 


"  Samuel  Huntingdon,  President  of  Con 
gress. 

"  PASSY,  July  11,  1781. 

"  SIR, — The  number  of  congress  bills  that 
have  been  drawn  on  the  ministers  in  Spain 
and  Holland,  which  I  am  by  my  acceptances 
obliged  to  pay,  as  well  as  those  drawn  upon 
myself,  the  extreme  importance  of  supporting 
the  credit  of  congress,  which  would  be  dis 
graced  in  a  political,  as  well  as  a  pecuniary 
light,  through  all  the  courts  of  Europe,  if 
these  bills  should  go  back  protested,  and  the 
unexpected  delays  arising  with  regard  to  the 
intended  loan  in  Holland ;  all  these  consider 
ations  have  induced  me  to  stop  the  one  mil 
lion,  five  hundred  thousand  livres,  which  were 
to  have  been  sent  by  way  of  Amsterdam. 

"  As  soon  as  more  money  can  be  furnished 
me  by  the  court,  I  shall  take  care  to  replace 
that  sum,  and  forward  with  it  as  great  an  ad 
dition  as  possible.  I  am  now  soliciting  sup 
plies  of  clothing,  arms,  ammunition,  &c.  to 
replace  what  has  been  unfortunately  lost  in 
the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette,  and  hope  to  suc 
ceed. 

Captain  Jackson,  who  is  truly  zealous  for 
the  service,  has  been  exceedingly  solicitous 


and  earnest  with  me,  to  induce  me  to  per 
mit  the  money  to  go  in  this  ship  ;  but  for  the 
reasons  abovementioned,  I  find  it  absolutely 
necessary  to  retain  it  for  the  present,  which 
I  doubt  not,  will  be  approved  of  by  congress. 
"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Robert  Morris. 

"  PASSY,  July  26,  1781. 

"DEAR  SIR, — I  have  just  received  your 
very  friendly  letter  of  the  6th  of  June  past, 
announcing  your  appointment  to  the  superin 
tendence  of  our  finances.  This  gave  me 
great  pleasure,  as  from  your  intelligence,  in 
tegrity,  and  abilities,  there  is  reason  to  hope 
every  advantage  the  public  can  possibly  re 
ceive  from  such  an  office.  You  are  wise  in 
estimating  before  hand,  as  the  principle  ad 
vantage  you  can  expect,  the  consciousness  of 
having  done  service  to  your  country.  For 
the  business  you  have  undertaken  is  of  so 
complex  a  nature,  and  must  engross  so  much 
of  your  time  and  attention  as  necessarily  to 
hurt  your  private  interests ;  and  the  public  is 
often  niggardly  even  of  its  thanks,  resembling 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL 


those  little  dirty  stinking  insects,  that  attack 
us  only  in  the  dark,  disturb  our  repose,  mo 
lesting  and  wounding  us  while  our  sweat  and 
blood  is  contributing  to  their  subsistence. 
Every  assistance  that  my  situation  here,  as 
long  as  it  continues,  may  enable  me  to  afford 
you,  shall  certainly  be  given.  For  besides 
my  affection  for  the  glorious  cause  we  are 
both  engaged  in,  I  value  myself  upon  your 
friendship,  and  shall  be  happy  if  mine  can  be 
made  of  any  use  to  you.  With  great  and 
sincere  esteem,  I  am  ever,  dear  sir,  &c.  &c. 
"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"M.  Dumas. 

"  PASSY,  August  6,  1781. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  several  let 
ters  from  you  lately,  enclosing  others  for  the 
president  of  congress,  and  for  Spain,  all  of 
which  are  sealed  and  forwarded,  except  the 
last  for  the  president,  contained  in  yours  of 
the  26th  past,  which  shall  go  by  the  first  op 
portunity.  The  reading  of  those  letters  gave 
me  much  information,  and  therefore  pleasure  : 
though  since  the  fixing  of  Mr.  Adams  there,  I 
do  not  attend  so  much  to  the  affairs  of  your 
country  as  before,  expecting  indeed  but  little 
from  it  to  our  advantage :  for  though  it  was 
formerly  in  the  same  situation  with  us,  and 
was  glad  of  assistance  from  other  nations,  it 
does  not  seem  to  feel  for  us,  or  to  have  the 
least  inclination  to  help  us:  it  appears  to 
want  magnanimity.  Some  writer,  I  forget 
who,  says,  that  Holland  is  no  longer  a  nation, 
but  a  great  shop ;  and  I  begin  to  think  it  has 
no  other  principles  or  sentiments  but  those  of 
a  shopkeeper.  You  can  judge  of  it  better 
than  me,  and  I  shall  be  happy  to  find  myself 
mistaken.  You  will  oblige  me,  however,  by 
continuing  the  history  either  directly  to  me, 
or  in  your  letters  to  congress;  but  when  you 
enclose  a  sealed  letter  in  another  to  me, 
please  to  observe  to  place  the  second  seal 
on  one  side,  and  not  directly  over  the  first ; 
because  the  heat  of  the  second  is  apt  to  deface 
the  impression  of  the  first,  and  to  attach  the 
paper  to  it,  so  as  to  endanger  tearing  the  en 
closed  in  opening  the  cover. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  P.  S.  I  pity  the  writer  of  the  enclosed, 
though  I  have  no  other  acquaintance  with  him, 
than  having  seen  him  once  at  Hanover,  where 
he  then  seemed  to  live  genteelly  and  in  good 
credit.  I  cannot  conceive  what  should  re 
duce  him  to  such  a  situation,  as  to  engage 
himself  for  a  soldier.  If  you  can  procure  him 
any  friends  among  the  philosophers  of  your 
country,  capable  of  relieving  him,  I  wish  you 
could  do  it.  If  not,  and  he  must  go  to  the  In 
dies,  please  to  give  him  three  or  four  guineas 
for  me,  to  buy  a  few  necessaries  for  his  voy 
age." 


To  the  same. 

"  PASSY,  August  10—14,  1781. 

"  DEAR  SIR,— Enclosed  I  send  you  a  late 
paper  received  from  Rhode  Island.  You  will 
see  in  it  the  advantages  our  troops  have  gain 
ed  in  South  Carolina.  Late  advices  directly 
from  Philadelphia,  say,  that  the  enemy  have 
now  nothing  left  in  Georgia,  but  Savannah ; 
in  South  Carolina,  but  Charleston;  nor  in 
North  Carolina,  but  Wilmington.  They  are 
however  in  force  in  Virginia,  where  M.  de 
la  Fayette  has  not  sufficient  strength  to  op 
pose  them,  till  the  arrival  of  the  reinforce 
ments  which  were  in  March  to  join  him  from 
Maryland  and  Pennsylvania. 

"  In  looking  over  my  last  to  you,  I  appre 
hend  I  may  have  expressed  myself  perhaps  a 
little  too  hardly  of  your  country :  I  foresee 
you  will  tell  me  that  we  have  many  friends 
there ;  1  once  thought  so  too ;  but  I  was  a 
little  out  of  humour  when  I  wrote,  on  under 
standing  that  no  loan  could  be  obtained  there 
for  our  use,  though  the  credit  of  this  king 
dom  was  offered  to  be  engaged  for  assuring 
the  payment,  and  so  much  is  lent  freely  to 
our  enemies.  You  can  best  tell  the  reason, 
it  will  be  well  not  to.  let  my  letter  be  seen. 
"B.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  same. 

'•PASSY,  August  16,  1781. 

"DEAR  SIR, — We  have  news  here  that 
your  fleet  has  behaved  bravely ;  I  congratu 
late  you  upon  it,  most  cordially. 

"  I  have  just  received  a  14,  5,  3,  10,  28,  2, 
76,  203,  66,  11  12,  273,  50,  14,  joining  76, 
5,  42,  45,  16,  15,  424,  235,  19,  20,  69,  580, 
11,  150,  27,  56,  35,  104,  652,  28,  675,  &5, 
79,  50,  63,  44,  22,  219,  17,  60,  29,  147,  136, 
41,  but  this  is  not  likely  to  afford  202,  55. 
580,  10,  227,  613, 176,  373,  309,  4,  108,  40, 
19,  97,  309, 17,  35,  90,  201, 100,  677. 

"  By  our  last  advices  our  affairs  were  in  a 
pretty  good  train.  I  hope  we  shall  soon  have 
advice  of  the  expulsion  of  the  English  from 
Virginia.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  W.  Carmichael,  Madrid. 

"  PASSY,  Aug.  24,  1781. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — On  looking  over  your  letters 
I  am  ashamed  to  find  myself  so  much  and  so 
long  in  your  debt. 

"I  thank  you  for  making  me  acquainted 
with  Mr.  Sonnerat.  He  appears  a  very 
amiable  man,  and  is  full  of  intelligence  and 
information. 

"  We  are  all  much  obliged  to  Count  de 
Montmorin  for  his  friendly  assistance  in  Our 
affairs.  Please  to  present  him  my  thankful 
acknowledgments. 

"I  thank  you  also  for  my  being  made 


392 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


known  to  Mr.  Giusti ;  I  saw  him  often,  and 
had  much  satisfaction  and  pleasure  in  his  con 
versation. 

"  The  congress  have  done  me  the  honour 
to  refuse  accepting  my  resignation,  and  insist 
on  my  continuing  in  their  service  till  the 
peace.  I  must  therefore  buckle  again  to  bu 
siness,  and  thank  God  that  my  health  and 
spirits  are  of  late  improved.  I  fancy  it  may 
have  been  a  double  mortification  to  those 
enemies  you  have  mentioned  to  me,  that  I 
should  ask  as  a  favour  what  they  hoped  to 
vex  me  by  taking  from  me ;  and  that  I  should 
nevertheless  be  continued.  But  these  sort  of 
considerations  should  never  influence  our 
conduct.  We  ought  always  to  do  what  ap 
pears  best  to  be  done,  without  much  regard 
ing  what  others  may  think  of  it.  I  call  this 
continuance  an  honour,  and  I  really  esteem  it 
to  be  a  greater  than  my  first  appointment, 
when  I  consider  that  all  the  interest  of  my 
enemies,  united  with  my  own  request,  were 
not  sufficient  to  prevent  it. 

"I  have  not  yet  received  the  works  of 
your  (Economical  Society,  or  those  of  its 
founder.  I  suppose  you  have  not  met  with 
an  opportunity  of  sending  them.  The  letter 
you  propose  sending  to  our  Philosophical 
Society  will  be  very  acceptable  to  them.  I 
shall  be  glad  to  peruse  the  copy  you  propose 
passing  through  my  hands. — Yours, 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Rev.  Wm.  Nixon,  an  English  prisoner  on 
parole  at  Valogne. 

"  PASSY,  Sept.  5,  1781. 

"  REV.  SIR, — I  duly  received  the  letter  you 
did  me  the  honour  of  writing  to  me  the  25th 
past,  together  with  the  valuable  little  book, 
of  which  you  are  the  author.  There  can  be 
no  doubt  but  that  a  gentleman  of  your  learn 
ing  and  abilities  might  make  a  very  useful 
member  of  society  in  our  new  country,  and 
meet  with  encouragement  there,  either  as  an 
instructor  in  one  of  our  universities,  or  as  a 
clergyman  of  the  Church  of  Ireland.  But  I 
am  not  impowered  to  engage  any  person  to 
go  over  thither,  and  my  abilities  to  assist  the 
distressed  are  very  limited.  I  suppose  you 
will  soon  be  set  at  liberty  in  England  by  the 
cartel  for  the  exchange  of  prisoners ;  in  the 
mean  time  if  five  Louis  d'ors  may  be  of  pre 
sent  service  to  you,  please  to  draw  on  me  for 
that  sum,  and  your  bill  shall  be  paid  on  sight. 
Some  time  or  other  you  may  have  an  oppor 
tunity  of  assisting  with  an  equal  sum  a  stran 
ger  who  has  equal  need  of  it.  Do  so.  By 
that  means  you  will  discharge  any  obligation 
you  may  suppose  yourself  under  to  me.  En 
join  him  to  do  the  same  on  occasion.  By  pur 
suing  such  a  practice,  much  good  may  be 
done  with  little  money.  Let  kind  offices  go 
round.  Mankind  are  all  of  a  family. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Samuel  Huntingdon,  President  of  Con- 
gress. 

"  PASSY,  September  13, 1781. 

"  SIR, — I  duly  received  the  two  letters  your 
excellency  did  me  the  honour  of  writing  to 
me,  both  dated  the  19th  June,  together  with 
the  letter  addressed  to  the  king  and  the  three 
commissioners,  with  the  instructions  relative 
to  the  negotiations  for  peace.  I  immediately 
went  to  Versailles  and  presented  the  letter, 
which  was  graciously  received.  I  commum- ' 
cated  also  to  M.  le  Compte  de  Vergennes,  a 
copy  of  your  instructions,  after  having  decy- 
phered  them.  He  read  them  while  I  was  witli 
him,  and  expressed  his  satisfaction  with  the 
unreserved  confidence  placed  in  his  court  by 
the  congress,  assuring  me  that  they  never 
would  have  cause  to  regret  it,  for  that  the 
king  had  the  honour  of  the  United  States  at 
heart,  as  well  as  their  welfare  and  indepen 
dence.  Indeed  this  has  already  been  manifest 
ed  in  the  negotiations  relative  to  the  pleni 
potentiaries,  and  I  have  had  so  much  experi 
ence  of  his  majesty's  goodness  to  us,  in  the 
aids  afforded  us  from  time  to  time,  and  of  the 
sincerity  of  this  upright  and  able  minister, 
who  never  promised  me  any  thing  which  he 
did  not  punctually  perform,  that  I  cannot  but 
think  the  confidence  well  and  judiciously 
placed,  and  that  it  will  have  happy  effects. 

"  I  have  communicated  to  Mr.  Adams  and 
to  Mr.  Jay,  the  purport  of  your  despatches. 
Mr.  Adams  already  had  received  the  same : 
by  the  first  safe  conveyance,  I  shall  acquaint 
the  congress  with  the  steps  that  have  been 
taken  in  the  negotiation.  At  present  I  would 
only  say,  that  the  settling  of  preliminaries 
meets  with  difficulty,  and  will  probably  take 
much  time,  partly  from  the  remoteness  of  the 
mediators,  so  that  any  relaxation  of  our  war 
like  preparations  in  expectation  of  a  speedy 
peace,  will  be  imprudent  as  it  may  be  perni 
cious. 

"  I  am  extremely  sensible  of  the  honour 
done  me  by  the  congress  in  this  new  appoint 
ment.  I  beg  they  would  accept  my  thankful 
acknowledgments;  and  since  they  judge  I 
may  be  serviceable,  though  I  had  requested 
leave  to  retire,  I  submit  dutifully  to  their  de 
termination,  and  shall  do  my  utmost  to  merit 
in  some  degree,  the  favourable  opinion  they 
appear  to  have  of  me.  I  am  the  more  en 
couraged  in  this  resolution,  as  within  these 
last  three  months,  I  find  my  health  and 
strength  considerably  re-established. 

"I  wish,  however,  that  a  consul-general 
may  soon  be  appointed  for  this  kingdom  :  it 
would  ease  me  of  abundance  of  troublesome 
business  to  which  I  am  not  equal,  and  which 
interferes  with  my  own  important  functions. 

"The  king  having  graciously  complied 
with  my  request,  of  replacing  the  supplies  lost 
in  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette ;  many  hands  are 
employed  in  providing  them,  who  work  hard 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


to  have  them  ready  and  shipped,  so  as  that 
they  may  arrive  before  winter. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 

u  P.  S.  The  copying  machine  for  Mr.  secre 
tary  Thompson,  is  in  hand,  and  will  soon  be 
finished  and  sent  to  him." 


"  To  Richard  Bache,  Philadelphia. 

"  PASSY,  Sept.  13,  1781. 

"  DEAR  SON,— I  received  yours  of  June  20th. 
It  gave  me  great  pleasure,  as  it  informed  me 
of  the  welfare  of  yourself  and  the  dear  family. 

"I  have  read  Mr.  Wharton's  pamphlet. 
The  facts,  as  far  as  I  know  them,  are  as  he 
states  them.  Justice  is,  I  think,  on  the  side 
of  those  who  contracted  for  the  lands.*  But 
moral  and  political  right  sometimes  differ,  and 
sometimes  are  both  subdued  by  might. 

"  I  received  and  thank  you  for  several  co 
pies  of  the  Indian  Spelling-book.  I  receiv 
ed  also  the  German  and  English  newspapers. 

"  Among  my  papers  in  the  trunk  which  I 
unhappily  left  in  the  care  of  Mr.  Galloway, 
were  eight  or  ten  quire  or  two  quire  books, 
of  rough  drafts  of  my  letters,  containing  all 
my  correspondence,  when  in  England,  for 
near  twenty  years.  I  shall  be  very  sorry  if 
they  too  are  lost.  Don't  you  think  it  possi 
ble,  by  going  up  into  that  country,  and  in 
quiring  a  little  among  the  neighbours,  you 
might  possibly  hear  of,  and  recover  some  of 
them.  I  should  not  have  left  them  in  his 
hands,  if  he  had  not  deceived  me,  by  saying 
that  though  he  was  before  otherwise  inclin 
ed,  yet  that  since  the  king  had  declared  us 
out  of  his  protection,  and  the  parliament  by 
an  act  had  made  our  properties  plunder,  he 
would  go  as  far  in  defence  of  his  country  as 
any  man ;  and  accordingly  he  had  lately  with 
r/leasure  given  colours  to  a  regiment  of  mili 
tia,  and  an  entertainment  to  400  of  them  be 
fore  his  house.  I  thought  he  was  become  a 
stanch  friend  to  the  glorious  cause.  I  was 
mistaken.  As  he  was  a  friend  of  my  son's,f 
to  whom  in  my  will  I  had  left  all  my  books  and 
papers,  I  made  him  one  of  my  executors,  and 
put  the  trunk  of  papers  into  his  hands,  ima 
gining  them  safer  in  his  house  (which  was 
out  of  the  way  of  any  probable  march  of  ene 
mies'  troops)  than  in  my  own.  It  was  very 
unlucky. 

"My  love  to  Sally  and  the  children.  I 
shall  soon  write  to  all  my  friends.  At  pre 
sent  I  am  pinched  in  time,  and  can  only  add 
that  I  am  ever  your  affectionate  father, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  To  Francis  Hopkinson,  Philadelphia. 
"  PASSY,  September  13,  1781. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  your  kind 

*  The  Indiana  grant, 
t  Governor  Franklin. 

VOL.  I. ...  3  D 


letter  of  July  17,  with  its  duplicate,  enclosing 
those  for  Messrs.  Brandlight  and  Sons,  which 
I  have  forwarded.  I  am  sorry  for  the  loss  of 
the  squibs.  Every  thing  of  yours  gives  me 
pleasure. 

"  As  to  the  friendsand  enemies  you  just  men 
tion,  I  have  hitherto,  thanks  to  God,  had  plen 
ty  of  the  former  kind ;  they  have  been  my 
treasure ;  and  it  has  perhaps  been  of  no  dis 
advantage  to  me  that  I  have  had  a  few  of  the 
latter.  They  serve  to  put  us  upon  correcting 
the  faults  we  have,  and  avoiding  those  we  are 
in  danger  of  having.  They  counteract  the 
mischief  flattery  might  do  us,  and  their  ma 
licious  attacks  make  our  friends  more  zeal 
ous  in  serving  us  and  promoting  our  interest. 
At  present  I  do  not  know  of  more  than  two 
such  enemies  that  I  enjoy,  viz.  *  *  *  and  *  *  *. 
I  deserved  the  enmity  of  the  latter,  because  I 
might  have  avoided  it  by  paying  him  a  com 
pliment,  which  I  neglected.  That  to  the  for 
mer  I  owe  to  the  people  of  France,  who  hap 
pened  to  respect  me  too  much  and  him  too  lit 
tle  ;  which  I  could  bear  and  he  could  not. — 
They  are  unhappy  that  they  cannot  make 
every  body  hate  me  as  much  as  they  do ;  and 
I  should  be  so  if  my  friends  did  not  love  me 
much  more  than  those  gentlemen  can  possibly 
love  one  another. 

"  Enough  of  this  subject.  Let  me  know  if 
you  are  in  possession  of  my  gimcrack  instru 
ments,  and  if  you  have  made  any  new  experi 
ments.  I  lent  many  years  ago  a  large  glass 
globe,  mounted,  to  Mr.  Coombe,  and  an  elec 
tric  battery  of  bottles,  which  I  remember ; 
perhaps  there  were  some  other  things.  He 
may  have  had  them  so  long  as  to  think  them 
his  own.  Pray  ask  him  for  them,  and  keep 
them  for  me,  together  with  the  rest. 

"  You  have  a  new  crop  of  prose  writers.  I 
see  in  your  papers  many  of  their  fictitious 
names,  but  nobody  tells  me  the  real.  You 
will  oblige  me  by  a  little  of  your  literary  his 
tory.  Adieu,  my  dear  friend,  and  believe  me 
ever,  yours  affectionately, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  Daniel  of  St.  Thomas  Jenifer. 

"PASSY,  Sept.  13,  1781. 

"  SIR, — I  received  the  very  obliging  letter 
you  did  me  the  honour  of  writing  to  me  the 
20th  of  June  last.  It  gave  me  great  satisfac 
tion  to  find,  by  the  unanimous  choice  you  men 
tion,  that  my  services  had  not  been  unaccept 
able  to  congress  :  and  to  hear  also  that  they 
were  favourably  disposed  towards  my  grand 
son,  Temple  Franklin.  It  was  my  desire  to 
quit  public  business,  fearing  it  might  suffer 
in  my  hands  through  the  infirmities  incident 
to  my  time  of  life.  But  as  tiiey  are  pleased 
to  think  I  may  still  be  useful.  I  submit  to  their 
judgment,  and  shall  do  my  best. 

"  I  immediately  forwarded  the  letter  you  en- 


394 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


closed  for  Mr.  Lowndes ;  and  if  in  any  thing 
else  I  can  do  you  service  or  pleasure  here, 
please  to  command  me  freely.     I  have  the 
honour  to  be,  with  great  regard,  sir,  &c. 
"B.  FRANKLIN." 


John  Adams  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

'•  AMSTERDAM,  October  4,  1781. 

"  SIR, — Your  excellency's  letter  of  June 
11,  is  yet  unanswered.  I  have  the  honour  to 
agree  with  your  excellency  in  opinion,  that 
it  is  reasonable  that  the  articles  of  rent  of  the 
hotel,  payment  of  couriers,  postage  of  letters, 
salaries  of  clerks,  stationery  for  the  bureau, 
and  feasts  and  illuminations  made  upon  pub 
lic  occasions,  should  be  deemed  expenses  of 
the  states.  Indeed  otherwise  it  will  be  im 
possible  for  American  ministers  to  live  in  any 
such  manner  as  is  expected  of  them,  both  by 
Europeans  and  Americans. 

"JOHN  ADAMS." 


"  To  John  Adams. 

"  PASSY,  Oct.  12,  1781. 

"  SIR, — I  received  the  letter  your  excel 
lency  did  me  the  honour  of  writing  to  me  the 
4th  instant. 

"  I  have  never  known  a  peace  made,  even 
the  most  advantageous,  that  was  not  censur 
ed  as  inadequate,  and  the  makers  condemned 
as  injudicious  or  corrupt.  '  BLESSED  are  the 
peace-makers,'  is,  I  suppose,  to  be  understood 
in  the  other  world,  for  in  this  they  are  frequent 
ly  cursed.  Being  as  yet  rather  too  much  at 
tached  to  this  world,  I  had  therefore  no  am 
bition  to  be  concerned  in  fabricating  this 
peace,  and  know  not  how  I  came  to  be  put 
into  the  commission.  I  esteem  it,  however, 
as  an  honour  to  be  joined  with  you  in  so  im 
portant  a  business ;  and  if  the  execution  of  it 
shall  happen  in  my  time,  which  I  hardly  ex 
pect,  I  shall  endeavour  to  assist  in  discharging 
the  duty  according  to  the  best  of  my  judg 
ment. 

"  Immediately  on  receipt  of  the  commission 
of  instructions,  I  communicated  them  as  di 
rected,  to  this  court.  The  steps  that  have 
been  taken  in  the  mediation,  were  verbally 
communicated  to  me,  but  as  yet  I  have  had  no 
copies  given  me  of  the  papers.  I  asked  if  it 
was  not  proper  to  communicate  to  the  minis 
ters  of  the  mediating  powers,  the  commission 
of  congress  impowerin^  us  to  accept  their 
mediation ;  and  was  advised  to  postpone  it  a 
little.  I  will  endeavour  on  Tuesday  next,  to 
obtain  for  you  a  copy  of  the  answer  of  the 
British  court,  which  you  desire,  and  will  con 
sult  on  the  propriety  of  mentioning  our  com 
mission  in  the  public  papers. 

"  I  have  heard  nothing  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  I 
imagine  the  story  of  his  being  taken  prisoner 
is  not  true.  From  his  original  unwillingness 
to  leave  America  when  I  was  sent  hither,  I 


think  his  coming  doubtful,  unless  he  had 
been  made  acquainted  with  and  consented  to 
the  appointment. 

"  I  hope  your  health  is  fully  established.  I 
doubt  not  but  you  have  the  advice  of  skilful 
physicians,  otherwise  I  should  presume  to 
offer  mine,  which  would  be,  though  you  find 
yourself  well,  to  take  a  few  doses  of  bark,  by 
way  of  fortifying  your  constitution,  and  pre 
venting  a  return  of  your  fever. 

"  With  the  greatest  respect,  I  have  the  ho 
nour  to  be,  «fec.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  Edmund  Burke,  M.  P. 

"PASSY,  October,  15,  1781. 

"  SIR, — I  received  but  a  few  days  since 
your  very  friendly  letter  of  August  last,  on 
the  subject  of  general  Burgoyne. 

"  Since  the  foolish  part  of  mankind  will 
make  wars  from  time  to  time  with  each  other, 
not  having  sense  enough  otherwise  to  settle 
their  differences,  it  certainly  becomes  the 
wiser  part,  who  cannot  prevent  those  wars,  to 
alleviate  as  much  as  possible  the  calamities 
attending  them.  Mr.  Burke  always  stood 
high  in  my  esteem ;  but  his  affectionate  con 
cern  for  his  friend  renders  him  still  more 
amiable,  and  makes  the  honour  he  does  me  of 
admitting  me  of  the  number,  still  more  pre 
cious. 

"I  do  not  think  the  congress  have  any 
wish  to  persecute  general  Burgoyne.  I  never 
heard  till  I  received  your  letter  that  they  had 
recalled  him ;  if  they  have  made  such  a  reso 
lution,  it  must  be,  I  suppose,  a  conditional 
one,  to  take  place  in  case  their  offer  of  ex 
changing  him  for  Mr.  Laurens  should  not  be 
accepted ;  a  resolution  intended  merely  to  en 
force  that  offer. 

"  I  have  just  received  an  authentic  copy  of 
the  resolve  containing  that  offer ;  and  author 
izing  me  to  make  it.  As  I  have  no  commu 
nication  with  your  ministers,  I  send  it  enclos 
ed  to  you.  If  you  can  find  any  means  of  ne- 
gociating  this  business,  I  am  sure  the  restor 
ing  another  worthy  man  to  his  family  and 
friends,  will  be  an  addition  to  your  pleasure. 
With  great  and  invariable  respect  and  affec 
tion,  I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient,  and  most 
humble  servant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


Count  de  Vergennes  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  VERSAILLES,  October  24,  1781. 
"  SIR, — I  have  the  honour  to  transmit  you 
a  memorial  directed  to  me,  from  Messieurs 
La  Marque  and  Fabre,  wherein  you  will  see 
that  those  two  gentlemen  have  supplied  Mr. 
Gillon  with  several  articles  of  merchandise, 
and  that  this  commodore  went  away  without 
paying  them.  It  is  unknown  to  me,  whether 
you  have  in  hands  any  funds  belonging  either 
to  the  said  Mr.  Gillon,  or  the  state  of  South 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


395 


Carolina.  In  the  case  you  have,  I  make  not 
the  least  doubt,  but  you  will  look  upon  it  as 
matter  of  justice,  to  discharge  the  said  debt, 
and  should  you  have  none,  I  request  it  of  you 
as  a  favour,  that  you  would  strongly  recom 
mend  to  congress  the  interests  of  Messieurs  La 
Marque  and  Fabre. 

"DEVERGENNES." 

"  Mr.  Franklin  does  not  know  that  the  fol 
lowing  memorial  concerns  the  congress,  but 
at  the  reqpest  of  M.  de  Vergennes,  trans 
mits  it.  B.  F." 

"  A  memorial  from  Messrs.  La  Marque  and 
Fabre,  to  his  excellency  the  count  de  Ver 
gennes,  minister  and  secretary  of  state,  for 
the  department  of  foreign  affairs. 

"  MAY  IT  PLEASE  YOUR  EXCELLENCY, The 

memorial  of  the  Sieurs  La  Marque  and  Fa 
bre,  merchant  drapers  in  Paris,  St.  Bond 
street,  humbly  showeth,  that  on  the  12th 
April,  1780,  your  petitioners  contracted  to 
supply  clothing  for  troops  with  Mr.  Gillon, 
who  was  in  the  service  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  being  commodore  from  the  state 
of  South  Carolina,  and  their  representative 
invested  with  powers  from  them ;  and  that  this 
contract  was  on  our  part,  executed  to  the  sa 
tisfaction  of  the  said  Mr.  Gillon,  who  in  con 
sequence  drew  bills  on  the  house  of  Mes 
sieurs  Banquet  and  Pache,  bankers  in  Paris, 
payable  to  your  petitioners  in  July  1781,  to 
the  amount  of  £50,227,  and  for  other  articles 
furnished,  he  is  debtor  in  all  for  £51,291. 

"  Last  May,  said  Mr.  Gillon,  being  then  in 
Paris,  promised  your  petitioners  that  on  his 
arrival  in  Amsterdam,  he  would  procure  them 
the  amount  of  the  balance  due  to  them  from 
his  correspondents  in  the  said  city,  they  took 
his  word  for  it,  and  expected  payment  in  this 
way.  Your  petitioners,  sir,  received  a  letter 
from  said  commodore,  dated  the  19th  July,  in 
which  he  wrote  them,  that  having  settled  his 
affairs  with  bills  at  six  and  nine  months  sight, 
he  would  be  glad  to  know  of  them,  whether  it 
would  suit  them  to  take  the  acceptations  of  a 
solid  house  in  Amsterdam,  at  six  and  nine 
and  twelve  months,  with  offer  to  make  good 
to  them  the  delay  of  payment  The  27th  of 
the  same  month,  an  answer  was  sent  to  said 
Mr.  Gillon,  that  his  offers  were  accepted ;  this 
last  letter,  sir,  has  remained  without  any  di 
rect  answer  from  the  debtor  of  your  petition 
ers,  as  well  as  those  that  have  been  wrote 
since,  he  contenting  himself  to  get  his  nephew, 
named  Nixon,  to  write,  that  though  Mr.  Gil- 
Ion's  armament  in  the  Texel  engrossed  his 
attention,  yet  he  did  not  lose  sight  of  our  ob 
ject,  which  he  would  terminate  in  a  manner 
satisfactory  to  us,  at  his  return  to  Amsterdam, 
which  we  might  depend  upon.  The  said 
commodore  having  hitherto  most  strictly  ful 


filled  all  his  promises,  your  petitioners  were 
patiently  waiting  the  day  for  the  fulfilment 
of  the  last,  when  to  their  great  surprise  and 
sorrow,  they  were  informed  of  the  departure 
of  their  debtor,  with  a  rich  cargo  from  the 
Texel  for  America,  where  it  is  supposed  that 
he  arrived  about  the  latter  end  of  September, 
if  not  molested  in  his  way,  being  a  prime 
sailer.  At  the  receipt  of  this  affecting  piece 
of  intelligence,  the  first  care  of  your  excel 
lency's  petitioners,  was  to  apply  to  Mr.  Frank 
lin,  the  minister  of  the  United  States  of  Ame 
rica,  and  relate  to  him  the  sad  situation  they 
were  in ;  who  having  perused  the  contract 
and  the  engagements  entered  into  by  the  said 
Mr.  Gillon,  assured  them  that  they  had  the 
guarantee  of  the  state  of  South  Carolina,  that 
they  should  lose  nothing,  and  he  would  use 
his  influence  in  their  behalf. 

"  Though  the  debt  is  secured  by  the  gua 
rantee  of  that  state,  the  time  of  payment  be 
ing  not  determined,  and  your  petitioners  be 
ing  under  engagements  to  be  fulfilled,  and 
contracted  on  account  of  the  articles  deliver 
ed  to  said  Mr.  Gillon,  in  order  to  accelerate 
the  payment  of  what  is  due  to  them,  they  flat 
ter  themselves,  that  if  your  excellency  wouIJ. 
honour  them  with  his  recommendation  to  Mr. 
Franklin,  this  minister  of  the  United  States, 
in  consequence  of  his  benevolence,  and  in  or 
der  to  prevent  the  injury  which  the  national 
credit  of  his  country  might  receive  from  the 
conduct  of  the  commodore  who  was  invested 
with  powers  from  his  state,  which  like  the 
rest  of  them,  is  under  the  authority  of  con 
gress,  we  presume  to  think  that  for  a  sum  so 
inconsiderable  with  respect  to  the  United 
States,  though  very  considerable  to  your  pe 
titioners,  Mr.  Franklin  would  not  refuse  to 
take  measures  with  them  for  the  discharge  of 
the  debt,  which  might  be  made  payable  at  such 
periods  of  time  as  he  would  choose.  No 
words  could  express  the  sense  of  gratitude, 
your  petitioners  would  feel,  would  your  excel 
lency  condescend  to  recommend  their  case  to 
Mr.  Franklin. 

"This  minister  could  be  able  to  recover 
the  debt  even  before  the  time,  for  the  fulfil 
ment  of  the  obligations  he  might  contract  was 
elapsed,  said  Mr.  Gillon  having  sailed  in  one 
of  the  strongest  and  best  sailing  frigates, 
named  after,  and  belonging  to  the  said  state, 
the  crew  whereof  were  clothed  partly  with 
the  supplies  your  petitioners  have  furnished  ; 
your  petitioners  have  not  the  least  doubt  but 
that  the  first  care  of  the  commodore  after  his 
arrival,  will  be  to  make  remittances  to  them, 
and  thereby  discharge  himself  and  the  pro 
vince  he  belongs  to ;  which  remittances  Mr. 
Franklin  himself  could  receive  was  he  to  be 
so  kind  as  to  comply  with  the  proposals  of 
your  petitioners,  by  writing  himself  to  Ame 
rica  for  the  purpose. 

"  May  God  in  mercy  grant  the  prayers  sent 


396 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 


up  to  Heaven  in  behalf  of  your  excellency,  by 
your  most  humble  petitioners. 

"  Your  excellency's  petitioners  having  just 
been  informed  by  Mr.  Franklin,  that  Mr.  Gil- 
Ion  instead  of  going  to  America  had  put  into 
Corunna  to  take  in  provisions,  having  consum 
ed  those  he  took  in  whilst  in  the  Texel,  du 
ring  the  few  weeks  he  was  cruising  on  the 
coast  of  England,  have  wrote  this  day  to  Mon 
sieur  Destournelles,  his  majesty's  consul  at 
Corunna,  requesting  him  to  compel,  by  virtue 
of  the  vouchers  sent  to  him,  the  said  commo 
dore  to  pay  the  £  51,291  he  owes  to  your  ex 
cellency's  petitioners,  and  as  they  have  no 
prospect  should  this  opportunity  fail,  to  receive 
this  sum  till  after  the  long  process  of  time,  as 
Mr.  Franklin  told  them,  they  humbly  request 
your  excellency  to  honour  them  with  his  pro 
tection,  and  to  require  that  orders  be  given 
for  this  sum  to  be  secured  in  case  your  peti 
tioners  be  not  too  late,  and  said  Mr.  Gillon 
has  not  sailed  from  Corunna." 


"  Thomas  M'Kean,  President  of  Congress. 
"  PASSY,  November  5,  1781. 

"  SIR, — Herewith  you  will  receive  a  copy 
of  my  last,  since  which  I  have  been  honoured 
with  two  letters  from  the  late  president,  the 
one  dated  March  2d,  relating  to  captain 
Jones's  cross  of  merit,  which  I  have  commu 
nicated  as  directed ;  the  other  dated  July  5th, 
respecting  the  release  and  exchange  of  Mr. 
Laurens.  Having  no  direct  communication 
with  the  British  ministers,  and  Mr.  Burke  ap 
pearing  by  a  letter  to  me  warmly  interested 
in  favour  of  his  friend,  general  Burgoyne,  to 
prevent  his  being  recalled,  I  have  requested 
and  impowered  him  to  negotiate  that  ex 
change,  and  I  soon  expect  his  answer. 

"  The  late  practice  of  sending  to  England 
prisoners  taken  in  America,  has  greatly  aug 
mented  the  number  of  those  unfortunate  men, 
and  proportionably  increased  the  expense  of 
relieving  them.  The  subscriptions  for  that 
purpose  in  England  have  ceased.  The  allow 
ance  I  have  made  them  of  sixpence  each  per 
week,  during  the  summer,  though  small, 
amounts  to  a  considerable  sum ;  and  during 
the  winter  I  shall  be  obliged  to  double,  if  not 
treble  it.  The  admiralty  there  will  not  ac 
cept  any  English  in  exchange,  but  such  as 
have  been  taken  by  Americans ;  and  absolute 
ly  refuse  to  allow  any  of  the  paroles  given  to 
our  privateers  by  English  prisoners  discharged 
at  sea,  except  in  one  instance,  that  of  fifty- 
three  men  taken  in  the  Snake  sloop,  by  the 
Pilgrim  and  Rambler,  which  was  a  case  at 
tended,  as  they  say,  with  some  particular  cir 
cumstances.  I  know  not  what  the  circumstan 
ces  were,  but  shall  be  glad  to  see  the  fifty- 
three  of  our  people,  whom  they  promised  to 
send  me  by  the  first  cartel.  I  have  above  five 
hundred  other  paroles,  solemnly  given  in  writ 


ing,  by  which  the  Englishmen  promised  either 
to  send  of  our  people  in  exchange,  or  to  surren 
der  themselves  to  me  in  France ;  not  one  of 
which  has  been  regarded,  so  little  faith  and 
honour  remains  in  that  corrupted  nation.  Our 
privateers  when  in  the  European  seas,  will 
rarely  bring  in  their  prisoners,  when  they  can 
get  rid  of  them  at  sea. 

"  Some  of  our  poor  brave  countrymen  have 
been  in  that  cruel  captivity  now  near  four 
years.  I  hope  the  congress  will  take  this 
matter  into  immediate  consideration,  and 
find  some  means  for  their  deliverance,  and  to 
prevent  the  sending  more  from  America.  By 
my  last  accounts,  the  number  now  in  the  se 
veral  prisons  amount  to  upwards  of  eight  hun 
dred.  I  request  also  some  directions  from 
congress  (having  never  received  any)  respect 
ing  the  allowance  to  be  made  to  them,  while 
they  remain  there.  They  complain  that  the 
food  given  them  is  insufficient.  Their  peti 
tion  to  the  English  government,  to  have  an 
equal  allowance  with  the  French  and  Span 
ish  prisoners,  has  been  rejected;  which  makes 
the  small  pecuniary  assistance  I  can  send 
them,  more  necessary.  If  a  certain  number 
of  English  prisoners  could  be  set  apart  in 
America,  treated  exactly  in  the  same  manner, 
and  their  exchange  refused  till  it  should  be 
agreed  to  set  those  at  liberty  in  Europe,  one 
might  hope  to  succeed  in  procuring  the  dis 
charge  of  our  people.  Those  who  escape  and 
pass  through  France  to  get  home,  put  me  al 
so  to  a  very  great  expense  for  their  land  jour 
neys,  which  would  be  prevented  if  they  were 
exchanged,  as  they  would  be  landed  here  in 
the  ports. 

"  The  ambassador  of  Venice  told  me,  that 
he  was  charged  by  the  senate  to  express  to  me 
their  grateful  sense  of  the  friendly  behaviour 
of  captain  Barry,  commander  of  the  Alliance, 
in  rescuing  one  of  the  ships  of  their  state  from 
an  English  privateer,  and  setting  her  at  liber 
ty.  And  he  requested  rne  to  communicate 
this  acknowledgment  to  congress. 

"  There  is  a  complaint  from  Holland  against 
captain  Jones,  for  having  taken  the  brigantine 
Berkenbosch,  and  sending  her  to  America; 
and  I  have  been  desired  to  lay  before  congress 
the  enclosed  depositions  relating  to  that  cap 
ture,  and  to  request  their  attention  to  it.  The 
ambassador  of  Portugal  also,  frequently  asks 
me  if  I  have  received  any  answer  to  their  com 
plaint  long  since  sent  over ;  I  wish  it  was  in 
my  power  to  give  him  one  of  some  kind  or 
other.  But  none  has  yet  come  to  my  hands. 
I  need  not  mention  the  importance  of  attend 
ing  to  the  smallest  complaints.  The  neglect 
of  them  sometimes  having  very  serious  con 
sequences.  . 

"  The  mediation  proposed,  is  not  yet  agreed 
to  by  England,  who  refuses  to  treat  with  our 
United  States  but  as  a  sovereign  with  sub 
jects  ;  and  I  apprehend  that  a  change  in  that 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


397 


resolution  is  only  to  be  expected  from  time, 
the  growing  insupportable  expense  of  the  war, 
or  a  course  of  misfortunes  in  the  progress  of 
it.  The  spirits  of  that  nation  have  been  con 
tinually  kept  up  by  the  flattering  accounts  sent 
over  of  our  being  weary  of  the  contest,  and 
on  the  point  of  submission.  Their  ministers, 
as  appears  by  their  intercepted  letters,  have 
been  themselves  so  far  deceived,  as  to  expect 
daily  those  submissions,  and  to  have  the  plea 
sure  of  lay  ing  them  before  the  king.  We  may 
perhaps  be  able  to  guess  a  little  by  the  king's 
speech,  at  the  approaching  new  session  of  par 
liament,  whether  they  still  continue  under 
this  delusion.  As  long  as  it  subsists,  peace 
is  not  to  be  expected. 

"  A  loan  has  been  proposed  to  be  obtained 
for  us  of  the  states  of  Holland,  on  the  credit  i 
of  this  government.  All  public  operations 
are  slow  in  that  country,  and  though  the  af 
fair  is  at  length  said  to  be  concluded,  it  is  not 
yet  executed.  Considerable  advances  have, 
however,  been  made  here  in  expectation  of! 
being  reimbursed  by  it.  The  last  aids  grant 
ed  us,  have  been  so  absorbed  by  my  payment 
of  the  drafts  on  Mr.  Jay  and  Mr.  Adams,  and 
acceptance  of  those  for  the  enormous  unex 
pected  purchases  in  Holland,  which  were  to 
have  gone  in  captain  Gillon's  ship,  but  left 
behind,  that  I  shall  have  nothing  to  spare  for 
e.ttraordinaries,  unless  some  of  the  Holland 
loan  comes  soon  into  my  hands.  I  am  now 
told  from  Amsterdam,  that  the  two  ships 
freighted  there  to  carry  these  goods  are  de 
tained,  as  their  contract  was  to  sail  under 
convoy  of  the  South  Carolina,  which  left  them, 
and  they  must  now  take  more  men  to  defend 
them;  and  of  consequence  claim  a  higher 
freight,  and  to  have  it  paid  before  they  sail, 
unless  I  will  buy  the  ships  and  send  them  on 
account  of  congress,  neither  of  which  is  in  my 
power  to  do.  It  was  with  reluctance  I  en 
gaged  in  that  affair,  having  little  confidence 
in  captain  Gillon's  management ;  and  fearing 
some  embarrassment  of  our  credit,  I  consent 
ed  in  fine,  to  engage  for  the  payment  of  ten 
thousand  pounds  sterling,  being  the  value  of 
the  goods  suitable  for  congress,  said  to  be  al 
ready  shipped  in  that  vessel ;  and  as  there  was 
said  to  be  still  more  room,  and  she  was  thought 
a  safe  conveyance  to  furnish  an  additional  sum 
to  fill  that  supposed  vacancy,  which  I  limited 
to  five  thousand  pounds  sterling  more.  You 
will  judge  of  my  surprise,  when  I  saw  the  ac 
counts  of  that  additional  purchase,  which 
amounted  instead  of  five,  to  fifty  thousand 
thousand  pounds  sterling.  I  at  first  absolute 
ly  refused  to  pay  for  them.  But  captain  Jack 
son  came  to  me  from  thence  express,  urged 
that  the  purchase  was  made  by  order  of  colo 
nel  Laurens,  that  the  goods  were  on  board ; 
that  if  I  would  not  undertake  to  pay  for  them, 
they  must  be  re-landed  and  returned  or  sold, 
which  would  be  a  public  disgrace  to  us ;  that 
34 


they  were  all  articles  exceedingly  wanted  in 
America,  &c.  In  fine,  I  was  prevailed  upon 
and  accepted  the  bills,  and  was  obliged  to  go 
with  this  after-clap  to  the  ministers-,  a  pro 
ceeding  always  disagreeable,  after  the  dispo 
sitions  of  the  funds  of  the  year  have  been  ar 
ranged  ;  and  more  so  in  this  case,  as  the  mo 
ney  was  to  be  paid  for  the  manufactures  of 
other  countries,  and  not  laid  out  in  those  of 
this  kingdom,  by  whose  friendship  it  was  fur 
nished. — This  fresh  grant  was  at  first  abso 
lutely  refused.  At  length  I  obtained  it,  and  I 
hoped  the  difficulty  was  over.  But  after  all  the 
officers  declare  the  ship  overloaded,  that  there 
was  not  room  to  lodge  the  people  and  provi 
sions,  nor  to  act  in  fighting  her  ;  the  goods  are 
turned  out  into  two  other  ships,  those  are 
left,  and  it  is  now  proposed  to  me  either  to 
buy  them,  or  to  advance  a  freight  nearly  equal 
to  the  value.  I  cannot  make  a  new  demand 
for  this  purpose,  and  I  shall  not  wonder  if  this 
government,  observing  how  badly  our  ship- 
picg  and  transporting  the  supplies  is  managed, 
should  take  that  business  for  the  future  en 
tirely  into  its  own  hands,  as  they  have  begun 
to  do  in  the  case  of  replacing  the  cargo  of  the 
Marquis  de  la  Fayette,  and  indeed  until  some 
active,  intelligent  person,  skilled  in  maritime 
affairs,  is  placed  here  as  consul,  I  cannot  but 
think  it  will  be  much  better  executed,  and 
more  for  our  advantage.  Some  considerable 
parts  of  that  new  cargo  are  already  shipped, 
and  the  rest  I  hear  in  great  forwardness. 

"  The  very  friendly  disposition  of  this  court 
still  continues,  and  will  I  hope  continue  for 
ever.  From  my  own  inclination,  as  well  as 
in  obedience  to  the  order  of  congress,  every 
tiling  in  my  power  shall  be  done  to  cultivate 
that  disposition,  but  I  trust  it  will  be  re 
membered  that  the  best  friends  may  be  over 
burdened;  that  by  too  frequent,  too  large, 
and  too  unfortunate  demands  upon  it,  the  most 
cordial  friendship  may  be  wearied ;  and  as  no 
thing  is  more  teazing  than  repeated  unexpect 
ed  demands  for  money,  1  hope  the  congress 
will  absolutely  put  an  end  to  the  practice  or 
drawing  on  their  ministers,  and  thereby  ob 
liging  them  to  worry  their  respective  courts 
for  the  means  of  payment.  It  may  have  other 
wise  very  ill  effects  in  depressing  the  spirit 
of  a  minister,  and  destroying  that  freedom  of 
representation,  which  on  many  occasions  it 
might  be  proper  for  him  to  make  use  of. 

"  I  heartily  congratulate  you,  sir,  on  your 
being  called  to  the  honourable  and  important 
office  of  president,  and  wish  you  every  kind 
of  prosperity.  B.  FRANKLl'N." 

Protest  of  Captain  Ary  de  Neif,  command 
ing  the  brigantine  Berkeiibosch. 

"  ON  the  4th  of  August,  1780,  captain  Ary 
de  Neif,  commanding  the  brigantine  Berken- 
bosch,  the  property  of  Messrs.  Van  de  Perre 


398 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


and  My neers  of  Middleburg  in  Zealand,  being 
duly  sworn  upon  the  Holy  Evangelists  of  Al 
mighty  God,  before  Alexander  Jeune,  secre 
tary,  of  the  noble  granted  general,  West  In 
dia  company,  at  St.  Eustatia,  did  depose  and 
say,  that  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  August,  1779, 
he  sailed  from  Middleburg,  in  the  above- 
mentioned  brigantine,  bound  for  Liverpool, 
where  he  arrived  on  the  twenty-seventh  day 
of  August,  1779 ;  that  at  Liverpool,  he  took  in 
a  cargo  of  lead  and  pilchards,  from  whence 
he  sailed  on  the  27th  day  of  December,  1779 
for  Leghorn,  that  on  the  eighth  day  of  January 
1780,  in  the  northern  latitude  of  40  degrees, 
longitude  3  degrees  and  34  minutes,  he  fell 
in  with  captain  John  P.  Jones,  who  hailed  the 
brig,  and  ordered  the  said  captain  Ary  de  Neif, 
together  with  all  his  papers  on  board  the  Lion, 
(captain  Jones's  own  ship.)  Then  he  (captain 
John  Paul  Jones)  examined  captain  Ary  de 
Neif 's  papers,  and  broke  the  seals  of  all  his 
letters,  at  the  same  time  declaring  his  vessel 
to  be  a  lawful  prize,  upon  the  principle  of  her 
being  American  property,  though  assured  by 
captain  de  Neif,  that  though  she  was  formerly 
American  property,  she  then  belonged  to  the 
subjects  of  the  United  Provinces,  and  that  cap 
tain  Jones  might  see  it  by  his  papers ;  that 
captain  Jones  answered,  that  every  thing  was 
English  property,  and  asked  him  what  wages 
would  be  an  inducement  for  him  to  navigate 
the  said  brigantine  Berkenbosch  to  America, 
he  putting  on  board  her  some  of  his  own  crew, 
and  taking  her  crew  on  board  the  Lion ;  that 
his  proposal,  though  often  urged  by  captain 
Jones,  captain  Ary  de  Neif  refused  accepting. 
That  captain  Jones  then  sent  a  prize-master 
and  four  men  on  board  the  brigantine,  at  the 
same  time  ordering  four  men  and  a  boy  of 
the  brig's  crew  on  board  his  own  ship.  That 
he  kept  captain  Ary  de  Neif  closely  confined 
on  board  the  Lion,  till  the  ninth  instant,  when 
he  permitted  the  captain,  a  passenger,  and  one 
man  to  go  on  board  and  depart  with  the  brig, 
detaining  the  cook  on  board  the  Lion  :  that 
on  the  eleventh  of  March  he  was  taken  with 
in  sight  of  St.  Eustatia,  by  two  British  ships 
of  war,  and  that  one  eighth  part  of  his  cargo 
was  condemned  by  a  court  of  admiralty  at  Bar- 
badoes,  and  that  "his  protest  against  captain 
Jones,  and  the  two  captains  of  his  Britannic 
majesty's  ships,  for  breaking  open  his  letters, 
examining  his  papers,  depriving  him  of  part 
of  his  crew,  and  condemning  one  eighth  part 
of  his  cargo." 

Certificate  from  captain  Ary  de  Neif  to 

chevalier  Jones. 

"  I  Ary  de  Neif,  master  of  the  brigantine 
called  the  Berkenbosch,  from  Liverpool  to 
Leghorn,  do  certify  to  the  best  of  my  know 
ledge  and  belief,  that  the  whole  of  the  cargo 
on  board  my  said  vessel,  is  really  and  truly 


British  property,  particularly  the  lead  and  red 
herrings.  Witness  my  hand,  on  board  the 
Alliance,  at  sea  off  cape  Finisterre,  this  ninth 
day  of  January,  1780.  ARY  DE  NEIF." 

«  Witness,  GEO.  CONYNGHAM, 
"  FITCH  POOL. 

"  A  true  copy  from  the  rough  draft  now  in 
my  hands.  PAUL  JONES." 


"  To  Colonel  Laurens. 

"PASSY,  Nov.  8, 1781. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  very  kind 
letter  written  at  sea  off  the  coast  of  Spain. 
I  thank  you  for  the  friendly  hint  contained  in 
it  respecting  my  grandson :  I  see  that  what 
you  propose  for  him  might  have  a  good  effect ; 
but  I  have  too  much  occasion  for  his  assist 
ance,  and  cannot  spare  him  to  make  the  voy 
age.  He  must  take  his  chance,  and  I  hope 
he  will  in  time  obtain,  as  well  as  merit,  the 
consideration  of  our  government. 

«  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  Messrs.  Kornmann,  relative  to  a  claim 
of  relationship  with  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  PASSY,  Nov.  21,  1781. 

"GENTLEMEN, — Enclosed  is  the  answer 
you  desire  to  the  letter  sent  me  from  Conigs- 
berg. — I  have  the  honour  to  be,  gentle 
men,  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  PASSY,  November  21, 1781. 

"  MADAM, — I  received  the  letter  you  did 
me  the  honour  of  writing  to  me  the  26th  of 
last  month :  in  answer  to  which  I  ought  tc 
inform  you,  that  I  was  born  in  America,  now 
near  76  years  since  ;  that  I  never  was  in  Ire 
land  till  the  year  1773,  which  was  for  a  few 
weeks  only,  and  I  did  not  pass  thence  to  Ame 
rica  with  any  person  of  my  name,  but  return 
ed  to  England ;  nor  had  I  ever  any  knowledge 
of  the  John  Franklin  you  mention.  I  have 
exact  accounts  of  every  person  of  my  family 
since  the  year  1555,  when  it  was  established 
in  England,  and  am  certain  that  none  of  them 
but  myself  since  that  time  were  ever  in  Ire 
land.  The  name  of  Franklin  is  common 
among  the  English  of  the  two  nations,  but  there 
are  a  number  of  different  families  who  bear  it, 
and  who  have  no  relation  to  each  other.  It 
would  be  a  pleasure  to  me  to  discover  a  rela 
tion  in  Europe,  possessing  the  amiable  senti 
ments  expressed  in  your  letter.  I  assure  you 
I  should  not  disown  the  meanest.  I  should 
also  be  glad  if  I  could  give  you  a  satisfactory 
account  of  your  family ;  but  I  really  know  no 
thing  of  them.  I  have  therefore  not  the  ho 
nour  of  being  related  to  them,  but  I  have  that 
of  being,  madam,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


399 


"  To  Governor  Pownall, 

"PASSY,  Novembcr23,  1781. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favour  by 
Mr.  Hobart.  I  caused  an  application  to  be 
made  to  Almon  in  behalf  of  Mrs.  Barry,  but 
do  not  learn  that  it  is  like  to  meet  with  any 
success.  As  the  transaction  was  between 
yourself  and  him,  no  other  person  but  you  can 
claim  with  authority ;  I  must  therefore  beg 
for  the  poor  good  woman's  sake,  that  you 
would  do  something  effectual  in  it. 

"I  also  request  that  you  would  send  the 
copies  you  mention  to  me  here,  directed  to  the 
care  of  Mr.  Bowen  at  Ostend;  and  that  the 
plate  may  be  packed  with  them. 

"  I  wish  most  heartily  with  you,  that  this 
cursed  war  was  at  an  end :  but  I  despair  of 
seeing  it  finished  in  my  time.  Your  thirsty 
nation  has  not  yet  drank  enough  of  our  blood. 
I  am  authorized  to  treat  of  peace  whenever 
she  is  disposed  to  it,  but  I  saw  inconveniences 
in  meeting  and  discoursing  with  you  on  the 
subject,  or  with  any  one  not  avowed  by  your 
ministry;  having  already  experienced  such, 
in  several  instances.  Mr.  Hobart  appeared 
not  fully  acquainted  with  your  ideas,  and  as 
he  could  not  communicate  them,  I  could 
make  no  judgment  of  them.  My  best  wishes 
attend  you,  being  with  the  old  long-continu 
ed  esteem,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  John  Adams. 

"  PASSY,  Nov.  26,  1781. 

"  I  SENT  forward  last  Saturday  some  packets 
and  letters  for  you,  which  I  hope  got  to  hand 
in  time:  most  heartily  do  I  congratulate  you 
on  the  glorious  news!  (The  capitulation  of 
lord  Cornvvallis's  army.)  The  infant  Hercu 
les  in  his  cradle  has  now  strangled  his  second 
serpent,  and  gives  hopes  that  his  future  his 
tory  will  be  answerable.  I  enclose  a  packet 
which  I  have  just  received  from  general 
Washington,  and  which  I  suppose  contains 
the  articles  of  capitulation.  It  is  a  rare  cir 
cumstance,  and  scarce  to  be  met  with  in  his 
tory,  that  in  one  war  two  armies  should  be  ta 
ken  prisoners  completely,  not  a  man  in  either 
escaping.  It  is  another  singular  circumstance, 
that  an  expedition  so  complex,  formed  of  ar 
mies  of  different  nations,  and  of  land  and  sea- 
forces,  should  with  such  perfect  concord  be  as 
sembled  from  different  places  by  land  and  wa 
ter,  form  their  junction  punctually,  without 
the  least  retard  by  cross  accidents  of  wind  or 
weather,  or  interruption  from  the  enemy  ; 
and  that  the  army  which  was  their  object 
should  in  the  mean  time  have  the  goodness  to 
quit  a  situation  from  whence  it  might  have 
escaped,  and  place  itself  in  another  whence 
an  escape  was  impossible. 

"  General  Greene  has  done  wonders  too  in 
Carolina.  I  hear  that  a  reinforcement  was  to 


be  sent  him  from  the  army  in  Virginia,  and 
that  there  are  hopes  of  his  reducing  Charles- 
town.  You  have  probably  in  the  enclosed 
packet  the  account  of  his  last  great  action. 
Comte  de  Grasse  sailed  the  30th  with  the 
fleet,  and  part  of  the  land-forces.  His  desti 
nation  is  not  mentioned." 

Captain  John  Paul  Jones  to  M.  Dumas. 
"  PORTSMOUTH,  N.  H.  December  10,  1781. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — This  letter  is  intended  to  bo 
presented  to  you  by  major  Sherburnc,  of  this 
state,  who  will  tell  you  his  own  story  and 
part  of  mine.  You  will  present  him  with  my 
respects  to  madame  Dumas  and  the  virgin 
muse. 

"  I  am  happy  that  '  the  pitiful  sir  Joseph' 
has  been  besieged  by  '  the  great  man,'  and 
forced  to  evacuate  his  strong  hold  with  dis 
grace  ! — The  author  of  Hamlet  has  not  given 
him  more  surprise  at  the  sight  of  his  father's 
ghost,  than  the  world  has  felt  to  see  the  Bel 
gians  roused  from  the  lethargy  of  a  century ! 
May  their  long  reluctant  swords  now  fall  with 
double  vengeance  on  the  insolent  heads  of  their 
enemies!  May  the  marine  be  inspired  with 
the  military  enthusiasm  of  De  Ruyter,  to  vindi 
cate  the  national  honour  of  the  republic  !  and 

may  even  admiral  B —  S —  L — ,  catch 

that  enthusiasm,  and  be  employed  to  ruin  and 
destroy  their  eastern  ports !  Feeling  as  I  do 
for  the  honour  of  your  nation,  how  could  Mr. 
Van  de  Perre  suppose  I  could  mean  to  in 
fringe  the  liberties  of  your  flag  in  the  affajr 
of  the  brig  Berkenbos  ?  How  could  you,  who 
know  me,  believe  I  could  dirty  my  fingery 
with  such  a  capture?  or  that  the  master's 
account  he  gave  from  St.  Lucia  was  a  true 
one ?  He  gave  me  a  clear  certificate,  under 
his  hand,  that  the  property  was  British  ;  and 
that  certificate  was  witnessed  both  by  captain 
Conyngham  and  my  clerk.  Yet  I  did  not 
decide  whether  his  vessel  was  or  was  not  a 
prize;  but  I  left  him  and  his  officers  the  com 
mand,  and  having  given  him  the  necessary  as 
sistance,  advised  him  to  steer  for  an  American 
port,  to  which  he  freely  consented.  The  man 
I  put  on  board,  was  not,  as  he  pretends,  a  prize- 
master  ;  nor  had  he  any  orders  from  me  for 
that  purpose :  what  would  have  been  the  con 
sequence  had  she  arrived  in  one  of  our  ports,  I 
cannot  say.  Possibly  she  might  have  been 
acquitted  !  and  in  that  case  the  owners  would 
have  had  reason  to  thank  me ;  as  the  cargo 
would  have  been  at  the  best  market.  I  can 
justify  my  conduct ;  I  did  my  duty  both  to  the 
republic  and  the  United  States ;  I  hope  the  ves 
sel  has  been  restored ;  but  I  am  guiltless,  and 
congress  knows  it.  J.  PAUL  JONES." 


"  To  Mrs.  C.  Edcs. 

"  PASSY,  Dec.  13,178] 

MADAM, — I  return  enclosed   the  letter 


400 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


from  my  friend,  Mr.  Bridgen,  which  I  received 
Irotn  you  last  night.  You  will  be  so  good  as 
to  acquaint  him  in  answer  to  his  first  ques 
tion,  if 'any  fund  was  established  for  the  sup 
port  of  Mr.  Laurens  ?  that  being-  informed 
about  the  middle  of  last  month  by  a  friend  in 
London  of  Mr.  L.'s  being  in  want  of  money, 
I  wrote  on  the  19th  to  Mr.  Hodgson,  a  mer 
chant  in  Coleman  Street,  in  whose  hands  I 
had  lodged  cash  for  the  support  of  prisoners,  to 
hold  £100  of  it  at  the  disposition  of  Mr.  Lau 
rens;  and  I  since  hear  that  on  a  like  intimation 
to  Mr.  Adams  in  Holland,  he  has  ordered  an 
other  £100  to  be  applied  to  the  same  purpose. 
I  have  never  heard  that  any  fund  was  esta 
blished  in  America  for  the  use  of  that  gentle 
man  ;  probably  it  has  not  been  known  there 
that  he  had  need  of  it.  The  second  question, 
if  any  measures  had  been  taken  for  his  relief  ? 
will  be  answered  by  acquainting  Mr.  B.  that 
the  congress  passed  a  resolution  to  offer  the 
exchange  of  general  Burgoyne  for  him,  and 
impowered  me  to  make  the  offer :  that  Mr. 
Burke  having  written  to  me  in  favour  of  his 
friend,  ge^vral  Burgoyne,  on  a  supposition 
that  the  congress  intended  to  recall  him,  I 
sent  a  copy  of  the  resolution  to  Mr.  Burke, 
and  requested  he  would  charge  himself  with 
the  negotiation.  I  have  since  heard  nothing, 
either  from  Mr.  Hodgson  or  Mr.  Burke  ;  and 
as  it  is  said,  a  packet  was  lately  lost  between 
Ostend  and  England,  I  begin  to  fear  my  let 
ters  have  miscarried,  and  shall  by  the  first 
post  send  copies.  I  wish  Mr.  Bridgen  would 
however  apply  to  both  those  gentlemen,  learn 
what  has  been  done,  and  through  you  acquaint 
me  with  it.  I  beg  you  would  assure  Mr. 
Bridgen  of  my  best  wishes  and  affectionate 
attachment.  I  hope  his  affairs  in  Carolina 
have  been  settled  to  his  mind.  With  much 
esteem,  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  madam, 
«  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  P.  S.  About  the  beginning  of  the  year, 
having  heard  a  report  that  Mr.  Laurens  was 
ill-used,  I  wrote  a  little  remonstrance  to  sir 
Grey  Cooper  on  the  occasion;  who  replied, 
by  acquainting  me  that  on  inquiry  he  found 
the  report  to  be  groundless ;  and  by  sending 
me  a  letter  he  had  received  from  the  "lieu 
tenant  of  the  Tower,  which  assured  him  in 
the  strongest  terms,  that  Mr.  Laurens  was 
perfectly  satisfied  with  the  treatment  he  re 
ceived,  and  frequently  expressed  his  thank 
fulness  for  the  same;  this  made  me  easy, 
hearing  nothing  afterwards  to  the  contrary 
till  lately." 


From  Wm.  Alexander,  Esq.  to  Dr. 
Franklin. 

"  PA.SSY,  Dec.  15,  1781. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  told  you  last  time  I  had 
the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  at  Passy,  that  1 


should  make  a  trip  to  London,  but  had  no  no 
tion  it  would  be  so  soon.  On  coming  to  town 
last  evening,  I  found  such  pressing  letters,  that 
I  propose  setting  off  this  evening  or  to-mor 
row  at  latest.  I  would  have  called  if  possi 
ble  to  receive  your  commands,  but  as  I  am 
pinched  in  time,  must  content  myself  with 
sending  for  them.  The  bearer  will  call  for 
them  an  hour  after  receiving  this  letter. 

"  I  shall  probably  be  interrogated  about  the 
dispositions  in  this  country  to  peace.  My  own 
idea  is,  that  you  seek  only  your  independence, 
and  that  this  country,  were  that  secured,  will 
be  moderate  in  other  matters,  as  the  object  of 
the  war  does  not  seem  to  be  conquest.  Let 
me  know  if  this  is  proper  language.  I  notice 
that  a  courtly  argument  has  been  used  in  par 
liament  for  continuing  the  continental  war, 
that  withdrawing  would  make  you  insolent, 
and  give  France  exclusive  advantages — were 
it  not  proper  that  this  were  contradicted  flatly  ? 
Any  commissions  you  may  have  will  be  ta 
ken  care  of,  and  I  shall  be  back,  barring  ac 
cidents,  in  three  weeks.  Wishing  you  every 
thing  that  is  good,  I  remain  with  equal  es 
teem  and  respect,  dear  sir,  your  most  obed;- 
ent  humble  servant, 

"W.  ALEXANDER." 


Answer  to  Mr.  Alexander. 

"  P^SSY,  December  15,  1781. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  thank  you  for  informing 
me  of  your  intended  journey.  You  know  so 
well  the  prevailing  sentiments  here,  and 
mine  in  particular,  that  it  is  unnecessary  for 
me  to  express  them ;  and  having  never  been 
believed  on  that  side  the  water,  it  would  be 
useless.  I  will  say,  however,  that  I  think  the 
language  you  mention  very  proper  to  be  held, 
as  it  is  the  truth ;  though  the  truth  may  not 
always  be  proper.  Wishing  you  a  good  voy 
age,  and  happy  return  to  your  children,  I  am 
with  great  esteem,  dear  sir,  yours,  &c.  &c. 
"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  David  Hartley,  Esq.  M.  P.,  sent  by 
Mr.  Alexander  with  a  pamphlet. 

"  PAsay,  December  15,  1781. 
"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  received  your  fa 
vour  of  September  26,  containing  your  very 
judicious  proposition  of  securing  the  spectators 
in  the  opera  and  playhouses  from  the  danger 
of  fire.  I  communicated  it  where  I  thought 
it  might  be  useful.  You  will  see  by  the  en 
closed  that  the  subject  has  been  under  consi 
deration  here.  Your  concern  for  the  security 
of  life,  even  the  lives  of  your  enemies,  does 
honour  to  your  heart  and  your  humanity. — 
But  what  are  the  lives  of  a  few  idle  haunters 
of  playhouses  compared  with  the  many  thou 
sands  of  worthy  men,  and  honest,  industrious 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


401 


families  butchered  and  destroyed  by  this  de 
vilish  war !  O !  that  we  could  find  some  hap 
py  invention  to  stop  the  spreading  of  the 
flames,  and  put  an  end  to  so  horrid  a  confla 
gration  !  Adieu,  I  am  ever,  yours  most  affec 
tionately,  «B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  M.  Dumas. 

"  PA8SY,  December,  19,  1781. 

"  DEAR  SIR, —  I  duly  received  yours  of  the 
llth,  per  young  Mr.  de  Neufville,  enclosing 
the  pamphlets,  of  which  I  gave  one  the  next 
day  to  Mr.  Boudoin.  It  was  so  long  since  we 
have  heard  from  you,  that  we  feared  you 
were  sick. 

"  I  enclose  sundry  American  newspapers, 
out  of  which  perhaps  something  may  be  drawn 
for  your  printers.  There  are  the  orders  of 
general  Greene  after  the  battle  of  Eutaw 
Springs,  by  which  it  appears  that  the  militia 
behaved  to  general  satisfaction.  There  are 
also  the  proceedings  relating  to  colonel  Isaac 
Haynes,  which  it  may  be  well  to  publish,  as 
probably  we  may  soon  hear  that  general 
Greene,  according  to  his  promise  in  his  pro 
clamation,  has  hanged  some  of  the  British  of 
ficers  in  retaliation;  and  the  knowledge  of 
these  proceedings  may  operate  in  his  justifi 
cation.  In  the  German  paper  there  are  two 
dialogues,  of  which  you  can  best  judge  whe 
ther  the  printing  of  them  in  Germany  may 
not  have  some  little  effect  in  opposition  to 
Fawcetfs  recruiting.  I  suppose  this  letter 
may  find  you  at  Amsterdam,  and  therefore  I 
send  it  under  cover  to  Mr.  Adams,  with  the 
usual  compliments  of  the  approaching  season. 
«B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Miss  Laurens. 

"  PASSY,  December  29, 1731. 

"  MADAM, — I  received  your  very  sensible 
letter  of  the  14th  past.  Your  brother,  colonel 
Laurens,  being  here  when  I  received  the  for 
mer,  I  informed  him  of  the  steps  I  had  then 
taken,  respecting  your  good  father,  and  request 
ed  him  to  answer  your  letter  for  me.  I  did  sup 
pose  he  had  done  it ;  but  his  great  and  con 
stant  occupation  while  here,  might  occasion 
his  omitting  it.  The  purport  was,  that  on  a 
report  of  your  father's  being  harshly  treated, 
I  wrote  in  his  behalf  to  an  old  friend,  sir 
Grey  Cooper,  secretary  of  the  treasury, 
complaining  of  it.  His  answer  was,  that  he 
had  inquired,  and  found  the  report  ground 
less;  and  he  sent  rne  enclosed  a  letter  he 
received  from  the  lieutenant  of  the  Tower, 
assuring  him  that  Mr.  Laurens  was  treat 
ed  with  great  kindness,  was  very  sensible 
of  it,  thankful  for  it,  and  frequently  express 
ed  his  satisfaction:  on  this  I  became  more 
easy  on  his  account;  but  a  little  before  I 

VOL.  I. . .  3  E  34* 


received  your  letter,  I  had  one  (from  Mr. 
Benjamin  Vaughan,  who  is  connected  with 
the  family  of  Mr.  Manning)  which  inform 
ed  me  that  Mr.  Laurens  was  really  in  want 
of  necessaries ;  and  desired  to  know  if  any 
provision  was  made  for  his  subsistence.  I 
wrote  immediately  to  Mr.  Hodgson,  in  whose 
hands  I  had  lodged  some  money,  requesting 
him  to  hold  £100  of  it  at  the  disposition  of 
Mr.  Laurens,  and  to  acquaint  Mr.  Vaughan 
with  it.  About  this  time  I  received  two 
letters ;  one  from  Mr.  Burke,  member  of  par 
liament,  complaining  that  his  friend,  general 
Burgoyne,  (in  England  on  his  parole)  was  re 
claimed  and  recalled  by  congress,  and  re 
questing  I  would  find  some  means  of  permit 
ting  him  to  remain.  The  other  was  from 
the  congress,  enclosing  a  resolve  that  impow- 
ered  me  to  offer  general  Burgoyne  in  ex 
change  for  Mr.  Laurens.  Perceiving  by  Mr. 
Burke' s  letter,  that  he  was  very  desirous  of 
obtaining  his  friend's  liberty,  and  having  no 
immediate  intercourse  with  the  British  mi 
nistry,  I  thought  I  could  not  do  better  than 
to  enclose  the  resolve  in  my  answer  to  his 
letter,  and  request  him  to  negotiate  the  ex 
change.  When  I  received  yours,  I  was  in 
expectation  of  having  soon  an  answer  from 
Mr.  Burke  and  Mr.  Hodgson,  which  would 
enable  me  to  give  you  more  satisfactory  in 
formation.  I,  therefore,  delayed  writing  to 
you  from  post  to  post  till  I  should  hear  from 
them ;  and  fearing  from  the  length  of  time 
that  my  letters  had  miscarried,  I  sent  copies 
of  them.  It  is  but  yesterday  that  I  received  an 
answer  from  Mr.  Hodgson,  dated  the  21st  in 
stant,  in  which  he  writes  me,  « I  received 
your  favour  of  the  19th  ultimo ;  I  immediately 
acquainted  Mr.  Vaughan  with  your  directions 
concerning  the  supplying  Mr.  Laurens.  He 
has  been  acquainted  therewith  ;  but  hitherto 
no  application  has  been  made  to  me  for  the  mo 
ney  :  whenever  it  is,  you  may  be  assured  it 
shall  be  complied  with.'  No  answer  is  come 
to  my  hands  from  Mr.  Burke ;  but  I  see  by  a 
newspaper  Mr.  Hodgson  sends  me,  that  he 
has  endeavoured  to  execute  the  commission. 
I  enclose  that  paper  for  your  satisfaction,  to 
gether  with  a  copy  of  your  father's  petition 
to  parliament,  on  which  1  do  not  find  that 
they  have  yet  come  to  any  result :  but  ob 
serving  that  he  makes  no  complaint  in  that 
petition,  of  his  being  pinched  in  the  article 
of  subsistence,  I  hope  that  part  of  our  intelli 
gence  from  London  may  be  a  mistake.  I 
shall,  however,  you  may  depend,  leave  no 
thing  undone  that  is  in  my  power,  to  obtain 
his  release,  and  assure  you  that  the  thought 
of  the  pleasure  it  must  afford  a  child,  whose 
mind  is  of  so  tender  a  sensibility,  and  filled 
with  such  true  filial  duty  and  affection,  will 
be  an  additional  spur  to  my  endeavours.  1 
suppose  Mr.  Adams  has  informed  you  that  he 
has  ordered  another  £100  sterling  to  be  paid 


402 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


Mr.  Laurens :  and  I  hope  you  will  soon  have 
the  happiness  of  hearing  that  he  is  at  liberty. 
With  very  great  regard. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


David  Hartley  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  Jan.  2,  1782. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  have  received  the 
favour  of  yours  of  the  15th  of  December,  by 
Mr.  Alexander.  I  most  heartily  join  with  you 
in  the  wish  that  we  could  find  some  means  to 
stop  the  spreading  flames  of  this  devilish  war. 
I  will  not  despair.  The  communications 
which  he  has  imparted  to  me  from  you,  have 
revived  my  hopes  of  peace.  I  laid  them  be 
fore  the  minister  immediately.  We  are  at  a 
suspense  for  the  present  upon  a  very  material 
preliminary.  I  did  intend  writing  to  you  at 
the  present  pause,  that  we  might  make  our 
ground  good  as  we  go  on,  but  an  accident 
which  has  happened  obliges  me  to  do  it  with 
out  delay.  For  having  had  a  most  essential 
question  transmitted  to  me  from  lord  North 
for  explanation,  when  I  would  have  applied  to 
Mr.  Alexander,  I  could  not  hear  of  him  ;  and 
now  I  find  that  he  has  left  his  hotel  these 
four  or  five  days,  and  his  return  uncertain,  I 
must  apply  to  you.  I  will  state  to  you  what 
has  passed. 

"  Upon  my  first  interview  with  Mr.  Alex 
ander,  he  told  me  that  the  late  events  would 
make  no  difference  in  the  prospect  of  peace  ; 
that  America  had  no  other  wish  than  to  see  a 
termination  of  this  war;  that  no  events  would 
make  them  unreasonable  on  that  subject, 
which  sentiments  likewise  your  letter  ex 
presses  ;  and  that  no  formal  recognition  of  in 
dependence  would  be  required.  I  thought 
this  a  very  fair  opening ;  but  the  next  point 
which  he  explained  to  me,  seemed  to  be  still 
more  material  towards  peace,  viz.  that  Ame 
rica  was  disposed  to  enter  into  a  separate 
treaty  with  Great  Britain,  and  their  allies  were 
disposed  to  consent  to  it.  I  believe  that  it 
has  been  the  unfortunate  union  of  common 
cause  between  America  and  France,  which 
has  for  the  last  three  years  turned  aside  the 
wish  of  the  people  of  England  for  peace.  I 
verily  believe  (so  deep  is  the  jealousy  be 
tween  England  and  France)  that  this  country 
would  fight  for  a  straw  to  the  last  man,  and 


gotiation  promises  much  the  shortest  road  to 
a  general  peace. 

Upon    Mr.    Alexander's    opening    thus 
much  to  me,  I  told  him  I  would  apply  for  the 
earliest  opportunity  of  laying  these  matters 
before  the  minister.    Accordingly,  on  Friday 
morning  (December  21)  I  applied  through  the 
means  of  the  earl  of  Guildford  (father  to  lord 
North,)  a  nobleman   of  a  most  respectable 
character,  advanced  in  years,  and  attached  by 
every  possible  tie  to  a  son  now  in  a  most 
arduous  situation.     I  therefore  requested  the 
favour  through  his  hands,  as  giving  me  the 
most  conciliatory  access  to  the  minister,  to 
whom  I  was  preparing  to  make  an  applica 
tion  for  peace.     After  the  appointment  was 
made  with  lord  North  for  Friday  evening,  I 
returned  to  Mr.  Alexander,  to  consider  the 
specific  manner  and  terms  in  which  I  should 
make  my  application.    It  had  occurred  tome, 
from  what  Mr.  Alexander  had  stated  to  me, 
that  the  conciliatory  bill  *  which  I  had  moved 
in  the  last  parliament,  on  June  27,   1780, 
would  still  serve  as  a  foundation  to  proceed 
«pon :  I  therefore  carried  it  with  me.   He  told 
ne  that  he  and  you  knew  the  sense  of  the  bill 
ery  well,  and  that  it  would  be  entirely  con 
sonant  to  your  sentiments,  that  I  should  state 
t  to  lord  North,  as  drawing  an  outline  for  ne 
gotiation  of  peace.     However,  to  avoid  all 
errors,  I  read  the  bill  through  to  him,  and  ex- 
gained  the  view  of  each  clause,  viz.  the  style 
of  provinces  of  North  America — a  general 
)hrase  to  avoid  any  term  denoting  dependence 
or  independence  :  the  truce  for  an  indefinite 
term :  the  articles  of  intercourse  for  ten  years 
certain — to  restore  an  amicable  correspond 
ence — and  to  abate  animosities :  the  suspen 
sion  of  certain  acts  of  parliament — to  avoid 
very  possible  question  of  dependence  or  in 
dependence  :  and  to  finish  the  work,  by  a  ratifi 
cation  of  each  article  of  intercourse  as  agreed 
to,  thereby  to  prevent  all  possible  return  of 
war.     I  compared  the  articles  of  intercourse 
for  a  short  term,  and  their  ratification  into  a 
permanent  peace,  to  a  well  known  mode  of 
proceeding  in  the  laws  of  England,  by  lease 
and  release,  from  temporary  to  perpetual  amity 
and  peace.     Upon  these  grounds  I  took  my 
commission  from  him  for  lord  North,  viz.  the 
question  of  dependence  or  independence  sub 


the  last  shilling,  rather  than  be  dictated  to  by 
France.  I  therefore,  consider  this  as  the 
greatest  rub  out  of  the  way.  I  have  ofter 
argued  this  point  with  you  upon  former  oc 
casions,  having  at  all  times  foreseen,  that  it 
would  be  the  greatest  rub  in  the  road  to  peace 
and  I  have  often  stated  it  to  you  as  an  act  o 
justice  due  to  America  from  her  allies,  not  to 
drag  her  through  a  war  of  European  resent 
ments  and  jealousies,  beyond  her  original 
views  and  engagements ;  and  moreover  '. 
think  the  separation  of  the  causes  in  the  ne- 


silentio — a  separate  treaty  with  America,  and 
to  state  the  conciliatory  bill  of  June,  1780,  as 
the  outline  of  negotiation.  I  saw  lord  North 
in  the  evening,  and  stated  the  foregoing  pro 
positions  to  him,  as  I  have  now  stated  them 
to  you.  After  having  stated  the  compromise 
sub  silentio,znA  the  separate  treaty,  I  left  with 
lord  North  the  copy  of  the  bill  of  June,  1780, 
together  with  a  paper,  entitled,  Conciliatory 
Propositions,  as  explanatory  of  that  bill  (both 
enclosed  with  this.)  The  next  morning  (viz. 

*See  Mr.  Hartley's  lotter  of  July,  1780. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


403 


Saturday,  December  22,)  I  saw  Mr.  Alex 
ander,  and  reported  to  him  what  I  had  stated 
to  lord  North,  and  showed  him  a  copy  of  the 
paper,  entitled,  Conciliatory  Propositions. — 
He  told  me  that  I  had  executed  my  com 
mission  perfectly  to  his  intelligence  of  the  mat 
ter.  I  should  tell  you,  that  at  the  conclusion 
of  my  conversation  with  lord  North,  we  both 
settled  jointly  the  result  thus,  '  I  recommend 
to  your  lordship  the  propositions  which  I  have 
had  the  honour  of  stating  to  you  as,  general 
grounds  of  a  proposed  negotiation,  leading 
towards  peace,  under  liberal  constructions.1 
Lord  North  said  in  answer,  *  so  I  understand 
them.' 

"  Upon  this  footing  matters  rested  for  some 
days.  On  Sunday  last  (December  30,)  I  re 
ceived  a  message  from  lord  North,  through 
the  means  of  lord  Guildford,  requesting  an  ex 
planation  of  this  point,  viz.  '  Who  is  autho 
rized  to  treat  on  the  part  of  America  1  whether  i 
you  or  Mr.  Adams,  or  both  jointly ;  and  whe-  j 
ther  the  propositions  above  stated,  would  be  • 
acknowledged,  as  general  grounds  of  negotia- 
tion  towards  peace,  by  the  person  or  persons  j 
authorized  to  treat ;  because  it  was  necessary,  j 
before  he  could  lay  a  matter  of  so  great  im-  j 
portance  before  the  cabinet  council,  that  he 
should  be  entitled  to  say,  These  propositions  i 
and  general  outlines  come  to  me  from  respon-  j 
sible  and  authorized  persons.'  The  moment 
I  received  the  request  of  lord  North,  I  agreed 
entirely  with  the  necessity  of  an  explanation 
on  that  head.  I  had  partly  expected  such  an 
inquiry,  and  it  gave  me  satisfaction  when  it 
came,  as  I  thought  it  the  first  reply  towards  a  j 
parley.  If  the  propositions  had  not  gained 
some  attention  it  would  have  been  of  very 
little  importance  to  have  inquired  whence 
they  came.  As  to  the  caution  itself,  it  ap 
pears  to  me  not  only  prudent  but  indispensa 
ble.  The  forms  of  caution  in  sucli  cases  are 
the  essentials  of  caution.  I  had  determined 
on  my  own  account,  before  this  message,  to 
have  writ  to  you,  that  I  might  have  received 
your  sentiments  directly  from  yourself  with 
out  any  other  intervention,  that  we  might  pro 
ceed  with  caution  and  certainty  in  a  matter 
of  such  infinite  importance.  This  message 
has  only  quickened  my  despatch.  The  two 
points  of  explanation  requested,  I  take  to  be 
these ;  whether  the  outlines  above  recited  are 
properly  stated,  always  considering  that  they 
imply  no  farther  than  general  grounds  of  ne 
gotiation  towards  peace ;  under  liberal  con 
structions  ;  and  secondly,  by  what  authorized 
person  or  persons,  any  answer  on  this  subject 
would  be  accepted ;  in  short  a  requisition  of 
credentials  preparatory  to  a  formal  answer, 
which  is  so  much  the  more  necessary  on  the 
supposition  of  a  favourable  reception  of  the 
first  hint  towards  negotiation. 

"  When  I  last  saw  Mr.  Alexander,  viz. 
about  four  or  five  days  ago,  he  had  met  with 


some  desponding  impressions,  as  if  the  minis 
try  were  indisposed  to  peace,  and  that  things 
would  not  do,  &c.  He  did  not  tell  me  upon 
what  ground  he  had  formed  such  apprehen 
sion  ;  however,  lest  he  should  have  imparted 
any  such  by  letter  to  you,  I  will  state  that 
point  to  you,  because  it  may  have  infinite  ill 
consequences  to  be  too  touchy  on  such  suspi 
cions.  A  premature  jealousy  may  create  the 
very  evil  it  suspects.  The  ministry  in  this 
country  are  not  every  thing.  The  sense  of 
the  people  when  really  expressed  and  exert 
ed,  would  be  most  prevalent.  Suppose  then 
it  were  a  proved  point,  that  every  man  in  the 
ministry  were  in  his  heart  adverse  to  peace. 
What  then  ?  withhold  all  overtures !  By  no 
means.  I  should  advise  the  very  contrary  in 
the  strongest  manner.  I  should  say,  let  the 
overtures  be  made  so  much  the  more  public 
and  explicit,  by  those  who  do  wish  for  peace. 
It  is  the  unfortunate  state  of  things  which  has 
hitherto  bound  the  cause  of  France  to  any 
possible  treaty  with  America,  and  which  has 
thereby  thrown  a  national  damp  upon  any  ac 
tual  public  exertions  to  procure  a  negotiation 
for  peace  with  America.  I  have  the  strongest 
opinion,  that  if  it  were  publicly  known  to  the 
people  of  England  that  a  negotiation  might  be 
opened  with  America,  upon  the  terms  above 
specified,  that  all  the  ministry  together,  if  they 
were  ill  disposed,  to  a  man,  would  not  venture 
to  thwart  such  a  measure.  But  why  should 
it  be  supposed,  that  the  ministry,  to  a  man,  are 
ill  disposed  to  a  peace  1  Suppose  them  to  be 
half  and  half,  and  the  public  wish  and  voice 
of  the  people  in  favour  of  negotiation,  it  is  evi 
dent  on  which  side  the  balance  would  incline. 
But  why  should  we  seek  to  throw  a  damp  pre 
maturely  upon  any  chance  ?  Why  presume 
even  against  any  individual  1  I  grant,  that  it 
would  be  a  bitter  trial  of  humility  to  be  brought 
to  a  formal  recognition  of  independence  at  the 
haughty  command  of  France,  and  I  believe 
every  part  of  the  nation  would  proceed  to  eve 
ry  extremity  before  they  would  submit  to  that. 
But  if  that  touchy  point  can  be  provided  for, 
sub  silentio,  and  if  the  proposed  treaty  with 
America  may  be  carried  on  free  from  con 
trol  by  France,  let  us  give  the  cause  of  peace 
a  fair  trial ;  at  the  worst  we  should  but  be 
where  we  were  if  we  should  fail.  But  why 
should  we  expect  to  fail,  when  the  greatest 
rub  is  removed,  by  the  liberty  of  entering  se 
parately  into  a  treaty  ?  I  think  it  a  most  fa 
vourable  event,  leading  towards  peace.  Give 
us  a  truce  with  its  concomitants,  and  a  little 
time  so  given  for  cooling  will  have  most  ex 
cellent  effects  on  both  sides.  Eternal  peace 
and  conciliation  may  then  follow. 

"  I  send  this  to  you  by  the  quickest  despatch, 
that  we  may  bring  this  point  to  a  fair  issue 
before  the  meeting  of  parliament.  God  pros 
per  the  blessed  work  of  peace. 

"  D.  HARTLEY." 


404 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


Conciliatory  Bill 


In  the  title  and  preamble  of  the  bill  the 
words  provinces  of  North  America  are  used 
as  general  words,  neither  implying1  depend 
ence  or  independence. 

Clause  1.  The  Truce  is  taken  from  the 
conciliatory  act  of  1778,  and  is  indefinite  as  to 
the  proposed  duration  of  the  truce.  Under  this 
clause  it  might  be  proposed  to  negotiate  three 
points,  viz.  the  removal  of  the  British  troops 
from  the  thirteen  provinces  of  North  Ame 
rica,  and  connectedly  with  this  article,  a  sti 
pulation  for  the  security  of  the  friends  of  the 
British  government.  The  third  article  might 
be  a  stipulation  that  the  respective  parties, 
during  the  continuance  of  the  truce,  should 
not,  neither  directly  or  indirectly,  give  assist 
ance  to  the  enemies  of  each  other. 

Clause  2.  Articles  of  intercourse  and  pa 
cification.  Under  this  clause  some  arrange 
ments  might  be  settled,  for  establishing  a  free 
and  mutual  intercourse,  civil  and  commercial, 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  aforesaid  pro 
vinces  of  North  America. 

Clause  3.  Suspension  of  certain  acts  of 
parliament.  By  this  clause  a  free  communi 
cation  may  be  kept  open  between  the  two 
countries,  during  the  negotiation  for  peace, 
without  stumbling  against  any  claim  of  rights 
which  might  draw  into  contest  the  question 
of  dependence  or  independence. 

Clause  4.  The  ratification  by  parliament. 
The  object  of  this  clause  is  to  consolidate  peace 
and  conciliation,  step  by  step,  as  the  negotia 
tion  may  proceed ;  and  to  prevent,  as  far  as 
possible,  any  return  of  war,  after  the  first  de 
claration  of  a  truce.  By  the  operation  of  this 
clause,  a  temporary  truce  may  be  converted 
into  a  perpetual  and  permanent  peace. 

Clause  5.  A  temporary  act.  This  clause, 
creating  a  temporary  act  for  a  specific  pur 
pose  of  negotiation  in  view,  is  taken  from  the 
act  of  1788. 

"Januarys,  1782. 

"  P.  S.  Since  writing  this  letter,  I  have  seen 
Mr.  Alexander,  and  shall  see  him  from  time  to 
time  to  communicate  with  him.  I  do  not 
suppose  I  shall  have  an  answer  from  lord 
North  till  the  preliminary  points  are  so  set 
tled  as  to  enable  him  to  give  an  answer  in 
form.  Ministry  might  undoubtedly  give  a 
short  negative,  if  they  thought  proper ;  but  I 
do  not  expect  that.  You  may  be  assured 
that  .1  have,  and  shall  continue  to  enforce, 
every  argument  in  the  most  conciliatory  man 
ner  to  induce  a  negotiation.  I  am  very  sorry 
for  Mr.  A.'s  confinement,  on  his  own  account, 
and  on  that  of  his  friends,  and  because  proba 
bly  in  the  future  state  of  his  business,  his  per 
sonal  exertions  may  be  very  serviceable  in 
the  cause  of  peace.  Every  assistance  and 
every  exertion  of  mine  will  always  be  most 


heartily  devoted  to  that  cause.  I  have  no 
thing  farther  to  add,  either  upon  my  own  re 
flections  or  from  my  subsequent  conversations 
with  Mr.  Alexander,  to  what  I  have  stated 
in  the  foregoing  letter.  If  we  once  make  a 
good  beginning  upon  the  plan  there  stated,  I 
should  hope  that  such  a  negotiation,  founded 
on  such  principles,  would  promise  fair  to  pro 
duce  every  salutary  and  pacific  consequence 
in  the  event." 


"  To  David  Hartley. 

"  PASSY,  January  15,  1782. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  a  few  days  since 
your  favour  of  the  2d  instant,  in  which  you 
tell  me,  that  Mr.  Alexander  had  informed 
you  '  America  was  disposed  to  enter  into  a 
separate  treaty  with  Great  Britain.'  I  am 
persuaded  that  your  strong  desire  for  peace 
has  misled  you,  and  occasioned  your  greatly 
misunderstanding  Mr.  Alexander ;  as  I  think 
it  scarce  possible  he  should  have  asserted  a 
thing  so  utterly  void  of  foundation.  I  re 
member  that  you  have,  as  you  say,  often  urg 
ed  this  on  former  occasions,  and  that  it  always 
gave  me  more  disgust  than  my  friendship  for 
you  permitted  me  to  express.  But  since  you 
have  now  gone  so  far  as  to  carry  such  a  pro 
position  to  lord  North,  as  arising  from  us,  it  is 
necessary  that  I  should  be  explicit  with  you, 
and  tell  you  plainly,  that  I  never  had  such  an 
idea,  and  I  believe  there  is  not  a  man  in  Ame 
rica,  a  few  English  Tories  excepted,  that 
would  not  spurn  at  the  thought  of  deserting 
a  noble  and  generous  friend,  for  the  sake  of  a 
truce  with  an  unjust  and  cruel  enemy.  I 
have  again  read  over  your  Conciliatory  Bill, 
with  the  manuscript  propositions  that  accom 
pany  it ;  and  am  concerned  to  find,  that  one 
cannot  give  vent  to  a  simple  wish  for  peace, 
a  mere  sentiment  of  humanity,  without  hav 
ing  it  interpreted  as  a  disposition  to  submit 
to  any  base  conditions  that  may  be  offered  us, 
rather  than  continue  the  war;  for,  on  no 
other  supposition  could  you  propose  to  us  a 
truce  for  ten  years,  during  which  we  are  to 
engage  not  to  assist  France,  while  you  conti 
nue  the  war  with  her.  A  truce  too,  wherein 
nothing  is  to  be  mentioned  that  may  weaken 
your  pretensions  to  dominion  over  us,  which 
you  may  therefore  assume  at  the  end  of  the 
term,  or  at  pleasure  ;  when  we  should  have 
so  covered  ourselves  with  infamy,  by  our 
treachery  to  our  first  friend,  as  that  no  other 
nation  can  ever  after  be  disposed  to  assist  us, 
how  cruel  soever  you  might  think  fit  to  treat 
us.  Believe  me,  my  dear  friend,  America 
has  too  much  understanding,  and  is  too  sensi 
ble  of  the  value  of  the  world's  good  opinion, 
to  forfeit  it  all  by  such  perfidy.  The  congress 
will  never  instruct  their  commissioners  to  ob 
tain  a  peace  on  such  ignominious  terms ;  and 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


405 


though  there  can  be  but  few  things,  in  which 
I  should  venture  to  disobey  their  orders ;  yet, 
if  it  were  possible  for  them  to  give  me  such 
an  order  as  this,  I  should  certainly  refuse  to 
act ;  I  should  instantly  renounce  their  com 
mission,  and  banish  myself  for  ever  from  so 
infamous  a  country. 

"  We  are  a  little  ambitious  too  of  your  es 
teem  ;  and  as  I  think  we  have  acquired  some 
share  of  it,  by  our  manner  of  making  war 
with  you,  I  trust  we  shall  not  hazard  the  loss 
of  it  by  consenting  meanly  to  a  dishonourable 
peace. 

"  Lord  North  was  wise  in  demanding  of 
you  some  authorized  acknowledgment  of  the 
proposition  from  authorized  persons.  He  justly 
thought  it  too  improbable  to  be  relied  on,  so 
as  to  lay  it  before  the  privy  council.  You 
can  now  inform  him,  that  the  whole  has  been 
a  mistake,  and  that  no  such  proposition,  as 
that  of  a  separate  peace,  has  been,  is,  or  is 
ever  likely  to  be  made  by  me ;  and  I  believe 
by  no  other  authorized  person  whatever  in 
behalf  of  America.  You  may  farther,  if  you 
please,  inform  his  lordship,  that  Mr.  Adorns, 
Mr.  Laurens,  Mr.  Jay,  and  myself,  have  long 
since  been  impowered,  by  a  special  commis 
sion,  to  treat  of  peace,  whenever  a  negotia 
tion  shall  be  opened  for  that  purpose :  but  it 
must  always  be  understood,  that  this  is  to  be 
in  conjunction  with  our  allies,  conformably  to 
the  solemn  treaties  made  with  them. 

"  You  have,  my  dear  friend,  a  strong  desire 
to  promote  peace,  and  it  is  a  most  laudable 
and  virtuous  desire.  Permit  me  then  to  wish, 
that  you  would,  in  order  to  succeed  as  a  me 
diator,  to  avoid  such  invidious  expressions  as 
may  have  an  effect  in  preventing  your  pur 
pose.  You  tell  me  that  no  stipulation  for  our 
independence  must  be  in  the  treaty,  because 
you  '  verily  believe  (so  deep  is  the  jealousy 
between  England  and  France)  that  'England 
would  fight  for  a  straw,  to  the  last  man  and 
the  last  shilling,  rather  than  be  dictated  to  by 
France.'  And  again,  that,  '  the  nation  would 
proceed  to  every  extremity,  rather  than  be 
Drought  to  a  formal  recognition  of  independ 
ence  at  the  haughty  command  of  France.'— 
My  dear  sir,  if  every  proposition  of  terms  for 
peace,  that  may  be  made  by  one  of  the  parties 
at  war,  is  to  be  called  and  considered  by  the 
other  as  dictating,  and  a  haughty  command, 
and  for  that  reason  rejected  with  a  resolution 
of  righting  to  the  last  man,  rather  than  agree 
to  it ;  you  see  that  in  such  case  no  treaty  of 
peace  is  possible.  In  fact  we  began  the  war 
for  independence  on  your  government,  which 
we  found  tyrannical,  and  this  before  France 
had  any  thing  to  do  with  our  affairs ;  the  ar 
ticle  in  our  treaty  whereby  the  '  two  parties 
engage,  that  neither  of  them  shall  conclude 
either  truce  or  peace  with  Great  Britain, 
without  the  formal  consent  of  the  other  first 
obtained ;  and  mutually  engage,  not  to  lay 


down  their  arms  until  the  independence  of 
the  United  States  shall  have  been  formally  or 
tacitly  assured,  by  the  treaty  or  treaties  that 
shall  terminate  the  war,'  was  an  article  in 
serted  at  our  instance,  being  in  our  favour. 
And  you  see,  by  the  article  itself,  that  your 
great  difficulty  may  be  easily  got  over,  as  a 
formal  acknowledgment  of  our  independence 
is  not  made  necessary.  But  we  hope  by  God's 
help  to  enjoy  it ;  and  I  suppose  we  shall  fight 
for  it  as  long  as  we  are  able.  I  do  not  make 
any  remarks  upon  the  other  propositions,  be 
cause  I  think,that  unless  they  were  made  by  au 
thority,  the  discussion  of  them  is  unnecessary, 
and  may  be  inconvenient.  The  supposition  of 
our  being  disposed  to  make  a  separate  peace, 
I  could  not  be  silent  upon,  as  it  materially  af 
fected  our  reputation  and  its  essential  inte 
rests.  If  I  have  been  a  little  warm  on  that 
offensive  point,  reflect  on  your  repeatedly 
urging  it,  and  endeavour  to  excuse  me.  What 
ever  may  be  the  fate  of  our  poor  countries,  let 
you  and  I  die  as  we  have  lived,  in  peace  with 
each  other.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


D.  Hartley  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  Jan.  24,  1782. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  yours  of  the 
15th  instant,  this  day.  I  must  take  the  ear 
liest  opportunity  of  setting  you  right  in  one 
mistake  which  runs  through  your  whole  let 
ter,  and  which  to  you,  under  that  mistake, 
must  be  a  very  delicate  point.  You  seem  to 
apprehend  that  America  has  been  stated  in 
the  proposition  to  lord  North,  as  '  disposed  to 
enter  into  a  separate  treaty  with  Great  Bri 
tain  ;'  but  you  meet  the  condition ;  viz.  in 
the  words  immediately  following,  '  and  that 
their  allies  were  disposed  to  consent  to  it.' 
There  cannot  possibly  be  any  supposition  of 
treachery  to  allies,  in  any  proposition  to 
which  they  may  consent.  A  separate  treaty, 
with  the  consent  of  the  allies  of  America,  was 
the  proposition  communicated  to  me  by  Mr^ 
Alexander,  and  which  I  laid  before  the  minis 
ter,  and  which  I  reported  back  again  to  Mr. 
Alexander,  in  writing,  when  I  showed  him 
the  paper  entitled  'Conciliatory  Proposi 
tions,'  which  I  took  care  to  reduce  to  writing, 
with  a  view  of  avoiding  mistakes:  therefore 
I  have  not  misunderstood  Mr.  Alexander.  I 
have  since  seen  Mr.  A.  many  times,  and  he 
has  always  stated  one  and  the  same  proposi 
tion,  viz.  that  America  was  disposed  to  enter 
into  a  separate  treaty,  because  their  allies 
were  disposed  to  consent  that  they  should  : 
therefore  there  cannot  exist  a  suspicion  of 
treachery.  It  occurred  to  me  once  whilst  I  was 
writing,  to  bar  against  that  misconstruction : 
but  having  specified  the  consent  of  the  allies 
of  America,  in  the  same  sentence,  I  could 
not  conceive  such  a  misconstruction  to  have 
been  possible.  You  have  mistaken  another 


406 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


point  greatly.  You  say,  '  a  truce  for  ten 
years.'  There  is  not  in  the  bill  any  such  dis 
position  or  thought ;  on  the  contrary,  it  is  spe 
cified  in  the  enclosed  paper,  that  it  is  kept  in 
definite,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  avoiding  the 
suspicion  which  you  have  suggested.  The 
truce  may  be  for  twenty,  or  fifty,  or  one  hun 
dred  years,  (in  my  opinion  the  longer  the  bet 
ter.)  But  in  any  case,  what  I  mean  now  to 
state  is  the  indefinite  term  in  the  bill.  The 
articles  of  intercourse  are  only  proposed  for 
ten  years  certain,  just  to  strew" the  way  with 
inviting  and  conciliatory  facilities,  in  the  hope 
that  a  little  time  given  for  cooling  would 
confirm  a  perpetual  peace.  If  I  were  per 
mitted  to  be  the  mediator,  I  should  certainly 
propose  the  truce  for  twenty  years  :  but  if  no 
more  than  ten  years  could  be  obtained,  I  would 
certainly  not  refuse  such  a  ground  of  pacifica 
tion  and  treaty.  I  refer  you  to  several  of  my 
letters  two  or  three  years  ago,  for  the  justifi 
cation  of  my  sentiments  on  that  head.  Ano 
ther  point :  look  at  all  my  letters  since  1778, 
and  see  if  I  have  at  any  time  suggested  any 
breach  of  treaty  or  of  honour :  on  the  contra 
ry,  I  think  a  faithless  nation,  if  exterminated, 
would  not  deserve  the  pity  of  mankind.  I 
speak  of  all  I  know  in  the  treaty  between  Ame 
rica  and  France,  and  what  I  think  reasonable 
upon  the  case  itself.  If  America  is  farther 
bound  than  we  know  of,  they  must  abide  by 
it.  I  speak  to  the  apparent  and  public  foun 
dation  of  the  treaty,  article  second  with  the 
provision  of  tacitly,  from  article  eight :  and 
now  I  refer  you  to  my  letter  to  you,  as  long 
ago  as  April  10,  1779 :  '  If  beyond  this  es 
sential  and  directed  end,  and  upon  grounds 
totally  unconnected  with  that  alliance,  not 
upon  motives  of  magnanimity  for  the  relief  of 
an  innocent  people,  but  from  distinct  and  un 
connected  motives  of  private  European  senti 
ments,  America  should  be  dragged  into  the 
consequence  of  a  general  European  war,  she 
may  apply  to  France  the  apostrophe  of  the 
poet,  speaking  in  the  person  of  Helen  to  Pa 
ris,  "  non  hoc  pollicitus  tuts."  You  see  there 
fore  that  our  sentiments  have  been  uniform, 
and  as  I  think  reasonable,  because  I  still  re 
main  in  those  sentiments.  Suppose  for  in 
stance  (and  you  call  it  the  case  of  a  straw  if 
you  please)  that  Great  Britain  and  France 
should  continue  the  war  for  ten  years,  on 
the  point  of  a  commissary  at  Dunkirk,  aye  or 
no : — would  it  be  reasonable  or  a  casusfoede- 
ris,  that  America  should  be  precluded  from  a 
separate  treaty  for  ten  years,  and  therefore 
involved  in  the  consequential  war,  after  the 
essential  and  direct  ends  of  the  treaty  of  Fe 
bruary  6,  1778,  were  accomplished.  As  far 
as  my  judgment  goes,  upon  the  knowledge  of 
such  facts  as  are  public,  I  should  think  it  was 
neither  reasonable  nor  a  casusfcederis.  This 
is  the  breviate  of  the  argument,  in  which 
there  is  no  thought  or  suggestion  of  any  breach 


of  faith  or  honour.  I  did  conclude  that 
France  was  disposed  to  give  their  consent, 
because  Mr.  Alexander  informed  me  so,  and 
because  I  thought  it  reasonable  that  France 
should  consent,  and  reasonable  that  America 
should  enjoy  the  benefit  of  that  consent.  I 
transmitted  it  to  lord  North,  as  a  proposition 
temperate  and  pacific  on  the  part  of  America, 
and  consented  to  by  their  allies,  and  on  no 
other  ground  did  I  transmit  or  propose  it. 
All  that  your  letter  tells  me,  is,  '  that  Ame 
rica  will  not  break  it  with  her  allies,  and  that 
her  commissioners  will  not  entertain  such  a 
thought :'  but  give  me  leave  to  add,  that  they, 
as  honest  men,  cannot  disdain  such  a  thought 
more  than  I  do ;  every  honest  man  ought  to 
disdain  the  office,  or  the  thought  of  proposing  a 
breach  offaith  to  them.  I  have  often  told  you, 
that  such  an  office  or  such  a  thought  shall 
never  be  mine.  But  you  have  not  told  me  that 
France  would  not  be  disposed  to  consent  to  a 
separate  treaty  of  peace,  for  that  ally  whose 
peace  was  the  original  declared  object  of  the 
alliance.  In  the  case  supposed,  viz.  of  cer 
tain  supposed  or  real  punctilios  between  two 
proud  and  belligerent  nations,  which  might 
possibly  involve  America,  for  years,  in  a  war 
totally  unconnected  with  the  objects  of  the  al 
liance.  Besides,  if  any  rubs  should  occur  in 
the  road  to  a  general  peace,  France  is  too 
proud  a  nation  to  say,  that  beyond  the  policy 
of  contributing  to  the  separation  of  America 
from  Great  Britain  in  any  contestofrivalship, 
they  cannot  meet  their  rivals  in  war,  without 
the  assistance  of  America.  I  cannot  conceive 
that  the  minister  of  a  great  belligerent  nation 
could  entertain  such  a  thought^  as  affecting 
their  own  sense  of  honour,  or  be  so  unreason 
able  to  their  allies,  as  to  withhold  consent  to 
their  peace,  when  the  essential  and  direct 
ends  of  the  alliance  were  satisfied.  Observe, 
I  do  not  contend  against  a  general  peace :  on 
the  contrary,  I  mean  to  recommend  the  most 
prudent  means  for  producing  it.  But,  as  an 
anxious  lover  of  peace,  I  feel  terrors  which 
dismay  me,  and  I  consider  the  dangers  which 
may  obstruct  a  general  peace,  arising  from 
the  pride  and  prejudices  of  nations,  which 
are  not  to  be  controled  in  their  heat  by  argu 
ments  of  reason  or  philosophy.  Can  any  man 
in  reason  and  philosophy  tell  me,  why  any  two 
nations  in  the  world  are  called  natural  enemies, 
as  if  it  were  the  ordinance  of  God  and  nature. 
I  fear  it  is  too  deeply  engraved  in  the  passions 
of  man,  and  for  that  reason  I  would  elude  and 
evade  the  contest  with  such  passions.  I 
would  strew  the  road  to  peace  with  flowers, 
and  not  with  thorns.  Haughty,  and  dictat 
ing,  and  commands,  are  no  words  of  mine ; 
I  abhor  them,  and  I  fear  them.  I  would  elude 
their  force  by  gentle  means,  and  step  by  step. 
In  article  eight,  there  are  the  following 
words :  '  By  the  treaty  or  treaties  that  shall 
terminate  the  war.'  Let  us  have  one  treaty 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


407 


began,  and  I  think  the  rest  would  follow.  I 
fear  when  contending  passions  are  raised,  lest 
we  should  lose  all  by  grasping  at.  too  much. 

"  January  25.  I  have  just  seen  Mr.  Alex 
ander,  and  have  talkdd  the  matter  over  with 
him.  I  send  you  a  copy  of  his  sentiments 
upon  it,  which,  for  the  sake  of  avoiding  farther 
mistakes,  he  committed  to  paper,  and  which, 
I  think,  justify  me  in  saying,  that  I  understood 
from  him,  that  France  was  disposed  to  give 
their  consent,  as  he  explained  it  to  me,  and  as 
I  explained  it  to  the  minister.  He  did  not  say, 
nor  did  I  understand  him  to  say,  that  he  was 
authorized  by  the  French  ministry,  or  by  any 
one  else,  to  declare  that  France  had  bound 
herself  to  consent,  or  that  any  such  requisition 
had  been  made  to  her ;  but  that  it  was  his 
opinion  that  France  would  consent,  and  that  I 
might  proceed  upon  that  presumption,  so  far 
as  to  recommend  overtures  of  negotiation. 
Accordingly  the  phrase  of  letter  to  you,  is 
that  he  explained  to  me,  that  their  allies  were 
disposed  to  consent.  You  see  what  his  opinion 
is  on  this  day  ;  and  as  you  have  not  told  me 
that  France  will  consent,  the  reasonable  pro 
bability  which  still  remains  with  me,  for  the 
hopes  of  opening  an  amicable  treaty,  remains 
as  it  did.  I  could  not  delay  saying  thus,  by 
the  very  first  mail,  upon  a  point  equally  deli 
cate  to  me,  as  well  as  to  yourself.  My  dear 
friend,  I  beg  of  you  not  to  think,  either  that 
you  can  be  considered  as  capable  of  entertain 
ing,  or  that  I  should  be  capable  of  suggesting, 
any  unworthy  or  dishonourable  propositions. 
If  there  has  been  any  misunderstanding,  it  is 
now  cleared  up :  and  the  ground  for  negotia 
tion  remains  open  as  before.  I  therefore  still 
entertain  my  hopes. — I  am  ever,  your  affec 
tionate,  D.  HARTLEY." 


Explanatory  letter  of  Mr.  Alexander  to 
Mr.  Hartley. 

"  LONDON,  Jan.  25,  1782. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — As  I  had  not  the  opportunity 
of  seeing  your  correspondence  at  this  time,  I 
was  unable  to  prevent  the  misunderstanding 
that  seems  to  have  arisen.  There  is  no  pro 
position  of  which  I  am  more  convinced,  than 
that, '  Nothing  can  be  done  without  the  concur 
rence  of  allies.'  But,  as  the  chief  obstruc 
tion  towards  an  accommodation  seemed  to  me 
to  lie  in  the  personal  character  of  some  who 
have  great  weight  in  this  matter,  and  as  the 
object  of  the  war  (the  independence  of  Ame 
rica)  seems,  in  the  opinion  of  all  men,  to  be 
secured,  my  own  opinion  was  and  still  is,  that 
there  was  so  much  wisdom  and  moderation, 
where  prejudice  prevents  us  from  seeing  it, 
that,  provided  the  ends  of  the  war  are  accom 
plished,  to  the  satisfaction  of  all  parties,  they 
will  be  very  ready  to  let  us  out  of  it,  in  the 
most  gentle  manner,  by  consenting  equally 


that  the  business  shall  go  on  in  one,  two,  or 
three  separate  deeds,  as  shall  be  most  palata 
ble  here :  and  to  doubt  that  our  friends  are 
desirous  of  finishing  the  contest,  with  the  ap 
probation  of  their  allies,  is  to  doubt  their  un 
derstanding.— I  am,  with  the  greatest  es 
teem,  yours,  &c. 

"W.ALEXANDER." 


"  Robert  R.  Livingston,  Secretary  for  Fo 
reign  Affairs. 

"  PABSY,  January  28, 1782. 

"  SIR,— I  received  at  the  same  time,  your 
several  letters  of  October  20th,  24th,  and  No 
vember  26th,  which  I  purpose  to  answer  fully 
by  the  return  of  the  Alliance.  Having  just 
had  a  very  short  notice  of  the  departure  01' 
this  ship,  I  can  only  at  present  mention  the 
great  pleasure  your  appointment  gives  me, 
and  my  intention  of  corresponding  with  you 
regularly  and  frequently  as  you  desire.  The 
information  contained  in  your  letters  is  full 
and  clear;  I  shall  endeavour  that  mine,  of  the 
state  of  affairs  here,  may  be  as  satisfactory. 
With  great  esteem,  &c. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  same. 

"  PASSY,  January  28,  1782. 

"  SIR,— I  wrote  to  you  this  morning.  Hav 
ing  just  learnt  that  the  courier  is  not  gone,  I 
have  time  to  enclose  and  forward  two  letters* 
from  Holland,  by  which  you  will  see  some 
thing  of  the  state  of  affairs  in  that  country. 

•'  Be  pleased  to  present  my  dutiful  respects 
to  congress,  and  assure  them  of  my  faithful 
services. — I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


From  David  Hartley  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  Feb.  J,  1782. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  write  to  you  one 
iine  by  this  mail,  only  to  tell  you,  that  I  have 
seen  the  minister  since  I  last  wrote  to  you, 
and  that  he  never  did  entertain  the  idea  one 
moment  of  any  propositions  being  thrown  out 
on  your  part  in  the  least  degree  inconsistent 
with  the  strictest  honour  and  faith  to  the 
allies.  I  had  no  occasion  to  guard  against  or 
to  explain  any  such  thought,  having  at  all 
times  conveyed  the  contrary  to  him  in  the 
most  explicit  terms.  I  transmit  this  to  you 
for  your  full  satisfaction.  We  have  had  much 
conversation  on  the  subject  of  peace,  which 
you  may  be  sure  I  have  most  zealously  en 
deavoured  to  enforce.  I  should  not  do  him 
justice  if  I  did  not  add  that  I  believe  his 
urishes  are  for  peace,  and  that  he  gives  the 

*  Written  by  M.  Dumas,  a  public  agent  of  the  United 
States,  in  Holland. 


408 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


most  serious  attention  to  every  argument, 
and  to  the  suggestion  of  every  practicable 
means  on  that  subject.  I  have  stated  many 
things  for  his  consideration,  and  for  consulta 
tion  with  others,  after  which  I  shall  see  him 
again.  I  heartily  wish  the  result  may  be  fa 
vourable  to  the  prospect  of  peace. — lam  ever, 
your  affectionate,  D.  HARTLEY." 


"  David  Hartley,  Esq. 

"  PASSY,  Feb.  16,  1782. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favour  of  the 
24th  past.  You  have  taken  pains  to  rectify 
a  mistake  of  mine  relating  to  the  aim  of  your 
letters.  I  accept  kindly  your  replication,  and 
I  hope  you  will  excuse  my  error,  when  you 
reflect  that  I  knew  of  no  consent  given  by 
France  to  our  treating  separately  of  peace, 
and  that  there  has  been  mixed  in  some  of 
your  conversations  and  letters  various  rea 
sonings,  to  show  that  if  France  should  require 
something  of  us  that  was  unreasonable,  we 
then  should  not  be  obliged  by  our  treaty  to 
join  with  her  in  continuing  the  war.  As  there 
had  never  been  such  requisition,  what  could  I 
think  of  such  discourses  ]  I  thought  as  I  sup 
pose  an  honest  woman  would  think,  if  a  gallant 
should  entertain  her  with  suppositions  of  cases, 
in  which  infidelity  to  her  husband  would  be 
justifiable.  Would  not  she  naturally  imagine, 
seeing  no  other  foundation  or  motive  forlsuch 
conversation,  that  if  he  could  once  get  her  to 
admit  the  general  principle,  his  intended  next 
step  would  be  to  persuade  her  that  such  a 
case  actually  existed.  Thus  knowing  your 
dislike  of  France,  and  your  strong  desire  of 
recovering  America  to  England,  I  was  im 
pressed  with  the  idea  that  such  infidelity  on 
our  part  would  not  be  disagreeable  to  you ; 
and  that  you  were  therefore  aiming  to  lessen 
in  my  mind  the  horror  I  conceived  at  the  idea 
of  it.  But  we  will  finish  here  by  mutually 
agreeing  that  neither  you  were  capable  of 
proposing  nor  I  of  acting  on  such  principles. 

"  I  cannot  however  forbear  endeavouring 
to  give  a  little  possible  utility  to  this  letter, 
by  saying  something  on  your  case  of  Dun 
kirk.  You  do  not  see  why' two  nations  should 
be  deemed  natural  enemies  to  each  other. — 
Nor  do  I,  unless  one  or  both  of  them  are  na 
turally  mischievous  and  insolent.  But  I  can 
see  how  enmities  long  continued,  even  dur 
ing  a  peace,  tend  to  shorten  that  peace,  and 
to  rekindle  a  war.  That  is,  when  either  par 
ty,  having  an  advantage  in  war,  shall  exact 
conditions  in  the  treaty  of  peace,  that  are 
goading  and  constantly  mortifying  to  the 
other.  I  take  this  to  be  the  case  of  your  '  com 
missioner  at  Dunkirk.'  What  would  be 
your  feelings,  if  France  should  take,  and  hold 
possession  of  Portsmouth,  or  Spain  of  Ply 
mouth,  after  a  peace,  as  you  formerly  held 


Calais,  and  now  hold  Gibraltar  1  Or,  on  re 
storing  your  ports,  should  insist  on  having  an 
insolent  commissioner  stationed  there,  to  for 
bid  your  placing  one  stone  upon  another  by 
way  of  fortification '?  You  would  probably  not 
be  very  easy  under  such  a  stipulation.  If 
therefore  you  desire  a  peace  that  may  be 
firm  and  durable,  think  no  more  of  such  ex 
travagant  demands.  It  is  not  necessary  to 
give  my  opinion  farther  on  that  point,  yet  I 
may  add  frankly,  as  this  is  mere  private  con 
versation  between  you  and  me,  that  I  do 
think  a  faithful  ally,  especially  when  under 
obligations  for  such  great  and  generous  as 
sistance  as  we  have  received,  should  fight  as 
long  as  he  is  able,  to  prevent  (as  far  as  his 
continuing  to  fight  may  prevent)  his  friends 
being  compelled  again  to  suffer  such  an  in 
sult. 

"  My  dear  friend,  the  true  pains  you  are 
taking  to  restore  peace,  whatever  may  be  the 
success,  entitle  you  to  the  esteem  of  all  good 
men.  If  your  ministers  really  desire  peace, 
methinks  they  would  do  well  to  impower 
some  person  to  make  propositions  for  that  pur 
pose.  One  or  other  of  the  parties  at  war 
must  take  the  first  step.  To  do  this  belongs 
properly  to  the  wisest.  America  being  a  no 
vice  in  such  affairs,  has  no  pretence  to  that 
character;  and  indeed,  after  the  answer  given 
by  lord  Stormont  (when  we  proposed  to  him 
something  relative  to  the  mutual  treatment 
of  prisoners  with  humanity)  that  '  the  king's 
ministers  receive  no  applications  from  rebels, 
unless  when  they  come  to  implore  his  majes 
ty's  clemency,'  it  cannot  be  expected  that  we 
should  hazard  the  exposing  ourselves  again  to 
such  insolence.  All  I  can  say  farther  at  pre 
sent  is,  that  in  my  opinion  your  enemies  do 
not  aim  at  your  destruction,  and  that  if  you 
propose  a  treaty  you  will  find  them  reason 
able  in  their  demands,  provided  that  on  your 
side  they  meet  with  the  same  good  disposi 
tions.  But  do  not  dream  of  dividing  us :  you 
will  certainly  never  be  able  to  effect  it. 

"  With  great  regard  and  affection,  I  am 
ever,  dear  sir,  your  most  obedient  and  most 
humble  servant,  "  B.  FRANKLIN." 


Count  de  Vergennes  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  February  24,  1782. 

"  SIR, — You  will  find  enclosed  an  official  des 
patch  which  has  been  sent  me  from  the  court 
of  Copenhagen,  respecting  some  excesses 
that  are  said  to  have  been  committed  near  the 
coast  of  Norway  by  three  American  vessels. 
I  make  no  doubt  but  that  you  will  take  the 
earliest  opportunity  to  transmit  it  to  congress, 
that  they  may  decide  agreeably  to  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  law  of  nations  upon  the  claim  of 
his  Danish  majesty. — I  have  the  honour,  &c. 
"DE  VERGENNES." 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


409 


(MEMORIAL.) 
From  the  court  of  Copenhagen,  complaining 

of  irregularities  of  American  armed  i&* 

sels. 

"  THREE  American  vessels,  one  of  which 
was  three  masted,  and  called  the  Norfolk, 
captain  Lines,  and  two  brig-?,  the  Ariel,  cap 
tain  Mailer,  and  the  Virginia,  captain  Hods- 
headson,  all  three  armed  in  Philadelphia, 
committed  a  most  grievous  outrage  on  the  se 
cond  December  last,  on  the  coast  of  Norway, 
where  they  seized  two  English  merchantmen 
and  burnt  them,  after  plundering  them  and 
sending  away  their  crews.  The  circum 
stances  are  more  particularly  detailed  in  the 
protest  enclosed,  made  on  the  spot.  It  has 
moreover  been  proved  by  the  report  of  his 
Danish  majesty's  grand  bailiff  at  Christian- 
sand,  that  the  aforesaid  American  vessels  hav 
ing  anchored  in  the  port  of  Fleckeroe,  before 
their  meeting  with  the  Englishmen,  and  dis 
played  French  colours,  he  had  asked  of  the 
French  consul  information  respecting  their 
sea  papers,  and  that  the  latter,  on  examining 
their  contents,  declared  that  they  were  not 
furnished  with  any  letters  of  marque  on  the 
part  of  congress.  Their  conduct  proves  this 
also  in  having  burnt  their  prizes,  notwith 
standing  the  offers  of  ransom  made  them  by 
the  English  captains.  It  therefore  follows, 
that  they  can  only  be  considered  as  pirates, 
whose  crimes  are  greatly  aggravated  by  a 
manifest  infraction  of  his  Danish  majesty's 
territorial  rights. 

"  The  undersigned,  his  envoy  extraordinary, 
has  received  precise  orders  to  communicate 
these  particulars  to  his  excellency,  the  count 
de  Vergennes,  requesting  with  every  possible 
confidence  the  intervention  of  his  most  Chris 
tian  majesty  with  the  United  States  of  Ame 
rica,  to  effect  not  only  the  punishment  of  the 
guilty  persons,  but  also  to  obtain  an  indemni 
fication  for  the  vessels  and  cargoes  that  were 
burnt,  of  which  an  exact  statement  shall  be 
furnished ;  and  this  satisfaction  is  due  to  re 
pair  the  excesses  committed  on  his  majesty's 
territory.  DE  BLOOME. 

"  Paris,  February  6, 1782." 

COPY. 

"I  Frederick  Fridrick,  royal  judge  of  the 
bailiwick  of  Mandahl,  declare  that  on  the  4th 
day  of  December,  1781,  was  held  at  the  house 
of  madam  Benl  Biornsen,  at  Mandahl,  an  ex 
traordinary  tribunal,  consisting  of  a  sufficient 
number  of  justices,  were  appeared  the  Sieur 
Frederic  Giertsen,  the  English  vice  consul  of 
this  place,  who  declared,  that  in  consequence 
of  the  extraordinary  violence  committed  on 
Sunday  last,  the  2d  December,  on  the  coasts 
of  this  place  near  the  shoals,  by  three  Ame 
rican  vessels,  on  two  English  vessels,  to  wit ; 
the  brig  Constant  Ann,  commanded  by  cap 
tain  Charles  Lines,  of  Yarmouth,  and  the 

VOL.  I. . .  3  F  35 


brig  Elliot,  captain  David  Ray,  of  Kirkaldy, 
near  Leith ;  which  Americans  not  only  pil 
laged  the  English  vessels  and  set  them  on 
fire,  so  as  to  consume  them,  but  likewise 
chased  on  shore  the  English  captains  and 
their  crews  in  their  boats,  who  have  arrived 
here  at  the  appellants,  who  has  therefore  ap 
peared  this  day  to  obtain  a  juridical  deposi 
tion,  in  order  to  explain  this  circumstance. 

"  For  this  purpose  the  Sieur  Giertsen,  has 
presented  the  two  English  captains  with 
their  crews,  to  wit;  Charles  Lines,  captain, 
Royal  Simonds,  pilot,  William  Goldsmith, 
William  Fairweather,  William  Urquhart  and 
Thomas  Reiley,  sailors;  next  David  Ray,  cap 
tain,  Francis  Banks,  pilot,  Robert  Swain,  car 
penter,  William  Nackles,  boatswain,  Wil 
liam  Abercrombie,  Alexander  Benny,  Alex 
ander  Pearson,  David  Forresdale,  John  Har 
per,  and  James  Stark,  seamen;  when  the 
said 'English  captains  Lines  and  Ray,  present 
ed  their  reports  respecting  the  violence  com 
mitted  against  them,  set  forth  in  the  English 
language,  and  translated  into  the  Danish  as 
follows : 

"REPORT  of  what  passed  on  board  the  brig 
Elliot,  belonging  to  Kirkaldy,  commanded  by 
captain  David  Ray,  coming  from  Petersburg, 
loaded  with  hemp,  flax,  iron,  tallow,  plank, 
and  other  merchandise,  destined  for  Leith. 

"  On  the  2d  December,  1781,  at  half  past 
11  o'clock  in  the  morning,  we  left  the  port  of 
Kleven,  near  Mandahl,  and  set  sail  with  fine 
weather ;  wind  at  north  east,  accompanied  by 
the  brig  the  Constant  Ann,  of  Yarmouth, 
Charles  Lines,  captain;  bound  on  her  way 
from  Stockholm  home.  Being  without  the 
shoals,  we  sent  off  the  coasting  pilot  about 
half  past  twelve.  In  about  three  quarters  of 
an  hour  after  the  pilot  left  us,  we  saw  three 
vessels  coming  towards  us  with  a  pressing  sail, 
the  brig  Constant  Ann  was  then  about  an  Eng 
lish  mile  astern  of  us.  These  three  vessels 
endeavoured  all  that  lay  in  their  power  to  run 
close  in  with  the  shoals,  in  order  to  prevent 
our  gaining  the  port.  We  saw  that  one  of 
them  was  a  vessel  with  three  masts,  and  the 
two  others  brigs.  As  soon  as  they  came  near 
us  they  furled  their  small  sails;  one  of  the 
brigs  run  along  side,  and  hailing  us,  asked  from 
whence  we  came,  and  ordered  us  follow  them 
immediately ;  after  which  they  sent  a  boat  on 
board  of  us  with  people  and  a  prize-officer, 
who  told  us  that  our  vessel  and  cargo  was  a 
lawful  prize  to  the  American  congress.  Our 
captain  was  afterwards  ordered  to  go  into  the 
boat,  to  go  onboard  the  privateer,  which  car 
ried  eighteen  guns.  The  captain  of  the  pri 
vateer  having  examined  my  papers,  immedi 
ately  ordered  me,  David  Ray,  to  return  on 
board  my  vessel  the  Elliot.  I  repeatedly  re 
quested  him  to  ransom  the  vessel  and  cargo, 
but  he  positively  refused,  saying  that  he  would 
not  on  any  account. 


410 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


"  On  my  return  on  board  ray  vessel,  I  was 
very  badly  treated  by  the  American  officer 
and  crew  then  on  board  her,  who  had  already 
cut  to  pieces  and  destroyed  every  thing  they 
came  across,  taken  the  sails  from  the  yards, 
and  cut  the  cables  from  the  anchors,  which 
they  carried  on  board  the  privateer,  they  cried 
out  altogether,  you  rascals  and  bougres,  get  j 
into  the  boat,  or  we  will  sink  her,  and  burn  | 
you  up  with  the  vessel  and  cargo.  We  were 
accordingly  obliged  to  leave  the  vessel,  with 
out  taking  with  us  the  most  trifling  article, 
excepting  the  poor  clothes  we  had  on  our 
backs.  When  this  happened  we  were  about 
two  or  three  English  miles  N.N.E.  of  Koe 
and  Kalv  near  Kleven.  We  arrived  in  the 
greatest  distress  with  the  boat  at  Kleven, 
about  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening.  The 
crew  of  the  privateer  told  us,  that  their  ves 
sel  belonged  to  Philadelphia,  that  they  had 
letters  of  marque  from  congress,  and  that 
they  were  from  Maelstrand  in  Sweden ;  they 
showed  English  colours,  but  would  neither 
tell  the  names  of  their  vessels,  nor  captains. 
On  our  arrival  on  shore,  we  found  that  they 
had  set  fire  to  our  vessel,  as  well  as  the  Con 
stant  Ann,  which  were  not  very  far  from  each 
other,  and  they  burnt  till  midnight,  when  one 
of  them  disappeared.  DAVID  RAY. 

"  Francis  Banks,  Robert  Swain,  William 
Nicolls,  William  Abercrombie,  Alexander 
Benny,  Alexander  Pearson,  David  Forresdale, 
John  Harper,  James  Stark." 

"  REPORT  of  what  passed  on  board  the  brig 
Constant  Ann  of  Yarmouth,  commanded  by 
captain  Charles  Lines,  coming  from  Stock 
holm,  laden  with  iron,  planks,  pitch,  tar,  &c. 
and  destined  for  Yarmouth. 

"  The  2d  December,  1781,  about  noon,  we 
left  Kleven,  near  Mandahl,  with  fine  weather, 
the  wind  north  east,  and  put  to  sea  in  com 
pany  with  the  brig  Elliot  of  Leith,  command 
ed  by  captain  David  Ray,  on  her  way  from 
Petersburg  home.  After  we  had  been  at  sea 
about  an  hour,  we  sent  our  pilot  ashore ;  in 
about  three  quarters  of  an  hour  we  saw  two 
brigs  and  a  ship  bearing  down  upon  us  under 
full  sail.  The  brig  Elliot  was  then  about  an 
English  mile  ahead  of  us.  As  soon  as  those 
vessels  drew  near  us,  they  furled  all  their 
light  sails,  and  the  two  brigs  showed  English 
colours,  but  the  ship  which  was  probably  com 
modore  showed  none ;  when  they  fired  several 
cannon  and  musket  shot  at  us,  which  made  us 
know  they  were  enemies.  Upon  this  we  shaped 
our  course  to  the  east,  in  order  if  possible,  to 
gain  the  port,  being  only  distant  about  a  quarter 
of  a  Norway  league,  and  Kleven  near  Mandahl 
bore  about  N.  N.  E.,  the  people  on  board  the 
ship,  who  were  so  near  as  to  speak  to  us,  call 
ed  out  in  the  following  manner ;  if  you  do 
not  instantly  bring  too,  you  bougres,  we  will 
sink  you.  We  lowered  our  colours ;  they  came 


along  side,  and  a  part  of  their  crew  boarded 
us  with  cutlasses  and  pistols.  Afterwards  a 
boat  came  to  us  with  an  officer  as  captain  of 
the  prize,  who  behaved  towards  me  and  my 
crew  in  the  most  inhuman  manner,  they  tied 
one  of  my  people's  hands  behind  his  back,  they 
presented  a  pistol  at  my  pilot's  head,  and 
threatened  to  blow  his  brains  out,  and  said 
they  would  kill  us  all  if  we  opened  our 
mouths.  They  then  began  to  cut  away  every 
thing,  and  take  the  sails  from  the  yards,  and 
cut  the  cables  from  the  anchors,  and  carry  all 
off  on  board  the  ship.  Having  carried  every 
thing  on  board,  they  ordered  us  to  launch  our 
own  boat,  saying,  you  bougres,  if  you  do  not 
go  immediately  on  board  the  boat,  we  will 
burn  you  together  with  the  vessel.  I  repeat 
edly  asked  them  to  ransom  me,  but  in  vain. 
About  four  in  the  afternoon  we  were  obliged 
to  quit  our  vessel  in  such  distress,  as  to  have 
nothing  left  us  but  what  we  had  on  our  backs, 
which  was  of  very  little  value.  We  all  ar 
rived  about  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening  at 
Kleven  near  Mandahl.  Some  of  the  Ameri 
can  crew  told  us,  the  vessel  was  called  the 
Norfolk,  that  she  belonged  to  the  congress  at 
Philadelphia,  and  that  she  came  from  Mael 
strand.  CHARLES  LINES. 

"  Royal  Simonds,  William  Goldsmith,  Tho 
mas  Reiley,  William  Urquhart,  William  Fair- 
weather." 

The  aforesaid  reports  having  been  read 
in  the  English  language  before  all  the  parties 
present,  both  captains  and  crews,  each  of 
them  took  their  corporal  oath,  that  all  that  was 
contained  in  the  said  two  reports  was  the  ex 
act  truth.  Afterwards  the  two  coasting  pilots, 
Gabriel  Jorgensen  and  Nicholas  Govertsen 
of  Kleven,  presented  themselves  as  witnesses, 
who,  after  having  taken  oath,  declared  una 
nimously, 

"  That  on  Sunday  last  the  2d  December 
about  noon,  the  former  went  as  a  coasting 
pilot  on  board  of  captain  Lines,  and  the  latter 
on  board  of  captain  Ray,  in  the  port  of  Kleven, 
and  that  they  put  these  two  vessels  out  to  sea 
with  the  wind  at  north  east,  as  soon  as  they 
left  them  they  returned  ashore  in  their  boats, 
and  observed  coming  from  the  eastward  along 
the  coast  a  ship  and  two  brigs,  which  they 
thought  were  English ;  that  shortly  after  the 
witnesses  saw  these  vessels  bear  down  on  the 
two  English  brigs,  they  had  piloted  out,  cap 
tain  Ray's  vessel  being  three  quarters  of  a 
Norwegian  league  without  the  shoals,  captain 
Lines  being  close  aboard  of  them,  after  which, 
these  witnesses  observed  that  the  vessels 
coming  from  eastward,  fired  several  guns, 
which  led  them  to  conclude  that  they  were 
enemies,  as  they  were  afterwards  convinced, 
when  they  saw  them  board  and  search  them. 

"  The  witnesses  arrived  afterwards  at  Kle 
ven,  and  from  the  rocks  they  noticed  that  the 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


411 


vessels  remained  for  some  time  together,  un 
til  the  evening  that  they  saw  the  two  brigs  in 
flames,  driving  at  the  mercy  of  the  wind,  then 
at  north  east,  and  that  they  were  burning  late 
at  night.  These  witnesses  moreover  declare, 
that  on  the  evening  of  the  said  Sunday,  the 
captains  Lines  and  Ray  came  to  the  port  of 
Kleven  in  their  boats  with  their  crews,  being 
sixteen  persons,  and  that  they  went  to  the 
syndic  Peter  Johnson,  to  whom  they  bitterly 
complained  of  the  violence  and  barbarity  with 
which  they  had  been  treated,  as  set  forth  in 
the  two  reports.  The  Sieur  Giertsen,  after 
wards  presented  as  witnesses  the  three  coast 
ing  pilots  belonging  to  Osmend,  Pedersen, 
Olae,  Srendsen,  and  Martin  Carlsen,  Tragde, 
each  of  whom  in  particular,  took  their  per 
sonal  oath,  to  tell  the  truth  and  to  conceal 
nothing.  After  which  they  unanimously  de 
clared,  that  on  Sunday  last  the  2d  December, 
about  noon,  after  having  piloted  out  a  ship 
from  the  port  of  Tragdeford,  and  on  their  re 
turn  with  their  boat,  they  saw  coming  along 
the  coast  from  the  eastward,  with  the  wind  at 
north  east,  a  ship  and  two  brigs,  and  at  the 
same  time,  they  saw  two  brigs  going  out  of 
the  port  of  Kleven,  that  these  vessels  on  com 
ing  near  each  other,  the  witnesses  saw  the 
vessels  from  the  eastward  fire  several  guns 
at  the  two  brigs  which  came  out  of  Kleven, 
the  foremost  of  which,  being'  about  three  quar 
ters  of  a  Norway  league,  outside  of  ;.he  shoals, 
and  the  other  close  aboard  of  thoni ;  that  there 
upon  the  witnesses  approached  these  vessels 
in  their  boat,  and  having  come  under  the 
sternmost  of  the  two  brigs  from  Kleven,  they 
saw  a  boat  put  over  the  side  of  the  ship  from 
the  eastward,  whose  people  boarded  captain 
Lines'  brig,  after  which,  one  of  them  got  on 
the  poop  of  the  said  vessel,  and  called  to  the 
witnesses  in  the  English  language,  and  told 
them  that  if  they  offered  to  come  along  side, 
or  aboard,  that  they  would  fire  on  them.  The 
witnesses  saw  at  the  same  time,  a  boat  from 
one  of  the  brigs  from  the  eastward,  go  on 
board  the  furthest  brig  from  Kleven;  they 
also  observed  the  two  Brigs  from  Kleven  hoist 
English  colours,  which  they  struck  shortly 
after.  The  witnesses  have  likewise  declared, 
that  to  the  best  of  their  judgment,  they  be 
lieve  that  the  three  vessels  from  the  eastward 
are  American.  The  witnesses  finally  say, 
that  after  having  left  these  vessels  and  gone 
ashore,  that  they  know  and  have  heard,  that 
the  two  brigs  from  Kleven  were  set  on  fire, 
and  that  their  crew  had  come  on  shore  in 
their  boats  at  Kleven. 

"  Afterwards  appeared  as  witness,  the  syn 
dic  of  the  coasting  pilots,  Peter  Johnson  of 
Kleven,  who  after  taking  personal  oath,  de 
clared  that  on  Sunday  last,  the  2d  December, 
about  noon,  the  two  English  brigs  commanded 
by  captains  Charles  Lines  and  David  Ray, 
went  out  of  the  port  of  Kleven,  and  had  OR 


board  of  them  the  two  coasting  pilots,  David 
Jorgensen  and  Nicholas  Goversten,  and  that 
shortly  after  these  two  brigs  left  the  port  of 
Kleven,  he  saw  from  the  rocks,  the  same  as 
the  two  coasting  pilots  have  declared;  so 
that  his  testimony  entirely  agrees  with  theirs. 
The  witness,  moreover,  declares  that  he  ob 
served  the  two  brigs  burning  very  late  at 
night,  until  they  disappeared,  as  also,  that  on 
the  evening  of  the  same  day,  the  two  captains 
Lines  and  Ray,  came  with  their  crews,  sixteen 
persons  in  all,  rowing  towards  the  port  of 
Kleven,  and  came  to  the  house  of  the  witness, 
to  whom  they  related  with  many  complaints 
what  had  happend  to  them,  agreeable  to  the 
reports  presented  and  read  before  the  witness. 

"  The  Sieur  Giertsen  afterwards  declared, 
that  not  being  able  to  obtain  any  explanations 
respecting  the  names  of  these  American  ves 
sels,  and  captains,  he  had  nevertheless  heard 
to-day,  that  these  three  vessels  had  been  in 
the  port  of  Flekeroe,  situated  about  four 
leagues  from  this  to  the  eastward,  and  that 
they  sailed  from  there  on  Sunday  last  in  the 
morning,  and  that  he  proposes,  by  means  of 
the  syndic  of  the  pilots,  to  make  inquiry  after 
the  names  of  the  vessels  and  captains,  and  of 
the  other  circumstances,  and  for  this  purpose 
has  requested  that  the  conclusion  of  this  de 
position  be  deferred  till  next  Saturday,  which 
has  been  granted. 

"  On  the  8th  December  following,  this  tri 
bunal  extraordinary  was  continued  at  the 
house  of  Madame  Bierson,  attended  by  a  suf 
ficient  number  of  justices,  before  whom  the 
Sieurs  Giertsen  presented  himself,  who  de 
clared  that  having  taken  the  most  exact  in 
formation  at  the  port  of  Flekeroe,  he  learnt 
that  of  the  three  American  vessels,  the  ship 
was  called  the  Norfolk,  Captain  Lines ;  and 
the  two  brigs  the  Ariel,  captain  Mailer,  and 
the  Virginia,  captain  Hodgkinson,  all  from 
Philadelphia:  but  in  the  last  place  arrived 
from  Maelstrand  in  the  port  of  Flekeroe, 
which  place  they  left  on  Sunday  last  in  the 
morning,  the  2d  December ;  and  as  this  in 
formation  exactly  corresponds  with  the  reports 
of  the  English  confirmed  by  oaths;  and  as  the 
port  of  Flekeroe  is  situated  about  four  Nor 
way  leagues  to  the  eastward  of  Kleven ;  and 
that  these  Americans  sailed  on  the  same  Sun 
day  morning  with  the  wind  at  north  east 
along  the  coast,  consequently  the  outrages 
must  have  been  evidently  committed  by  them 
and  by  no  others.  The  appellant  therefore 
hopes  that  he  has  given  sufficient  testimony 
that  these  three  American  vessels  have  com 
mitted  the  said  outrages  and  barbarity,  on  the 
subjects  and  vessels  of  his  Britannic  majesty 
within  his  Danish  majesty's  territory,  ana1 
against  the  rights  of  nations. 

"  After  which  the  appellant  requested  this 
juridical  deposition  to  be  concluded,  and  de 
manded  the  act  and  formal  copies  thereof. 


412 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


"  It  was  accordingly  done,  passed  and  made 
out  at  the  bailivvic,  by  virtue  of  these  presents, 
which  I  hereby  certify  under  my  signature, 
and  have  affixed  my  seal  the  day  and  year 
aforesaid.  F.  FREDRICKSEN.  (L.  s.) 

"  I  the  undersigned  interpreter  to  the  king 
and  the  council  of  prizes  for  the  northern 
languages,  certify  that  this  translation  is  ac 
tually  conformable  to  the  original  Danish  com 
pared  by  me.  In  testimony  of  which,  I  have 
signed  the  present  at  Paris,  February  5, 1782. 
"TOBIESEN  DUBY." 


Copy  from  the  printed  Votes  of  the  Com 
mons,  27th  Feb.  1782. 

"  RESOLVED,  That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this 
house,  that  the  farther  prosecution  of  offensive 
war  on  the  continent  of  North  America,  for 
the  purpose  of  reducing  the  revolted  colonies 
to  obedience  by  force,  will  be  the  means  of 
weakening  the  efforts  of  this  country  against 
her  European  enemies,  tends,  under  the  pre 
sent  circumstances,  dangerously  to  increase 
the  mutual  enmity,  so  fatal  to  the  interests 
both  of  Great  Britain  and  America  ;  and  by 
preventing  a  happy  reconciliation  with  that 
country,  to  frustrate  the  earnest  desire,  gra 
ciously  expressed  by  his  majesty,  to  restore 
the  blessings  of  public  tranquillity. 

"  Resolved,  That  an  humble  address  be  pre 
sented  to  his  majesty,  that  the  further  prosecu 
tion  of  offensive  war  on  the  continent  of  North 
America,  tends,  &c.  &c. 

"  March  4.  Mr.  Speaker  reported  to  the 
house,  that  the  house  attended  his  majesty  on 
Friday  last  with  their  address  ;  to  which  his 
majesty  was  pleased  to  give  his  most  gracious 
answer : 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Commons, 

"  There  are  no  objects  nearer  my  heart  than 
the  ease,  happiness,  and  prosperity  of  my  peo 
ple. 

"  You  may  be  assured  that,  in  pursuance  of 
your  advice,  I  shall  take  such  measures  as 
shall  appear  to  me  most  conducive  to  the  res 
toration  of  harmony  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  revolted  colonies,  so  essential  to  the 
prosperity  of  both ;  and  that  my  efforts  shall 
be  directed  in  the  most  effectual  manner 
against  our  European  enemies,  until  such  a 
peace  can  be  obtained,  as  shall  consist  with 
the  interests  and  permanent  welfare  of  my 
kingdoms. 

"  Resolved,  nemine  contradicente, 

"  That  an  humble  address  be  presented  to 
his  majesty,  to  return  his  majesty  the  thanks 
of  this  house,  for  his  most  gracious  answer  to 
their  address,  presented  to  his  majesty  on  Fri 
day  last,  and  for  the  assurances  his  majesty 
has  most  graciously  been  pleased  to  give  them, 
of  his  intention,  in  pursuance  of  the  advice  of 


this  house,  to  take  such  measures  as  shall  ap 
pear  most  conducive  to  the  restoration  of  har 
mony  between  Great  Britain  and  the  revolted 
colonies ;  and  that  his  efforts  shall  be  directed 
in  the  most  effectual  manner  against  our  Eu 
ropean  enemies,  until  such  a  peace  can  be 
obtained  as  shall  consist  with  the  permanent 
welfare  and  prosperity  of  his  kingdoms :  this 
house  being  convinced  that  nothing  can,  in 
the  present  circumstances  of  this  country,  so 
essentially  promote  those  great  objects  of  his 
majesty's  paternal  care  for  his  people,  as  the 
measures  whicli  his  faithful  commons  have 
most  humbly  recommended  to  his  majesty. 

"  Ordered,  That  the  said  address  be  present 
ed,"  &c. 

"  Resolved,  That  after  the  solemn  declara 
tion  of  the  opinion  of  this  house,  in  their  hum 
ble  address,  presented  to  his  majesty  on  Friday 
last,  and  his  majesty's  assurance  of  his  gra 
cious  intention  in  pursuance  of  their  advice, 
to  take  such  measures  as  shall  appear  to  his 
majesty  to  be  most  conducive  to  the  restoration 
of  harmony  between  Great  Britain  and  the  re 
volted  colonies,  so  essential  to  the  prosperity 
of  both,  this  house  will  consider  as  enemies  to 
his  majesty  and  this  country,  all  those  who 
shall  endeavour  to  frustrate  his  majesty's  pa 
ternal  care,  for  the  ease  and  happiness  of  his 
people,  by  advising,  or  by  any  means  attempt 
ing,  the  farther  prosecution  of  offensive  war 
on  the  continent  of  North  America,  for  the 
purpose  of  reducing  the  revolted  colonies  to 
obedience  by  force." 

Colonel  Hartley  to  Dr*  Franklin. 

"  SOHO  SQUARE,  Feb.  28,  1782. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — As  I  know  how  anxious  my 
brother  is  to  embrace  every  opportunity  of 
expressing  those  sentiments  of  peace  and  uni 
versal  philanthropy,  which  dp  you  both  so 
much  honour,  and  of  testifying  his  regard 
for  yourself,  I  am  sorry  he  is  not  returned  to 
town  before  Mr.  Alexander's  departure.  His 
absence  from  town  has  been  occasioned  by 
his  being  obliged  to  go  into  Gloucestershire 
for  some  papers  relating  to  family  concerns, 
and  as  I  am  sure  nothing  on  his  part  will  be 
neglected,  towards  forwarding  the  great  ob 
ject  of  peace,  I  regret  his  absence  the  less, 
because  it  affords  me  an  opportunity  of  say 
ing  how  entirely  I  agree  with  him  in  opinion, 
and  particularly  in  the  respect  and  esteem  I 
bear  to  a  person  who  has  so  ardently  wished 
Jo  prevent  the  effusion  of  blood,  and  the  dread 
ful  effects  of  this  fatal  and  destructive  war ; 
a  person  who  was,  who  would  have  been,  per 
mit  me,  dear  sir,  to  add,  perhaps  who  is, 
(would  the  conduct  of  this  country  permit  him 
with  justice  to  be  so)  the  real,  the  sincere 
friend  of  it. 

"  That  delusion,  founded  in  falsehood,  first 
made  this  country  forget  itself;  its  honour» 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


413 


and  its  justice,  and  pursue  this  accursed  am 
destructive  war,  is  certain ;  happy  will  it  be 
if  the  dereliction  of  it  at  last,  shall  show  tha 
its  continuance  has  not  already  extinguished 
in  the  breast  of  America  every  former  degree 
of  friendship  and  affection.  That  reason  is 
beginning  to  return,  and  this  country  to  see 
its  errors,  I  hope,  from  a  majority  of  the  house 
of  commons  having  yesterday  agreed  to  a  re 
solution  against  the  American  war,  and  I  be 
lieve  almost  all  the  people  of  England  are 
against  the  war.  I  hope  this  will  lay  the 
foundation  of  peace  between  the  two  coun 
tries,  and  that  the  horrors  of  war  may  be 
succeeded  by  lasting  and  general  tranquilli 
ty.  The  event  is  in  the  hand  of  Providence 
alone,  but  the  endeavour  to  contribute  to  such 
blessed  purposes  is  not  only  in  the  power  of 
men,  but  the  attempt  carries  with  it  its  own  re 
ward.  Should  success  not  be  the  consequence, 
the  consciousness  of  having  exerted  oneself 
in  sucli  a  cause  will  afford  the  most  pleasing 
reflections,  and  make  a  man  repose  in  peace 
upon  his  pillow,  whatever  may  be  the  dis 
traction  and  confusion  around  him.  You.  sir, 
feel  this  in  the  greatest  degree,  and  may  those 
sentiments  of  justice,  of  freedom,  and  liberali 
ty,  which  have  marked  your  character,  receive 
the  reward  they  so  justly  merit,  and  by  the 
happy  return  of  a  general  peace,  may  such 
sentiments  revive  in  each  British  and  Ameri 
can  breast  to  the  mutual  advantage  of  both 
countries.  When  I  join  my  name  to  my  bro 
ther's,  in  such  a  wish  and  in  every  expression 
of  regard,  esteem,  and  friendship  towards  your 
self,  permit  me  to  add,  though  far  inferior  in 
the  power  of  contributing  to  that  happy  event 
to  which  his  abilities,  industry,  and  attention 
to  public  concerns  make  him  so  equal,  I  can 
not  yield  even  to  so  near  and  dear  a  relation 
the  palm  of  sincerity  in  and  anxiety  for  pro 
moting  such  a  desirable  purpose. 

"  I  am  with  the  greatest  respect,  dear  sir, 
yours  most  sincerely, 

"W.  H.  HARTLEY." 


David  Hartley  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  Feb.  28.  1782. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  have  not  as  yet  any 
thing  to  communicate  to  you.  I  have  upon 
many  occasions  recommended  the  road  to 
peace  in  the  most  earnest  way.  I  am  not 


without  hopes.  I  think  I  may  venture  to  say 
that  the  arguments  which  I  have  stated  have 
made  an  impression.  I  have  not  expected  to 
receive  the  final  answer  from  lord  North  till 
after  the  parliamentary  arrangements  of  the 
year  are  settled.  I  am  j  list  for  th  ree  or  four  days 
in  the  country,  upon  a  little  business,  but  up 
on  a  furlough,  as  I  may  say,  with  the  know 
ledge  of  lord  North,  who,  during  the  budget 
week,  cannot  possibly  want  to  see  me.  I 
35* 


have  therefore  taken  that  week  for  a  little 
private  business  in  the  country,  and  if  lortf 
North  should  happen  to  wish  to  see  me,  my 
brother  keeps  watch,  and  is  to  send  express 
for  me.  Public  report  will  tell  you,  that  on 
Friday  last  there  was  a  division  in  the  house, 
on  an  American  question,  one  hundred  and 
ninety-four  to  one  hundred  and  ninety-three. 
/  cannot  answer  for  the  dispositions  of  minis 
ters,  but  in  point  of  justice  I  ought  to  say, 
that  I  think,  and  as  faros  I  can  judge  from 
the  conferences  which  I  have  had,  that  I  have 
found  good  dispositions  towards  peace.  I  do 
not  pledge  myself,  because  I  may  be  deceived ; 
however  that  is  my  opinion ;  and  1  say  thus 
much  lest  my  silence  should  appear  suspi 
cious  and  create  alienation  in  other  parties.  I 
think  I  have  seen  good  dispositions  from  the 
first  commencement  of  my  conferences  on 
peace.  My  brother  sends  me  word,  that  Mr. 
Alexander  is  to  return  by  the  next  mail,  I 
therefore  write  this  to  send  either  by  him  or  at 
least  in  the  same  packet.  I  have  had  much  con 
versation  with  him,  and  he  will  tell  you,  that 
I  have  done  my  utmost  to  serve  the  cause  of 
peace.  I  will  conclude  this  with  a  quotation 
which  I  have  applied  to  another  person  in  ar 
gument  respecting  peace, 

^onsulere  patrias,  parcere  afflictis,  fent  csede  abslinere, 
[rae  tempus  dare,  orbi  quietem,  seculo  pacem  suo, 
Hffic  summa  virtus, — haccoelum  petitur  via. 

od  bless  you  and  prosper  our  pacific  endea 
vours.  I  shall  probably  write  again  to  you 
soon. — Your  affectionate, 

«D.  HARTLEY/' 


Edmund  Burke,  M.  P.  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

i    answer  to  one   requesting  him  to  negotiate  the 
exchange  of  Mr.  Laurens  for  general  Burgoyne.] 

"  DEAR  SIR, — Your  most  obliging  letter  de 
manded  an  early  answer.  It  has  not  received 
;he  acknowledgment  which  was  so  justly  due 
to  it.  But  Providence  has  well  supplied  my 
deficiencies ;  and  the  delay  of  the  answer  has 
made  it  much  more  satisfact9ry,  than  at  the 
time  of  my  receipt  of  your  letter  I  dared  to 
promise  my  self  it  could  be.  I  congratulate  you, 
as  the  friend  of  America  ;  I  trust,  as  not  the 
enemy  of  England;  I  am  sure,  as  the  friend 
of  mankind ;  on  the  resolution  of  the  house 
of  commons,  carried  by  a  majority  of  nine 
teen,  at  two  o'clock  this  morning  in  a  very 


full  house.  It  was  the  declaration  of  two 
hundred  and  thirty-four  ;  I  think  it  was  the 
opinion  of  the  whole.  I  trust  it  will  lead  to 
a  speedy  peace  between  the  two  branches  of 
the  English  nation,  perhaps  to  a  general 
peace  ;  and  that  our  happiness  may  be  an  in-  < 
troduction  to  that  of  the  world  at  large.  I 
most  sincerely  congratulate  you  on  the  event. 
I  wish  I  could  say,  that  I  had  accomplished 
my  commission.  Difficulties  remain.  But  as 


414 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


Mr.  Laurens  is  released  from  his  confinement, ' 
and  has  recovered  his  health  tolerably,  he  may 
wait,  I  hope,  without  a  great  deal  of  incon 
venience,  for  the  final  adjustment  of  his  trou 
blesome  business.  He  is  an  exceedingly  agree 
able  and  honourable  man.  I  am  much  obliged 
to  you  for  the  honour  of  his  acquaintance. 
He  speaks  of  you  as  I  do ;  and  is  perfectly 
sensible  of  your  warm  and  friendly  interposi 
tion  in  his  favour. — I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
with  the  highest  possible  esteem  and  regard, 
dear  sir,  your  most  faithful  and  obedient  hum 
ble  servant,  EDMUND  BURKE. 
"  London,  Charles-street,  Feb.  28,  1782." 

"  General  Burgoyne  presents  his  best  com 
pliments  to  you,  with  his  thanks  for  your 
obliging  attentions  towards  him." 


Dr.  Franklin  to  Count  de  Vergennes. 
"  PASSY,  March  2,  1782. 

"  SIR, — I  received  the  letter  your  excel 
lency  did  me  the  honour  of  writing  to  me, 
the  24th  past,  enclosing  an  official  paper  on 
the  part  of  the  Danish  court,  relating  to  the 
burning  of  some  English  vessels  on  the  coast 
of  Norway,  by  three  American  ships.  I  shall 
not  fail  to  transmit  the  same  immediately  to 
the  congress,  who  will,  I  make  no  doubt,"  in 
quire  into  the  facts  alleged,  and  do  thereup 
on  what  shall  appear  to  be  just  and  right,  it 
being  their  constant  and  earnest  desire,  to 
avoid  giving  any  offence  to  neutral  nations, 
as  will  appear  by  their  instructions  to  all  arm 
ed  vessels,  of  which  I  have  the  honour  to  pre 
sent  a  copy. 

"  In  the  mean  time,  as  it  is  natural  to  ex 
pect,  that  those  who  exact  a  rigorous  obser 
vation  of  the  laws  of  nations,  when  their  own 
interest  or  honour  seems  affected,  should  be 
themselves  ready  to  show  an  example  of  their 
own  regard  for  those  laws,  where  the  interest 
of  others  is  concerned ;  I  cannot  but  hope,  the 
court  of  Denmark  will  at  length  attend  to  a 
demand,  long  since  made  by  me,  but  hitherto 
without  effect;, that  they  would  restore  to 
the  United  States,  the  value  of  three  vessels 
amounting  to  fifty  thousand  pounds  sterling. 
These  vessels  were  fair  and  good  prizes,  which 
had  been  made  by  our  ships  of  war,  not  on 
the  coast  of  Denmark,  but  far  distant  on  the 
high  seas,  and  were  sent  into  Bergen  as  into 
a  port  truly  neutral,  but  there,  contrary  to  the 
laws  of  hospitality,  as  well  as  the  other  laws 
of  nations,  they  were  forcibly  wrested  out  of 
our  hands  by  the  government  of  that  place, 
and  delivered  back  to  our  enemies.  The  con 
gress  have  not  lost  sight  of  this  violence,  but 
constantly  expected  justice,  from  the  equity 
and  wisdom  of  his  Danish  majesty. — I  am 
with  the  greatest  respects,  &c. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


Wm.  Alexander  to  Dr.  Franklin, 

"  OSTEND,  Sunday,  9  at  night,  March  3,  1782. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR, — Although  I  expect  to  see 
you  in  a  day  or  two  after  this  comes  to  hand, 
I  cannot  let  slip  the  opportunity  of  Mr.  Moore, 
formerly  with  Mr.  Williams,  to  inform  you 
that  the  address,  in  consequence  of  the  ques 
tion  carried  on  Wednesday,  was  carried  to  the 
king  by  the  whole  opposition  on  Friday  ;  that 
the  answer,  after  the  common-place  phrases 
and  the  repetition  of  the  substance  of  the  ad 
dress,  was  declaring  his  disposition  to  comply 
with  it ;  and  that  of  pushing  the  war  with  vi 
gour  against  the  ancient  enemies  of  the  king 
dom,  until  a  safe  and  honourable  peace  could 
be  obtained,  which  was  his  most  earnest  wish. 
This  is  the  sense  as  delivered  to  me  Friday 
evening,  by  a  member  present.  I  have  seve 
ral  letters  for  you,  which  I  will  deliver  on  my 
arrival,  and  can  give  you  a  good  deal  of  the 
sentiments  of  parties  in  England.  I  left  Lon 
don  yesterday.  You  will  have  all  our  public 
news  up  to  Thursday.  The  first  payment, 
15  per  cent.,  was  made  on  the  new  loan,  Fri 
day,  and  stock  was  got  up  at  two  per  cent, 
thereafter.  Mr.  Moore  goes  away  just  now, 
so  have  only  time  to  subscribe  myself  with 
the  most  sincere  esteem,  dear  sir,  your  most 
obedient  humble  servant, 

"W.ALEXANDER." 


"  R.  R.  Livingston. 

"PASSY,  March  4,  1782. 

"  SIR — Since  I  wrote  the  two  short  letters 
of  which  I  herewith  send  you  copies,  I  have 
heen  honoured  with  yours  No.  5,  dated  the 
16th  December. 

"Enclosed  I  send  copies  of  two  letters 
from  M.  le  Comte  de  Vergennes,  relating  to 
certain  complaints  from  Ostend  and  Copen 
hagen  against  our  cruisers.  I  formerly  for 
warded  a  similar  complaint  from  Portugal,  to 
which  I  have  yet  received  no  answer.  Tiie 
ambassador  of  that  kingdom  frequently  teases 
me  for  it.  I  hope  now  that  by  your  means 
these  kind  of  affairs  will  be  more  easily  at 
tended  to ;  ill  blood  and  mischief  may  be 
thereby  sometimes  prevented. 

"  The  marquis  de  la  Fayette  was  at  his  re 
turn  hither  received  by  all  ranks,  with  all 
possible  distinction.  He  daily  gains  in  the 
general  esteem  and  affection,  and  promises  to 
be  a  great  man  here.  He  is  warmly  attach 
ed  to  our  cause ;  we  are  on  the  most  friendly 
and  confidential  footing  wjth  each  other,  and 
he  is  really  very  serviceable  to  me  in  my  ap 
plications  for  additional  assistance. 

"  I  have  done  what  I  could  in  recommend 
ing  Messieurs  Duportail  and  Gouvion  as  you 
desired.  I  did  it  with  pleasure,  as  I  have 
much  esteem  for  them. 

"  I  will  endeavour  to  procure  a  sketch  of 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


415 


an  emblem  tor  the  purpose  you  mention. — 
This  puts  me  in  mind  of  a  medal  I  have  had 
a  mind  to  strike  since  the  late  great  event 
you  give  me  an  account  of,  representing  the 
United  States  by  figure  of  an  infant  Hercules 
in  his  cradle,  strangling  the  two  serpents ; 
and  France,  by  that  of  Minerva,  sitting  by  as 
his  nurse,  with  her  spear  and  helmet,  and  her 
robe  speckled  with  a  few  fleurs-de-lis.  The 
extinguishing  two  entire  armies  in  one  war, 
is  what  has  rarely  if  ever  happened,  and  it  gives 
a  presage  of  the  future  force  of  our  growing 
empire. 

"  I  thank  you  much  for  the  newspapers  you 
have  been  so  kind  as  to  send  me.  I  send  also 
to  you  by  every  opportunity  packets  of  the 
French,  Dutch,  and  English  papers.  Enclos 
ed  is  the  last  Courier  of  Europe,  wherein  you 
will  find  a  late  curious  debate  on  continuing 
the  war  with  America,  which  the  minister 
carried  in  the  affirmative,  only  by  his  own 
vote.  It  seems  the  nation  is  sick  of  it :  but 
the  king  is  obstinate.  There  is  a  change 
made  of  the  American  secretary,  and  another 
talked  of  in  the  room  of  lord  Sandwich :  but 
I  suppose  we  have  no  reason  to  desire  such 
changes.  If  the  king  will  have  a  war  with 
us,  his  old  servants  are  as  well  for  us,  as  any 
he  is  likely  to  put  in  their  places.  The  mi 
nistry  you  will  see  declare,  that  their  war  in 
America  is  for  the  future  to  be  only  defensive. 
I  hope  we  shall  be  too  prudent  to  have  the 
least  dependence  on  this  declaration ;  it  is  on 
ly  thrown  out  to  lull  us.  For  depend  upon  it 
the  king  hates  us  cordially,  and  will  be  con 
tent  with  nothing  short  of  our  extirpation. 

"  I  shall  be  glad  to  receive  the  account  you 
are  preparing  of  the  wanton  damages  done 
our  possessions.  I  wish  you  could  also  fur 
nish  me  with  one,  of  the  barbarities  commit 
ted  on  our  people.  They  may  both  be  of  ex 
cellent  use  on  certain  occasions.  I  received 
the  duplicate  of  your  No.  IV.  in  cypher. — 
Hereafter  I  wish  you  would  use  that  which 
those  instructions  were  written,  that  relate  to 
the  future  peace.  I  am  accustomed  to  that,  and 
I  think  it  very  good,  and  more  convenient  in 
the  practice. 

"  The  friendly  disposition  of  this  court  to 
wards  us  continues.  We  have  sometimes  press 
ed  a  little  too  hard,  expecting  and  demanding, 
perhaps,  more  than  we  ought,  and  have  used 
improper  arguments,  which  may  have  occa 
sioned  a  little  dissatisfaction,  but  it  has  not 
been  lasting.  In  my  opinion,  the  surest  way 
to  obtain  liberal  aid  "from  others,  is  vigorous 
ly  to  help  ourselves.  People  fear  assisting 
the  negligent,  the  indolent,  and  the  careless, 
lest  the  aids  they  afford  should  be  lost.  I 
know  we  have  done  a  great  deal ;  but  it  is 
said  we  are  apt  to  be  supine  after  a  little  suc 
cess,  and  too  backward  in  furnishing  our  con 
tingents.  This  is  really  a  generous  nation, 
fond  of  glory,  and  particularly  that  of  protect 


ing  the  oppressed.  Trade  is  not  the  admira- 
ration  of  the  noblesse,  who  always  govern 
here.  Telling  them  their  commerce  will  be 
advantaged  by  our  success,  and  that  it  is  their 
interest  to  help  us,  seems  as  much  as  to  say, 
help  us,  and  we  shall  not  be  obliged  to  you. 
Such  indiscreet  and  improper  language  has 
been  sometimes  held  here  by  some  of  our  peo 
ple,  and  produced  no  good  consequence. 

"  The  constant  harmony  subsisting  between 
the  armies  of  the  two  nations  in  America,  is 
a  circumstance  that  has  afforded  me  infinite 
pleasure.  It  should  be  carefully  cultivated  ; 
I  hope  nothing  will  happen  to  disturb  it.  The 
French  officers  who  have  returned  to  France 
this  winter,  speak  of  our  people  in  the  hand 
somest  and  kindest  manner,  and  there  is  a 
strong  desire  in  many  of  the  young  nobility 
to  go  over  to  fight  for  us ;  there  is  no  restrain 
ing  some  of  them;  and  several  changes 
among  the  officers  of  their  army  have  lately 
taken  place  in  consequence. 

"  You  must  be  so  sensible  of  the  utility  of 
maintaining  a  perfect  good  understanding 
with  the  chevalier  de  la  Luzerne,  that  I  need 
say  nothing  on  that  head.  The  affairs  of  a 
distant  people  in  any  court  of  Europe,  will  al 
ways  be  much  affected  by  the  representations 
of  the  minister  of  that  court  residing  among 
them. 

"  We  have  great  quantities  of  supplies  of 
all  kinds  ready  here  to  be  sent  over,  and 
which  would  have  been  on  their  way  before 
this  time,  if  the  unlucky  loss  of  the  transports 
that  were  under  M.  de  Guichen,  and  other 
demands  for  more  ships,  had  not  created  a 
difficulty  to  find  freight  for  them.  I  hope, 
however,  that  you  will  receive  them  with  the 
next  convoy. 

"  The  accounts  we  have  of  the  economy  in 
troduced  by  Mr.  Morris,  begins  to  be  of  ser 
vice  to  us  here,  and  will  by  degrees  obviate 
the  inconvenience  that  an  opinion  of  our  dis 
orders  and  mismanagements  had  occasioned. 
I  inform  him  by  this  conveyance  of  the  mo 
ney  aids  we  shall  have  this  year.  The  sum 
is  not  so  great  as  we  could  wish ;  and  we 
must  so  much  the  more  exert  ourselves.  A 
small  increase  of  industry  in  every  American 
male  and  female,  with  a  small  diminution  of 
luxury,  would  produce  a  sum  far  superior  to 
all  we  can  hope  to  beg  or  borrow  from  all  our 
friends  in  Europe. 

"  There  are  now  near  a  thousand  of  our 
brave  fellows  prisoners  in  England,  many  of 
whom  have  patiently  endured  the  hardships 
of  that  confinement,  several  years,  resisting 
every  temptation  to  serve  our  enemies.  Will 
not  your  late  great  advantages  put  it  in  your 
power  to  do  something  for  their  relief]  The 
slender  supply  I  have  been  able  to  afford 
of  a  shilling  a  week  to  each,  for  their  greater 
comfort  during  the  winter,  amounts  weekly 
to  near  £50  sterling.  An  exchange  would 


416 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


make  so  many  of  our  countrymen  happy,  add 
to  our  strength,  and  diminish  our  expense. — 
But  our  privateers  who  cruise  in  Europe,  will 
not  be  at  the  trouble  of  bringing-  in  their  pri 
soners,  and  I  have  none  to  exchange  for  them. 

"  Generals  Cornwallis  and  Arnold,  are  both 
arrived  in  England.  It  is  reported  that  the 
former  in  all  his  conversations,  discourages 
the  prosecution  of  the  war  in  America ;  if  so 
he  will  of  course  be  out  of  favour.  We  hear 
much  of  audiences  given  to  the  latter,  and  of 
his  being  present  at  councils.  He  seems  to 
mix  as  naturally  with  that  polluted  court  as 
pitch  with  tar ;  there  is  no  being  in  nature 
too  base  for  them  to  associate  with,  provided 
he  may  be  thought  capable  of  serving  their 
purposes. 

"  You  desire  to  know  whether  any  inter 
cepted  letters  of  Mr.  Deane  have  been  pub 
lished  in  Europe  1  I  have  seen  but  one  in  the 
English  papers,  that  to  Mr.  Wadsworth,  and 
none  in  any  of  the  French  and  Dutch  papers, 
but  some  may  have  been  printed  that  have 
not  fallen  in  my  way.  There  is  no  doubt  of 
their  being  all  genuine.  His  conversations 
since  his  return  from  America,  have,  as  I 
have  been  informed,  gone  gradually  more 
and  more  into  that  style,  and  at  length  came 
to  an  open  vindication  of  Arnold's  conduct, 
and  within  these  few  days  he  has  sent  me  a 
letter  of  twenty  full  pages,  recapitulating 
those  letters,  and  threatening  to  write  and 
publish  an  account  of  the  treatment  he  has 
received  from  congress,  &c.  He  resides  at 
Ghent,  is  distressed  both  in  mind  and  hi 
circumstances,  raves  and  writes  abundance, 
and  I  imagine  it  will  end  in  his  going  over  to 
join  his  friend  Arnold  in  England.  I  had  an 
exceeding  good  opinion  of  him  when  he  acted 
with  me,  and  I  believe  he  was  then  sincere 
and  hearty  in  our  cause.  But  he  is  changed, 
and  his  character  ruined  in  his  own  country 
and  in  this,  so  that  I  see  no  other  but  England 
to  which  he  can  now  retire.  He  says  we 
owe  him  about  £12,000  sterling,  and  his  great 
complaint  is,  that  we  do  not  settle  his  ac 
counts  and  pay  him.  Mr.  Johnson  having 
declined  the  service,  I  proposed  engaging  Mr. 
Searle  to  undertake  it,  but  Mr.  Deane  ob 
jected  to  him  as  being  his  enemy.  In  my 
opinion  he  was,  for  that  reason,  even  fitter  for 
the  service  of  Mr.  Deane,  since  accounts  are 
of  a  mathematical  nature,  and  cannot  be 
changed  by  an  enemy,  while  that  enemy's 
testimony,  that  he  had  found  them  well  sup 
ported  by  authentic  vouchers,  would  have 
weighed  more  than  the  same  testimony  from 
a  friend. 

"  With  regard  to  negotiations  for  a  peace, 
I  see  but  little  probability  of  their  being  en 
tered  upon  seriously  this  year,  unless  the 
English  minister  had  failed  in  raising  his 
funds,  which  it  is  said  he  has  secured,  so  that 
we  must  provide  for  another  campaign,  in 


which  I  hope  God  will  continue  to  favour  us, 
and  humble  our  cruel  and  haughty  enemies ; 
a  circumstance  which,  whatever  Mr.  Deane 
may  say  to  the  contrary,  will  give  pleasure  to 
all  Europe. 

"This  year  opens  well  by  the  reduction  of 
Port  Mahon,  the  garrison  prisoners  of  war, 
and  we  are  not  without  hopes,  that  Gibraltar 
may  soon  follow.  A  few  more  signal  suc 
cesses  in  America,  will  do  much  towards  re 
ducing  our  enemies  to  reason. 

"  Your  expressions  of  good  opinion  with  re 
gard  to  me,  and  wishes  of  my  continuance  in 
this  employment,  are  very  obliging.  As  long 
as  the  congress  think  I  can  be  useful  to  our 
affairs,  it  is  my  duty  to  obey  their  order ;  but 
I  should  be  happy  to  see  them  better  execut 
ed  by  another,  and  myself  at  liberty ;  enjoy 
ing,  before  I  quit  the  stage  of  life,  some 
small  degree  of  leisure  and  tranquillity. — 
With  great  esteem,  &c. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  same. 

"  PASSY,  March  9,  1782. 

"  SIR, — I  have  just  received  the  honour  of 
yours,  dated  January  the  7th.  Your  commu 
nication  of  the  sentiments  of  congress  with  re 
spect  to  many  points  that  may  come  under 
consideration  in  a  treaty  of  peace,  gives  me 
great  pleasure,  and  the  more  as  they  agree  so 
perfectly  with  my  own  opinions,  and  furnish 
me  with  additional  arguments  in  their  support. 
I  shall  be  more  particular  on  this  subject  in 
my  next ;  for  having  notice  from  captain  Bar 
ry  last  night,  that  he  will  not  go  to  Brest,  as  I 
expected,  to  take  hi  some  of  our  goods,  but 
will  sail  immediately  on  the  return  of  the  post, 
which  sets  out  to-day;  I  am  obliged  to  be  short. 
You  will  see  in  the  enclosed  newspapers,  the 
full  debate  in  the  house  of  commons,  on  the 
subject  of  declining  the  war  with  North  Ame 
rica.  By  private  advices,  I  learn,  that  the 
whole  opposition,  now  become  the  majority, 
went  up  in  a  body  with  the  address  to  the  king, 
who  answered  that  he  would  pay  a  due  re 
gard  to  the  advice  of  his  faithful  commons, 
and  employ  his  forces  with  more  vigour 
against  the  ancient  enemies  of  the  nation,  or 
to  that  purpose ;  and  that  orders  were  imme 
diately  given  for  taking  up  a  great  number 
of  large  transports,  among  which  are  many 
old  India  ships,  whence  it  is  conjectured  that 
they  intend  some  great  effort  in  the  West  In 
dies,  and  perhaps  mean  to  carry  off  their 
troops  and  stores  from  New  York  and  Charles 
ton.  I  hope  however,  that  we  shall  not,  in 
expectation  of  this,  relax  in  our  preparations 
for  the  approaching  campaign. 

"  I  will  procure  the  books  you  write  for, 
and  send  them  as  soon  as  possible. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


417 


"  Present  my  duty  to  the  congress,  and  be 
lieve  me  to  be,  with  sincere  esteem,  &c. 
"  B.  FRANKLIN." 

From  David  Hartley,  Esq. 

"LONDON,  March  11,  1782. 
"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — Mr.  Digges,  who 
will  deliver  this  to  you,  informs  me,  that  hav 
ing  been  applied  to  for  the  purpose  of  com 
municating  with  Mr.  Adams,  on  the  subject 
of  his  commission  for  treating  of  peace,  he  is 
now  setting  out  for  Amsterdam,  and  that  he 
intends  afterwards  to  go  to  Paris  to  wait  upon 
you.  I  understand  the  occasion  to  have  ari 
sen,  by  some  mention  having  been  made  in 
parliament  by  general  Con  way,  of  persons  not 
far  off  having  authority  to  treat  of  peace, 
which  was  supposed  to  allude  to  Mr.  Adams, 
and  some  friends  of  his  in  London.  Ministry 
were  therefore  induced  to  make  some  inqui 
ries  themselves.  This  is  what  I  am  informed 
of  the  matter.  When  the  proposal  was  made 
to  Mr.  Digges  he  consulted  me,  I  believe  from 
motives  of  caution,  that  he  might  know  what 
ground  he  had  to  stand  upon  ;  but  not  in  the 
least  apprised  that  I  had  been  in  any  degree 
in  course  of  corresponding  with  you  on  the 
subject  of  negotiation.  As  I  had  informed 
the  ministry  from  you,  that  other  persons  be 
sides  yourself  were  invested  with  powers  of 
treating,  I  have  nothing  to  say  against  their 
consulting  the  several  respective  parties.  That 
is  their  own  concern.  I  shall  at  all  times 
content  myself  with  observing  the  duties  of 
my  own  conduct,  attending  to  all  circum 
stances  with  circumspection,  and  then  leav 
ing  the  conduct  of  others  to  their  own  reasons. 
I  presume  that  ministry  have  only  done  what 
others  would  have  done  in  their  situation,  to 
procure  the  most  ample  information  that  the 
case  will  admit.  I  rest  contented  to  act  in 
my  own  sphere,  and  if  my  exertions  can  be  ap 
plied  to  any  public  good,  I  shall  always  be 
ready  to  take  my  part  with  sincerity  and  zeal. 
— I  am,  my  dear  friend,  your  ever  affectionate, 
"D.  HARTLEY." 


From  the  same. 

"  LONDON,  March  12,  1732. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — Enclosed  with  this  I 
transmit  to  you  the  public  parliamentary  pro 
ceeding  respecting  the  American  war.  If  you 
will  compare  these  proceedings  with  some 
others  in  several  of  the  counties  of  this  king 
dom,  about  two  years  ago,  you  will  at  once  see 
the  reason  why  many  persons,  who  from  prin 
ciples  of  general  and  enlarged  philanthropy  do 
most  certainly  wish  universal  peace  to  man 
kind,  yet  seem  restrained  in  their  mode  of  en 
deavoring  to  obtain  that  object.  We  must  ac 
commodate  our  endeavours  to  practicabilities, 
in  the  strong  hope,  that  if  the  work  of  peace 
VOL.  I. ...  3  G 


was  once  begun,  it  would  soon  become  gene 
ral.  Parliament  having  declared  their  senti 
ments  by  their  public  proceedings  ;  a  general 
bill  will  soon  pass  to  enable  administration  to 
treat  with  America,  and  to  conclude.  As  to 
the  sincerity  of  ministry,  that  will  be  judged 
of  by  their  conduct  in  any  treaty.  The  first 
object  is  to  procure  a  meeting  of  qualified  and 
authorized  persons.  You  have  told  me  that 
four  persons  are  im powered  by  a  special  com 
mission  to  treat  of  peace.  Are  we  to  under 
stand  that  each  separately  has  power  to  con 
clude,  or  in  what  manner  1  The  four  persons 
whom  you  have  mentioned  are  in  four  different 
parts  of  the  world,  viz.  three  of  them  in  hos 
tile  states,  and  the  fourth  under  circumstan 
ces  very  peculiar  for  a  negotiator.  When  I 
told  Mr.  Laurens  that  his  name  was  in  the 
commission,  I  found  him  entirely  ignorant  of 
every  circumstance  relating  to  it.  I  under 
stand  that  the  ministry  will  be  ready  to  pro 
ceed  towards  opening  a  negotiation  as  soon  as 
the  bill  shall  pass,  and  therefore  it  is  neces 
sary  to  consult  of  time,  and  place,  and  man 
ner,  and  persons,  on  each  side.  The  negotia 
tion  itself  will  speak  the  rest.  I  have  been 
informed  that  some  gentlemen  in  this  country 
(not  in  administration)  have  lately  entered  into 
a  correspondence  with  Mr.  Adams,  relating  to 
his  commission  of  treating  for  peace,  and  that 
their  previous  inquiries  having  been  spoken 
of  in  public,  the  ministry  have  been  induced 
to  make  seme  inquiry  themselves  from  Mr. 
Adams,  on  that  subject.  In  whatever  way  a 
fair  treaty  may  be  opened,  by  whomsoever  or 
with  whomsoever,  I  shall  heartily  wish  good 
success  to  it  for  the  common  good  and  peace 
of  mankind.  I  know  these  to  be  your  senti 
ments,  and  I  am  confident  that  they  will  ever 
remain  so,  and  hope  that  you  will  believe  the 
same  of  me.  D.  HARTLEY." 


To  the  same. 

"  LONDON,  March  21, 1782. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — You  will  have  heard, 
before  this  can  reach  you,  that  lord  North 
declared  yesterday  in  the  house  of  commons, 
that  his  majesty  intended  to  change  his  mi 
nisters.  The  house  is  adjourned  for  a  few 
days,  to  give  time  for  the  formation  of  a  new 
ministry.  Upon  this  occasion  therefore  I  must 
apply  to  you,  to  know  whether  you  would 
wish  me  to  transfer  the  late  negotiation  to 
the  successors  of  the  late  ministry ;  in  these 
terms ;  (vide  yours  to  me  of  January  15, 1782,) 
viz.  'that  you  are  impowered  by  a  special 
commission  to  treat  of  peace  whenever  a  ne 
gotiation  for  that  purpose  shall  be  opened. 
That  it  must  always  be  understood,  that  it  is 
to  be  in  conjunction  with  your  allies,  con 
formable  to  the  solemn  treaties  made  with 


418 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


them.  That  the  formal  acknowledgment  of 
the  Independence  of  America  is  not  made  ne 
cessary.'  And  may  I  add,  that  upon  these 
terms  you  are  disposed  to  enter  into  a  nego 
tiation.  It  is  not  known  who  will  succeed 
the  late  ministry,  but  from  the  circumstances 
which  preceded  its  dissolution,  we  are  to 
hope  that  they  will  be  disposed  to  enter  into 
a  negotiation  of  peace,  upon  fair  and  honour 
able  terms.  I  have  no  doubt  that  there  were 
some  persons  in  the  late  ministry  of  that  dis 
position. 

"  I  told  you  in  my  last  letters  to  you,  of  the 
llth  and  12th  instant,  that  I  had  received  in 
formation,  whilst  I  was  in  the  course  of  cor 
respondence  with  the  ministry  myself,  on  the 
subject  of  peace ;  that  some  part  of  the  minis 
try  were  transmitting  some  communications 
or  inquiries  upon  that  subject  with  Mr. 
Adams,  unknown  to  me.  I  had  informed  the 
ministry  from  you,  the  names  of  the  four  per 
sons  impowered  to  treat.  I  saw  the  minister 
upon  the  occasion  (I  should  now  call  him  the 
late  minister.)  I  took  the  liberty  of  giving 
him  my  opinion  upon  the  matter  itself.  So 
far  as  it  related  personally  to  me,  I  expressed 
myself  fully  to  him,  that  there  was  no  occa 
sion  that  such  a  step  should  have  been  taken 
unknown  to  me,  for  that  I  was  very  free  to 
confess,  that  if  they  thought  my  partiality  to 
wards  peace  was  so  strong  that  they  could 
drive  a  better  bargain  through  another  chan 
nel,  I  could  not  have  any  right  of  exclusion 
upon  them.  I  relate  this  to  you,  because  I 
would  wish  to  have  you  make  a  correspond 
ing  application  to  your  own  case.  If  you 
should  think  thai  my  strong  desire  for  peace, 
although  most  laudable  and  virtuous  in  itself, 
should  mislead  me,  and  that  my  being  as  you 
may  suppose  misled,  may  be  of  any  prejudice 
to  the  cause  committed  to  your  trust,  I  desire 
by  no  means  to  embarrass  your  free  conduct, 
by  any  considerations  of  private  or  personal 
regard  to  myself.  Having  said  thus  much,  I 
will  now  add,  that  I  am  not  unambitious  of 
the  office  of  a  peace  maker ;  that  I  flatter 
myself  the  very  page  which  I  now  am  writ 
ing  will  bear  full  testimony  from  both  sides, 
of  the  impartiality  of  my  conduct  And  I 
will  add  once  more,  what  I  have  often  said 
and  repeated  to  each  side,  viz.  that  no  fallacy 
or  deception,  knowing,  or  suspecting  it  to  be 
such,  shall  ever  pass  through  my  hands. 

"  Believe  me,  I  sympathize  most  cordially 
and  sincerely  with  you,  in  every  anxiety  of 
yours  for  peace.  I  hope  things  are  tending 
(although  not  without  rubs)  yet  in  the  main, 
to  that  end — soon  !  as  soon  as  the  course  of 
human  life  may  be  expected  to  operate  on  the 
great  scale  and  course  of  national  events,  or 
rather  in  the  creation  and  establishment  of  a 
new  world.  I  am  sometimes  tempted  to 
think  myself  in  patient  expectation,  the  elder 
sage  of  the  two;  I  say  the  elder,  not  the  bet 
ter,  D.  HARTLEY." 


T.  Digges  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  AMSTERDAM,  March  22,  1782. 

"  SIR,— I  left  England  a  few  days  back,  and 
until  my  conversation  and  some  consultations 
with  Mr.  Adams,  on  a  matter  which  will  be 
mentioned  to  you  by  him,  and  more  particu 
larly  explained  in  this  letter,  my  determina 
tion  was  to  have  seen  you,  as  well  on  that 
business  as  on  a  matter  of  much  consequence 
to  my  private  reputation.  I  feel  the  disad 
vantages  under  which  I  labour,  when  writ 
ing  to  you  on  a  matter,  which  cannot  be  ex 
plained  or  cleared  up  but  by  personal  conver 
sation.  I  do  not  give  up  my  intended  purpose 
of  personally  speaking  to  you ;  but  it  being 
found  better  and  more  convenient  to  my  pur 
pose  to  return  immediately  hence  to  England, 
and  from  thence  to  Paris,  in  preference  of  go 
ing  first  to  Paris,  it  must  be  unavoidably  de 
layed  for  some  days. 

"  It  would  take  up  more  than  the  length  of 
a  letter  to  explain  the  whole  opening  and 
progression  of  a  matter,  I  am  here  upon, 
which  was  and  is  meant  to  be  jointly  com 
municated  to  you  with  Mr.  Adams ;  I  will 
therefore  take  the  liberty  to  give  you  an  ab 
breviation  of  it  in  as  few  words  as  I  can. 

"  About  a  fortnight  ago  a  direct  requisition 
from  ministry,  through  lord  Beauchamp,  was 
made  to  Mr.  R.  Penn,  to  know  if  he  could  as 
certain  that  any  person  or  persons  in  Europe 
were  commissioned  by  congress  to  treat  for 
peace,  whether  they  were  NOW  willing  to 
avail  themselves  of  such  commission,  and  of 
the  present  sincere  disposition  in  ministry  to 
treat,  and  whether  they  would  receive  an  ap 
pointed  commissioner  to  speak  for  a  truce, 
and  mention  a  place  for  the  meeting,  <fyc. 

"  Mr.  Penn's  referring  lord  Beauchamp  to 
me,  as  knowing  the  nature  of  Mr.  Adams's 
former  commission,  was  the  sole  cause  of  my 
being  privy  to  or  a  party  in  the  matter.  I  had 
various  meetings  with  lord  Beauchamp  in 
company  with  Mr.  Penn  on  the  subject ;  the 
particular  memorandums  of  which,  and  lord 
Beauchamp's  statement  of  what  the  ministry 
wanted  to  obtain,  together  with  every  other 
circumstance  relative  to  the  matter,  I  regu 
larly  consulted  Mr.  Laurens  and  Mr.  D.  Hart 
ley  upon  ;  and  the  result  was,  my  taking  the 
journey  hither,  and  to  Paris,  in  order  to  put 
the  questions  (as  they  are  before  stated  from 
lord  B.  to  Mr.  Penn)  and  to  bring  an  answer 
thereto.  I  am  well  convinced  by  lord  Beau- 
champ's  pledge  of  his  personal  honour,  as  well 
as  from  Mr.  Hartley's  telling  me  he  knew 
the  matter  to  come  directly  from  lord  North 
(for  he  visited  him  more  than  once  to  ascer 
tain  the  fact),  that  it  is  a  serious  and  sincere 
requisition  from  ministry,  and  that  they  will 
immediately  take  steps  to  open  a  treaty,  pro 
vided  I  go  back  with  assurances,  that  there  is 
a  power  vested  in  Americans  in  Europe  to 
treat  and  conclude,  and  that  they  are  willing 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


419 


to  avail  themselves  of  such  power  when  pro 
perly  applied  to. 

"  I  have  stated  the  whole  transaction  to 
Mr.  Adams,  read  every  memorandum  I  had 
made,  informed  him  of  every  circumstance' 
I  knew,  and  when  I  put  the  questions  (as 
they  are  before  stated  from  lord  Beauchamp 
to  Mr.  Penn)  he  replied,  '  that  there  were 
certainly  commissioners  in  Europe,  of  which 
body  he  was  one,  who  had  powers  to  treat 
and  conclude  upon  peace ;  that  he  believed 
them  willing  to  enter  into  such  a  treaty,  pro 
vided  a  proper  offer  was  made ;  but  that  no 
questions,  now  or  to  be  made  in  future,  could 
be  answered  by  him,  without  previously  con 
sulting  his  colleagues,  and  afterwards  ac 
quainting  the  ministers  of  the  belligerent 
powers  thereof.'  Mr.  Adams  recommended, 
that  any  future  questions  might  be  made  di 
rectly  to  you,  for  that  the  present,  as  well  as 
any  subsequent  propositions,  would  be  imme 
diately  communicated  to  you  and  monsieur  de 
Vergennes. 

"  His  answers  to  my  questions  were  nearly 
what  I  foretold  and  expected ;  and  is  substan 
tially  what  lord  Beauchamp  seemed  so  anxious 
to  procure.  When  I  relate  this  answer  to  his 
lordship,  my  business  will  be  finished  in  that 
quarter.  I  will  here  explain  to  you  my  only 
motive  for  being  a  messenger,  from  him  whom 
I  had  never  known  nor  been  in  company  with 
before.  It  will  enable  me  to  say,  I  have  done 
one  favour  for  you,  and  I  claim  of  you  another, 
viz.  to  obtain  a  restoration  of  my  papers  from 
lord  Hillsborough's  office,  which  were,  in  a 
most  illegal  and  unjustifiable  manner,  seized 
from  me  near  a  twelvemonth  ago,  and  are  yet 
withheld,  notwithstanding  the  personal  appli 
cations  for  them  from  lord  Coventry,  lord  Nu 
gent,  and  Mr.  Jackson,  each  of  whom  have 
explained  the  injury,  and  very  extraordinary 
mischief  the  want  of  my  papers  for  so  long  a 
time  has,  and  is  now  doing  me. 

"  On  my  first  conversation  with  Mr.  Adams, 
I  had  concluded  to  go  to  you,  partly  by  his  ad 
vice  to  do  so ;  but  as  the  expense  of  two  jour- 
nies,  where  one  may  serve,  is  of  some  import 
to  me,  and  from  supposing  your  answer  would 
be  substantially  the  same  as  that  from  Mr. 
Adams,  I  have  thought  it  better  to  go  back 
immediately  to  London,  and  then  set  out  for 
Paris,  with  the  probability  of  being  able  to  bear 
my  papers. 

"  I  will  take  the  liberty  to  trouble  you  with 
another  letter,  if  any  thing  occurs  on  my  arri 
val  in  London.  I  am  to  leave  this  with  Mr. 
Adams  for  forwardance  ;  and  for  the  present, 
I  have  only  to  beg  a  line  acknowledging  the 
receipt  of  it.  If  your  letter  is  put  under  a 
cover  to  Mr.  Stockdale,  Bookseller,  Piccadil 
ly,  London,  it  will  the  more  readily  get  to 
hand. — I  am,  with  great  respect,  sir,  your 
very  obedient  servant,  T.  DIGGES." 

"  P.  S.  On  my  last  visit  to  Mr.  Adams,  Fri 


day  evening,  to  explain  to  him  the  substance 
of  the  foregoing  letter,  and  ask  his  forward 
ance  of  it  to  you,  we  had  some  farther  con 
versation  on  the  matter,  the  ultimate  con 
clusion  of  which  was,  that  it  was  thought  bet 
ter  I  did  not  send  the  annexed  letter  to  you, 
or  mention  my  business  with  him,  until  my 
going  in  person  from  England.  Mr.  Adams's 
reasons  were  these.  That  if  I  made  the  com 
munication  then,  he  should  be  necessitated  to 
state  the  matter  in  a  long  letter  to  you  and 
others  of  his  colleagues;  that  the  matter  as 
it  then  stood  was  not  of  such  importance  but 
he  could  save  himself  the  trouble  of  the  expla 
nation  ;  and  that  as  he  recommended  any  fu 
ture  questions  or  applications  to  be  made  di 
rectly  to  you,  your  situation  making  it  more 
convenient  sooner  to  inform  the  French  court 
thereof,  he  thought  my  letter  had  better  be 
postponed,  and  the  substance  of  it  given  in 
person  as  soon  as  I  could  possibly  get  from 
London  to  Paris.  I  acquiesced,  though  reluc 
tantly,  and  having  thought  much  on  the  mat 
ter,  on  my  journey  hither,  I  have  at  length 
determined  to  forward  the  foregoing  letter 
with  this  postscript,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
inform  Mr.  Adams  of  my  exact  feelings  on  the 
matter,  viz.  that  my  wishes  and  intentions, 
which,  when  I  left  England,  were  to  see,  and 
make  known  the  matter  to  you  ;  that  through 
Mr.  Hartley,  or  some  other  channel,  you  must 
hear  that  I  had  been  at  Amsterdam,  and  my 
seemingly  turning  my  back  upon  you  might 
be  thought  oddly  of;  and  finally,  that  I  could 
not  answer  for  carrying  the  enclosure  from 
Mr.  Hartley  back  to  England,  not  knowing  the 
consequence  it  might  be  of!  I  hope  and  think 
I  have  done  right  in  this  matter.  The  pur 
pose  for  my  moving  in  the  business  I  went  to 
Mr.  A.  upon,  has,  I  own,  been  with  a  double 
view  of  serving  myself  in  a  matter  of  much 
consequence  to  me ;  for  after  delivering  the 
explanations  I  carry,  I  can  with  some  degree 
of  right,  and  a  very  great  probability  of  success, 
claim  as  a  gratuity  for  the  trouble  and  expense 
I  have  been  at,  the  restoration  of  my  papers ; 
the  situation  of  which  I  have  already  explained 
to  lord  Beauchamp,  in  order  to  get  him  to  be 
a  mover  for  them,  and  I  have  very  little  doubt, 
that  a  few  days  will  restore  them  to  me,  and 
give  me  an  opportunity  to  speedily  speak  to 
you  on  a  matter  which  gives  me  much  unea 
siness,  vexation,  and  pain.  Excuse  the  hurry 
in  which  I  write,  for  I  am  very  near  the  pe 
riod  of  embarkation.  Paul  Wentworth  em 
barked  this  day  for  England,  I  trod  on  his 
heels  chief  of  the  way  from  the  Hague,  which 
he  left  suddenly.  General  Fawcett  is  on  his 
road  hence,  to  Hanover. 
"  Ostend,  26lh  March." 

John  Adams  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  THE  HAGUE,  March  26, 1782. 

"  SIR, — One  day  last  week,  I  received  at 


420 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


Amsterdam,  a  card  from  Digges,  enclosing 
two  letters  to  me  from  David  Hartley.  The 
card  desired  to  see  me,  upon  business  of  im 
portance  ;  and  the  letters  from  Mr.  Hartley 
contained  an  assurance,  that  to  his  knowledge, 
the  bearer  came  from  the  highest  authority. 
I  answered  the  card,  that  in  the  present  situa 
tion  of  affairs  here,  and  elsewhere,  it  was  im 
possible  for  me  to  see  any  one  from  England 
without  witness ;  but  if  he  were  willing  to  see 
me  in  presence  of  Mr.  Thaxter,  my  secretary, 
and  that  I  should  communicate  whatever  he 
should  say  to  me  to  Dr.  Franklin  and  the 
compte  de  Vergennes,  I  should  wait  for  him  at 
home  at  ten  o'clock ;  but  that  I  had  rather  he 
should  go  to  Paris  without  seeing  me,  and 
communicate  what  he  had  to  say  to  Dr. 
Franklin,  whose  situation  enabled  him  to 
consult  the  court  without  loss  of  time.  At 
ten,  however,  he  came,  and  told  me  a  long 
story  about  consultations  with  Mr.  Penn,  Mr. 
Hartley,  lord  Beauchamp,  and  at  last  lord 
North,  by  whom  he  was  finally  sent,  to  in 
quire  of  me,  if  I  or  any  other  had  authority  to 
treat  with  Great  Britain  of  a  truce.  I  an 
swered,  that  '  I  came  to  Europe  with  full 
powers  to  make  peace,  that  those  powers  had 
been  announced  to  the  public  upon  my  arri 
val,  and  continued  in  force  until  last  summer, 
when  congress  sent  a  new  commission,  con 
taining  the  same  powers  to  four  persons, 
whom  I  named  :  that  if  the  king  of  England 
were  my  father,  and  I  the  heir  apparent  to 
his  throne,  I  could  not  advise  him  ever  to 
think  of  a  truce,  because  it  would  be  but  a 
real  war,  under  a  simulated  appearance  of 
tranquillity,  and  would  end  in  another  open 
and  bloody  war,  without  doing  any  real  good 
to  any  of  the  parties.' 

"  He  said,  that  '  the  ministry  would  send 
some  person  of  consequence  over,  perhaps 
general  Con  way,  but  they  were  apprehensive 
that  he  would  be  ill  treated  or  exposed.'  I 
said,  '  that  if  they  resolved  upon  such  a  mea 
sure,  I  had  rather  they  would  send  imme 
diately  to  Dr.  Franklin,  because  of  his  situa 
tion,  near  the  French  court.  But  there  was 
no  doubt,  if  they  sent  any  respectable  per 
sonage,  properly  authorized,  who  should  come 
to  treat  honourably,  he  would  be  treated  with 
great  respect :  but  that  if  he  came  to  me,  I 
could  give  him  no  opinion  upon  any  thing, 
without  consulting  my  colleagues,  and  should 
reserve  a  right  of  communicating  every  thing 
to  them,  and  to  our  allies.' 

"He  then  said,  that  'his  mission  was 
finished  :  that  the  fact  to  be  ascertained  was 
simply,  that  there  was  a  commission  in  Europe 
to  treat  and  conclude :  but  that  there  was  not 
one  person  in  Great  Britain  who  could  affirm 
or  prove  that  there  was  such  a  commission, 
although  it  had  been  announced  in  the  ga 
zettes.' 

"I  desired  him,  and  he  promised  me,  not 


to  mention  Mr.  Laurens  to  the  ministry  with 
out  his  consent,  (and  without  informing  him, 
that  it  was  impossible  he  should  say  any 
thing  in  the  business,  because  he  knew  no 
thing  of  our  instructions)  because,  although 
it  was  possible  that  his  being  in  such  a  com 
mission  might  induce  them  to  release  him, 
yet  it  was  also  possible  it  might  render  them 
more  difficult,  concerning  his  exchange. 

"  The  picture  he  gives  of  the  situation  of 
things  in  England  is  gloomy  enough  for  them. 
The  distresses  of  the  people,  and  the  distrac 
tions  in  administration  and  parliament,  are 
such  as  may  produce  any  effect  almost  that 
can  be  imagined. 

"  The  only  use  of  all  this  I  think  is,  to 
strike  decisive  strokes  at  New  York  and 
Charleston.  There  is  no  position  so  ad 
vantageous  for  negotiation,  as  when  we  have 
all  an  enemy's  army  prisoners.  I  must  beg 
the  favour  of  you,  sir,  to  send  me,  by  one  of 
the  count  de  Vergennes's  couriers,  to  the  due 
de  la  Vauguion,  a  copy  in  letters  of  your  peace 
instructions.  I  have  not  been  able  to  decy- 
pher  one  quarter  part  of  mine.  Some  mis 
take  has  certainly  been  made. 

"Ten  or  eleven  cities  of  Holland  have  de 
clared  themselves  in  favour  of  American  In 
dependence  ;  and  it  is  expected  that  to-day 
or  to-morrow,  this  province  will  take  the  de 
cisive  resolution  of  admitting  me  to  my  au 
dience.  Perhaps  some  of  the  other  provinces 
may  delay  it  for  three  or  four  weeks.  But 
the  prince  has  declared,  that  he  has  no  hopes 
of  resisting  the  torrent,  and  therefore,  that  he 
shall  not  attempt  it.  The  due  de  la  Vaugui 
on  has  acted  a  very  friendly  and  honourable 
part  in  this  business,  without,  however,  doing 
any  ministerial  act  in  it. 

"  With  great  respect,  I  have  the  honour  to 
be,  sir,  your  most  obedient  and  most  humble 
servant,  J.  ADAMS." 


"  Robert  R.  Livingston. 

"PASSY,  March  30,  1785J. 

"  SIR, — The  newspapers  which  I  send  you, 
by  this  conveyance,  will  acquaint  you  with 
what  has  since  my  last  passed  in  parliament. 
You  will  there  see  a  copy  of  the  bill  brought 
in  by  the  attorney-general,  for  impowering 
the  king  to  make  peace  with  the  colonies. 
They  still  seem  to  flatter  themselves  with 
the  idea  of  dividing  us ;  and  rather  than  name 
the  congress,  they  impower  him  generally  to 
treat  with  any  body  or  bodies  of  men,  or  any 
person  or  persons,  <fyc.  They  are  here  like 
wise  endeavouring  to  get  us  to  treat  separate 
ly  from  France,  at  the  same  time  they  are 
tempting  France  to  treat  separately  from  us, 
equally  without  the  least  chance  of  success. 
I  have  been  drawn  into  a  correspondence  on 
this  subject,  which  you  shall  have  with  my 
next.  I  send  you  a  letter  of  Mr.  Adams's,  just 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


421 


received,  which  shows  also  that  they  are 
weary  of  the  war,  and  would  get  out  of  it  if 
they  knew  how.  They  had  not  then  received 
certain  news  of  the  loss  of  St.  Christopher's, 
which  will  probably  render  them  still  more 
disposed  to  peace.  I  see  that  a  bill  is  also 
passing  through  the  house  of  commons  for  the 
exchange  of  the  American  prisoners,  the  pur 
port  of  which  I  do  not  yet  know. 

"  In  my  last,  I  promised  to  be  more  particu 
lar  with  respect  to  the  points  you  mentioned 
as  proper  to  be  insisted  on  in  the  treaty  of 
peace.  My  ideas  on  those  points,  I  assure  you, 
are  full  as  strong  as  yours.  I  did  intend  to 
have  given  you  my  reasons  for  some  addition, 
and  if  the  treaty  were  to  be  held  on  your  side 
the  water,  I  would  do  it :  otherwise  it  seems, 
on  second  thoughts,  to  be  unnecessary,  and  if 
my  letters  should  be  intercepted  may  be  in 
convenient.  Be  assured  I  shall  not  willingly 
give  up  any  important  right  or  interest  of  our 
country ;  and  unless  this  campaign  should  af 
ford  our  enemies  some  considerable  advantage, 
I  hope  more  may  be  obtained  than  is  yet  ex 
pected. 

"  Our  affairs  generally  go  on  well  in  Eu 
rope.  Holland  has  been  slow,  Spain  slower, 
but  time  will  I  hope  smooth  away  all  difficul 
ties.  Let  us  keep  up,  not  only  our  courage, 
but  our  vigilance ;  and  not  be  laid  asleep  by 
the  pretended  half  peace  the  English  make 
with  us  without  asking  our  consent.  We 
cannot  be  safe  while  they  keep  armies  in  our 
country. — With  great  esteem  I  have  the  ho 
nour  to  be,  sir,  your  most  obedient  and  most 
humble  servant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  John  Adams 

"  PASSY,  March  31,  1782. 

"  SIR, — I  received  yours  of  the  10th  in 
stant,  and  am  of  opinion  with  you,  that  the 
English  will  evacuate  New  York  and  Charles 
ton"  as  the  troops  there,  after  the  late  resolu 
tions  of  parliament,  must  be  useless,  and  are 
necessary  to  defend  their  remaining  islands, 
where  they  have  not  at  present  more  than 
three  thousand  men.  The  prudence  of  this 
operation  is  so  obvious,  that  I  think  they  can 
hardly  miss  it ;  otherwise,  I  own,  that  consi 
dering  their  conduct  for  several  years  past,  it 
is  not  reasoning  consequentially  to  conclude 
they  will  do  a  thing,  because  the  doing  it  is 
required  by  common  sense. 

"  Yours  of  the  26th  is  just  come  to  hand  : 
I  thank  you  for  the  communication  of  Digges's 
message.  He  has  also  sent  me  a  long  letter, 
with  two  from  Mr.  Hartley.  I  shall  see  M. 
de  Vergennes  to-morrow,  and  will  acquaint 
you  with  every  thing  material  that  passes  on 
the  subject.  But  the  ministry  by  whom  Digges 
pretends  to  be  sent  being  changed,  we  shall, 
by  waiting  a  little,  see  what  tone  will  be 
36 


taken  by  their  successors.  You  shall  have  a 
copy  of  the  instructions  by  the  next  courier. 
[  congratulate  you  cordially  on  the  progress 
you  have  made  among  those  slow  people. 
Slow  however  as  they  are,  Mr.  Jay  finds  his* 
much  slower.  By  an  American,  who  goes 
n  about  ten  days  to  Holland,  I  shall  send 
you  a  packet  of  correspondence  with  Mr. 
Hartley,  though  it  amounts  to  little. — With 
great  esteem,  I  have  the  honour  to  be  your 
xcellency's  most  obedient  and  most  humble 
servant.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  David  Hartley. 

"  PASSY,  March  31,  1782. 

'  DEAR  SIR, — 1  have  just  received  your  fa 
vours  of  March  11  and  12,  forwarded  to  me 
ay  Mr.  Digges,  and  another  of  the  21st,  per 
post.  I  congratulate  you  on  the  returning 
d  disposition  of  your  nation  towards  Ame 
rica,  which  appears  in  the  resolutions  of  par 
liament,  that  you  have  sent  me ;  and  I  hope 
he  change  of  your  ministry  will  be  attended 
with  salutary  effects.  I  continue  in  the  same 
sentiments  expressed  in  my  former  letters; 
but  as  I  am  but  one  of  five  in  the  commis 
sion,  and  have  no  knowledge  of  the  sentiments 
of  the  others,  what  has  passed  between  us  is 
to  be  considered  merely  as  private  conversa 
tion.  The  five  persons  are  Messrs.  Adams, 
Jay,  Laurens,  Jefferson,  and  myself;  and  in 
case  of  the  death  or  absence  of  any,  the  re 
mainder  have  power  to  act  or  conclude.  I 
have  not  written  to  Mr.  Laurens,  having  con 
stantly  expected  him  here,  but  shall  write  to 
him  next  post;  when  I  shall  also  write  more 
fully  to  you,  having  now  only  time  to  add,  that 
I  am  ever  with  great  esteem  and  affection, 
dear  sir,  your  most  obedient  and  most  humble 
servant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  General  Washington. 

"  PASSY,  April  2, 1782. 

"  SIR, — I  received  duly  the  honour  of  your 
letter,  accompanying  the  capitulation  of  gen. 
Cornvvallis.  All  the  world  agree  that  no  ex 
pedition  was  ever  better  planned  or  better 
executed ;  it  has  made  a  great  addition  to  the 
military  reputation  you  had  already  acquired, 
and  brightens  that  glory  that  surrounds  your 
name,  and  that  must  accompany  it  to  our 
latest  posterity.  No  news  could  possibly 
make  me  more  happy.  The  infant  Hercules 
has  now  strangled  the  two  serpentsf  that  at 
tacked  him  in  his  cradle,  and  I  trust  his  fu 
ture  history  will  be  answerable. 

"This  will  be  presented  to  you  by  the 
count  de  Segur.  He  is  son  of  the  marquis 

*  Spain. 

t  Alluding  to  a  medal  struck  commemorative  of  the 
surrender  of  the  two  British  armies  under  Burgovne 
and  Cornwallis,  Oct.  17,  1777,  and  Oct.  19,  1781. 


422 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


de  Segur,  minister  of  war,  and  our  very  good  i 
friend :  but  I  need  not  claim  your  regards  to  j 
the    young   gentleman  on  that  score;    his 
amiable  personal  qualities,  his  very  sensible 
conversation,  and  his  zeal  for  the  cause  of  li 
berty,  will  obtain  and  secure  your  esteem,  and 
be  better  recommendation  than  any  I  can 
give  him. 

"  The  English  seem  not  to  know  either  how 
to  continue  the  war,  or  to  make  peace  with  us. 
Instead  of  entering  into  a  regular  treaty,  for 
putting  an  end  to  a  contest  they  are  tired  of, 
they  have  voted  in  parliament  that  the  re 
covery  of  America  by  force  is  impracticable, 
that  an  offensive  war  against  us  ought  not  to 
be  continued,  and  that  whoever  advises  it  shall 
be  deemed  an  enemy  to  his  country. 

"  Thus  the  garrisons  of  New  York  and 
Charlestown,  if  continued  there,  must  sit  still, 
being  only  allowed  to  defend  themselves. 
The  ministry,  not  understanding  or  approving 
this  making  of  peace  by  halves,  have  quitted 
their  places,  but  we  have  no  certain  account 
here  who  is  to  succeed  them,  so  that  the  mea 
sures  likely  to  be  taken  are  yet  uncertain  ; 
probably  we  shall  know  something  of  them 
before  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette  takes  his  de 
parture.  There  are  grounds  for  good  hopes 
however ;  but  I  think  we  should  not  therefore 
relax  in  our  preparations  for  a  vigorous  cam 
paign,  as  that  nation  is  subject  to  sudden  fluc 
tuations  ;  and  though  somewhat  humiliated  at 
present,  a  little  success  in  the  West  Indies 
may  dissipate  their  present  fears,  recall  their 
natural  insolence,  and  occasion  the  interrup 
tion  of  negotiation,  and  a  continuance  of  the 
war.  We  have  great  stores  purchased  here 
for  the  use  of  your  army,  which  will  be  sent 
as  soon  as  transports  can  be  procured  for  them 
to  go  under  good  convoy. 

"  My  best  wishes  always  have,  and  always 
will  attend  you,  being  with  the  greatest  and 
most  sincere  esteem  and  respect,  sir,  your 
excellency's  most  obedient,  and  most  humble 
servant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  David  Hartley. 

"  PASSY,  April  5,  1782. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  wrote  a  few  lines  to 
you  the  31st  past,  and  promised  to  write  more 
fully.  On  perusing  again  your  letters  of  the 
llth,  12th,  and  21st,  I  do  not  find  any  notice 
taken  of  one  from  me,  dated  February  16. 
therefore  now  send  you  a  copy  made  from  it 
in  the  press.  The  uncertainty  of  free  trans 
mission  discourages  a  free  communication  of 
sentiments  on  these  important  affairs ;  but  the 
inutility  of  discussion  bet  ween  persons,  one  of 
whom  is  not  authorized  but  in  conjunction 
with  others,  and  the  other  not  authorized  at 
all,  as  well  as  the  obvious  inconveniences  that 
may  attend  such  previous  handling  of  points, 
that  are  to  be  considered,  when  we  come  to 


treat  regularly,  are  with  me  a  still  more  ef 
fectual  discouragement,  and  determine  me  to 
waive  that  part  of  the  correspondence.  As 
to  Digges,  I  have  no  confidence  in  him,  nor 
in  any  thing  he  says,  or  may  say,  of  his  being 
sent  by  ministers.  Nor  will  I  have  any  com 
munication  with  him,  except  in  receiving  and 
considering  the  justification  of  himself,  which 
he  pretends  he  shall  be  able  and  intends  to 
make,  for  his  excessive  drafts  on  me,  on  ac 
count  of  the  relief  I  have  ordered  to  the  pri 
soners,  and  his  embezzlement  of  the  money. 
You  justly  observe  in  yours  of  the  12th,  that 
the  first  object  is  to  procure  a  *  meeting  of 
qualified  and  authorized  persons,'  and  that  you 
understand  ministry  will  be  ready  to  pro 
ceed  towards  opening  a  negotiation  as  soon  as 
the  bill  shall  pass,  and  therefore  it  is  necessa 
ry  to  consult  time  and  place,  and  manner  and 
persons,  on  each  side.  This  you  wrote  while 
the  old  ministry  existed.  If  the  new  have  the 
same  intentions,  and  desire  a  general  peace, 
they  may  easily  discharge  Mr.  Laurens  from 
those  engagements,  which  make  his  acting  in 
the  commission  improper,  and  except  Mr. 
Jefferson,  who  remains  in  America,  and  is  not 
expected  here,  we  the  commissioners  of  con 
gress  can  easily  be  got  together  ready  to  meet 
yours,  at  such  place  as  shall  be  agreed  to  by 
the  powers  at  war,  in  order  to  form  the  treaty. 
God  grant  that  there  may  be  wisdom  enough 
assembled  to  make,  if  possible,  a  peace  that 
shall  be  perpetual,  and  that  the  idea  of  any 
nations  being  natural  enemies  to  each  other, 
may  be  abolished  for  the  honour  of  human  na 
ture. 

"  With  regard  to  those  who  may  be  com 
missioned  from  your  government,  whatever 
personal  preferences  I  may  conceive  in  my 
own  mind,  it  cannot  become  me  to  express 
them.  I  only  wish  for  wise  and  honest  men. 
With  such,  a  peace  may  be  speedily  conclud 
ed.  With  contentious  wranglers  the  negoti 
ation  may  be  drawn  into  length,  and  finally 
frustrated. 

"  I  am  pleased  to  see  in  the  votes  and  par 
liamentary  speeches,  and  in  your  public  pa 
pers,  that  in  mentioning  America,  the  word 
reconciliation  is  often  used.  It  certainly 
means  more  than  a  mere  peace.  It  is  a  sweet 
expression.  Revolve  in  your  mind,  my  dear 
friend,  the  means  of  bringing  about  this  re 
conciliation.  When  you  consider  the  injus 
tice  of  your  war  with  us,  and  the  barbarous 
manner  in  which  it  has  been  carried  on,  the 
many  suffering  families  among  us  from  your 
burning  of  towns,  scalping  by  savages,  &c.  &c. 
will  it  not  appear  to  you,  that  though  a  ces 
sation  of  the  war  may  be  a  peace,  it  may  not 
be  a  reconciliation  1  Will  not  some  voluntary 
acts  of  justice,  and  even  of  kindness  on  your 
part,  have  excellent  effects  towards  producing 
such  a  reconciliation?  Can  you  not  find 
means  of  repairing  in  some  degree  those  in- 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


423 


juries]  You  have  in  England  and  Ireland, 
twelve  hundred  of  our  people  prisoners,  who 
have  for  years  bravely  suffered  all  the  hard 
ships  of  that  confinement,  rather  than  enter 
into  your  service,  to  fight  against  their  coun 
try.  Methinks  you  ought  to  glory  in  descend 
ants  of  such  virtue.  What  if  you  were  to  be 
gin  your  measures  of  reconciliation  by  setting 
them  at  liberty]  I  know  it  would  procure  for 
you  the  liberty  of  an  equal  number  of  your 
people,  even  without  a  previous  stipulation ; 
and  the  confidence  in  our  equity,  with  the  ap 
parent  good  will  in  the  action,  would  give 
very  good  impressions  of  your  change  of  dis 
position  towards  us.  Perhaps  you  have  no 
knowledge  of  the  opinions  lately  conceived  of 
your  king  and  country,  in  America;  the  en 
closed  copy  of  a  letter  will  make  you  a  little 
acquainted  with  them,  and  convince  you  how 
impossible  must  be  every  project  of  bringing 
us  again  under  the  dominion  of  such  a  sove 
reign. — With  great  esteem,  I  am,  dear  sir, 
your  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 
"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Chevalier  de  Chastellux.  (In  America.} 

"  PASSY,  April  6,  1782. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — It  gave  me  great  pleasure  to 
hear  by  the  officers  returned  last  winter  from 
your  army,  that  you  continued  in  good  health. 
You  will  sec  by  the  public  papers  that  the 
English  begin  to  be  weary  of  the  war,  and 
they  have  reason,  having  suffered  many  losses, 
having  four  nations  of  enemies  on  their  hands, 
few  men  to  spare,  little  money  left,  and  very 
bad  heads. — The  latter  they  have  lately  chang 
ed.  As  yet  we  know  not  what  measures 
their  new  ministry  will  take.  People  gene 
rally  think  they  will  be  employed  by  the  king 
to  extricate  him  from  his  present  difficulties, 
by  obtaining  a  peace,  and  that  he  will  kick 
them  out  again ;  they  being  all  men  that  he 
abominates,  and  who  have  been  forced  upon 
him  by  the  parliament. 

"  The  commons  have  already  made  a  sort 
of  half  peace  with  us  Americans,  by  forbid 
ding  their  troops  on  the  continent  to  act  of 
fensively  ;  and  by  a  new  law  they  have  im- 
powered  the  king  to  complete  it.  As  yet  I 
hear  nothing  of  the  terms  they  mean  to  pro 
pose  ;  indeed  they  have  had  hardly  time  to 
form  them.  I  know  they  wish  to  detach  us 
from  France ;  but  that  is  impossible. 

"  I  congratulate  you  on  the  success  of  your 
last  glorious  campaign.     Establishing  the  li 
berties  of  America  will  not  only  make  that 
people  happy,  but  will  have  some  effect  in  di 
minishing  the  misery  of  those  who  in  other  | 
parts  of  the  world  groan  under  despotism,  by  ! 
rendering  it  more  circumspect,  and  inducing  | 
it  to  govern  with  a  lighter  hand.     A  philoso-  j 
pher  endowed  with  those  strong  sentiments  of  | 
humanity  that  are  manifested  in  your  excel-  j 


lent  writings,  must  enjoy  great  satisfaction  in 
having  contributed  so  extensively  by  his 
sword,  as  well  as  by  his  pen,  to  thefelicite 
publique* 

"  M.  le  comte  de  Segur  has  desired  of  me  a 
line  of  recommendation  to  you.  I  consider 
his  request  rather  as  a  compliment  to  me,  than 
as  asking  what  may  be  of  use  to  him  ;  since  I 
find  that  all  who  know  him  here  esteem  and 
love  him,  and  he  is  certainly  not  unknown  to 
you. 

"  Dare  I  confess  to  you  that  I  am  your  ri 
val  with  Madame  G***?  I  need  not  tell 
you  that  I  am  not  a  dangerous  one :  I  per 
ceive  that  she  loves  you  very  much  ;  and  so 
does,  dear  sir,  yours,  &c. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  R.  R.  Livingston, 

"  PASSY,  April  8,  1782. 

"  SIR, — Since  my  last  an  extraordinary  re 
volution  has  taken  place  in  the  court  of  Eng 
land.  All  the  old  ministers  are  out,  and  the 
chiefs  of  the  opposition  are  in  their  places. 
The  newspapers  that  I  send  will  give  you  the 
names  as  correctly  as  we  yet  know  them ; 
our  last  advices  mention  their  kissing  hands, 
but  they  had  yet  done  nothing  in  their  respect 
ive  offices,  by  which  one  might  judge  of  their 
projected  measures,  as  whether  they  will  ask 
a  peace,  of  which  they  have  great  need,  the 
nation  having  of  late  suffered  many  losses, 
men  grown  extremely  scarce,  and  lord  North's 
new  taxes,  proposed  as  funds  for  the  loan, 
meeting  with  great  opposition;  or  whether 
they  will  strive  to  find  new  resources,  and  ob 
tain  allies  to  enable  them  to  please  the  king 
and  nation,  by  some  vigorous  exertions  against 
France,  Spain,  and  Holland.  With  regard  to 
America  having,  while  in  opposition,  carried 
the  vote  for  making  no  longer  an  offensive 
war  with  us,  they  seem  to  have  tied  their  own 
hands  from  acting  against  us.  Their  prede 
cessors  had  been  tampering  with  this  court 
for  a  separate  peace.  The  king's  answer 
gave  me  great  pleasure.  It  will  be  sent  to 
M.  de  la  Luzerne,  and  by  him  communicated 
to  congress.  None  of  their  attempts  to  divide 
us,  meet  with  the  least  encouragement,  and 
I  imagine  the  present  set  will  try  other  mea 
sures. 

"My  letters  from  Holland  give  pleasing 
accounts  of  the  rapid  progress  our  affairs  are 
making  in  that  country.  The  packet  from 
Mr.  Dumas,  which  I  forward  with  this,  will 
give  you  the  particulars. 

"  Monsr.  le  prince  de  Broglie,  will  do  me 
the  favour  of  delivering  this  to  you.  He 
goes  over  to  join  the  French  army  with  the 
more  pleasure,  as  it  is  employed  in  the  causa 
of  liberty,  a  cause  he  loves,  and  in  establish 
ing  the  interests  of  America,  a  country  for 
*The  title  of  this  Treatise  on  Public  Wealth. 


424 


MEMOIRS  OP  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


which  he  has  much  regard  and  affection.  I 
recommend  him  earnestly  to  the  civilities  and 
services  it  may  be  in  your  power  to  render 
him,  and  I  request  you  would  introduce  him 
to  the  president  of  congress,  and  to  the  prin 
cipal  members  civil  and  military. 

"Our  excellent  friend  the  marquis  de  la 
Fayette,  will  sail  in  about  three  weeks ;  by 
that  time,  we  may  have  more  interesting  in 
telligence  from  England,  and  I  shall  write 
you  fully.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Robert  Morris 

"  PASSY,  April  8,  1782. 

"  SIR,— The  bills  accepted  by  Mr.  Jay,  and 
afterwards  protested  for  non-payment,  are 
come  and  coining  back  to  France  and  Holland, 
and  I  have  ordered  them  to  be  taken  up  and 
discharged  by  our  banker ;  I  hope  none  will 
be  returned  to  America. 

"  There  is  a  convoy  just  going,  and  ano 
ther  it  is  said  will  follow  in  about  three  weeks ; 
by  these  two,  I  hope  the  best  part  if  not  all 
our  goods  will  be  got  out. 

"  Since  my  last  of  the  30th  past,  we  hear 
that  the  old  ministry  are  all  out  to  a  man,  and 
that  the  new  ministry  has  kissed  hands,  and 
were  about  to  enter  upon  their  respective 
functions,  as  yet  we  know  nothing  of  their  pro 
jects.  They  are  all  of  them  men  who  have 
in  parliament,  declared  strongly  against  the 
American  war,  as  unjust.  Their  predeces 
sors  made  various  separate  and  private  essays 
to  dispose  us  to  quit  France,  and  France  to 
forsake  us,  but  met  with  no  encouragement. 
Before  our  friend  the  marquis  sails,  we  shall 
probably  receive  some  interesting  informa 
tion,  which  I  will  take  care  to  forward  to  you. 

'"  Our  public  affairs  go  on  swimmingly  in 
Holland,  and  a  treaty  will  probably  soon  be 
entered  into  between  the  two  republics.  I 
wish  I  could  give  you  as  good  news  of  our 
private  business ;  Mr.  Barclay  is  still  detain 
ed  by  it,  and  I  am  deprived  of  his  assistance 
here. 

"  This  will  be  delivered  to  you  by  M.  le 
prince  de  Broglie,  who  goes  over  to  join  the 
army  of  M.  de  Rochambeau.  He  bears  an 
excellent  character,  is  fond  of  America  and 
its  glorious  cause,  and  will  have  great  satis 
faction  in  fighting  for  the  establishment  of  li 
berty.  I  recommend  him  earnestly  to  those 
civilities,  which  I  know  you  have  a  pleasure 
in  showing  to  strangers  of  merit  and  distinc 
tion. 

"  Your  two  fine  boys  continue  well.  They 
dine  with  me  every  Sunday,  being  at  school 
in  my  neighbourhood. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  To  Gen.  Washington. 

"  PASSY,  April  8,  1782. 

"  SIR, — I  did  myself  the  honour  of  writing 


to  you  a  few  days  since  by  the  comte  de  Segur. 
This  line  is  chiefly  to  present  the  prince  de 
Broglie  to  your  excellency,  who  goes  over  to 
join  the  army  of  Mons.  de  Rochambeau.  He 
bears  an  excellent  character  here,  is  a  hearty 
friend  to  our  cause,  and  I  am  persuaded  you 
will  have  pleasure  in  his  conversation.  I  take 
leave,  therefore,  to  recommend  him  to  those 
civilities,  which  you  are  always  happy  in 
showing  to  strangers  of  merit  and  distinction. 

"  I  have  heretofore  congratulated  your  ex 
cellency  on  your  victories  over  our  enemy's 
generals;  I  can  now  do  the  same  on  your 
having  overthrown  their  politicians.  Your 
late  successes  have  so  strengthened  the  hands 
of  opposition  in  parliament,  that  they  are  be 
come  the  majority,  and  have  compelled  the 
king  to  dismiss  all  his  old  ministers  and  their 
adherents.  The  unclean  spirits  he  was  pos 
sessed  with,  are  now  cast  out  of  him,  but  it 
is  imagined  that  as  soon  as  he  has  obtained  a 
peace,  they  will  return  with  others  worse 
than  themselves ;  and  the  last  state  of  that 
man,  (as  the  Scripture  says,)  shall  be  worse 
than  the  first. 

"  As  soon  as  we  can  learn  any  thing  cer 
tain  of  the  projects  of  the  new  ministry,  I 
shall  take  the  first  opportunity  of  communi 
cating  them.  With  the  greatest  esteem  and 
respect,  I  am,  sir,  your  excellency's,  &c. 
"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Robert  R,  Livingston. 

"  PASSY,  April  ]2,  1782. 

"  SIR, — Being  at  court  on  Tuesday,  I  learnt 
from  the  Dutch  minister,  that  the  new  English 
ministry  have  offered,  through  the  ministers 
of  Russia,  a  cessation  of  arms  to  Holland,  and 
a  renewal  of  the  treaty  of  1674.  M.  de  Ber- 
kenrode  seemed  to  be  of  opinion,  that  the  offer 
was  intended  to  gain  time  to  obstruct  the 
concert  of  operations  with  France  for  the  en 
suing  campaign,  and  to  prevent  the  conclu 
sion  .of  a  treaty  with  America.  It  is  appre 
hended,  that  it  may  have  some  effect  in 
strengthening  the  hands  of  the  English  party 
in  that  country,  and  retard  affairs  a  little ; 
but  it  is  hoped  that  the  proposal  will  not  be 
finally  agreed  to:  it  would  indeed  render  the 
Dutch  ridiculous. 

"  A,  having  a  cane  in  his  hand,  meets  his 
neighbour  B,  who  happens  to  have  none,  takes 
the  advantage  and  gives  him  a  sound  drub 
bing  ;  B,  having  found  a  stick,  and  coming  to 
return  the  blows  he  received,  A,  says  my  old 
friend,  why  should  we  quarrel,  we  are  neigh 
bours,  and  let  us  be  good  ones,  and  live  peace 
ably  by  each  other,  as  we  used  to  do :  if  B, 
is  so  easily  satisfied  and  lays  aside  his  stick, 
the  rest  of  his  neighbours  as  well  as  A,  will 
laugh  at  him.  This  is  the  light  in  which  I 
stated  it.  Enclosed  I  send  you  a  copy  of  the 
proposition. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


425 


"  I  see  by  the  newspapers  that  the  Spa 
niards  having  taken  a  little  post  called  St. 
Joseph,  pretend  to  have  made  a  conquest  of 
the  Illinois  country.  In  what  light  does  this 
proceeding  appear  to  congress  1  While  they 
decline  our  offered  friendship,  are  they  to  be 
suffered  to  encroach  on  our, bounds,  and  shut 
us  up  within  the  Apalachian  mountains'?  I 
begin  to  fear  they  have  some  such  project. 

"  Having  seen  in  the  English  prints,  an  ar 
ticle  from  Lisbon,  that  two  American  ships, 
under  French  colours,  being  arrived  in  that 
port  were  seized  by  government,  I  asked  the 
Portuguese  ambssador  if  it  was  true.  He  said 
he  had  no  advice  of  it,  as  he  certainly  should 
have  had,  if  such  a  thing  had  happened ;  he 
therefore  did  not  give  the  least  credit  to  it ; 
and  said  we  might  make  ourselves  perfectly 
easy,  no  such  treatment  would  in  his  opinion 
be  offered  to  us  in  their  ports ;  and  he  further 
observed,  on  the  falsehood  of  the  English 
newspapers,  their  having-  lately  asserted  that 
the  congress  had  issued  letters  of  marque,  for 
cruising  against  the  Portuguese. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Henry  Laurens. 

"PASSY,  April  12,  1782. 

"  SIR, — I  should  sooner  have  paid  my  re 
spects  to  you  by  letter,  if  I  had  not  till  lately 
expected  you  here,  as  J  understood  it  to  be 
your  intention.  Your  enlargement  gave  me 
great  pleasure  ;  and  I  hope  that  the  terms  ex 
acted  by  the  late  ministry,  will  now  be  relax 
ed  ;  especially  when  they  are  informed  that 
you  are  one  of  the  commissioners  appointed  to 
treat  of  peace.  Herewith  I  send  you  a  copy 
of  the  commission  ;  the  purport  of  which  you 
can  communicate  to  the  ministers,  if  you  find 
it  proper.  If  they  are  disposed  to  make  peace 
with  us  and  our  allies  at  the  same  time,  I  will, 
on  notice  from  you,  send  to  Mr.  Jay  to  prepare 
for  meeting  at  such  time  and  place  as  shall  be 
agreed  on.  As  to  our  treating  separately, 
and  quitting  our  present  alliance,  which  the 
late  ministry  seemed  to  desire,  it  is  impossible. 
Our  treaties,  and  our  instructions,  as  well  as 
the  honour  and  interest  of  our  country,  forbid 
it.  I  will  communicate  those  instructions  to 
you  as  soon  as  I  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing 
you.  If  you  have  occasion  for  money,  please 
to  acquaint  me  with  the  sum  you  desire,  and 
I  will  endeavour  to  supply  you. — With  very 
great  esteem  and  respect,  I  have  the  honour 
to  be,  sir,  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


Communication  from  the  Court  of  France  to 
Dr.  Franklin. 

"  VERSAILLES,  April  12,  17S2. 

"  I  HAVE  laid  before  the  count  of  Vergennes, 
VOL.  I. . .  3  H  $6* 


sir,  the  different  letters,  which  Mr.  Hartley 
had  written  to  you,  as  well  as  your  proposed 
reply  ;  the  minister  has  given  his  entire  ap 
probation  to  the  manner  in  which  you  have 
expressed  yourself.  I  subjoin  a  postscript 
concerning  Mr.  Forth ;  the  count  of  Vergen 
nes,  who  has  given  it  a  perusal,  finds  that  you 
may  without  impropriety  transmit  it  to  your 
correspondent. — I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir, 
with  most  sincere  attachment,  your  very 
humble  and  obedient  servant. 

(Signed)        "  DE  RAYNEVAL." 

"  P.  S.  Since  my  letter  was  written,  sir, 
I  have  considered  anew  the  different  over 
tures  which  it  embraces.  In  your  opinion  the 
late  English  minister  sincerely  desired  a  re 
conciliation  with  us,  and  proposed  with  this 
view  a  separate  peace.  At  the  time  you  were 
transmitting  this  wish  of  lord  North  to  me, 
this  ex-minister  had  employed  an  emissary 
here  to  sound  the  minister  of  France  on  the 
pacific  disposition  of  his  court,  and  offer  very 
advantageous  propositions.  You  will  be  able 
to  judge  from  this,  sir,  of  the  opinion  which  I 
ought  to  have  of  the  intention  of  lord  North  and 
his  colleagues.  To  convince  you  of  the  truth 
of  the  suggestions,  which  I  communicate,  I 
will  confide  to  you,  that  the  emissary  was  a 
Mr.  Forth,  and  thus  he  was  charged  to  reply 
to  the  English  minister,  that  the  king  of 
France  is  as  desirous  of  peace  as  the  king  of 
England  ;  and  that  he  would  accede  to  it  as 
soon  as  he  could  with  dignity  and  safety ; 
but  it  is  a  matter  of  the  last  importance  for 
his  most  Christian  majesty  to  know,  whether 
the  court  of  London  is  disposed  to  treat  on 
equal  terms  with  the  allies  of  France.  Mr. 
Forth  has  set  out  for  London,  with  this  an 
swer  ;  but  it  is  probable  he  will  not  arrive  till 
after  the  ministers  who  have  sent  him,  have 
retired  from  office.  You  may,  sir,  without  the 
least  hesitation,  make  use  of  these  details,  if 
you  judge  it  expedient :  they  will  make  known 
to  the  minister  in  place  the  principles  of  the 
court  of  France,  and  they  will  convince  him, 
I  hope,  that  the  project  of  disuniting  us,  will 
be  as  illusory  as  it  will  prove  injurious  to  us. 
As  to  the  reply  sent  by  Mr.  Forth,  I  cannot 
foresee  (if  the  new  ministers  are  instructed  on 
this  point)  in  what  manner  they  will  think 
they  ought  to  consider  it ;  if  they  love  peace, 
as  they  have  persuaded  the  English  nation 
and  all  Europe,  they  need  not  be  embarrassed  : 
France  has  opened  a  way  in  which  they  can,  j 
in  my  opinion,  act  without  wounding  the  dig-  <' 
nity  of  their  master ;  if  they  do  not  adopt  it,  . 
they  flatter  themselves  without  doubt,  that  the  [ 
chance  of  war  will  procure  for  England  the 
success  which  heretofore  has  been  denied  her ; 
it  will  be  for  Providence  to  crown  or  frustrate 
their  hopes." 


426 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


No.  II. 

"  Preliminary  of  a  Peace  said  to  be  formed  by 
the  Rockingham  party :  but  if  really  form 
ed  by  any  minister,  Shelburne  must  be  the 
man. 

"  1.  That  the  British  troops  shall  be  with 
drawn  from  the  thirteen  provinces  of  North 
America,  and  a  truce  made  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  said  provinces  for,  suppose 
ten  or  twenty  years. 

"  2.  That  a  negotiation  for  peace  shall  bond 
fide  be  opened  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
allies  of  America. 

"3.  If  the  proposed  negotiation  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  allies  of  America  should 
not  succeed,  so  as  to  produce  a  peace,  but  that 
war  should  continue  between  the  said  parties, 
that  then  America  should  act  and  be  treated 
as  a  neutral  nation. 

"  4.  That  whenever  peace  shall  take  place 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  allies  of  Ame 
rica,  the  truce  between  Great  Britain  and 
America  shall  be  converted  into  a  perpetual 
peace  ;  the  independence  of  America  shall  be 
admitted  and  guaranteed  by  Great  Britain, 
and  a  commercial  treaty  settled  between 
them. 

"  5.  That  these  propositions  shall  be  made 
to  the  court  of  France,  for  communication  to 
the  American  commissioners,  and  for  an  an 
swer  to  the  court  of  Great  Britain. 

No.  III. 

"  1.  The  nation  has  spent  in  this  war,  since 
1775  an  hundred  millions  of  sterling  money. 

"  2.  The  nation  has  lost  by  this  war  four 
teen  colonies  on  the  continent  of  America, 
several  islands  in  the  West  Indies,  and  Mi 
norca. 

"  3.  The  nation  is  at  war  with  three 
powerful  states  in  Europe. 

"  4.  The  nation  has  no  ally. 

"  5.  All  these  evils  have  happened  from 
want  of  foresight  and  abilities  in  the  minis 
try.  These  propositions  were  moved  and 
seconded,  and  after  a  long  debate,  two  hun 
dred  and  sixteen  members  voted  for  them, 
two  hundred  and  twenty-six  against. 

"  As  many  members  of  the  opposition  were 
absent,  even  sir  George  Saville,  Mr.  Wilkes, 
and  others,  they  are  determined  to  bring  them 
on  again. 

No.  IV. 

"  Immediately  after  the  death  of  lord  Rock 
ingham,  the  king  said  to  lord  Shelburne,  « I 
will  be  plain  with  you ;  the  point  next  my 
heart,  and  which  I  am  determined,  be  the 
consequence  what  it  may,  never  to  relinquish, 
but  with  my  crown  and  life,  is  to  prevent  a 
total  unequivocal  recognition  of  the  inde 
pendence  of  America.  Promise  to  support 
me  on  this  ground,  and  I  will  leave  you  un 


molested  on  every  other  ground,  and  with 
full  power  as  the  prime  minister  of  this  king 
dom.'     The  bargain  was  struck. 
"  The  Hague,  1782." 


"  David  Hartley. 

"  PASSY,  April  13, 1782. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — Since  mine  of  the  5th,  I 
have  thought  farther  of  the  subject  of  our  late 
letters.  You  were  of  opinion,  that  the  late 
ministry  desired  sincerely  a  reconciliation 
with  America,  and  with  that  view  a  separate 
peace  with  us  was  proposed.  It  happened 
that  at  the  same  time  lord  North  had  an  emis 
sary  here  to  sound  the  French  ministers  with 
regard  to  peace,  and  to  make  them  very  ad 
vantageous  propositions  in  case  they  would 
abandon  America.  You  may  judge  from 
hence,  my  dear  friend,  what  opinion  I  must 
have  formed  of  the  intentions  of  your  minis 
ters.  To  convince  you  of  the  truth  of  this,  I 
may  acquaint  you  that  the  emissary  was  a  Mr. 
Forth ;  and  that  the  answer  given  him  to  car 
ry  back  to  the  English  ministers  was,  que  le 
roi  de  France  desiroit  la  paix  autant  que  le 
roi  d1 Angleterre ;  qu'ilfy  preteroit  des  qu'il 
le  pourroit  avec  dignite  et  surete ;  mais  qu'il 
importoit  avant  tout  a  S.M.  T.  C.  de  savoir 
si  la  cour  de  Londres  etoit  disposee  a  trailer 
egalement  avec  les  allies  de  la  France.  Mr. 
Forth  went  off  with  this  answer  for  London, 
but  probably  did  not  arrive  till  after  the  dis 
mission  of  the  ministers  that  sent  him.  You 
may  make  any  use  of  this  information  as  you 
judge  proper.  The  new  ministry  may  see  by  it 
the  principles  that  govern  this  court ;  and  it 
will  convince  them,  I  hope,  that  the  project  of 
dividing  us  is  as  vain  as  it  would  be  to  us  injuri 
ous.  I  cannot  judge  what  they  will  think  or 
do  in  consequence  of  the  answer  sent  by  Mr. 
Forth  (if  they  have  seen  it.)  If  they  love 
peace,  as  they  have  persuaded  the  English  na 
tion  and  all  Europe  to  believe,  they  can  be  un 
der  no  difficulty.  France  has  opened  a  path 
which  in  my  opinion  they  may  use,  without 
hurting  the  dignity  of  their  master,  or  the  ho 
nour  of  the  nation.  If  they  do  not  choose  it, 
they  doubtless  flatter  themselves  that  a  war 
may  still  produce  successes  in  favour  of  Eng 
land  that  have  hitherto  been  withheld.  The 
crowning  or  frustrating  such  hopes  belongs  to 
Divine  Providence :  may  God  send  us  all  more 
wisdom !  I  am  ever,  my  dear  friend,  yours 
most  affectionately,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  John  Adams. 

"  PASSY,  April  14,  1782- 

«  SIR, — Enclosed  with  this  I  send  to  your 
excellency  the  packet  of  correspondence  be 
tween  Mr.  Hartley  and  me,  which  I  promised 
in  my  last.  You  will  see  that  we  held  near- 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


427 


ly  the  same  language,  which  gives  me  plea 
sure. 

"  While  Mr.  Hartley  was  making  proposi 
tions  to  me,  with  the  approbation  or  privity  o 
lord  North,  to  treat  separately  from  France 
that  minister  had  an  emissary  here,  a  Mr 
Forth,  formerly  a  secretary  of  lord  Stormont's 
making  proposals  to  induce  this  court  to  trea 
without  us.  I  understand  that  several  sacri 
fices  were  offered  to  be  made,  and  among  the 
rest  Canada  to  be  given  up  to  France.  The 
substance  of  the  answer  appears  in  my  last  let 
ter  to  Mr.  Hartley.  But  there  is  a  sentence 
omitted  in  that  letter,  which  I  much  liked,  viz 
'  that  whenever  the  two  crowns  should  come  U 
treat,  his  most  Christian  majesty  would  shou, 
how  much  the  engagements  he  might  enter 
into,  were  to  be  relied  on,  by  his  exact  observ 
ance  of  those  he  already  had  with  his  presen 
allies.'' 

"  If  you  have  received  any  thing  in  conse 
quence  of  your  answer  by  Digges,  you  wil 
oblige  me  by  communicating  it.  The  minis 
ters  here  were  much  pleased  with  the  account 
given  them  of  your  interview  by  the  ambassa 
dor.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


Count  de  Vergennes  to  Dr.  Franklin. 
"  VERSAILLES,  April  23,  1782. 

"  SIR,— The  baron  de  Blome  has  just  sent 
me  the  annexed  memorial,  and  the  only  use  I 
can  make  of  it  is  to  communicate  it  to  you, 
persuaded  that  you  will  forward  it  to  con 
gress. — I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

"  DE  VERGENNES." 

Complaint  from  Denmark  against  an  Ame 
rican  privateer,  called  the  Henry. 

(NOTE.) 

"  The  court  of  Denmark  has  been  informed 
that  the  ship  Providence  of  Christiana  in  Nor 
way,  destined  from  London  for  St.  Thomas's, 
a  Danish  island,  with  a  cargo  of  divers  mer 
chandize,  has  been  stopped  in  the  latitude  of 
Antigua  by  an  American  privateer  called  the 
Henry,  captain  Thomas  Benson,  and  has  been 
conducted  into  a  port  of  New  England,  under 
the  pretence  that  the  cargo  might  be  English 
property. 

"  As  this  act  is  prejudicial  to  the  credit,  se 
curity,  and  liberty  of  the  Danish  flag;  the 
underwritten  has  been  charged  by  order  of  his 
court  to  communicate  the  same  to  his  excel 
lency  the  count  de  Vergennes,  requesting  that 
he  will  be  pleased  to  effect,  by  his  interven 
tion,  a  prompt  and  entire  restitution  of  the  said 
vessel  and  cargo,  with  damages  proportioned 
to  the  unjust  detention ;  and  that  he  will  be 
kind  enough  at  the  same  time,  to  endeavour 
to  obtain  that  precise  orders  be  given  to  the 
American  privateers  not  to  trouble,  in  any 


wise  the  navigation  and  commerce  of  Den 
mark,  but  to  respect  its  flag. 

"The  court  has  the  greater  right  to  ex 
pect  this  compliance  on  the  part  of  the  Ame 
ricans,  as  they  continue  to  enjoy  every  liber 
ty,  and  to  find  every  assistance  in  its  Ameri 
can  islands,  and  they  will  always  experience 
the  same  kind  treatment  on  the  part  of  Den 
mark,  provided  they  correspond  by  proceed 
ings  equally  amicable." 


David  Hartley  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  May  1,  1782. 

"MY   DEAR  FRIEND, — I  have  received  a 
packet  from  you  containing  several  letters  of 
various  dates.     As  I  shall  probably  have  a 
safe  opportunity  of  conveyance  to  you  when 
Mr.  Laurens  leaves  this  country,  I  am  now 
sitting  down  to  write  to  you  an  omnium  kind 
of  letter  of  various  matters  as  they  occur. 
The  late  ministry  being  departed,  I  may  now 
speak  of  things  more  freely.     I  will  take  a 
sentence  in  one  of  your  letters  for  my  text 
Vide  yours  of  April  13th,  1782,  in  which  you 
say :  you  was  of  opinion  that  the  late  mi 
nistry  desired  SINCERELY   a  reconciliation 
with  America,  and  with  that  view  a  separate 
peace  with  us  was  proposed.     I  must  qualify 
this  sentence  much,  before  I  can  adopt  it  as 
my  opinion.     As  to  reconciliation,  I  never 
gave  much  credit  to  them  for  that  wish.     It 
is  a  sweet  expression.     It  certainly  means 
MORE  than  peace.     The  utmost  I  ever  gave 
the  late  ministry  credit  for,  was  a  wish  for 
seace.     And  I  still  believe  that  the  wisest 
among  them  grew  from  day  to  day  more  dis- 
sosed  to  peace  or  an  abatement  of  the  war,  in 
woportion  as  they  became  more  alarmed  for. 
;heir  own  situations  and  their  responsibility. 
Sad  the  war  been  more  successful,  I  should 
lot  have   expected  much  relenting  towards 
>eace  or  reconciliation.     That  this  has  always 
:>een  the  measure  of  my  opinion  of  them,  I  re- 
er  you  to  some  words  in  a  letter  from  me  to 
rou,  dated  January  5,  1780,  for  proof- — 'but 
or  the  point  of  sincerity ;  why  as  to  that  I 
lave  not  much  to  say ;  I  have  at  least  expect- 
d  some  hold  upon  their  prudence.     My  ar 
gument  runs  thus :  It  is  a  bargain  for  you 
ministers)  to  be  sincere  now.     Common  pru- 
.ence  may  hint  to  you  to  look  to  yourselves. 
t  has  amazed  me  beyond  measure,  that  this 
irinciple  of  common  selfish  prudence  has  not 
lad  the  effect  which  I  expected.'     I  have 
lot  been  disposed  to  be  deceived  by  any  con- 
iliatory  professions  which  I  considered  only 
s  arising  from  prudence,  and  I  hope  that  I 
ave  not  led  you  into  any  deception,  having 
o  fully  explained  myself  to  you  on  that  head, 
lad  the  American  war  been  more  prosperous 
n  the  part  of  the  late  ministry,  I  do  not  believe 
he  late  resignation  would  have  taken  place. 


428 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


But  it  is  evident  from  the  proposition  to  the 
court  of  France  which  you  have  communicat 
ed  to  me,  (and  which  I  have  communicated 
to  the  present  ministry  with  your  letter)  that 
even  to  the  last  hour,  some  part  of  the  late 
ministry  were  still  set  upon  the  American 
war  to  the  last  extremity;  and  probably  ano 
ther  more  prudent  part  of  the  ministry  would 
proceed  no  farther ;  which,  if  it  be  so,  may 
reasonably  be  imputed  as  the  cause  of  the  dis 
solution  of  the  late  ministry.  These  have 
been  the  arguments  which  I  have  always 
driven  and  insisted  upon  with  the  greatest  ex 
pectation  of  success,  viz.  prudential  arguments 
from  the  total  impracticability  of  the  war ;  re 
sponsibility,  &c.  I  have  been  astonished  be 
yond  measure,  that  these  arguments  have  not 
sooner  had  their  effect.  If  I  could  give  you  an 
idea  of  many  conferences  which  I  have  had 
upon  the  subject,  I  should  tell  you,  that  many 
times  Felix  has  trembled.  When  reduced 
by  the  terror  of  responsibility  either  to  re 
nounce  the  American  war,  or  to  relinquish 
their  places,  they  have  chosen  the  latter; 
which  is  a  most  wretched  and  contemptible 
retribution  either  to  their  country  or  to  man 
kind,  for  the  desolation  in  which  they  have 
involved  every  nation  that  they  have  ever 
been  connected  with.  Peace  they  would  not 
leave  behind  them.  Their  legacy  to  their 
country,  and  to  mankind  his  been — let  dark 
ness  be  the  burier  of  the  dead ! 

"  As  to  the  proposal  of  a  separate  peace 
arising  from  a  desire  of  reconciliation,  it  cer 
tainly  was  so  on  the  part  of  the  people  of 
England,  but  on  the  part  of  the  late  ministry, 
it  probably  arose  from  the  hopes  of  suggesting 
to  France  ideas  of  some  infidelity  on  the  part 
of  America  towards  them.  If  you  should  ask 
me,  why  I  have  seemed  to  conspire  with  this, 
my  answer  is  very  plain.  In  the  first  place, 
if  I  could  have  prevailed  with  the  late  minis 
try  to  have  actually  made  an  irrevocable  of 
fer,  on  their  own  parts,  of  a  separate  peace  to 
America,  that  very  offer  would  in  the  same 
instant  have  become  on  their  part  also  a  con 
sent  to  a  general  peace  ;  because  they  never 
had  any  wish  to  a  separate  contest  with 
France,  and  America  being  out  of  the  ques 
tion,  they  would  have  thought  of  nothing  af 
ter  that  but  a  general  peace.  I  never  could 
bring  them  even  to  this.  They  wished  that 
America  should  make  the  offer  of  a  separate 
treaty  (for  obvious  views.)  My  proposal  was, 
that  they  should  offer  irrevocable  terms  of 
peace  to  America.  If  they  had  meant  what 
they  pretended,  and  what  the  people  of  Eng 
land  did  really  desire,  they  would  have  adopt 
ed  that  proposition.  Then  the  question 
would  have  come  forward  upon  the  fair  and 
honourable  construction  of  a  treaty  between 
France  and  America,  the  essential  and  di 
rect  end  of  which  was  fully  accomplished. 
When  I  speak  of  Great  Britain  offering  irre 


vocable  terms  of  peace  to  America,  I  mean 
such  terms  as  would  have  effectually  satisfied 
the  provision  of  the  treaty,  viz.  tacit  independ 
ence.  I  send  you  a  paper  intitled  a  Brew- 
ate,*  which  I  laid  before  the  late  ministry, 
and  their  not  having  acted  upon  it,  was  a 
proof  to  me  that  the  disposition  of  their  heart 
to  America  was  not  altered,  but  that  all  their 
relenting  arose  from  the  impracticability  of 
that  war,  and  their  want  of  success  in  it.  But 
desponding  as  they  were  at  last,  it  was  not 
inconsistent  with  my  expectations  of  their 
conduct,  that  they  should  make  great  offers 
to  France  to  abandon  America.  It  was  the 
only  weapon  left  in  their  hands.  In  course 
of  negotiating  with  the  late  ministry  1  per 
ceived  their  courage  drooping  from  time  to 
time,  for  the  last  three  or  four  years,  and  it 
was  upon  that  ground  I  gave  them  credit  for 
an  increasing  disposition  towards  peace. 
Some  dropped  off;  others  sunk  under  the  load 
of  folly ;  and  at  last  they  all  failed.  My  ar 
gument  ad  homines  to  the  late  ministry, 
might  be  stated  thus.  If  you  don't  kill  them, 
they  will  kill  you.  But  the  war  is  impracti 
cable  on  your  part;  ergo,  the  best  thing  you 
can  do  for  your  own  sake  is  to  make  peace. 
This  was  reasoning  to  men,  and  through  men 
to  things.  But  there  is  no  measure  of  rage 
in  pride  and  disappointment, 

Spicula  caeca  relinquunt 
Infixa  venis,  ani  masque  in  vulnere  ponunt. 

So  much  for  the  argument  of  the  Breviate,  as 
far  as  it  respected  the  late  ministry.  It  was 
a  test  which  proved  that  they  were  not  sin 
cere  to  their  professions.  If  they  had  been 
in  earnest  to  have  given  the  war  a  turn  to 
wards  the  house  of  Bourbon,  and  to  have  drop 
ped  the  American  war,  a  plain  road  lay  before 
them.  The  sentiment  of  the  people  of  Eng 
land  was  conformable  to  the  argument  of  that 
breviate  ;  or  rather  I  should  say  what  is  the 
real  truth,  that  the  argument  of  the  breviate 
was  dictated  by  the  notoriety  of  that  senti 
ment  in  the  people  of  England.  My  object 
and  wish  always  has  been  to  strike  at  the  root 
of  the  evil,  the  American  war.  If  the  British 
nation  have  jealousies  and  resentments  against 
the  house  of  Bourbon,  yet  still  the  first  step  in 
every  case  would  be  to  rescind  the  American 
war,  and  not  to  keep  it  lurking  in  the  rear, 
to  become  hereafter,  in  case  of  certain  events, 
a  reversionary  war  with  America  for  uncon 
ditional  terms.  This  reversionary  war  was 
never  the  object  of  the  people  of  England  : 
therefore  the  argument  of  the  breviate  was 
calculated  bona  fide  to  accomplish  their  views, 
and  to  discriminate  the  fallacious  pretences 
of  the  late  administration  from  the  real  wishes 
of  the  country,  as  expressed  in  the  circular 
resolution  of  many  counties  in  the  year  1780, 

*  Vide  the  same  following  this  letter. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


429 


first  moved  at  York,  on  March  28, 1780.  Every 
other  principle  and  every  mode  of  conduct 
only  imply,  as  you  very  justly  express  it,  a 
secret  hope  that  war  may  still  produce  suc 
cesses,  and  then—.  The  designs  which  have 
been  lurking  under  this  pretext  could  not 
mean  any  thing  else  than  this.  Who  knows 
but  that  we  may  still  talk  to  America  at  last. 
The  only  test  of  clear  intentions  would  have 
been  this,  to  have  cut  up  the  American  war 
and  all  possible  return  to  it  for  any  cause,  or 
under  any  pretext.  I  am  confident  that  the 
sentiment  of  the  people  of  England  is  and  al 
ways  has  been  to  procure  peace  and  reconcili 
ation  with  America,  and  to  vindicate  the  na 
tional  honour  in  the  contest  with  the  house  of 
Bourbon.  If  this  intention  had  been  pursued 
in  a  simple  and  direct  manner,  I  am  confident 
that  the  honour  and  safety  of  the  British  na 
tion  would  long  ago  have  been  established  in 
a  general  peace  with  all  the  belligerent 
powers.  These  are  the  sentiments  to  which 
I  have  always  acted  in  those  negotiations 
which  I  have  had  upon  the  subject  of  peace 
with  the  late  ministry.  Reconciliation  with 
America  and  peace  with  all  the  world  upon 
terms  consistent  with  the  honour  and  safety  of 
my  own  country. 

"  Peace  must  be  sought  in  such  ways  as 
promise  the  greatest  decree  of  practicability. 
The  sentiments  of  individuals  as  philanthro 
pists  may  be  overborne  by  the  power  of  ancient 
prejudices,  which  too  frequently  prevail  in  the 
aggregates  of  nations.  In  such  case  the  phi 
lanthropist  who  wishes  the  good  of  his  own 
country,  and  of  mankind,  must  be  the  bull- 
rush  bending  to  the  storm,  and  not  the  stur 
dy  oak  unavailingly  resisting.  National  pre 
judices  are,  I  hope,  generally  upon  the  de 
cline.  Reason  and  humanity  gain  ground 
everyday  against  their  natural  enemies,  folly 
and  injustice.  The  ideas  of  nations  being  na 
tural  enemies  to  each  other  are  generally  re-  j 
probated.  But  still  jealousies  and  ancient ' 
rivalships  remain,  which  obstruct  the  road  to 
peace  among  men.  If  one  belligerent  nation 
will  entertain  a  standing  force  of  three  or 
four  hundred  thousand  fighting  men,  other  na 
tions  must  have  defended  frontiers  and  bar 
rier  towns,  and  the  barrier  of  a  neighbouring 
island,  whose  constitution  does  not  allow  a 
standing  military  force,  must  consist  in  a  su 
periority  at  sea.  It  is  necessary  for  her  own 
defence.  If  all  nations  by  mutual  consent 
will  reduce  their  offensive  powers,  which  they 
only  claim  under  the  pretext  of  necessary  de 
fence,  and  bring  forward  the  reign  of  the  mil 
lennium  ;  then  away  with  your  frontiers  and 
barriers,  and  your  Gibraltars,  and  the  key  of 
the  Baltic,  and  all  the  hostile  array  of  nations. 

Aspera  compositis  mitescant  sscula  bellis, 

"  These  must  be  the  sentiments  of  every 
philanthropist  in  his  interior  thoughts.     But  if 


we  are  not  to  seek  peace  by  some  practicable 
method  accommodated  to  the  remaining  pre 
judices  of  the  multitude,  we  shall  not  in  our 
time,  I  fear,  see  that  happy  day.  If  Great 
Britain  and  France  are  ancient  rivals;  then, 
until  the  reign  of  the  millennium  shall  ap 
proach,  arrange  that  rivalship  upon  equitable 
terms ;  as  the  two  leading  nations  of  Europe, 
set  them  in  balance  to  each  other ;  the  one  by 
land,  the  other  by  sea.  Give  to  France  her 
elevated  rank  among  the  nations  of  Europe. 
Give  to  Great  Britain  the  honour  of  her  flag, 
and  the  security  of  her  island  by  her  wooden 
walls,  and  there  would  be  no  obstruction  to 
general  and  perpetual  peace.  The  preju 
dices  of  disrespect  between  nations  prevail 
only  among  the  inferior  ranks.  Believe  me, 
for  one  at  least,  I  have  the  highest  sentiments 
of  respect  for  the  nation  of  France.  I  have  no 
other  sentiments  of  hostility  but  what  are  ho 
nourable  towards  them,  and  which  as  a  member 
of  a  rival  state  at  war  with  them,  consists  in 
the  duty  of  vigilance  which  I  owe  towards 
the  honour  and  interests  of  my  own  country. 
I  am  not  conscious  of  a  word  or  a  thought 
which  on  the  point  of  honour  \  would  wish 
to  have  concealed  from  a  French  minister. 
In  the  mode  which  I  have  proposed  of  unra 
velling  the  present  subjects  of  jealousy  and 
contest,  I  would  make  my  proposals  openly 
to  France  herself.  Let  America  be  free,  and 
enjoy  happiness  and  peace  for  ever.  If  France 
and  Great  Britain  have  jealousies  or  rival- 
ships  between  themselves,  as  European  na 
tions,  I  then  say  to  France,  let  us  settle 
these  points  between  ourselves ;  if  unfortu 
nately  we  shall  not  be  able  by  honourable  ne 
gotiation  to  compromise  the  indispensable 
points  of  national  honour  and  safety.  This 
would  be  my  language  to  France,  open  and 
undisguised.  In  the  mean  while  I  desire 
you  to  observe  that  it  would  not  be  with  re 
luctance  that  I  should  offer  eternal  freedom, 
happiness,  and  peace  to  America.  You  know 
my  thoughts  too  well  to  suspect  that  I 
speak  only  as  in  a  state  of  war  desirous  to  ar 
range  the  complicated  interests  and  to  secure 
the  respective  honour  of  nations.  My  wishes 
are  and  always  have  been  for  the  peace,  liber 
ty  and  safety  of  mankind.  In  the  pursuit  of 
those  blessed  objects  not  only  this  country 
and  America,  but  France  herself  and  the 
house  of  Bourbon,  may  justly  claim  the  con 
spiring  exertions  of  every  free  and  liberal 
mind,  even  among  their  temporary  enemies 
and  rivals.— I  am,  &c.  D.  HARTLEY." 


[Enclosed  in  the  Letter  of  D.  Hartley,  Esq., 
of  May  1,1782.] 

Breviate,  Feb.  7,  1782 

"  IT  is  stated  that  America  is  disposed  to 
enter  into  a  negotiation  of  peace  with  Great 
Britain  without  requiring  any  formal  recog- 


430 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


nition  of  independence;  always  understood 
that  they  are  to  act  in  conjunction  with  their 
allies,  conformable  to  treaties. 

"  It  is  therefore  recommended  to  give  for 
reply,  that  the  ministers  of  Great  Britain  are 
likewise  disposed  to  enter  into  a  negotiation 
for  peace,  and  that  they  are  ready  to  open  a 
general  treaty  for  that  purpose. 

"  If  the  British  ministers  should  see  any 
objection  to  a  general  treaty,  but  should  still 
be  disposed  to  enter  into  a  separate  treaty 
with  America,  it  is  then  recommended  to 
them  to  offer  such  terms  to  America  as  shall 
induce  her  to  apply  to  her  allies  for  their  con 
sent,  that  she  should  be  permitted  to  enter  in 
to  a  separate  treaty  with  Great  Britain.  The 
condition  of  which  being  the  consent  of  allies, 
no  proposition  of  any  breach  of  faith  can  be 
understood  to  be  required  by  them  by  the  re 
quisition  of  a  separate  treaty. 

"  The  British  ministers  are  free  to  make 
any  propositions  to  America  which  they  may 
think  proper,  provided  they  be  not  dishonour 
able  in  themselves,  which  in  the 'present  case 
is  barred  by  the  supposition  of  consent  being 
obtained.  In  this  case  therefore,  if  they  should 
be  inclined  to  offer  a  separate  treaty,  it  is  re 
commended  to  them  to  offer  such  terms  to 
America,  as  should  induce  her  to  be  desirous 
of  closing  with  the  proposal  of  a  separate  trea 
ty  on  the  grounds  of  national  security  and  in 
terests,  and  likewise  siip.h  as  may  constitute 
to  them  a  case  of  reason  and  justice  upon 
which  they  may  make  requisition  to  their  al 
lies  for  their  consent.  It  is  suggested  that 
the  offer  to  America  of  a  truce  of  sufficient 
length,  together  with  the  removal  of  the  Bri 
tish  troops,  would  be  equivalent  to  that  case 
which  is  provided  for  in  the  treaty  of  Febru 
ary  6,  1778,  between  America  and  France, 
viz.  tacit  independence ;  and  the  declared 
ends  of  that  alliance  being  accomplished,  it 
would  not  be  reasonable  that  America  should 
be  dragged  on  by  their  allies  in  a  war,  the 
continuance  of  which  between  France  and 
Great  Britain  could  only  be  caused  by  sepa 
rate  European  jealousies  and  resentments  (if 
unfortunately  for  the  public  peace  any  such 
should  arise)  between  themselves,  independ 
ent  and  unconnected  with  the  American 
cause.  It  is  to  be  presumed  that  France 
would  not  in  point  of  honour  to  their  allies  re 
fuse  their  consent  so  requested,  as  any  rival- 
ship  or  punctilios  between  her  and  Great  Bri 
tain  as  European  nations  (principles  which 
too  frequently  disturb  the  peace  of  mankind) 
could  not  be  considered  as  casus  fcederis  of 
the  American  alliance  ;  and  their  pride  as  a 
belligerent  power  would  not  permit  them  to 
claim  the  assistance  of  America  as  necessary 
to  their  support,  thereby  proclaiming  their  na 
tion  unequal  to  the  contest  in  case  of  the  con 
tinuance  of  a  war  with  Great  Britain  after 
the  settlement  and  pacification  with  America. 


Their  consent  therefore  is  to  be  presumed. — 
But  if  they  should  demur  on  this  point,  if 
Great  Britain  should  be  disposed  to  concede 
tacit  independence  to  America  by  a  long  truce 
and  the  removal  of  the  troops,  and  if  the  ob 
struction  should  evidently  occur  on  the  part  of 
France,  under  any  equivocal  or  captious  con 
struction  of  a  defensive  treaty  of  alliance  be 
tween  America  and  France,  Great  Britain 
would  from  thenceforward  stand  upon  advan 
tage  ground,  either  in  any  negotiation  with 
America,  or  in  the  continuance  of  a  war  in 
cluding  America,  but  not  arising  from  any  far 
ther  resentments  of  Great  Britain  towards 
America,  but  imposed  reluctantly  upon  both 
parties  by  the  conduct  of  the  court  of  France. 
"These  thoughts  are  not  suggested  with 
any  view  of  giving  any  preference  in  favour 
of  a  separate  treaty  above  a  general  treaty,  or 
above  any  plans  of  separate  but  concomitant 
treaties,  like  the  treaties  of  Munster  and  Osna- 
burgh,  but  only  to  draw  out  the  line  of  nego 
tiating  a  separate  treaty  in  case  the  British 
ministry  should  think  it  necessary  to  adhere 
to  that  mode.  But  in  all  cases  it  should  seem 
indispensable  to  express  some  disposition  on 
the  part  of  Great  Britain  to  adopt  either  one 
mode  or  the  other.  An  absolute  refusal  to 
treat  at  all  must  necessarily  drive  America 
into  the  closest  connexion  with  France  and  all 
other  foreign  hostile  powers,  who  would  take 
that  advantage  for  making-  every  possible  sti 
pulation  to  the  future  disadvantage  of  British 
interests,  and  above  all  things  would  probably 
stipulate  that  America  should  never  make 
peace  with  Great  Britain  without  the  most 
formal  and  explicit  recognition  of  their  inde 
pendence,  absolute  and  unlimited." 


Colonel  W.  H.  Hartley  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  SOHO  SQUARE,  May  24.  1782. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — It  is  with  the  greatest  plea 
sure  I  take  up  my  pen  to  acknowledge  your 
remembrance  of  me  in  yours  to  my  brother, 
and  to  thank  you  for  those  expressions  of  re 
gard  which  I  can  assure  you  are  mutual.  My 
brother  has  desired  me  to  copy  some  letters 
and  papers,  by  way  of  sending  you  duplicates. 
I  am  particularly  happy  at  the  employment, 
because  the  greatest  object  of  my  parliament 
ary  life  has  been  to  co-operate  with  him  in 
his  endeavours  to  put  a  period  to  this  destruc 
tive  war,  and  forward  the  blessed  work  of 
peace.  I  hope  to  see  him  again  in  that  situ 
ation,  where  he  can  so  well  serve  his  coun 
try  with  credit  to  himself;  and  while  I  have 
the  honour  of  being  in  parliament,  my  atten 
tion  will  be  continued  to  promote  the  effects, 
which  will  naturally  flow  from  those  princi 
ples  of  freedom  and  universal  philanthropy 
you  have  both  so  much  supported.  While  I 
copy  his  words,  my  own  feelings  and  judgment 
are  truly  in  unison,  and  I  have  but  to  add  the 
most  ardent  wish  chat  peace  and  happiness 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


431 


may  crown  the  honest  endeavours  towards  so 
desirable  an  end.  I  am,  dear  sir,  with  the  great 
est  respect  and  esteem,  yours  sincerely, 
"  W.  H.  HARTLEY." 

David  Hartley,  M.  P.,  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"LONDON,  May  25,  1782. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — Yours  of  the  13th  in 
stant  I  received  by  Mr.  Oswald.  I  did  not 
doubt  but  that  the  news  of  a  general  and  ab 
solute  release  of  the  American  prisoners, 
which  lord  Shelburne  was  so  good  to  commu 
nicate  to  me,  in  answer  to  that  part  of  your 
letter  of  the  5th  of  April,  in  which  you  speak 
so  pathetically  of  sweet  reconciliation,  would 
give  you  much  sincere  and  heartfelt  pleasure. 
God  send  that  it  may  be  the  happy  omen  of 
final  reconciliation  and  durable  peace.  I 
should  be  very  happy  to  hear  that  good  news 
from  you,  and  in  any  way  to  contribute  to  it. 
Having  on  that  subject  communicated  the 
preliminaries,  dated  May,  1782,  to  lord  Shel 
burne,  you  may  be  assured  that  I  have  no  re 
servations  upon  that  head  respecting  America, 
in  any  circumstances  or  condition  whatever. 
You  know  all  my  thoughts  upon  that  subject, 
and  the  principles  upon  which  they  are  found 
ed,  and  therefore  that  they  are  not  change 
able. 

"  It  would  give  me  the  greatest  pleasure 
if  I  could  hope  for  any  opportunity  of  seeing 
you.  I  could  say  many  things  which  are 
otherwise  incommunicable,  and  which  per 
haps  would  contribute  to  facilitate  the  road  to 
peace.  I  think  I  see  in  many  parts,  much 
matter  to  work  with,  out  of  which  a  peace, 
honourable  to  all  parties,  and  upon  durable 
principles,  might  be  established.  No  degrad 
ing  or  mortifying  conditions,  to  shorten  peace 
and  rekindle  war.  Perhaps  I  might  not  say 
too  much  if  I  were  to  add,  that  simply  the 
adoption  of  reason  among  nations,  and  the 
mere  rectification  of  obsolete  and  gothic  ab 
surdities,  which  carry  no  gratification,  would 
afford  a  fund  of  renumerationtoall  parties,  for 
renouncing  those  objects  of  mutual  conten 
tion,  which,  in  the  eye  of  reason,  are  no  bet 
ter  than  creatures  of  passion,  jealousy,  and 
false  pride.  Until  the  principles  of  reason 
and  equity  shall  be  adopted  in  national  trans 
actions,  peace  will  not  be  durable  amongst 
men. 

"  These  are  reflections  general  to  all  nations 
As  to  the  mutual  concerns  between  Grea 
Britain  and  North  America,  reconciliation  is 
the  touch-stone  to  prove  those  hearts  which 
are  without  alloy.  If  I  can  be  of  any  assist 
ance  to  you  in  any  communications  or  expla 
nations  conducive  to  peace,  you  may  com 
mand  my  utmost  services.  Even  if  a  French 
minister  were  to  overhear  such  an  offer,  le 
him  not  take  it  in  jealous  part.  Zealously 
and  affectionately  attached  to  my  own  coun 


ry  and  to  America,  I  am  nevertheless  most 
erfectly  of  accord  with  you,  that  justice  and 
onour  should  be  observed  towards  all  na- 
s.  Mr.  Oswald,  will  do  me  the  favour  to 
onvey  this  to  you.  I  heartily  wish  him  sue- 
ess  in  his  pacific  embassy.  G.  B. 

R.  Oswald  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

-PARIS,  June  5,  1782. 

gm? — While  Mr.  Laurens  was  under  con- 
inement  in  England,  he  promised,  that  on 
ondition  of  his  being  liberated  upon  his  pa- 
ole,  he  would  apply  to  you  for  an  exchange 

ivour  of  my  lord  Cornwallis,  by  a  discharge 
)f  his  lordships  granted  upon  the  surrender 
f  his  garrison  at  the  village  of  York,  in  Vir 
ginia  ;  and,  in  case  of  your  being  under  any 
[ifficulty  in  making  such  exchange,  he  un- 
lertook  to  write  to  the  congress,  and  to  re 
quest  it  of  that  assembly ;  making  no  doubt 
>f  obtaining  a  favourable  answer,  without  loss 
f  time. 

"  This  proposal,  signed  by  Mr.  Laurens's 
land,  I  carried  and  delivered,  I  think,  in  the 
month  of  December  last,  to  his  majesty's  then 
secretaries  of  state,  which  was  duly  attended 
:o ;  and  in  consequence  thereof,  Mr.  Laurens 
was  soon  after  set  at  full  liberty.  And  though 
not  a  prisoner  under  parole,  yet  it  is  to  be 
loped,  a  variation  in  the  mode  of  discharge, 
will  not  be  supposed  of  any  essential  difference. 

'  And  with  respect  to  Mr.  Laurens,  I  am 
satisfied  he  will  consider  himself  as  much  in 
terested  in  the  success  of  this  application,  as 
f  his  own  discharge  had  been  obtained  under 
the  form  as  proposed  by  the  representation 
which  I  delivered  to  the  secretaries  of  state ; 
and,  I  make  no  doubt,  will  sincerely  join  my 
lord  Cornwallis  in  an  acknowledgment  of  your 
favour  and  good  offices  in  granting  his  lordship 
,  full  discharge  of  his  parole  abovementioned. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  much  re- 
;pect,  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 
"RICHARD  OSWALD." 

"  P.  S.  Major  Ross  has  got  no  copy  of  lord 
Cornwallis's  parole.  He  says  it  was  in  the 
common  form,  as  in  like  cases. 

"  Since  writing  the  above,  I  recollect  I  was 
under  a  mistake,  as  if  the  proposal  of  ex 
change  came  first  from  Mr.  Laurens  ;  where 
as  it  was  made  by  his  majesty's  secretaries  of 
state  to  me,  that  Mr.  Laurens  should  endea 
vour  to  procure  the  exchange  of  lord  Corn 
wallis,  so  as  to  be  discharged  himself.  Which 
proposal  I  carried  to  Mr.  Laurens,  and  had 
from  him  the  obligation  abovementioned,  upon 
which  the  mode  of  his  discharge  was  settled. 

«  R.  O." 

"  Richard  Oswald. 

"  PASSY,  June  6,  1782. 

«  Sir,—I  received  the  letter  you  did  me  the 
honour  of  writing  to  me,  respecting  the  parole 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


of  lord  Cornwallis.  You  are  acquainted  with 
what  I  wrote,  some  time  since,  to  Mr.  Lau 
rens.  To-morrow  is  post  day  from  Holland, 
when  possibly  I  may  receive  an  answer,  with 
a  paper  drawn  up  by  him  for  the  purpose  of 
discharging  that  parole,  to  be  signed  by  us 
jointly.  I  suppose  the  staying  at  Paris  ano 
ther  day  will  not  be  very  inconvenient  to  ma 
jor  Ross ;  and  if  I  do  not  hear  to-morrow  from 
Mr.  Laurens,  I  will  immediately,  in  compli 
ance  with  your  request,  do  what  I  can  to  wards 
the  liberation  of  lord  Cornwallis. — I  have  the 
honour  to  be,  with  great  respect,  sir,  your 
most  obedient  humble  servant, 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  Dr.  Priestley. 

"  PASSY,  June  7, 1782. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  kind  letter 
of  the  7th  April,  also  one  of  the  3d  of  May. 
I  have  always  great  pleasure  in  hearing  from 
you,  in  learning  that  you  are  well,  and  that 
you  continue  your  experiments.    I  should  re 
joice  much  if  I  could  once  more  recover  the 
leisure  to  search  with  you  into  the  works  of 
nature ;  I  mean  the  inanimate  or  moral  part 
of  them :  the  more  1  discovered  of  the  former, 
the  more  I  admired  them ;  the  more  I  know 
of  the  latter,  the  more  I  am  disgusted  with 
them.     Men,  I  find  to  be  a  sort  of  beings  very 
badly  constructed,  as  they  are  generally  more 
easily  provoked  than  reconciled,  more  disposed 
to  do  mischief  to  each  other  than  to  make  re 
paration,  much  more  easily  deceived  than  un 
deceived,  and  having  more  pride  and  even 
pleasure  in  killing  than  in  begetting  one  ano 
ther  ;  for  without  a  blush,  they  assemble  in 
great  armies  at  noon-day  to  destroy,  and  when 
they  have  killed  as  many  as  they  can,  they 
exaggerate  the  number  to  augment  the  fanci 
ed  glory ;  but  they  creep  into  corners,  or  co 
ver  themselves  with  the  darkness  of  nighl 
when  they  mean  to  beget,  as  being  asharnec 
of  a   virtuous  action.     A  virtuous  action  il 
would  be,  and  a  vicious  one  the  killing  of 
them,  if  the  species  were  really  worth  produc 
ing  or  preserving ;  but  of  this  I  begin  to  doubt 
I  know  you  have  no  such  doubts,  because  in 
your  zeal  for  their  welfare,  you  are  taking  ? 
great  deal  of  pains  to  save  their  souls.     Per 
haps  as  you  grow  older,  you  may  look  upon 
this  as  a  hopeless  project,  or  an  idle  amuse 
ment,repent  of  having  murdered  in  mephetu 
air  so  many  honest,  harmless  mice,  and  wisl 
that  to  prevent  mischief  you  had  used  boy: 
and  girls  instead  of  them.     In  what  light  w< 
are  viewed  by  superior  beings,  may  be  gather 
ed  from  a  piece  of  late  West  India  news 
which  possibly  has  not  yet  reached  you. 
young  angel  of  distinction  being  sent  down  to 
this  world  on  some  business,  for  the  first  time 
had  an  old  courier-spirit  assigned  him  as 


o-uide ;  they  arrived  over  the  seas  of  Martini- 
o,  in  the  middle  of  the  long  day  of  obstinate 
ight  been  the  fleets  of  Rodney  and  De  Grasse. 
When  through  the  clouds  of  smoke,  he  saw 
he  fire  of  the  guns,  the  decks  covered  with 
nangled  limbs,  and  bodies  dead  or  dying,  the 
hips  sinking,  burning,  or  blown  into  the  air, 
ind  the  quantity  of  pain,  misery,  and  destruc- 
ion,  the  crews  yet  alive  were  thus  with  so 
nuch  eagerness  dealing  round  to  one  another, 
le  turned  angrily  to  his  guide,  and  said,  you 
Sundering  blockhead,  you  are  ignorant  of 
four  business ;  you  undertook  to  conduct  me 
o  the  earth,  and  you  have  brought  me  into 
lell !  No,  sir,  says  the  guide,  I  have  made  no 
mistake ;  this  is  really  the  earth,  and  these 
are  men.  Devils  never  treat  one  another 
n  this  cruel  manner  ;  they  have  more  sense, 
ind  more  of  what  men  (vainly)  call  humanity. 

"  But  to  be  serious,  my  dear  old  friend,  I  love 
/ou  as  much  as  ever,  and  I  love  all  the  ho 
nest  souls  that  meet  at  the  London  Coffee 
house.  I  only  wonder  how  it  happened  that 
they  and  my  other  friends  in  England  came 
to  be  such  good  creatures  in  the  midst  of  so 
perverse  a  generation.  I  long  to  see  them 
and  you  once  more,  and  I  labour  for  peace 
with  more  earnestness,  that  I  may  again  be 
liappy  in  your  sweet  society. 

"  I  showed  your  letter  to  the  duke  de  la 
Rochefoucault,  who  thinks  with  me  that  the 
new  experiments  you  have  made  are  extreme 
ly  curious,  and  he  has  given  me  thereupon  a 
note  which  I  enclose,  and  I  request  you 
would  furnish  me  with  the  answer  desired. 

"  Yesterday  the  Count  du  Nord*  was  at 
the  Academy  of  Sciences,  when  sundry  expe 
riments  were  exhibited  for  his  entertainment ; 
among  them,  one  by  M.  Lavoisier,  to  show 
that  the  strongest  fire  we  yet  know  is  made 
in  charcoal  blown  upon  with  dephlogisticated 
air.  In  a  heat  so  produced,  he  melted  plati- 
na  presently,  the  fire  being  much  more  pow 
erful  than  that  of  the  strongest  burning  mir 
ror.  Adieu,  and  believe  me  ever,  yours  most 
affectionately,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


Form  of  the  discharge  of  earl  Cornwallis 
from  his  parole. 

"  THE  congress  having  by  a  resolution  of 
the  14th  of  June  last,  impowered  me  to  offer 
an  exchange  of  general  Burgoyne  for  the  ho 
nourable  Mr.  Laurens,  then  a  prisoner  in  the 
Tower  of  London,  and  whose  liberty  they 
much  desire  to  obtain;  which  exchange, 
though  proposed  by  me  according  to  the  said 
resolution,  had  not  been  accepted  or  executed, 
when  advice  was  received  that  general  Bur 
goyne  was  exchanged  in  virtue  of  another 

*  The  grand  duke  of  Russia,  afterwards  the  empe 
ror  Paul  I. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


agreement ;  and  Mr.  Laurens  having  there 
upon  proposed  another  lieutenant-general,  to 
wit,  lord  Cornwallis,  as  an  exchange  lor  him 
self,  promising  that  if  set  at  liberty,  he  would 
do  his  utmost  to  obtain  a  confirmation  of  that 
proposal ;  and  Mr.  Laurens  being  soon  after 
discharged,  and  having  since  urged  me  ear 
nestly  in  several  letters  to  join  with  him  in 
absolving  the  parole  of  that  general,  which 
appears  to  be  a  thing  just  and  equitable  in 
itself;  and  for  the  honour  therefore  of  our 
country,  I  do  hereby,  as  far  as  in  my  power 
lies,  in  virtue  of  the  abovementioned  resolu 
tion,  or  otherwise,  absolve  and  discharge  the 
parole  of  lord  Cornwallis,  given  by  him  in 
Virginia;  setting  him  at  entire  liberty,  to  act 
in  his  civil  or  military  capacity,  until  the 
pleasure  of  congress  shall  be  known,  to  whom 
is  reserved  the  confirmation  or  disapprobation 
of  this  discharge,  in  case  they  have  made  or 
shall  intend  to  make  a  different  disposition. — 
Given  at  Passy,  this  9th  day  of  June,  1782. 
«B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  Minister  plenipotentiary  from  the  United 
States  of  America  to  the  court  of  France." 


"  To  the  bishop  of  St.  Asaph* 

"  PASSY,  June  10,  1782. 

"  I  RECEIVED  and  read  the  letter  from  my 
dear  and  much  respected  friend,  with  infinite 
pleasure.  After  so  long  a  silence,  and  the 
long  continuance  of  its  unfortunate  causes,  a 
line  from  you  was  a  prognostic  of  happier 
times  approaching,  when  we  may  converse 
and  communicate  freely,  without  danger  from 
the  malevolence  of  men  enraged  by  the  ill- 
success  of  their  distracted  projects. 

"  I  long  with  you  for  the  return  of  peace, 
on  the  general  principles  of  humanity.  The 
hope  of  being  able  to  pass  a  few  more  of  my 
last  days  happily  in  the  sweet  conversations 
and  company  I  once  enjoyed  at  Twyford,f  is 
a  particular  motive  that  adds  strength  to  the 
general  wish,  and  quickens  my  industry  to 
procure  that  best  of  blessings.  After  much 
occasion  to  consider  the  folly  and  mischiefs 
of  a  state  of  warfare,  and  the  little  or  no  ad 
vantage  obtained  even  by  those  nations  who 
have  conducted  it  with  the  most  success ;  I 
have  been  apt  to  think  that  there  has  never 
been,  nor  ever  will  be  any  such  thing  as  a 
good  war  or  a  bad  peace. 

"  You  ask,  if  I  still  relish  my  old  studies  ? 
I  relish  them,  but  I  cannot  pursue  them.  My 
time  is  engrossed  unhappily  with  other  con- 

*  Jonathan  Shipley  took  his  degrees  at  Christ 
Church,  and  in  1743  was  made  prebendary  of  Winches 
ter.  After  travelling  in  1745,  with  the  duke  of  Cum 
berland,  he  was  promoted  in  1749  to  a  canonry  at  Christ 
Church,  became  dean  of  Winchester  in  1760,  and  in 
1769,  bishop  of  St.  Asaph.  He  was  author  of  some  ele 
gant  verses  on  the  death  of  queen  Caroline,  and  pub 
lished  besides,  some  poems  and  sermons,  and  died  1788. 
He  was  an  ardent  friend  of  American  independence. 

|The  country  residence  of  the  bishop. 

VOL.  I. "...3 1  37 


433 

cerns.  I  requested  of  the  congress  last  year, 
my  discharge  from  this  public  station,  that  I 
might  enjoy  a  little  leisure  in  the  evening  of 
a  long  life  of  business :  but  it  was  refused  me, 
and  I  have  been  obliged  to  drudge  on  a  little 
longer. 

"  You  are  happy  as  your  years  come  on,  in 
having  that  dear  and  most  amiable  family 
about  you.  Four  daughters !  how  rich  !  I 
have  but  one,  and  she,  necessarily  detained 
from  me  at  a  thousand  leagues  distance.  I 
feel  the  want  of  that  tender  care  of  me  which 
might  be  expected  from  a  daughter,  and 
would  give  the  world  for  one.  Your  shades 
are  all  placed  in  a  row  over  my  fire  place,  so 
that  I  not  only  have  you  always  in  my  mind, 
but  constantly  before  my  eyes. 

"The  cause  of  liberty  and  America  has 
been  greatly  obliged  to  you.  1  hope  you  will 
live  long  to  see  that  country  flourish  under 
its  new  constitution,  which  I  am  sure  will 
give  you  great  pleasure.  Will  you  permit 
me  to  express  another  hope,  that  now  your 
friends  are  in  power,  they  will  take  the  first 
opportunity  of  showing  the  sense  they  ought 
to  have  of  your  virtues  and  your  merit  ] 

"  Please  to  make  my  best  respects  accept 
able  to  Mrs.  Shipley,  and  embrace  for  me  ten 
derly  all  our  dear  children.  With  the  utmost 
esteem,  respect,  and  veneration,  I  am  ever, 
my  dear  friend,  yours  most  affectionately, 
"B.  FRANKLIN." 


John  Adams  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  THE  HAC;J;E,  June  13,  17t'.». 

"  SIR, — I  had  yesterday,  at  Amsterdam,  the 
honour  of  receiving  your  excellency's  letter 
of  June  2d. 

"  The  discovery  that  Mr.  Grenville's  power 
was  only  to  treat  with  France,  does  not  sur 
prise  me  at  all.  The  British  ministry  are 
too  divided  among  themselves,  and  have  too 
formidable  an  opposition  against  them,  in  the 
king  and  the  old  ministers,  and  are  possessed 
of  too  little  of  the  confidence  of  the  nation,  to 
have  courage  to  make  concessions  of  any  sort, 
especially  since  the  news  of  their  successes  in 
the  East  and  West  Indies.  What  their  vani 
ty  will  end  in  God  only  knows:  for  my  own 
part,  I  cannot  see  a  probability,  that  they  will 
ever  make  peace,  until  their  finances  are 
ruined,  and  such  distresses  brought  upon 
them,  as  will  work  up  their  parties  into  a  ci 
vil  war. 

"  I  wish  their  enemies  could  by  any  means 
be  persuaded  to  carry  on  the  \var  against 
them  in  places  where  they  might  be  sure  of 
triumphs,  instead  of  insisting  on  pursuing  it 

ere  they  are  sure  of  defeat.  But  we  must 
take  patience,  and  wait  for  time  to  do  what 
wisdom  might  easily  and  soon  do. 

•* 1  have  not  as  yet  taken  any  engagements 
with  the  Dutch  not  to  make  peace  without 


434 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


them ;  but  I  will  take  such  engagements  in  a 
moment,  if  the  Dutch  will  take  them,  and  I 
believe  they  would  very  cheerfully.  I  shall 
not  propose  it,  however,  till  I  have  the  con 
currence  of  the  duke  de  la  Vauguyon,  who 
will  do  nothing  without  the  instructions  of 
his  court.  I  would  not  delay  it  a  moment, 
from  any  expectation  that  the  English  will 
acknowledge  our  independence,  and  make 
peace  with  u%  because  I  have  no  such  ex 
pectations.  The  permanent  friendship  of  the 
Dutch  may  be  easily  obtained  by  the  United 
States.  That  of  England,  never :  it  is  gone 
with  the  days  before  the  flood.  If  we  ever 
enjoy  the  smallest  degree  of  sincere  friend 
ship  again  from  England,  I  am  totally  incapa 
ble  of  seeing  the  character  of  a  nation  or  the 
connexions  of  kings ;  which  however  may  be 
the  case  for  what  I  know.  They  have  brought 
themselves  into  such  a  situation !  Spain,  Hol 
land,  America,  the  armed  neutrality  have  all 
such  pretensions  and  demands  upon  them, 
that  where  is  the  English  minister,  or  mem 
ber  of  parliament  that  dares  to  vote  for  the 
concession  to  them1?  The  pretensions  of 
France,  I  believe,  would  be  so  moderate,  that 
possibly  they  might  be  acceded  to.  But  it  is 
much  to  be  feared  that  Spain,  who  deserves 
the  least,  will  demand  the  most:  in  short, 
the  work  of  peace  appears  so  impracticable 
and  chimerical,  that  I  am  happy  in  being  re 
strained  to  this  country,  by  my  duty,  and  by 
this  means  excused  from  troubling  my  head 
much  about  it.  I  have  a  letter  from  America, 
that  informed  me,  that  Mr.  Jay  had  refused 
to  act  in  the  commission  for  peace ;  but  if  he 
is  on  the  way  to  Paris,  as  you  suppose,  I 
presume  my  information  must  be  a  mistake, 
which  I  am  very  glad  of.  Mr.  Laurens  did 
me  the  honour  of  a  very  short  visit,  in  his  way 
to  France,  but  I  was  very  sorry  to  learn  from 
him,  that  in  a  letter  to  your  excellency  from 
Ostend,  he  had  declined  serving  in  the  com 
mission  for  peace.  I  had  vast  pleasure  in  his 
conversation,  for  I  found  him  possessed  of  the 
most  exact  judgment  concerning  our  enemies, 
and  of  the  same  noble  sentiments  in  all  things, 
which  I  saw  in  him  in  congress. 

"  What  is  the  system  of  Russia  1  Does  she 
suppose  that  England  has  too  many  ene 
mies  upon  her,  and  that  their  demands  and 
pretensions  are  too  high  ?  Does  she  seek  to 
embroil  affairs,  and  to  light  up  a  general  war 
in  Europe  1  Is  Denmark  in  concert  with  her, 
or  any  other  power?  Her  conduct  is  a  phe 
nomenon.  Is  there  any  secret  negotiation  or 
intrigue  on  foot  to  form  a  party  for  England 
among  the  powers  of  Europe  1  and  to  make  a 
balance  against  the  power  of  the  enemies  of 
England? 

"  The  states  of  Holland  and  several  other 
provinces  have  taken  a  resolution  against  the 
mediation  for  a  separate  peace  5  and  this  na 


tion  seems  to  be  well  fixed  in  its  system,  and 
in  the  common  cause. 

"  My  best  respects  and  affections  to  my  old 
friend  Mr.  Jay,  if  you  please.  I  have  the  ho 
nour  to  be,  sir,  your  most  obedient  and  most 
humble  servant,  JOHN  ADAMS." 


"  Dr.  Ingenhausz* 

"  PASSY,  June  21,  1782. 

"  I  AM  sorry  that  any  misunderstanding 

should  arise  between  you  and  Dr.  . 

The  indiscretions  of  friends  on  both  sides,  of 
ten  occasion  such  misunderstandings.  When 
they  produce  public  altercations,  the  ignorant 
are  diverted  at  the  expense  of  the  learned.  I 
hope,  therefore,  that  you  will  omit  the  pole 
mic  piece  in  your  French  edition,  and  take 
no  public  notice  of  the  improper  behaviour  of 
your  friend ;  but  go  on  with  your  excellent 
experiments,  produce  facts,  improve  science, 
and  do  good  to  mankind.  Reputation  will 
follow,  and  the  little  injustices  of  cotemporary 
labourers  will  be  forgotten ;  my  example  may 
encourage  you,  or  else  I  should  not  mention 
it.  You  know  that  when  my  papers  were 
first  published,  the  abbe  Nollet,  then  high  in 
reputation,  attacked  them  in  a  book  of  letters. 
An  answer  was  expected  from  me,  but  I  made 
none,  to  that  book  nor  to  any  other.  They 
are  now  all  neglected,  and  the  truth  seems 
to  be  established:  you  can  always  employ 
your  time  better  than  in  polemics. 

"  Monsieur  Lavoisier,  the  other  day  show 
ed  an  experiment  at  the  Academy  of  Sciences, 
to  the  Comte  du  Nord,  that  is  said  to  be  cu 
rious.  He  kindled  a  hollow  charcoal,  and 
blew  into  it  a  stream  of  dephlogisticated  air. 
In  this  focus,  which  is  said  to  be  the  hottest 
fire  human  art  has  yet  been  able  to  produce, 
he  melted  platina  in  a  few  minutes. 

"  Our  American  affairs  wear  a  better  as 
pect  now  than  at  any  time  heretofore.  Our 
councils  are  perfectly  united;  our  people 
all  armed  and  disciplined.  Much  and  fre 
quent  service  as  militia  has  indeed  made  them 
all  soldiers.  Our  enemies  are  much  dimi 
nished,  and  reduced  to  two  or  three  garri 
sons  ;  our  commerce  and  agriculture  flourish. 
England  at  length,  sees  the  difficulty  of  con 
quering  us,  and  no  longer  demands  submis 
sion,  but  asks  for  peace.  She  would  now 
think  herself  happy  to  obtain  a  federal  union 
with  us,  and  will  endeavour  it;  but  perhaps 
will  be  disappointed,  as  it  is  the  interest  of 
all  Europe  to  prevent  it.  I  last  year  requested 
of  congress  to  release  me  from  this  service, 
that  I  might  spend  the  evening  of  life  more 
agreeably  in  philosophic  leisure ;  but  I  was 
refused.  If  I  had  succeeded,  it  was  my  in 
tention  to  make  the  tour  of  Italy  with  my 

*  John  Ineenhausz,  F.  R.  S.  an  eminent  physician 
and  chemisCborn  at  Breda,  1730,  died  in  1799. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


grandson  pass  into  Germany,  and  spend  some 
time  happily  with  you,  whom  I  have  always 
loved,  ever  since  I  knew  you,  with  uninter 
rupted  affection.  We  have  lost  our  common 
friend  the  excellent  Pringle  !*  How  many 
pleasing  hours  you  and  I  have  passed  toge 
ther  in  his  company !  I  must  soon  follow  him, 
being  now  in  my  seventy-seventh  year ;  but 
you  have  yet  a  prospect  of  many  years  of  use 
fulness  still  before  you,  which  I  hope  you  will 
fully  enjoy ;  and  I  am  persuaded  you  will 
ever  kindly  remember  your  truly  affectionate 
friend,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Miss  Alexander. 

"  PASSV,  June  24,  1782. 

"  I  AM  not  at  all  displeased  that  the  thesis 
and  dedication  with  which  we  were  threatened 
are  blown  over,  for  I  dislike  much  all  sorts  of 
mummery.  The  republic  of  letters  has  gain 
ed  no  reputation,  whatever  else  it  may  have 
gained,  by  the  commerce  of  dedications ;  I 
never  made  one,  and  never  desired  that  one 
should  be  made  to  me.  When  I  submitted  to 
receive  this,  it  was  from  the  bad  habit  I  have 
long  had,  of  doing  every  thing  that  ladies  de 
sire  me  to  do :  there  is  no  refusing  any  thing 
to  madame  la  Marck,  nor  to  you. 

"  I  have  been  to  pay  my  respects  to  that 
amiable  lady,  not  merely  because  it  was  a 
compliment  due  to  her,  but  because  I  love  her ; 
which  induces  me  to  excuse  her  not  letting 
me  in;  the  same  reason  I  should  have  for 
excusing  your  faults  if  you  had  any.  I  have 
not  seen  your  papa  since  the  receipt  of  your 
pleasing  letter,  so  could  arrange  nothing  with 
him  respecting  the  carriage.  During  seven 
or  eight  days,  I  shall  be  very  busy ;  after  that 
you  shall  hear  from  me,  and  the  carriage  shall 
be  at  your  service.  How  could  you  think  of 
writing  to  me  about  chimneys  and  fires,  in 
such  weather  as  this !  Now  is  the  time  for 
the  frugal  lady  you  mention  to  save  her  wood, 
obtain  plus  de  chaleur,  and  lay  it  up  against 
winter,  as  people  do  ice  against  summer. 
Frugality  is  an  enriching  virtue ;  a  virtue  I 
never  could  acquire  in  myself;  but  I  was  once 
lucky  enough  to  find  it  in  a  wife,  who  there 
by  became  a  fortune  to  me.  Do  you  possess 
it  1  If  you  do,  and  I  were  twenty  years  young- 
er,  I  would  give  your  father  one  thousand  j 
guineas  for  you.  I  know  you  would  be  worth 
more  to  me  as  a  menagere.  I  am  covetous,  and 
love  good  bargains.  Adieu,  my  dear  friend, 
and  believe  me  ever,  yours  most  affection 
ately.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


*  Sir  John  Pringle,  Bart.,  born  in  Roxburghshire,  in 
1707,  physician  to  the  queen's  household,  afterwards 
to  the  king,  and  president  of  the  Royal  Society  ;  died 
in  1782.  He  wrote  "  Observations  on  the  Diseases  of 
the  Army"  &c.  &c. 


"  R.  R.  Livingston. 

"  PASSY,  June  25,  1782. 

"  SIR, — I  have  received  your  respected  let 
ters  of  January  26th  and  February  13th ;  the 
first  was  accompanied  with  a  form  of  a  con 
vention,  for  the  establishment  of  consuls. 
Mr.  Barclay  having  been  detained  these  six 
months  in  Holland,  though  in  continual  ex 
pectation  of  returning  hither,  I  have  yet  done 
nothing  in  that  business,  thinking  his  pre 
sence  might  be  of  use  in  settling  it.  As  soon 
as  he  arrives,  I  shall  move  the  completion  of 
it.  The  second  enforces  some  resolutions  of 
congress  sent  me  with  it,  respecting  a  loan 
of  12,000,000,  to  be  demanded  of  France  for 
the  current  year.  I  had  already  received  the 
promise  of  six  millions,  together  with  the 
clearest  and  most  positive  assurances,  that 
it  was  all  the  king  could  spare  to  us,  that 
we  must  not  expect  more ;  that  if  drafts  and 
demands  came  upon  me  beyond  that  sum,  it 
behoved  me  to  take  care  how  I  accepted  them, 
or  where  I  should  find  funds  for  the  payment, 
since  I  could  certainly  not  be  further  assisted 
out  of  the  royal  treasury.  Under  this  decla 
ration,  with  what  face  could  I  ask  for  another 
six  millions.  It  would  be  saying  you  are  not 
to  be  believed,  you  can  spare  more,  you  are 
able  to  lend  me  twice  the  sum,  if  you  were 
but  willing.  If  you  read  my  letter  to  Mr 
Morris  of  this  date,  I  think  you  will  be  con 
vinced  how  improper  any  language,  capable 
of  such  a  construction,  would  be  to  such  a 
friend.  I  hope,  however,  that  the  loan  Mr. 
Adams  has  opened  in  Holland,  for  three  mil 
lions  of  florins,  which  it  is  said  is  likely  to  suc 
ceed,  will  supply  the  deficiency. 

"  By  the  newspapers  I  have  sent,  you  will 
see  that  the  general  disposition  of  the  British 
nation  towards  us  had  been  changed.  Two 
persons  have  been  sent  here  by  the  new  mi 
nisters,  to  propose  treating  for  peace.  They 
had  at  first  some  hopes ofgetting  the  bellige 
rent  powers  to  treat  separately,  one  after  an 
other,  but  finding  that  impracticable,  they  have 
after  several  messengers  sent  to  and  fro,  come 
to  a  resolution  of  treating  with  all  together 
for  a  general  peace,  and  have  agreed  that  the 
place  shall  be  Paris.  Mr.  Grenville  is  now 
here  with  full  powers  for  that  purpose,  (if 
they  can  be  reckoned  full  with  regard  to 
America  till  a  certain  act  is  completed  for 
enabling  his  majesty  to  treat,  &c.  which  has 
gone  through  the  commons,  and  has  been 
once  read  in  the  lords.)  I  keep  a  very  par 
ticular  journal  of  what  passes  every  day,  in 
the  affair,  which  is  transcribing  to  be  sent  you. 
I  shall  therefore  need  to  say  no  more  of  it  in 
this  letter,  except  that  though  I  still  think 
they  were  at  first  sincere  in  their  desire  of 
peace,  yet  since  their  success  in  the  West 
Indies,  I  imagine  that  I  see  marks  of  their  de 
siring  rather  to  draw  the  negotiations  into 


436 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


length,  that  they  may  take  the  chance  of  what 
the  rest  of  the  campaign  shall  produce  in  their 
favour;  and  as  there  are  so  many  interests 
to  adjust,  it  will  be  prudent  for  us  to  suppose, 
that  even  another  campaign  may  pass  before 
all  can  be  agreed.  Something  too  may  hap 
pen  to  break  of  the  negotiations,  and  we 
should  be  prepared  for  the  worst.  I  hoped 
for  the  assistance  of  Mr.  Adams  arid  Mr.  Lau- 
rens.  The  first  is  too  much  engaged  in  Hol 
land  to  come  hither,  and  the  other  declines 
serving ;  but  I  have  now  the  satisfaction  of 
being  joined  by  Mr.  Jay,  who  happily  arrived 
here  from  Madrid  last  Sunday.  The  marquis 
de  la  Fayette  is  of  real  use  in  our  affairs  here, 
and  as  the  campaign  is  not  likely  to  be  very 
active  in  North  America,  I  wish  I  may  be 
able  to  prevail  with  him  to  stay  a  few  weeks 
longer.  By  him  you  will  receive  the  journal 
abovementioned,  which  is  already  pretty  vo 
luminous,  and  yet  the  negotiations  cannot  be 
said  to  be  opened. 

"  Ireland  you  will  see  has  obtained  all  her 
demands  triumphantly.  I  meet  no  one  from 
that  country  who  does  not  express  some  obli 
gation  to  America  for  their  success. 

"  Before  I  received  your  just  observations 
on  the  subject,  I  had  obtained  for  the  English 
ministers  a  resolution  to  exchange  all  our 
prisoners.  They  thought  themselves  obliged 
to  have  an  act  of  parliament  for  authorizing 
the  king  to  do  it.  This  war  being  different 
from  others,  as  made  by  an  act  of  parliament 
declaring  us  rebels,  and  our  people  being  com 
mitted  as  for  high  treason,  I  impowered  Mr. 
Hodgson,  who  was  chairman  of  the  committee 
that  collected  and  dispensed  the  charitable 
subscription  for  the  American  prisoners,  to 
treat  and  conclude  on  terms  of  their  discharge, 
and  having  approved  of  the  draft  he  sent  me 
of  the  agreement,  I  hope  the  congress  will 
see  fit  to  order  a  punctual  execution  of  it.  I 
have  long  suffered  with  those  poor  brave  men, 
who  with  so  much  public  virtue  have  endur 
ed  four  or  five  years  hard  imprisonment,  ra 
ther  than  serve  against  their  country.  I  have 
done  all  I  could  afford  towards  making  their 
situations  more  comfortable ;  but  their  num 
bers  was  so  great  that  I  could  do  but  little  for 
each ;  and  that  very  great  villain de 
frauded  them  of  between  three  and  four  hun 
dred  pounds,  which  he  drew  from  me  on  their 
account.  He  lately  wrote  me  a  letter,  in 
which  he  pretended  he  was  coming  to  settle 
with  me,  and  to  convince  me  that  I  had  been 
mistaken  with  regard  to  his  conduct ;  but  he 
never  appeared,  and  I  hear  he  is  gone  to  Ame 
rica.  Beware  of  him,  for  he  is  very  artful, 
and  has  cheated  many.  I  hear  every  day 
of  new  rogueries  committed  by  him  in  Eng 
land. 

"The  ambassador  from  Sweden  to  this 
court  applied  to  me  lately,  to  know  if  I  had 


!  powers  that  would  authorize  my  making  a 
I  treaty  with  his  master,  in  behalf  of  the  United 
States.  Recollecting  a  general  power  that 
was  formerly  given  to  me  with  the  other 
commissioners,  I  answered  in  the  affirmative. 
He  seemed  much  pleased,  and  said  the  king 
had  directed  him  to  ask  the  question,  and  had 
charged  him  to  tell  me,  that  he  had  so  great 
an  esteem  formed  that  it  would  be  a  particu 
lar  satisfaction  to  him  to  leave  such  a  trans 
action  with  me.  I  have  perhaps  some  vanity 
in  repeating  this,  but  I  think  too  that  it  is 
right  that  congress  should  know  it,  and  judge 
if  any  use  may  be  made  of  the  reputation  of  a 
citizen  for  the  public  service.  In  case  it 
should  be  thought  fit  to  employ  me  in  that 
business,  it  will  be  well  to  send  a  more  par 
ticular  power  and  proper  instructions.  The 
ambassador  added,  that  it  was  a  pleasure  to 
1  him  to  think,  and  he  hoped  it  would  be  re 
membered,  that  Sweden  was  the  first  power 
in  Europe  which  had  voluntary  offered  its 
friendship  to  the  United  States,  without  being 
solicited.  This  affair  should  be  talked  of  as 
little  as  possible,  till  completed. 

"I  enclose  another  complaint  from  Den 
mark,  which  I  request  you  will  lay  before 
congress. 

"lam  continually  pestered  with  complaints 
from  French  seamen,  who  were  with  captain 
Conynham  in  his  first  cruize  from  Dunkirk, 
from  others  who  were  in  the  Lexington,  the 
Alliance,  &c.  being  put  on  board  prizes  that 
were  re-taken,  were  never  afterwards  able  to 
join  their  respective  ships,  and  so  have  been 
deprived  of  the  wages,  &c.  due  to  them.  It 
is  for  our  national  honour  that  justice  would 
be  done  them,  if  possible ;  and  I  wish  you  to 
procure  an  order  from  congress  for  inquiring 
into  their  demands,  and  satisfying  such  as 
shall  be  found  just.  It  may  be  addressed  to 
the  consul. 

"  I  enclose  a  note  from  M.  de  Vergennes 
to  me,  accompanied  by  a  memoire  relating  to 
a  Swiss  who  died  at  Edenton.  If  you  can 
procure  the  information  desired,  it  will  much 
oblige  the  French  ambassador  in  Switzerland. 

"  I  have  made  the  addition  you  directed  to 
the  cypher.  I  rather  prefer  the  old  one  of 
Dumas,  perhaps  because  I  am  more  used  to 
it.  I  enclose  several  letters  from  that  ancient 
and  worthy  servant  of  our  country.  He  is 
now  employed  as  secretary  to  Mr.  Adams, 
and  I  must,  from  a  long  experience  of  his 
zeal  and  usefulness,  beg  leave  to  recommend 
him  warmly  to  the  consideration  of  congress 
with  regard  to  his  appointments,  which  have 
never  been  equal  to  his  merit.  As  Mr. 
Adams  writes  me  the  good  news,  that  he 
shall  no  longer  be  obliged  to  draw  on  me  for 
his  salary,  I  suppose  it  will  be  proper  to  di 
rect  his  pay  ing  that  which  shall  be  allowed  to 
M.  Dumas.  -  B.  FRANKLIN." 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


437 


"  To  Robert  Morris. 

"  PASSY,  June  25,  1782. 

"  FOR  what  relates  to  war  and  peace,  I 
must  refer  you  to  Mr.  Livingston,  to  whom  I 
write  fully.  I  will  only  say,  that  though  the 
English  a  few  months  since  seemed  desirous 
of  peace,  I  suspect,  they  now  intend  to  draw 
out  the  negotiation  into  length,  till  they  can 
see  what  this  campaign  will  produce.  I  hope 
our  people  will  not  be  deceived  by  fair  words, 
but  be  on  their  guard,  ready  against  every 
attempt  that  our  insidious  enemies  may  make 
upon  us.  I  am,  &c. 

"  Wednesday,  26th.  I  sent  awa~y  my  let 
ters,  and  went  to  see  Mr.  Oswald.  I  showed 
him  the  draft  of  a  letter  to  be  addressed  to 
him,  instead  of  lord  Shelburne,  respecting  the 
commission  or  public  character  he  might 
hereafter  be  vested  with;  this  draft  was 
founded  on  lord  S.'s  memorandums,  which  Mr. 
Oswald  had  shown  to  me,  and  this  letter  was 
intended  to  be  communicated  by  him  to  lord 
Shelburne.  Mr.  Oswald  liked  the  mode,  but 
rather  chose  that  no  mention  should  be  made 
of  his  having  shown  me  lord  S.'s  memoran 
dums,  though  he  thought  they  were  given 
him  for  that  purpose.  So  I  struck  that  out 
and  new-modeled  the  letter,  which  I  sent  him 
next  day,  as  follows. 


"  Robert  R.  Livingston. 

"  PASSY,  June  28,  1782. 

"  SIR, — In  mine  of  the  25th  instant  I  omit 
ted  mentioning,  that  at  the  repeated  earnest 
instances  of  Mr.  Laurens,  who  had  given  such 
expectations  to  the  ministry  in  England,  when 
his  parole  or  securities  were  discharged,  as 
that  he  could  not  think  himself  at  liberty  to 
act  in  public  affairs,  till  the  parole  of  lord 
Cornwallis  was  absolved  by  me,  in  exchange, 
I  sent  to  that  general,  the  paper,  of  which  the 
enclosed  is  a  copy ;  and  I  see  by  the  English 
papers,  that  his  lordship  immediately  on  the 
receipt  of  it,  appeared  at  court  and  has  taken 
his  seat  in  the  house  of  peers,  which  he  did 
not  before  think  warrantable.  My  authority 
for  doing  this,  appeared  questionable  to  my 
self,  but  Mr.  Laurens  judged  it  deducible, 
from  that  respecting  general  Burgoyne,  and 
by  his  letters  to  me,  seemed  so  unhappy  till 
it  was  done,  that  I  ventured  it,  with  a  clause, 
however,  (as  you  will  see),  reserving  to  con 
gress  the  approbation  or  disallowance  of  it. 

"  The  enabling  act  is  now  said  to  be  pass 
ed,  but  no  copy  of  it  is  yet  received  here,  so 
that  as  the  bill  first  printed,  has  suffered  alter 
ations  in  passing  through  parliament,  and  we 
know  not  what  they  are,  the  treaty  with  us 
is  not  yet  commenced.  Mr.  Grenville  ex 
pects  his  courier  in  a  few  days,  with  the  an 
swer  of  his  court  to  a  paper  given  him  on  the 
part  of  this.  That  answer  will  probably  af- 
37* 


ford  us  a  clearer  understanding  of  the  inten 
tions  of  the  British  ministry,  which  for  some 
weeks  past  have  appeared  somewhat  equivo 
cal  and  uncertain.  It  looks  as  if,  since  their 
late  success  in  the  West  Indies,  they  a  little 
repented  of  the  advances  they  had  made  in 
their  declarations  respecting  the  acknowledg 
ment  of  our  independence ;  and  we  have  pret 
ty  good  information,  that  some  of  the  ministry 
still  flatter  the  king  with  the  hope  of  recover 
ing  his  sovereignty  over  us  on  the  same  terms 
as  are  now  making  with  Ireland.  However 
willing  we  might  have  been  at  the  commence 
ment  of  this  contest,  to  have  accepted  such 
conditions,  be  assured  that  we  can  have  no 
safety  in  them  at  present.  The  king  hates  us 
most  cordially.  If  he  is  once  admitted  to  any 
degree  of  power  or  government  among  us, 
however  limited,  it  will  soon  be  extended  by 
corruption,  artifice,  and  force,  till  we  are  re 
duced  to  absolute  subjection;  and  that  the 
more  easily,  as  by  receiving  him  again  for 
our  king,  we  shall  draw  upon  ourselves  the 
contempt  of  all  Europe,  who  now  admire  and 
respect  us,  and  shall  never  again  find  a  friend 
to  assist  us.  There  are,  it  is  said,  great  divi 
sions  in  the  ministry,  on  other  points  as  well 
as  this ;  and  those  who  aim  at  engrossing  the 
power,  flatter  the  king  with  this  project  of 
re-union ;  and  it  is  said  have  much  reliance 
on  the  operation  of  private  agents  sent  into 
America,  to  dispose  minds  there  in  favour  of 
it,  and  to  bring  about  a  separate  treaty  there 
with  general  Carleton.  I  have  not  the  Iqast 
apprehension  that  congress  will  give  into  this 
scheme,  it  being  inconsistent  with  our  treaties 
as  well  as  with  our  interest ;  but  I  think  it 
will  be  well  to  watch  these  emissaries,  and 
secure  or  banish  immediately  such  as  shall  be 
found  tampering  and  stirring  up  the  people  to 
call  for  it.  The  firm  united  resolution  of 
France,  Spain,  and  Holland,  joined  with  ours, 
not  to  treat  of  a  particular  but  a  general  peace, 
notwithstanding  the  separate  tempting  offers 
to  each,  will  in  the  end,  give  us  the  command 
of  that  peace.  Every  one  of  the  other  pow 
ers,  see  clearly  their  interest  in  this,  and  per 
sist  in  that  resolution  :  the  congress  I  am  per 
suaded  are  as  clearsighted  as  any  of  them, 
and  will  not  depart  from  the  system  which 
has  been  attended  with  so  much  success,  and 
promises  to  make  America  soon  both  great  and 

"  I  have  just  received  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Laurens,  dated  at  Lyons,  on  his  journey  into 
the  south  of  France,  for  his  health.  Mr.  Jay 
will  write  also  by  this  opportunity. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 

"Dr.  Cooper. 

'•  PASSY,  June  28, 1782. 

"  OUR  public  affairs  are  in  a  good  situation 
here.  England  having  tried  in  vain,  to  make 


438 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


a  separate  peace  with  each  of  the  powers  she 
is  at  war  with,  has  at  length  agreed  to  treat 
for  a  general  peace  with  them  altogether ;  and 
at  Paris.  If  we  all  continue  firm  in  the  reso 
lution  not  to  separate,  we  shall  command  the 
terms.  1  have  no  doubt  of  this  steadiness  here ; 
and  though  we  are  told  that  endeavours  are 
making  on  your  side  the  water,  to  induce 
America  to  a  re-union,  on  the  terms  now  grant 
ing  to  Ireland,  and  that  powers  are  sent  to  ge 
neral  Carleton  for  that  purpose,  I  am  persuad 
ed  the  danger  of  this  project  will  appear  so 
evident,  that  if  offered,  it  will  be  immediately 
rejected.  We  have  no  safety  but  in  our  inde 
pendence  ;  with  that  we  shall  be  respected, 
and  soon  become  great  and  happy.  Without 
it,  we  shall  be  despised,  lose  all  our  friends, 
and  then  either  be  cruelly  oppressed  by  the 
king,  who  hates,  and  is  incapable  of  forgiving 
us,  or  having  all  that  nation's  enemies  for  ours, 
shall  sink  with  it. — I  arn  ever,  my  dear  friend, 
yours  most  affectionately, 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  Henry  Laurens. 

"  PASSY,  July  2,  1782. 

"  SIR, — I  received  the  letter  you  did  me  the 
honour  of  writing  to  me  from  Lyons,  the  24th 
past. 

"I  wonder  a  little  at  Mr. not  ac 
quainting  you  whether  your  name  was  in  the 
commission  or  not.  I  begin  to  suspect,  from 
various  circumstances,  that  the  British  minis- 
try^  elated  perhaps  too  much  by  the  success  of 
admiral  Rodney,  are  not  in  earnest  to  treat 
immediately,  but  rather  wish  delay.  They 
seem  to  hope  that  farther  successes  may  enable 
them  to  treat  more  advantageously;  or,  as 
some  suppose,  that  certain  propositions  to  be 
made  to  congress  by  general  Carleton,  may 
render  a  treaty  here  with  us  unnecessary.  A 
little  bad  news,  which  it  is  possible  they  may 
yet  receive  from  the  same  quarter,  will  con 
tribute  to  set  them  right ;  and  then  we  may 
enter  seriously  upon  the  treaty ;  otherwise  I 
conjecture  it  may  not  take  place  till  after  ano 
ther  campaign.  Mr.  Jay  is  arrived  here.  Mr. 
Grenville  and  Mr.  Oswald  continue  here. 
Mr.  Oswald  has  yet  received  no  commission ; 
and  that  of  Mr.  Grenville  does  not  very  clear 
ly  comprehend  us  according  to  British  ideas  ; 
therefore  requires  explication.  When  I  know 
more,  you  shall  have  farther  information. 

"  Not  having  an  immediate  answer  to  what 
I  wrote  you,  concerning  the  absolution  of  lord 
Cornwallis's  parole,  and  major  Ross  coming 
over  hither  from  him  to  press  it ;  I  gave  him 
the  discharge  you  desired.  Enclosed  I  send 
you  a  copy.  I  hear  it  has  proved  satisfactory 
to  him ;  I  hope  it  will  be  so  to  you. 

Private  Mernorandums,  Mr.  Hobart. 
"  WHEN  I  published  the  memorials  which  I 
had  prepared  for  the  king,  January  1,  1782, 1 


prefixed  a  prefatory  explanation  of  the  publica 
tion,  stating,  as  far  as  was  safe  so  to  do,  the 
state  of  the  propositions  of  treaty,  and  the 
circumstances  attending  the  reception  and 
final  refusal  of  them. 

"  I  could  not  think  it  proper  to  name  the 
person  with  whom  I  had  corresponded,  who 
was  authorized  to  treat  of  peace,  and  was 
willing  to  promote  it,  because  I  knew  the  in 
sidious  falsehood  of  those  who  both  hate  and 
fear  him,  would,  when  once  his  name  was 
committed  with  the  public,  represent  him  in 
any  light  that  might  tend  to  diminish  and  de 
stroy  the  trust  and  confidence  which  he  so 
deservedly  has  from  his  employers.  The  me- 
norials,  therefore,  speak  of  persons  in  the 
plural,  and  the  preface  in  its  communications 
:o  the  public  keeps  close  to  that  expressed. 

"  I  could  not  venture  to  tell  the  public,  nor 
could  I  venture  to  write  to  this  person,  the 
fact  that  lie  specifically  and  personally  was 
excepted  to,  in  an  opprobrious  manner.  Be 
cause,  the  same  persons  who  are  his  enemies, 
having  proscribed  me,  would  have  been  glad 
of  making,  such  my  communications,  an  oc 
casion  of  charging  me  with  crimes,  which, 
notwithstanding  they  have  been  in  constant, 
watch,  they  have  never  yet  been  able  to  do. 
For  although  I  know  they  have  whispered 
such  in  the  closet,  they  never  have  dared  to 
assert  any  such  matter  as  fact  in  public. — 
What  I  did,  I  thought  right  in  point  of  ho 
nour  to  all  concerned  or  interested,  and  I  went 
as  far  as  I  dared  venture  to  go  in  the  publica 
tions  which  I  made. 

"  As  this  exception  to  the  integrity  and 
good  faith  of  my  correspondent,  was  made,  up 
on  the  very  first  overture  which  I  made,  by 
all  the  ministers,  I  made  a  point,  in  all  the 
memorials  which  I  drew  up  for  presentation 
(had  the  offers  been  admissible,)  of  founding 
my  offers  on  the  integrity  and  good  faith  of 
this  person  (p.  32,*)  and  in  this  communica 
tion  to  the  public  of  marking  him  (preface,  p. 
10,)  as  a  man  of  honour  and  good  faith. 

"  I  could  not  venture  to  communicate  to  my 
correspondent,  much  less  to  the  public,  those 
matters,  which,  though  not  officially  commu 
nicated  to  me,  these  my  enemies  would  have 
represented,  as  a  betraying  to  the  enemy  the 
secrets  of  government.  But  it  is  fit,  if  not  ab 
solutely  necessary,  to  make  this  memoran 
dum  of  these  things,  that  the  truth,  when  the 
proper  time  shall  come,  may  be  known  to  all 
whom  it  doth  concern ;  and  it  is  further  fit 
that  this  memorandum  should  be  communi 
cated  to  you  now,  as  the  proposing  of  your 


*  These  references  aro  to  the  printed  memorials  of 
governor  Powuall,  published  by  G.  Dodsley,  1782.  In 
the  preface  to  one  of  which  presented  to  Dr.  F.  by  the 
author,  is  this  sentence : — "  One  has  heard  of  a  Sully,  a 
Fleury,  a  Somers,  a  Dewitt,  a  Franklin,  benefactors 
of  mankind."  Below,  in  governor  Pownall's  autograph 
is  written,  this  nitch  was  dedicated  to  the  name  that 
now  fills  it. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


439 


services  was  included  in  the  offers  made  as  a 
condition  sine  qua  non. 

"Between  the  6th  of  December,  1781,  and 
the  end  of  January  1782,  during  which  time 
the  ministry  kept  me  in  suspense,  as  to  what 
resolution  they  would  take,  as  to  what  an 
swer  they  would  give;  or  whether  they 
would  give  me  any  answer  at  all ;  or  whether 
they  would  deign  to  admit  me  and  my  propo 
sitions  to  a  hearing ;  they  act  dishonourably 
towards  me,  and  as  I  think  towards  my  cor 
respondent  also,  profited  of  the  fact  communi 
cated  by  me  to  them,  viz.  '  that  there  were 
persons  authorized  to  treat  of  peace ;  and  that 
these  persons  were  disposed  to  give  such  trea 
ty  every  assistance  in  their  power:'— and 
sent  one  person  (J  have  been  told  it  was  Mr. 
Oswald,;  to  Holland,  a  person,  if  not  actually 
the  same  person,  to  Ghent,  and  a  Mr.  Forth 
to  France,  to  try  if  they  could  not  get  upon 
the  same  ground  by  other  ways,  and  through 
other  persons.  I  have  been  told,  and  believe 
it,  that  they  understood  that  Mr.  Adams  was 
(disgusted  with  the  Dutch  government)  ready 

to  accede  to  ours.     Also  that  Mr. at 

Ghent  was  already  gained.  This  person 
they  hurried  off  to  America ;  and  they  gave 
instructions  to  general  Carleton  to  open  the 
ground  of  treaty  in  America.  In  short  they 
tried  any  ground  and  every  person,  except 
him  who  was  excepted  to.  And  when  they 
found  that  they  could  not  get  in  at  any  door 
in  Europe,  they  affected  to  interpret  this  dis 
appointment  into  a  fact,  '  That  the  American 
ministers  were  either  not  impowered  or  not 
willing  to  treat ;  that  the  offer  was  now  clear 
ly  a  trap  laid  by  a  faithless  and  decided  enemy.'' 

"  When  I  first  made  my  offer,  I  was  asked 
whether  I  would  go  to  Ghent  or  Holland, 
which  I  peremptorily  refused.  I  was  then 
asked,  why  I  would  not ;  I  said,  I  knew  no 
thing  of  the  person  in  Holland,  and  as  to  the 
person  at  Ghent,  I  would  have  no  communi 
cations  there.  The  only  person  I  would  have 
communications  with,  was  him  that  I  knew 
had  powers,  whom  I  knew  to  be,  notwith 
standing  all  provocations  to  the  contrary,  a 
well  wisher  and  friend  to  this,  whom  from  ex 
perience  I  knew  to  be  a  man  of  honour  and 
good  faith,  whom  I  could  trust,  and  who 
would  trust  me.  This  person  and  this  line 
was  rejected ;  I  will  not  aggravate  the  co 
lour  of  facts  by  saying  how. 

"  I  was  informed,  that  during  this  period, 
they  were  talking  with  Mr.  Laurens,  as  a 
more  practicable  man,  as  one  who  had,  by  ac 
knowledging  himself  amenable  to  the  laws 
and  courts  of  this  country,  and  by  the  act  of 
giving  bail,  had  by  implication  acknowledged 
(at  least  de  facto,}  the  sovereignty  of  Great 
Britain,  and  that  the  ministers  of  the  states 
were  criminals  against  this  country.  This 
gentleman,  therefore,  and  his  surety  Mr.  Os 
wald,  were  fixed  upon  as  the  persons  through 


whom  business  might  go.  What  was  the 
nature  of  the  matters  of  business  on  which 
they  were  communicated  with,  I  do  not 
know. 

"  Notwithstanding  the  change  of  the  mi 
nistry,  which  took  place  at  this  period,  there 
were  some  in  the  new  composition  of  minis 
ters,  who  partook  of  the  spirit  and  influence 
of  the  old  ones,  and  the  same  line  of  motion, 
and  the  same  persons,  were  in  like  manner  as 
before,  adopted  for  treaty. 

"  The  memorial,  January  1,  1782,  (p.  22,) 
declares  specifically  and  definitively  what 
was  the  proposition  I  made,  viz.  to  open  a '  ne 
gotiation  for  the  purpose  only  of  settling  such 
a  truce  with  the  Americans,  as  a  preliminary 
measure,  in  order  the  better  to  treat  of  peace 
in  future,  either  separately,  or  in  any  general 
congress  of  the  powers  of  Europe.'  And  this 
on  a  ground  of  uti  possidetis,  both  as  to  rights 
as  well  as  territories  possessed,  which  I  ex 
plained  as  an  acknowledgment  of  the  inde 
pendence  of  America,  with  a  sauf  d'honneur 
to  the  British  sovereign,  and  a  removing  of 
all  obstacles  from  the  way  of  such  other  sove 
reigns  in  Europe  as  had  not  yet  brought  them 
selves  to  acknowledge  the  American  sove 
reignty,  (p.  22.)  I  never  pretended  to  talk  of 
peace,  much  less  of  a  separate  peace,  but  de 
finitively  declared  that  whatever  was.  under 
taken  '  must  not  contravene,  (Mem.  Jan. 
1782,  p.  21,)  nor  ever  bring  into  question, 
treaties  already  subsisting.' 

"  On  this  ground  it  was,  that  upon  my  first 
overtures  I  proposed  that  while  I  was  treating 
with  the  American  ministers,  Mr.  Hobart  might 
be  authorized  to  treat  with  French  ministers,  as 
the  properest  man  then  in  England,  as  living 
with  the  men  of  business  of  that  court ;  as 
known  to  them  ;  as  knowing  them ;  and  be 
tween  whom  and  him  there  was  that  degree 
and  those  habits  of  acquaintance  and  good  opi 
nion,  which  is  the  only  soil  out  of  which  prac 
tical  confidence  in  negotiation  can  grow  ;  as 
one  with  whom  I  could  communicate  with 
the  most  perfect  confidence ;  as  one  in  whose 
hands  I  would  repose  my  life  and  honour.  I  said 
first,  that  if  these  two  lines  of  treaty  were  not 
instituted  at  the  same  time;  and  secondly, 
that  if  Mr.  Hobart  was  not  the  person  joined 
with  me,  I  would  not  engage  in  what  I  had 
offered.  This  gentleman,  a  man  of  honour, 
brother  to  the  earl  of  Buckingham,  of  a  noble 
distinct  landed  estate  of  his  own  ;  a  man  de 
signed  by  his  education  at  the  court  of  Vien 
na,  under  former  ministers  in  a  former  reign, 
for  the  corps  diplomatic,  and  actually  having 
served  in  Russia,  was  also  inadmissible.  And 
they  thus  ended  all  matters  in  which  I  had 
made  my  offers. 

"Having  thus  found  the  ministers  with 
whom  I  had  communicated,  impracticable  to 
wards  peace,  in  the  only  line  in  which  I 
thought  it  might  be  obtained,  and  seeing  an 


440 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


opportunity  in  which  I  could  be  principally 
instrumental  in  turning  them  out,  I  seized  the 
occasion,  and  effectuated  the  purpose. 

"General  Conway  had  communicated  to 
me  a  measure,  which  he  was  to  take,  of  mo 
ving  an  address  in  the  house  of  commons,  to 
pray  his  majesty  to  relinquish  the  farther 
prosecution  for  peace.  I  stated  to  him  the 
following  difficulty,  which  might  be  thrown 
on  the  ground  of  his  motion,  so  as  to  obstruct 
his  proceeding  in  it  The  ministers  might, 
in  general  terms,  and  equivocal  assertions 
say,  that  they  were  trying  the  ground  of  trea 
ty,  and  that  propositions  towards  negotiation 
were  afloat,  &c.  &c.,  and  then,  if  on  this 
ground  they  called  upon  him,  not  at  such  a 
juncture,  to  bring  forward  measures  which 
might  obstruct  their  endeavours,  and  destroy 
all  hopes  and  views  of  peace,  he  would  be  puz 
zled  what  to  answer  and  how  to  proceed. — 
But,  that  if  he  could  have  it  in  his  power  to 
say,  That  so  far  from  opening  the  ground  of 
negotiation,  or  being  disposed  to  take  a  way 
to  such ;  which  offers  had  opened  to  them ; 
that  they  had  offers  made  by  persons  commu 
nicating  with  other  persons  actually  author 
ized  and  willing  to  treat  of  peace,  and  had 
rejected  those  offers ;  I  thought  the  minis 
ters  would  not  know  how  to  oppose  his  mo 
tion.  He  said,  that  indeed  would  be  strong 
ground,  from  whence,  if  the  ministry  were  at 
tacked,  he  did  not  see  how  they  could  main 
tain  their  ground.  I  then  proceeded  in  my 
communications  to  him,  without  naming  my 
correspondent,  nay  absolutely  refusing  to 
name,  when  earnestly  pressed,  and  told  him 
that  I  was  the  person  to  whom  communica 
tions  had  come,  '  that  there  were  in  Europe 
persons  authorized  to  treat  of  peace,  and  who 
had  declared,  that  any  reasonable  measures 
to  that  end,  should  have  every  assistance  in 
their  power.'  That  I  had  communicated 
this  to  the  ministry,  that  after  delaying  all 
answer,  from  December  6,  to  the  end  of  Ja 
nuary,  to  offers,  which  I  had  made  them  on 
that  ground,  they  had  finally  and  absolutely 
rejected  the  persons  and  the  offers.  He  said 
if  this  could  be  proved,  it  must  turn  them  out. 
I  then  authorized  him  to  make  those  asser 
tions,*  which  he  made  in  the  house,  which, 
that  we  might  not  misunderstand  one  another, 
I  desired  might  be  written  down :  and  farther 
authorized  him,  if  the  ministry,  by  denying  the 
assertions,  should  render  it  necessary,  to  name 
me,  as  ready  to  come  and  declare  the  same  at 
the  bar  of  the  house  of  commons ;  and  that  in 
the  mean  while,  he  need  not  make  any  secret 
of  me  on  this  matter.  The  ministers  could 
not,  and  did  not  venture  to  deny  it,  and  were 
forced  to  quit  their  ground  and  their  places.f 

*  Which  where  not  those  which  the  newspapers  pub 
lished. 

t  The  country  gentlemen,  tired  of  the  war,  and  grown 
impatient  for  peace,  left  the  old  ministry  on  this  ques- 


Upon  the  change  of  ministers,  I,  by  letter  to 
general  Conway,  made  an  offer  of  my  ser 
vices  to  open  the  same  negotiation,  which  I 
had  proposed  to  the  late  ministers,  but  from 
that  hour  to  this  day  have  never  heard  from 
him:  and  soon  after  found,  that  lord  Shel- 
burne  had  employed  Mr.  Oswald,  who  was 
Mr.  Laurens's  surety,  and  that  his  lordship 
had  seen  Mr.  Laurens. 

«  Richmond,  July  2, 1782." 


Governor  Pownall  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  RICHMOND  HILL,  July  5, 1782. 

"DEAR  SIR, — I  have,  by  my  friend  Mr 
Hobart,  sent  a  printed  copy  of  the  three  me 
morials  which  I  published  on  the  subject  of 
America,  one  addressed  to  the  sovereigns  of 
Europe,  and  two  others  addressed  to  the  so 
vereign  of  Great  Britain. 

«*  I  hope  you  received  my  letter  of  May  13, 
1782,  forwarded  by  Mr.  Bridgen. 

"  As  it  is  possible  you  may  see  Mr.  Hobart, 
he  can  inform  you  from  me,  as  well  as  of  his 
own  knowledge,  of  the  steps  we  took  upon  the 
ground  of  your  communications  to  him  and  me. 
That  there  were  persons  authorized  to  treat 
of  peace,  and  that  such  persons  were  willing 
to  give  to  reasonable  measures  taken  to  that 
end,  every  assistance  in  their  power.'  He 
can  inform  you  also  on  the  circumstances 
which  attended  those  steps;  and  of  the  effect 
which  they  missed  in  the  direct  line,  as  of 
the  effect  they  actually  have  in  an  oblique 
one.  As  from  the  beginning  of  this  mat 
ter,  of  trying  to  bring  on  negotiation  for 
peace,  I  considered  him  as  joined  with  me,  in 
our  endeavours ;  so  I  have  given  to  him  a 
memorandum  which  I  made  on  the  course  of 
this  business.  He  will  communicate  to  you 
every  thing  which  is  not  improper  for  a  man 
of  honour  to  communicate  to  the  minister  of  a 
people  at  war  with  us :  nor  will  he  abstain 
from  communicating  any  thing  which  that 
minister,  wishing  peace  to  our  country,  ought 
to  be  apprized  of,  respecting  the  effects  of  his 
friendly  offers.  He  will  do  every  thing  which 
a  man  of  honour  ought  to  do,  and  he  will  do 
nothing  that  a  man  of  honour  ought  not  to  do. 

"I  have  desired  him  to  give  a  paper  of 
queries,  respecting  modes  and  terms  of  set 
tling  in  America,  which  people  of  this  old 
world,  and  of  the  old  country,  may  in  future 
be  admitted  to  receive.  I  am,  not  only  for  my 
friends,  but  personally  interested,  to  gain  in 
formation  on  that  head:  and  as  I  wish  that 
which  will  not  deceive  them  or  myself,  I  ap 
ply  to  you. 

"  May  God  send  peace  on  earth.  I  hope 
among  the  general  blessings  it  will  bring,  it 
will  restore  me  to  the  communication  and  en- 

tion,  and  declared  themselves  the  supporters  of  those 
who  promised  to  end  the  war,  and  give  peace  to  the 
country. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL 


441 


joyment  of  my  old  and  long  valued  friendship 
with  you.  May  you  live  to  see,  and  have 
health  to  enjoy,  the  blessings  which  I  hope  it 
may  please  God  to  make  you  instruments  of 
communicating  to  mankind. 

"T.  POWNALL." 


"TWr.  Hutton* 

"  PASSY,  July  7,  1782. 

"  MY  OLD  AND  DEAR  FRIEND, — A  letter 
written  by  you  to  M.  Bertin,  ministre  d'  etat, 
containing  an  account  of  the  abominable  mur 
ders  committed  by  some  of  the  frontier  people 
on  the  poor  Moravian  Indians,  has  given  me 
infinite  pain  and  vexation.  The  dispensa 
tions  of  Providence  in  this  world  puzzle  my 
weak  reason;  I  cannot  comprehend  why 
cruel  men  should  have  been  permitted  thus 
to  destroy  their  fellow-creatures.  Some  of 
the  Indians  may  be  supposed  to  have  commit 
ted  sins,  but  one  cannot  think  the  little  children 
had  committed  any  worthy  of  death.  Why 
has  a  single  man  in  England,  who  happens 
to  love  blood,  and  to  hate  Americans,  been 
permitted  to  gratify  that  bad  temper,  by  hir 
ing  German  murderers,  and  joining  them 
with  his  own,  to  destroy,  in  a  continued  course 
of  bloody  years,  near  100,000  human  crea 
tures,  many  of  them  possessed  of  useful  ta 
lents,  virtues,  and  abilities,  to  which  he  has 
no  pretension !  It  is  he  who  has  furnished  the 
savages  with  hatchets  and  scalping  knives, 
and  engages  them  to  fall  upon  our  defence 
less  farmers,  arid  murder  them  with  their 
wives  and  children,  paying  for  their  scalps,  of 
which  the  account  kept  in  America,  already 
amounts,  as  I  have  heard,  to  near  two  thou 
sand  !  Perhaps  the  people  of  the  frontiers, 
exasperated  by  the  cruelties  of  the  Indians, 
have  been  induced  to  kill  all  Indians  that  fall 
into  their  hands  without  distinction :  so  that 
even  these  horrid  murderers  of  our  poor  Mora 
vians  may  be  laid  to  his  charge.  And  yet 
this  man  lives,  enjoys  all  the  good  things  this 
world  can  afford,  and  is  surrounded  by  flat 
terers,,  who  keep  even  his  conscience  quiet, 
by  telling  him  he  is  the  best  of  princes! 
I  wonder  at  this,  but  I  cannot  therefore  part 
with  the  comfortable  belief  of  a  divine  provi 
dence  ;  and  the  more  I  see  the  impossibility, 
from  the  number  and  extent  of  his  crimes,  of 
giving  equivalent  punishment  to  a  wicked 
man  in  this  life,  the  more  I  am  convinced  of 
a  future  state,  in  which  all  that  appears  to 

*  James  Button,  son  of  Doctor  Hutton,(\vho  in  the 
early  part  of  his  life  had  been  a  booksellerHvas  for  many 
years  secretary  to  the  Society  of  Moravians.  He  died 
April  25,  1795,  in  his  80th  year,  at  Oxstead  Cottage, 
Surrey  ;  and  was  buried  in  the  Moravian  cemetry  at 
Chelsea.  He  was  a  well  known  character,  and  very  ge 
nerally  esteemed.  He  was  a  faithful  brother  of  the 
Moravian  fraternity  fifty-five  years;  the  latter  part  of 
his  life  was  spent  literary  in  going  about  doing  good, 
and  his  charities  were  confined  to  no  sect. 

VOL.  I. ...  3  K 


be  wrong  shall  be  set  right,  all  that  is  crooked 
made  straight.  In  this  faith  let  you  and  I, 
my  dear  friend,  comfort  ourselves ;  it  is  the 
only  comfort  in  the  present  dark  scene  of 
things  that  is  allowed  us. 

"I  shall  not  fail  to  write  to  the  government 
of  America,  urging  that  effectual  care  may 
be  taken  to  protect  and  save  the  remainder 
of  those  unhappy  people. 

"  Since  writing  the  above,  I  have  received 
a  Philiadelphia  paper,  containing  some  ac 
count  of  the  same  horrid  transaction,  a  little 
different,  and  some  circumstances  alleged  as 
excuses  or  palliations,  but  extremely  weak 
and  insufficient.  I  send  it  to  you  enclosed. 

"  With  great  and  sincere  esteem,  I  am 
ever,  my  dear  friend,  yours  most  affection 
ately.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

Memorandum  by  David  Hartley. 

"July8,  1782. 

"To  a  person,  who  no  longer  thinks  of 
American  dependence,  what  disadvantage  can 
there  be  in  making  its  independence  a  fixed 
article  (whether  the  treaty  succeeds  or  no) 
instead  of  making  it  a  first  article  of  the  trea 
ty,  and  so  to  depend  on  the  success  of  that 
which  may  miscarry.  To  a  person  indeed  who 
looks  on  it  as  an  evil,  and  as  an  evil  which 
there  are  yet  some  hopes  to  avoid,  it  is  a  ra 
tional  proceeding  to  provide  for  all  possibili 
ties  of  realizing  those  hopes;  and  the  case  of 
the  treaty  not  succeeding  is  that  reserved  pos 
sibility.  Were  I  treating  with  an  enemy  in 
deed  for  a  barrier  town  (which  I  certainly 
wish  to  keep  or  to  get  something  for),  nothing 
I  own  would  be  so  absurd  as  to  give  it  up  at 
starting,  as  a  fixed  article  before  the  treaty, 
instead  of  making  it  the  first  article  of  a  trea 
ty,  and  dependent  on  the  success  of  the  rest. 
But  I  had  rather  have  American  independence 
(for  one  reason  amongst  others),  because  the 
bolder  way  of  giving  it  up,  will  secure  a. 
greater  certainty  of  peace.  I  would  then  be  for 
giving  it  up  in  that  bolder  way ;  nay  had  I 
some  reluctance  to  American  independence,  I 
should  still  think  the  smallest  probability  ad 
ded  of  peace,  would  overbalance  the  whole 
value  of  a  mere  reserved  possibility  of  depend 
ence,  which  could  only,  after  all,  arise  from 
the  failure  of  the  treaty." 

Lafayette  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  PARIS,  July  9,  1782. 

"I  HAVE  the  honour  to  inform  you,  my  dear 
sir,  that  Mr.  Grenville's  express  is  arrived  this 
morning  by  way  of  Ostend.  The  gentleman 
is  gone  to  Versailles.  I  fancy  he  will  wait 
upon  you,  and  will  be  much  obliged  to  you,  to 
let  me  know  what  your  opinion  is.  I  am  go 
ing  to  Saint  Germain,  but  if  any  intelligence 
comes  to  hand,  will  communicate  it  as  soon  as 
possible.  LAFAYETTE,'1 


442 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


The  answer. 

"  PASSY,  July  9,  1782. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — Mr.  Grenville  has  been  with 
me,  in  his  return  from  Versailles.  He  tells 
me  that  lord  Rockingham  being  dead,  lord 
Shelburne  is  appointed  first  lord  of  the  trea 
sury;  and  that  Mr.  Fox  has  resigned;  so 
that  both  the  secretaryships  are  vacant.  That 
his  communication  to  M.  de  Vergennes,  was 
only  that  no  change  was  thereby  made  in  the 
dispositions  of  that  court  for  peace,  &c.,  and 
he  expects  another  courier  with  fuller  instruc 
tions  in  a  few  days.  As  soon  as  I  hear  more 
I  shall  acquaint  you  with  it. — I  am  ever,  with 
great  respect  and  affection,  your  most  obedi 
ent  humble  servant,  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  Marquis  de  Lafayette.'11 


"  David  Hartley. 

"  PASSY,  July  10,  1782. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favour  of  the 
26th  past  by  Mr.  Young,  and  am  indebted  to 
you  for  some  preceding.  I  do  not  know  why 
the  good  work  of  peace  goes  on  so  slowly  on 
your  side.  Some  have  imagined  that  your 
ministers,  since  Rodney's  success,  are  desirous 
of  trying  fortune  a  little  farther  before  they 
conclude  the  war :  others,  that  they  have  not 
a  good  understanding  with  each  other.  What 
I  have  just  heard,  seems  to  countenance  this 
opinion.  It  is  said  Mr.  Fox  has  resigned. 
We  are  ready  here,  on  the  part  of  America, 
to  enter  into  treaty  with  you  in  concurrence 
with  our  allies ;  and  are  disposed  to  be  very 
reasonable  ;  but  if  your  plenipotentiary,  not 
withstanding  that  character,  is  upon  every 
proposition  obliged  to  send  a  courier  and  wait 
an  answer,  we  shall  not  soon  see  the  happy 
conclusion.  It  has  been  suspected  too,  that 
you  wait  to  hear  the  effect  of  some  overtures 
sent  by  general  Carleton  for  a  separate  peace 
in  America.  A  vessel  just  arrived  from  Mary 
land,  brings  us  the  unanimous  resolutions  o] 
their  assembly,  for  continuing  the  war  at  all 
hazards,  rather  than  violate  their  faith  with 
France.  This  is  a  sample  of  the  success  to  be 
expected  from  such  a  measure,  if  it  has  really 
been  taken  ;  which  I  hardly  believe. 

"  There  is  methinks  a  point  that  has  been 
too  little  considered  in  treaties,  the  means  of 
making  them  durable.  An  honest  peasan 
from  the  mountains  of  Provence,  brought  me 
the  other  day  a  manuscript  he  had  written  on 
the  subject,  and  which  he  could  not  procure 
permission  to  print.  It  appeared  to  me  to  have 
much  good  sense  in  it ;  and  therefore  I  go 
some  copies  to  be  struck  off  for  him  to  distri 
bute  where  he  may  think  fit.  I  send  you  om 
enclosed.  This  man  aims  at  no  profit  from 
his  pamphlet  or  his  project,  asks  for  nothing 
expects  nothing,  and  does  not  even  desire  t< 
be  known.  He  has  acquired,  he  tells  me,  ? 


fortune  of  near  one  hundred  and  fifty  crowns 
a  year  (about  eighteen  pounds  sterling)  with 
which  he  is  content.  This  you  may  imagine 

uld  not  afibrd  the  expense  of  riding  to  Pa 
ris,  so  he  came  on  foot ;  such  was  his  zeal  for 
>eace,  and  the  hope  of  forwarding  and  secur- 
ng  it,  by  communicating  his  ideas  to  great 
men  here.  His  rustic  and  poor  appearance, 
las  prevented  his  access  to  them ;  or  obtain- 
ng  their  attention  ;  but  he  does  not  seem  yet  to 
)e  discouraged.  1  honour  much  the  charac-« 
ter  of  this  veritable  philosophe. 

'  I  thank  you  much  for  your  letters  of  May 
1,  13,  and  25,  with  your  proposed  prelimina- 
ies.  It  is  a  pleasure  to  me  to  find  our  senti 
ments  so  concurring  on  points  of  importance  : 
it  makes  discussions  as  unnecessary  as  they 
might,  between  us,  be  inconvenient. — I  am, 
my  dear  sir,  with  great  esteem  and  affection, 
yours  ever,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Benjamin  Vaughan. 

"  PASSY,  July  10,  1782. 

l{  BY  the  original  law  of  nations,  war  and 
extirpation  was  the  punishment  of  injury. 
Humanizing  by  degrees,  it  admitted  slavery, 
instead  of  death.  A  farther  step  was,  the  ex 
change  of  prisoners  instead  of  slavery.  Ano 
ther,  to  respect  more  the  property  of  private 
persons  under  conquest,  and  to  be  content  with 
acquired  dominion.  Why  should  not  the  law 
of  nations  go  on  improving?  Ages  have  inter 
vened  between  its  several  steps ;  but  as  know 
ledge  of  late  increases  rapidly,  why  should  not 
those  steps  be  quickened  ]  Why  should  it  not 
be  agreed  to  as  the  future  law  of  nations,  that 
in  any  war  hereafter  the  following  descriptions 
of  men  should  be  undisturbed,  have  the  pro 
tection  of  both  sides,  and  be  permitted  to  fol 
low  their  employments  in  surety  ;  viz. 

"  1.  Cultivators  of  the  earth,  because  they 
labour  for  the  subsistence  of  mankind. 

"  2.  Fishermen,  for  the  same  reason. 

"  3.  Merchants  and  traders,  in  unarmed  ships, 
who  accommodate  different  nations  by  com 
municating  and  exchanging  the  necessaries 
and  conveniences  of  life. 

"  4.  Artists  and  mechanics,  inhabiting  and 
working  in  open  towns. 

"  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  add,  that  the  hos 
pitals  of  enemies  should  be  unmolested  ;  they 
ought  to  be  assisted. 

"  In  short,  I  would  have  nobody  fought  with, 
but  those  who  are  paid  for  fighting.  If  obliged 
to  take  corn  from  the  farmer,  friend,  or  enemy, 
I  would  pay  him  for  it ;  the  same  for  the  fish 
or  goods  of  the  others. 

"  This  once  established,  that  encourage 
ment  to  war  which  arises  from  a  spirit  of  ra 
pine,  would  be  taken  away,  and  peace  there 
fore  more  likely  to  continue  and  be  lasting. 
"B.  FRANKLIN." 


CORRESPONDENCE   PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


443 


To  the  same. 


"  PASSY,  July  11,  1782. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — In  mine  of  yesterday,  which 
went  by  Mr.  Young,  I  made  no  mention  of 
yours  of  May  11,  it  not  being  before  me.  I 
have  just  found  it. 

"  You  speak  of  a  '  proposed  dependent 
state  of  America,  which  you  thought  Mr.  Os 
wald  would  begin  with.'  As  yet  I  have 
heard  nothing  of  it.  I  have  all  along  under 
stood  (perhaps  I  have  understood  more  than 
was  intended)  that  the  point  of  dependence 
was  given  up,  and  that  we  are  to  be  treated 
with  as  free  people.  I  am  not  sure  that  Mr. 
Oswald  has  explicitly  said  so,  but  I  know  that 
Mr.  Grenville  has,  and  that  he  was  to  make 
that  declaration  previous  to  the  commence 
ment  of  the  treaty.  It  is  now  intimated  to 
me  from  several  quarters,  that  lord  Shel- 
burne's  plan  is  to  retain  the  sovereignty  for 
the  king,  giving  us  otherwise  an  independent 
parliament,  and  a  government  similar  to  that 
of  late  intended  for  Ireland.  If  this  be  really 
his  project,  our  negotiation  for  peace  will  not 
go  very  far,  the  thing  is  impracticable  and 
impossible,  being  inconsistent  with  the  faith 
we  have  pledged,  to  say  nothing  of  the  gene 
ral  disposition  of  our  people.  Upon  the  whole 
I  should  believe,  that  though  lord  Shelburne 
might  formerly  have  entertained  such  an  idea, 
he  had  probably  dropped  it  before  he  sent  Mr. 
Oswald  here:  your  words  above  cited  do 
however  throw  a  little  doubt  in  my  mind,  and 
have,  with  the  intimations  of  others,  made  me 
less  free  in  communication  with  his  lordship, 
whom  I  much  esteem  and  honour,  than  I 
should  otherwise  have  been.  I  wish  there 
fore  you  would  afford  me  what  you  can  of 
eclaircissement. 

"  This  letter,  going  by  a  courier,  will  pro 
bably  get  to  hand  long  before  the  one  (preced 
ing  in  date,)  which  went  by  Mr.  Young,  who 
travels  on  foot.  I  therefore  enclose  the  copy 
of  it  which  was  taken  in  the  press.  You  may 
return  it  to  me  when  the  other  arrives. 

"  By  the  return  of  the  courier,  you  may 
oblige  me,  by  communicating,  what  is  fairly 
communicable,  of  the  history  of  Mr.  Fox's 
and  lord  J.  Cavendish's  resignation,  with  any 
other  changes  made  or  likely  to  be  made. 

"  With  sincere  esteem,  I  am  ever,  my  dear 
friend,  yours  most  affectionately, 

«  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Richard  Oswald. 

"  PASSY,  July  12, 1782. 

"SiR, — I  enclose  a  letter  for  lord  Shelburne, 
to  go  by  your  courier,  with  some  others  of 
which  I  request  his  care.  They  may  be  put 
into  the  penny  post.  I  have  received  a  note 
informing  me,  that  'some  opposition  given 
by  his  lordship  to  Mr.  Fox's  decided  plan  of 


unequivocally  acknowledging  American  in 
dependence,  was  one  cause  of  that  gentle 
man's  resignation ;'  this  from  what  you  have 
told  me,  appears  improbable.  It  is  farther 
said,  'that  Mr.  Grenville  thinks  Mr  Fox's 
resignation  will  be  fatal  to  the  present  nego 
tiation.'  This  perhaps  is  as  groundless  as 
the  former.  Mr.  Grenville's  next  courier  will 
probably  clear  up  matters.  I  did  understand 
from  him,  that  such  an  acknowledgment 
was  intended  previous  to  the  commencement 
of  the  treaty  ;  until  it  is  made,  and  the  treaty 
formally  begun,  propositions  and  discussions 
seem  in  consideration,  to  be  untimely ;  nor 
can  I  enter  into  particulars  without  Mr. 
Jay,  who  is  now  ill  with  the  influenza.  My 
letter  therefore  to  his  lordship,  is  merely 
complimentary  on  his  late  appointment.  I 
wish  a  continuance  of  your  health,  in  that  at 
present  sickly  city,  being  with  sincere  esteem, 
sir,  your  most  obedient  and  most  humble  ser 
vant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  I  send  you  enclosed  the  late  resolutions  of 
the  state  of  Maryland  ;  by  which  the  general 
disposition  of  people  in  America,  may  be 
guessed,  respecting  any  treaty  to  be  proposed 
by  general  Carleton  if  intended,  which  I  do 
not  believe." 


"  Earl  Shelburne. 

"  PASSY,  July  12, 1782. 

"MY  LORD, — Mr.  Oswald  informing  me 
that  he  is  about  to  despatch  a  courier,  I  em 
brace  the  opportunity  of  congratulating  your 
lordship  on  your  appointment  to  the  treasury. 
It  is  an  extension  of  your  power  to  do  good, 
and  in  that  view,  if  in  no  other,  it  must  in 
crease  your  happiness,  which  I  heartily  wish. 
"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


Count  de  Vergennes  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  VERSAILLES,  July  18, 1782. 

"  SIR, — I  have  the  honour  to  send  you  a 
memorial  which  respects  the  emperor's  sub 
jects,  and  which  has  been  recommended  to  me 
by  the  government  general  of  the  Low  Coun 
tries.  I  make  no  doubt  but  that  it  will  make 
it  your  duty  to  forward  the  same  to  congress, 
and  request  that  body  to  take  it  into  consider 
ation. — I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

"  DE  VERGENNES." 

MEMORIAL. 

From  the  Sieurs  Liebaert,  Baes,  Derdeyn  <$• 
Co.  transmitted  to  Dr.  Franklin  by  the 
Count  de  Vergennes. 

"  THE  Sieurs  Liebaert,  Baes,  Derdeyn  and 
Co.,  merchants,  residing  in  Ostend,  subjects 
of  his  imperial  and  royal  majesty,  set  forth, 
that  in  the  course  of  the  present  year,  they 


444 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


Lave  equipped  in  the  said  port,  and  loaded  on 
account  of  the  capitulants  of  Dominica,  and 
consigned  to  them  agreeable  to  manifest,  di 
vers  harmless  merchandizes  (that  is  to  say, 
not  contraband  in  war,  and  the  traffic  of  which 
is  at  this  very  time  allowed  to  neutral  persons) 
on  board  their  vessel  the  brig  Den  Ersten, 
destined  for  the  island  and  plantations  of  Do 
minica,  open  and  free  agreeable  to  the  capi 
tulation  to  all  neutral  nations. 

"  All  the  despatches  were  regular,  and  im 
perial  passport,  bills  of  lading  and  manifest  of 
the  cargo,  captain  and  major  part  of  the  crew 
were  imperialists,  and  the  remainder  neutral 
subjects.  In  short,  all  the  papers  on  board 
tended  to  prove  the  property  belonging  to  the 
colonists,  and  to  neutral  representatives,  and 
were  verified  before  the  respective  magis 
trates  and  consuls. 

"  This  vessel  having  sailed  on  the  route  of 
her  destination,  was  met  by  a  frigate  carry 
ing  an  English  flag,  who  ordered  her  to  sa 
lute,  and  examined  her  papers.  The  com 


be  disapproved  by  congress,  and  the  ship  and 
cargo  restored  with  damages  and  interest. 

"It  is  certain,  and  the  papers  on  board, 
which  Darby  is  obliged  to  show,  will  prove 
that  this  vessel  is  not  English  property,  but  it 
actually  belongs  to  the  Sieurs  Liebaert,  Baes, 
Derdeyn  and  Co.  agreeable  to  the  contract  of 
the  property,  and  his  imperial  and  royal  ma 
jesty's  sea  letters,  that  she  actually  sailed  un 
der  the  protection  of  this  august  monarch ; 
that  her  cargo  composed  of  innocent  merchan 
dize,  that  is  to  say,  not  contraband  in  war,  the 
commerce  of  which  is  permitted  to  neutral 
powers,  even  with  the  belligerent  parties,  was 
for  account  and  risk  of  the  said  capitulants  of 
Dominica,  and  the  Sieurs  Liebaert,  Baes, 
Derdeyn  and  Co.,  these  facts  being  proved,  it 
will  follow  that  the  Hope  privateer  had  no- 
right  to  stop  the  brig,  and  that  by  so  doing, 
she  contravened  the  laws  adopted  by  all  the 
powers  who  have  subscribed  the  covenant  of 
the  armed  neutrality,  laws  which  the  congress 
of  the  United  States  of  America  have  enjoin 


ed  their  cruizers  to  observe. 

"  The  means  which  Darby  used  to  legiti- 


inander  of  the  frigate,  on  seeing  the  nature  of 
these  papers,  proposed  to  the  captain  of  the 

vessel  to  sign  an  acknowledgment  proving  that  j  mate  his  pretended  prize,  is  a  direct  act  of  pi- 
his  cargo  had  been  taken  on  board  in  London,  ;  racy,  which  congress  cannot  punish  with  too 
and  his  papers  and  provisions  at  Ostend.  great  severity,  and  it  will  be  easy  for  them 

"  Peter  Thompson,  (the  name  of  the  cap- :  to  do  it.  All  the  crew  of  the  brig  who  are  de 
tain  of  the  brig)  believing  himself  in  the  hands  !  tained  at  Boston,  will  depose  to  the  facts  al- 
of  an  English  privateer,  consented  to  sign  this  \  leged  by  the  Sieurs  Liebaert,  Baes,  Derdeyn 
declaration  (without  knowing  however  what  |  and  Co.  as  follows.  1st.  That  when  Darby 
he  signed,)  which  in  this  case  would  not  pos-  stopt  them,  and  visited  and  interrogated  them, 
sibly  be  prejudicial  to  him,  but  the  captain  of  his  vessel  was  under  English  colours.  2d. 
the  privateer,  with  an  intention  of  abusing  the  i  That  the  captain  of  the  privateer  availed  him- 
ignorance  and  innocence  of  the  said  Thomp-  self  of  his  superiority  over  Thompson,  and  the 


son,  had  written  this  declaration  in  a  language 
which  he  could  neither  read  nor  comprehend, 
and  in  quite  other  terms  than  what  had  been 
read  to  him,  and  which  implied  that  he  had 
been  loaded  in  London,  and  that  his  merchan 
dize  belonged  to  the  English,  and  that  he  only 
came  to  Ostend  to  exchange  papers,  and  avoid 
falling  into  the  hands  of  the  English  rebels; 
which  is  totally  contrary  to  his  bill  of  lading, 
and  was  not  at  all  in  his  power  to  do,  as  the 
cargo  was  not  under  his  direction  nor  ever  had 
been. 

"  Possessed  of  this  writing,  the  captain  of 
the  frigate  hoisted  the  American  flag,  and 
proved  himself  to  be  the  Hope  privateer  from 
Boston,  and  accordingly  informed  captain 
Thompson  that  he  arrested  him,  and  after 
taking  out  eleven  men  from  the  brig,  he  sub 
stituted  several  others  of  his  own  people,  who, 
after  having  torn  to  pieces,  pillaged,  and  car 
ried  off,  all  the  papers  from  on  board,  &c.  car 
ried  her  into  Philadelphia,  and  afterwards  to 
Boston,  where  the  crew  are  detained  and  treat 
ed  with  inhumanity. 

"  This  prize  is  irregular,  unjust,  and  con 
trary  to  the  rights  of  nations,  and  Sieurs  Lie 
baert,  Baes,  Derdeyn  and  Co.  have  reason 
that  the  conduct  of  the  said  captain  Darby  will 


condition  he  was  in,  to  oblige  him  to  subscribe 
the  paper  in  question ;  the  force  and  tenor  of 
which  he  was  certainly  ignorant  of. 

"  The  stopping  of  the  brig  under  English 
colours,  was  on  the  part  of  Darby,  an  infringe 
ment  of  the  regulations  which  require  that 
every  captain,  who  in  the  time  of  war  would 
visit  a  ship,  should  summon  her  only  under  his 
proper  flag,  whoever  does  otherwise  acts  as  a 
pirate ;  and  should  the  vessel  prove  a  neutral 
one,  he  exposes  himself  to  the  payment  of 
damages  and  interest,  which  he  is  liable  for 
himself,  together  with  his  owner,  without  sub 
jecting  the  crew. 

"  This  point  of  the  rights  of  nations,  is  posi 
tively  determined  and  received  by  all  the 
States  of  Europe ;  who  either  by  their  arms 
or  by  their  neutrality  favour  the  independence 
of  America ;  and  on  this  position,  it  is  not  pos 
sible  to  presume  that  congress  permits  as  sub 
jects,  to  derogate  this  principle. 

"  The  falsity  and  consequently  the  inutility 
of  the  declaration  forced  or  extorted  from  cap 
tain  Thomson,  is  now  clearly  proved,  inde 
pendent  of  the  proofs  which  can  be  furnished 
by  the  crew  and  the  ship's  papers.  These 
papers  demonstrate  the  property  to  belong  to 
th.e  aforesaid  capitulants,  and  Sieurs  Liebaert, 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


Baes,  Dardeynand  Co.  both  as  to  the  vessel  and 
cargo.  They  do  not  pretend  to  say  that  the 
vessel  was  not  bought  in  London,  as  is  evi 
dent  from  the  bill  of  sale  found  on  board,  nor 
that  part  of  the  cargo  was  also  purchased  there, 
which  this  very  vessel  brought  over  to  Os- 
tend,  where  she  took  in  the  remainder  of  the 
cargo.  This  circumstance  no  ways  injures 
the  truly  neutral  property  of  the  capitulants, 
and  aforesaid  shippers  Leibaert,  Baes,  Derdeyn 
and  Co.  because  the  neutrality  of  their  august 
sovereign,  authorizes  them  to  negotiate  with 
every  freedom  with  the  belligerent  powers, 
in  lawful  and  unprohibited  merchandize,  as 
was  on  board  the  brig.  It  therefore  follows, 
that  it  is  a  matter  of  indifference,  whether  the 
merchandize  and  vessel  were  purchased  in 
London  or  not,  as  this  commerce  is  free  to 
every  neutral  power,  and  does  not  contradict 
the  ship's  papers,  which  captain  Thompson 
had  no  power  to  renounce,  being  constrained 
or  deceived  in  to  such  a  measure  either  through 
subtilty  or  force.  In  this  contrariety  of  cir 
cumstances  where  are  we  to  rest  1  by  what 
certain  title  is  the  rights  of  the  parties  to  be 
judged  ]  certainly  by  the  ship's  papers,  which 
have  a  legal  and  authentic  character,  and  not 
by  a  declaration  demonstrated  false,  by  every 
circumstance  in  this  affair,  and  made  at  a  time 
when  captain  Thompson  had  not  his  liberty, 
and  was  obliged  to  submit  to  whatever  cap 
tain  Darby  demanded  of  him,  to  avoid  greater 
evils. 

"  A  declaration  of  this  kind,  contrary  to  the 
maxims  and  laws  established  among  all  na 
tions,  and  opposed  to  the  ship's  papers,  deserves 
no  attention,  and  ought  to  be  proscribed  as  the 
effect  of  constraint  and  fraud,  employed  by  the 
captain  of  the  privateer  with  arms  in  his 
hands. 

"  These  points  are  decisive,  and  it  is  impos 
sible  that  the  admiralty  of  Boston  should  not 
attend  to  them,  and  refuse  to  restore  to  cap 
tain  Thompson  the  vessel  and  cargo  with  da 
mages  and  interests  proportioned  to  the  loss 
which  Darby  has  caused  by  an  act  of  hostility 
alike  contrary  to  the  rights  of  nations,  and  to 
the  respect  due  by  the  Americans  to  the  sub 
jects  of  his  imperial  and  royal  majesty.  How 
ever  as  the  Sieurs  Liebaert  and  Co.  are  in 
formed  that  the  crew  of  the  brig  has  been 
plundered  and  very  ill  treated  in  the  United 
States,  that  the  first  lieutenant  has  been  de 
tained  at  Philadelphia,  under  pretext  of  se 
curity  for  the  expenses  of  lodging  the  crew  in 
that  city,  but  for  the  purpose  of  separating  him 
from  the  crew,  and  prevent  his  giving  any  in 
formation  at  Boston,  concerning  the  irregu 
larity  of  the  prize,  who  is  more  capable  of  do 
ing  it  than  any  other  person.  That  captain 
Thompson  and  his  people  having  no  money, 
and  still  less  credit,  will  with  difficulty  find 
the  proper  persons  who  will  undertake  to 
prosecute  their  affairs ;  and  there  is  reason  to 
38 


apprehend  that  for  want  of  assistance  in  this 
particular,  they  must  give  up  the  point,  which 
will  be  a  very  great  misfortune  to  themselves, 
and  would  cause  an  irreparable  damage  to  the 
Sieurs  Liebaert,  Baes,  Derdeyn  and  Co.  they 
have  therefore  been  advised  to  request  the  aid 
and  protection  of  his  excellency  the  count  de 
Mercy,  his  imperial  and  royal  majesty's  mi 
nister  to  his  most  Christian  majesty,  and  to  in- 
treat  him  to  obtain  his  excellency  Mr.  Frank 
lin,  minister  from  the  United  States  of  Ame 
rica  at  the  court  of  France,  to  write  to  Bos 
ton,  and  to  recommend  captain  Thompson  and 
his  claim  to  the  judges  of  the  admiralty  of 
that  port,  to  grant  favourable  treatment  to  their 
persons,  and  a  just  and  prompt  decision  to  their 
demand." 


To  the  count  de  Vergennes. 

"PASSY,  July  18, 1782. 

"  SIR, — 1  received  the  letter  your  excellen 
cy  did  me  the  honour  of  writing  to  me  this 
day,  enclosing  a  memorial  which  relates  to 
the  interests  of  some  subjects  of  the  emperor, 
residing  at  Ostend,  who  allege  that  a  ship  of 
theirs  has  been  taken  by  an  American  priva 
teer,  and  carried  into  Boston,  on  pretence  that 
the  property  was  English,  &c.  I  shall  im 
mediately  transmit  the  memorial  to  congress, 
as  desired.  But  their  being  courts  of  admi 
ralty  established  in  each  of  the  United  States, 
[  conceive  that  the  regular  steps  to  be  taken 
t)y  the  complaints,  would  be  an  applicacion 
Tor  justice  to  those  courts  by  some  person  on 
the  spot,  duly  authorized  by  them  as  their 
agents,  and  in  case  the  judgment  of  the  court 
is  not  satisfactory,  that  then  they  appeal  to 
the  congress,  which  cannot  well  take  cogni 
zance  of  such  matters  in  the  first  instance. 
The  merchants  of  Ostend  may  possibly  not 
have  as  yet  correspondents  established  in  all 
the  states,  but  any  merchant  of  credit  in  the 
country  would  transact  such  business  on  re 
ceiving  their  request  with  the  proper  power 
of  attorney,  or  if  his  imperial  majesty  should 
think  fit  to  appoint  a  consul-general  to  reside 
n  those  states,  such  an  officer  might  at  all 
times  assist  his  compatriots  with  his  counsels 
nd  protection  in  any  affairs  that  they  might 
mve  in  that  country.  I  am  the  more  parti- 
ular  in  mentioning  this  to  your  excellency, 
)ecause  I  apprehend  these  cases  may  hereaf- 
er  be  frequent,  and  if  the  complaints  are  to 
)e  addressed  to  you  and  to  me,  we  are  likely  to 
lave  a  great  deal  of  trouble,  as  I  am  informed 
hat  it  is  become  a  daily  practice  for  outward 
bound  English  ships  to  put  into  Ostend,  make 
a  formal  pretended  sail  of  ship  and  cargo  to  a 
merchant  of  the  place,  who  furnishes  imperial 
>apers  for  the  voyage  under  his  own  name, 
and  receives  a  certain  sum  per  cent  for  the 
peration.  This  is  said  to  be  a  branch  of 
great  profit  to  the  Flemish  merchants,  and 


446 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


that  a  very  great  number  of  English  ships 
are  now  at  sea  with  such  papers,  and  I  sus 
pect  even  from  their  own  manner  of  stating 
the  transaction,  that  the  ship  and  cargo  re 
claimed  by  the  complainants  are  of  that  kind. 
This  seems  to  me  an  abuse  of  the  neutrality,  as 
these  fictitious  profits  added  to  the  advantage 
of  real  carriage  for  the  belligerent  nations, 
they  make  it  too  much  the  interest  of  neutral 
neighbours  to  foment  wars  and  obstruct 
peace,  that  such  profits  may  continue.  And 
if  it  is  to  be  understood  as  a  settled  point,  that 
such  papers  are  to  protect  English  property, 
the  fitters  out  of  privateers  from  France,  Spain, 
Holland,  and  America,  will  in  another  year  be 
all  ruined,  for  they  will  find  none  but  Flemish 
ships  upon  the  ocean. — With  the  greatest  re 
spect,  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  Lafayette. 

"  PASSY,  July  24, 1782. 

"  IN  answer  to  your  questions,  Mr.  Oswald 
is  doing  nothing,  having  neither  powers  nor 
instructions ;  and  being  tired  of  doing  nothing, 
has  despatched  a  courier,  requesting  leave  to 
return.  He  has  I  believe  received  no  letters, 
since  I  saw  you,  from  lord  Shelburne.  Mr. 
Grenville's  return  hither  is  I  think  doubtful, 
as  he  was  particularly  connected  in  friendship 
with  Mr.  Fox ;  but  if  he  stays,  I  suppose  some 
other  will  be  sent,  for  I  do  not  yet  see  suffici 
ent  reason  to  think  they  would  abandon  the 
negotiation,  though  from  some  appearances  I 
imagine  they  are  more  intent  upon  dividing 
us,  than  upon  making  a  general  peace.  I  have 
heard  nothing  farther  from  Mr.  Laurens,  nor 
received  any  paper  from  him  respecting  lord 
Cornwallis.  And  since  that  general's  letter, 
written  after  the  battle  of  Camden,  and  order 
ing  not  only  the  confiscation  of  rebels'  estates, 
but  the  hanging  of  prisoners,  has  been  made 
public,  I  should  not  wonder  if  the  congress 
were  to  disallow  our  absolution  of  his  parole, 
and  recall  him  to  America. — With  everlast 
ing  esteem  and  respect,  I  am,  dear  sir,  yours 
most  affectionately,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


David  Hartley  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  July  26, 1782. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — You  will  have  heard 
before  you  receive  this,  that  Mr.  Thomas 
Townshend  is  appointed  secretary  of  state  for 
that  department  to  which  the  American  cor 
respondence  belongs.  He  is  and  has  been  for 
many  years  one  of  my  most  intimate  friends. 
A  more  honourable,  and  honest  man,  does  not 
exist.  I  have  been  requested,  in  connexion 
with  him,  to  undertake  one  branch  of  his  of 
fice  relating  to  America,  as  instrumental  to 
some  necessary  arrangements  in  the  course  of 
a  negotiation  for  peace  with  America.  The 
point  which  I  have  been  requested  to  under 


take  is,  the  case,  or  rather  the  diversity  of 
cases  of  the  American  refugees.  I  understand 
that  in  the  progress  of  this  business,  I  shall  be 
referred  to  a  correspondence  with  you,  as 
matter  may  arise.  My  purpose,  therefore,  for 
the  present,  is  only  to  advertise  you  of  this,  in 
case  you  should  have  any  preliminary  matter 
to  give  or  receive  elucidation  upon.  I  am  ve 
ry  ready  to  undertake  any  matter  which  may 
be  necessary  or  instrumental  towards  peace, 
especially  in  connexion  with  my  worthy  friend 
Mr.  Townshend. 

"  You  know  all  my  principles  upon  Amer 
ican  pacification,  and  sweet  reconciliation.  I 
shall  always  remain  in  the  same.  But  the 
delegation  of  a  single  point  to  me,  such  as  the 
case  of  the  refugees,  does  not  entitle  me  to  ad 
vise  upon  the  great  outlines  or  principles  of 
such  pacific  negotiations.  I  shall  retain  my 
full  reservation  in  such  points  as  events  may 
justify.  My  personal  motive  for  saying  this 
to  you,  is  obvious.  But  in  point  of  justice  to 
those  who  have  at  present  the  direction  of  pub 
lic  measures  in  this  country,  I  must  request 
that  this  caution  of  mine  may  be  accepted  on 
ly  as  personal  to  myself,  and  not  as  inferential 
upon  the  conduct  of  others,  where  I  am  not  a 
party.  Having  taken  a  zealous  part  in  the 
principles  and  negotiations  of  peace,  I  wish  to 
stand  clear  from  any  collateral  constructions 
which  might  affect  myself,  and  at  the  same 
time  not  to  impose  any  collateral  or  infer 
ential  constructions  upon  others. 

"  God  prosper  the  work  of  peace  and  good 
will  (as  the  means  of  peace)  among  men. 

"  I  am  ever,  your  affectionate  friend, 

"D.  HARTLEY." 


"  Lord  Grantham. 

"  WHITEHALL,  July  26, 1782. 

"  SIR, — As  the  first  object  of  my  wishes  is 
to  contribute  to  the  establishment  of  an  ho 
nourable  and  lasting  peace,  I  address  myself 
to  you  without  ceremony,  upon  the  convic 
tion  that  you  agree  with  me  in  this  principle. 
If  I  was  not  convinced,  that  it  was  also  the 
real  system  of  the  ministers  of  this  country,  I 
should  not  now  be  co-operating  with  them. 
The  step  they  had  already  taken,  in  sending 
Mr.  Grenville  to  Paris,  is  a  proof  of  their  in 
tentions,  and  as  that  gentleman  does  not  re 
turn  to  his  station  there,  I  trust  that  the  im 
mediate  appointment  of  a  person  to  succeed 
him,  will  testify  my  agreement  to  the  princi 
ples  upon  which  he  was  employed.  I  there 
fore  beg  leave  to  recommend  Mr.  Fitzherbert 
to  your  acquaintance,  who  has  the  king's  com 
mands  to  repair  to  Paris. 

"  As  I  have  not  the  advantage  of  being 
known  to  you,  I  can  claim  no  pretence  for  my 
application  to  you,  but  my  public  situation, 
and  my  desire  to  merit  your  confidence  upon 
a  subject  of  so  much  importance,  as  a  pacifi- 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL 


447 


cation  between  the  parties  engaged  in  a  ca 
lamitous  war. — I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with 
great  regard,  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble 
servant,  GRANTHAM." 


Lord  Shelburne  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"SHELBURNE  HOUSE,  Ju!y27, 1782. 

"  SIR, — I  am  much  obliged  by  the  honour 
of  your  letter  of  the  12th  instant.  You  do 
me  most  acceptable  justice,  in  supposing  my 
happiness  intimately  connected  with  that  of 
mankind,  and  I  can  with  truth  assure  you,  it 
will  give  me  great  satisfaction,  in  every  situ 
ation,  to  merit  the  continuance  of  your  good 
opinion. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  very  sin 
cere  regard  and  esteem,  dear  sir,  your  most 
obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

"SHELBURNE." 


"  Richard  Oswald. 

"  PASSY,  July  28,  1782,  8  o'clock. 

"  SIR, — I  have  but  this  minute  had  an  op 
portunity,  by  the  departure  of  my  company, 
of  perusing  the  letters  put  into  my  hands  this 
afternoon ;  and  I  return  them  directly  with 
out  waiting  till  our  interview  to-morrow 
morning,  because  I  would  not  give  a  mo 
ment's  delay  to  the  delivery  of  those  directed 
to  other  persons.  The  situation  of  captain 
Asgill  and  his  family  afflicts  me :  but  I  do 
not  see  what  can  be  done  by  any  one  here  to 
relieve  them.  It  cannot  be  supposed  that  ge 
neral  Washington  has  the  least  desire  of  tak 
ing  the  life  of  that  gentleman.  His  aim  is  to 
obtain  the  punishment,  committed  on  a  pri 
soner  in  cold  blood  by  captain  Lippincot.  If 
the  English  refuse  to  deliver  up  or  punish 
this  murderer,  it  is  saying  that  they  choose  to 
preserve  him  rather  than  captain  Asgill.  It 
seems  to  me,  therefore,  that  the  application 
should  be  made  to  the  English  ministers,  for 
positive  orders,  directing  general  Carleton  to 
deliver  up  Lippincot,  which  orders  being  ob 
tained,  should  be  despatched  immediately  by 
a  swift-sailing  vessel.  I  do  not  think  any 
other  means  can  produce  the  effect  desired. 
The  cruel  murders  of  this  kind,  committed  by 
the  English  on  our  people,  since  the  commence 
ment  of  the  war,  are  innumerable.  The  con 
gress  and  their  generals,  to  satisfy  the  people, 
have  often  threatened  retaliation;  but  have 
always  hitherto  forborne  to  execute  it ;  and 
they  have  often  been  told  insultingly  by  their 
enemies,  that  this  forbearance  did  not  proceed 
from  humanity,  but  fear.  General  Greene, 
though  he  solemnly  and  publicly  promised  it 
in  a  proclamation,  never  made  any  retaliation 
for  the  murder  of  colonel  Haynes,  and  many 
others  in  Carolina ;  and  the  people,  who  now 
think,  that  if  he  had  fulfilled  his  promise,  this 


crime  would  not  have  been  committed,  cla 
mour  so  loudly,  that  I  doubt  general  Wash 
ington  cannot  well  refuse,  what  appears  to 
them  so  just  and  necessary  for  their  common 
security.  I  am  persuaded,  nothing  I  could 
say  to  him  on  the  occasion,  would  have  the 
least  effect  in  changing  his  determination.  Ex 
cuse  me  then,  if  I  presume  to  advise  the  des 
patching  a  courier  immediately  to  London, 
proposing  to  the  consideration  of  ministers  the 
sending  such  orders  to  general  Carleton  di 
rectly.  They  would  have  an  excellent  effect 
in  other  views.  The  post  goes  to-morrow 
morning  at  ten  o'clock ;  but  as  nine  days 
have  been  spent  in  bringing  the  letters  here 
by  that  conveyance,  an  express  is  preferable. 
— With  sincere  esteem,  I  have  the  honour  to 
be,  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  The  Count  de  Vergennes. 

"  PASSY,  August  8,  17&2. 

"  SIR, — Yesterday  Mr.  Oswald  cummuni- 
cated  to  Mr.  Jay  and  me,  a  paper  he  had  just 
received  from  his  court,  being  a  copy  of  the 
king's  order  to  the  attorney  or  solicitor-gene 
ral  to  prepare  a  commission  to  pass  the  great 
seal,  appointing  him  to  treat  with  us,  &c.,  and 
he  showed  us  a  letter  from  Mr.  secretary 
Townshend,  which  expresses  his  concern,  that 
the  commission  itself  could  not  be  sent  by  this 
courier,  the  officers  who  were  to  expedite  it 
beino-  in  the  country,  which  would  occasion 
a  delay  of  eight  or  ten  days ;  but  that  its  be 
ing  then  sent  might  be  d'epended  on,  and  it 
was  hoped  the  treaty  might,  in  the  mean  time, 
be  proceeded  on.  Mr.  Oswald  left  with  me  a 
copy  of  the  paper,  which  I  enclose  for  your 
excellency's  consideration,  and  am,  with  great 
respect,  sir,  vour  excellencv's,  &c. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


Answer. 

'•  VERSAILLES,  6th  August,  1782. 

"  To  MR.  FRANKLIN, — I  have  received,  sir, 
the  letter  of  this  day,  with  which  you  have  ho 
noured  me,  and  the  copy  of  the  power  which  Mr. 
Oswald  has  communicated  to  you.  The  form 
in  which  it  appears  is  not  that  which  is  usual 
on  similar  occasions,  but  it  has  not  prevented 
me  from  forming  my  opinion  in  the  first  in 
stance.  I  have  bestowed  the  greatest  attention 
on  it,  and  if  you  will  be  so  good  as  to  favour 
me  with  a  visit  on  Saturday  morning",  I  shall 
confer  with  you  and  Mr.  Jay,  if  it  will  be  con 
venient  for  him  to  accompany  you. — I  have 
the  honour  to  be,  most  sincerely,  sir,  your  most 
humble  servant.  DE  VERGENNES." 


"  To  Robert  R.  Livingston. 

"  PASSY,  August  12,  1782. 

'  THE  second  changes  in  the  ministry  of 
England,  have  occasioned  or  have  afforded 


448 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


pretences  for  various  delays  in  the  negotiation 
for  peace.  Mr.  Grenville  had  two  successive 
imperfect  commissions.  He  was  at  length 
recalled,  and  Mr.  Fitzherbert  is  now  arrived 
to  replace  him,  with  a  commission  in  due  form 
to  treat  with  France,  Spain,  and  Holland ;  Mr. 
Oswald,  who  is  here,  is  informed,  that  a  com 
mission  impowering  him  to  treat  with  the 
commissioners  of  congress  will  pass  the  seals, 
and  be  sent  him  in  a  few  days.  'Till  it  ar 
rives,  this  court  will  not  proceed  in  its  own 
negotiation.  I  send  the  enabling  act,  as  it  is 
called.  Mr.  Jay  will  acquaint  you  with  what 
passes  between  him  and  the  Spanish  ambassa 
dor,  respecting  the  proposed  treaty  with  Spain. 
I  will  only  mention,  that  my  conjecture  of  that 
court's  design,  to  coop  us  up  within  the  Alle- 
ghany  mountains,  is  now  manifested  :  I  hope 
congress  will  insist  on  the  Mississippi  as  the 
boundary,  and  the  free  navigation  of  the  river, 
from  which  they  would  entirely  exclude  us, 
"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Robert  Morris. 

"  PASSY,  August  12,  1782. 

"  SIR, — I  have  received  (many  of  them  at 
the  same  time)  your  sundry  letters  of  March 
the  23d,  April  8th  and  17th,  May  17th,  18th, 
two  of  23d  and  29th.  It  would  be  a  satis 
faction  to  me  if  you  would  likewise  mention 
from  time  to  time  the  dates  of  those  you  re 
ceive  from  me. 

"  Most  of  your  letters  pressing  my  obtain 
ing  more  money  for  the  present  year,  the  late 
losses  suffered  in  the  West  Indies,  and  the 
unforeseen  unnecessary  expenses,  the  repara 
tion  there  and  here  must  occasion,  render  it 
more  difficult,  and,  I  am  told  impossible ; 
though  the  good  disposition  of  the  court  to 
wards  us  continues  perfect.  All  I  can  say 
on  the  head  of  money,  more  than  I  have  said 
in  preceding  letters,  is,  that  I  confide  you 
will  be  careful  not  to  bankrupt  your  banker 
by  your  drafts ;  and  I  will  do  my  utmost  that 
those  you  draw  shall  be  duly  honoured. 

"  The  plan  you  intimate  for  discharging 
the  bills  in  favour  of  Beaumarchais,  though 
well  imagined,  was  impracticable.  I  had  ac 
cepted  them,  and  he  had  discounted  them,  or 
paid  them  away,  or  divided  them  amongst  his 
creditors.  They  were,  therefore,  in  different 
hands,  with  whom  I  could  not  manage  the 
transactions  proposed.  Besides,  [  had  paid 
them  punctually  when  they  became  due, 
which  was  before  the  receipt  of  your  letter 
on  that  subject.  That  he  was  furnished  with 
his  funds  by  the  government  here,  is  a  suppo 
sition,  of  which  no  foundation  appears ;  he  says 
it  was  by  a  company  he  had  formed;  and 
when  he  solicited  me  to  give  up  a  cargo  in 
part  of  payment,  he  urged,  with  tears  in  his 
eyes,  the  distress  himself  and  associates  were 
reduced  to  by  our  delay  of  remittances.  I 


am  glad  to  see  that  it  i  intended  to  appoint  a 
commissioner  to  settle  all  our  public  accounts 
in  Europe.  I  hope  he  will  have  better  suc 
cess  with  Mr.  Beaumarchais  than  I  have  had. 
He  has  often  promised  solemnly  to  render  an 
account  in  two  or  three  days.  Years  have 
since  elapsed  and  he  has  not  yet  done  it. 
Indeed  I  doubt  whether  his  books  have  been 
so  well  kept  as  to  make  it  possible. 

"  You  direct  me,  in  yours  of  May  17th,  to 
pay  over  into  the  hands  of  Mr.  Grand,  on  your 
account,  such  monies  belonging  to  the  United 
States  as  may  be  in  Europe,  distinct  from 
those  to  be  advanced  for  the  current  year.  I 
would  do  it  with  pleasure  if  there  were  any 
such.  There  may  be  indeed  some  in  Hol 
land,  raised  by  the  new  loan,  but  that  is  not 
in  my  disposition,  though  I  have  no  doubt 
that  Mr.  Adams  will,  on  occasion,  apply  it  in 
support  of  your  credit.  All  the  aids  given  by 
the  crown,  all  the  sums  borrowed  of  it,  and 
all  the  Dutch  loans  of  ten  millions,  though 
the  orders  to  receive  have  been  given  to  me, 
the  payments  from  the  Tresor  Royal  have  all 
been  made  on  my  orders  in  favour  of  Mr. 
Grand,  and  the  money  again  paid  away  by 
him  on  my  drafts  for  public  services  and  ex 
penses,  as  you  will  see  by  his  accounts ;  so 
that  I  never  saw  or  touched  a  livre  of  it,  ex 
cept  what  I  received  from  him  in  discharge 
of  my  salary,  and  some  disbursements.  He 
has  even  received  the  whole  six  millions  of 
the  current  year,  so  that  I  have  nothing  in 
any  shape  to  pay  over  to  him.  On  occasion 
of  my  lately  desiring  to  know  the  state  of  our 
funds,  that  I  might  judge  whether  I  could  un 
dertake  to  pay  what  you  were  directed  to 
pay  Mr.  William  Lee,  by  vote  of  congress,  as 
soon  as  the  state  of  public  finances  would  ad 
mit,  Mr.  Grand  wrote  me  a  note,  with  a  short 
sketch  of  their  then  supposed  situation,  which 
I  enclose.  You  will  probably  have  from  him 
as  soon  as  possible,  a  more  perfect  account ; 
but  this  will  serve  to  show  that  I  could  not 
prudently  comply  with  your  wish,  of  making 
that  payment  to  Mr.  Lee,  and  I  have  accord 
ingly  declined  it ;  the  less  unwillingly  as  he 
is  entitled  by  the  vote  to  interest. 

"  I  send  herewith  the  accounts  of  the  sup 
plies  we  have  received  in  goods,  which  I  pro 
mised  in  my  last. 

"  The  sum  of  their  value  is  included  in  the 
settlement  made  with  this  court,  mentioned 
in  a  former  letter.  Herewith  I  also  send  a. 
copy  of  the  contract  which  has  been  long  in 
hand,  and  but  lately  completed.  The  terra  of 
the  first  yearly  payment  we  are  to  make,  was 
readily  changed  at  my  request,  from  the  first 
to  the  third  year  after  the  peace ;  the  other 
marks  of  the  king's  bounty  towards  us,  will 
be  seen  in  the  instrument.  The  interest  al 
ready  due  and  forgiven,  amount  to  more  than 
a  million  and  a  half,  what  might  become  due 
before  the  peace  is  uncertain.  The  charges 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


449 


of  exchange,  commissions,  brokerage,  &c.  of 
the  Dutch  loan,  amount  to  more  than  five 
hundred  thousand  livres,  which  is  also  given; 
so  that  we  have  the  whole  sum  neat,  and  are 
to  pay  for  it  but  four  per  cent.  This  liquida 
tion  of  our  accounts  with  the  court,  was  com 
pleted  before  the  vote  of  congress  directing 
it  came  to  hand.  Mr.  Grand  examined  all 
the  particulars,  and  I  have  no  doubt  of  its  be 
ing  approved. 

"  Mr.  Grand,  to  whom  I  have  communicat 
ed  your  letter  of  April  17th,  will  soon  write 
to  you  fully.  We  shall  observe  the  general 
rule  you  give  respecting  the  5th,  6th,  7th  and 
8th  bills.  The  attention,  care,  and  pains  ne 
cessary  to  prevent,  by  exact  accounts  of  those 
accepted,  and  examination  of  those  offered, 
impositions  which  are  often  attempted  by 
presenting  at  a  distant  time  the  2d,  3d,  &c.  is 
much  greater  than  I  could  have  imagined. 
Much  has  been  saved  by  that  attention,  of 
which  of  late  we  keep  an  account ;  but  the 
hazard  of  loss  by  such  attempts  might  be  di 
minished,  together  with  the  trouble  of  exami 
nation  by  making  fewer  small  bills. 

"Your  conduct,  activity,  and  address  as 
financier  and  provider  for  the  exigencies  of 
the  state,  is  much  admired  and  praised  here, 
its  good  consequences  being  so  evident,  par 
ticularly  with  regard  to  the  rising  credit  of 
our  country  and  the  value  of  bills.  No  one 
but  yourself  can  enjoy  your  growing  reputa 
tion  more  than  I  do. 

"  Mr.  Grand  has  undertaken  to  pay  any  ba 
lance  that  may  be  found  due  to  Messrs,  le 
Couteulx  out  of  the  money  in  his  hands.  Ap 
plying  for  so  small  a  sum  as  5,000  livres 
would  be  giving  trouble  for  a  trifle,  as  all  ap 
plications  for  money  must  be  considered  in 
council. 

"  Mr.  Grand  having  already  received  the 
whole  six  millions,  either  in  money  or  accept 
ed  bills  payable  at  different  periods,  I  expect 
he  will  deliver  up  to  me  the  bills  for  that  sum 
which  you  have  drawn  upon  me,  the  rather 
as  they  express  value  received  by  you.  I 
never  heard  any  mention  here  of  intended 
monthly  payments,  or  that  the  money  could 
not  be  obtained  but  by  your  drafts.  I  enclose 
a  letter  by  which  the  payment  was  ordered 
of  the  last  three  millions. 

"  I  observe  what  you  mention  of  the  order 
that  the  ministers'  salaries  are  to  be  hereafter 
paid  in  America.  I  hereby  impower  and  de 
sire  you  to  receive  and  remit  mine.  I  do  not 
doubt  your  doing  it  regularly  and  timely. 
For  a  minister  without  money,  I  perceive, 
makes  a  ridiculous  figure  here,  though  secure 
from  arrests.  I  have  taken  a  quarter's  ad 
vance  of  salary  from  the  4th  of  last  month, 
supposing  it  not  intended  to  muzzle  immedi 
ately  the  mouth  of  the  ox  that  treadeth  out 
the  corn.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

VOL.  I. ...  3  L  33* 


"  The  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

"  PABBY,  August  12, 1782. 

"  SIR, — I  have  lately  been  honoured  with 
your  several  letters,  No.  10,  March  9th ;  No. 
11,  May,  22d;  and  No.  12,  May  30th. 

"  The  paper  containing  a  state  of  the  com 
merce  in  North  America,  and  explaining  the 
necessity  and  utility  of  convoys  for  its  protec 
tion,  I  have  laid  before  the  minister,  accom 
panied  by  a  letter  pressing  that  it  be  taken 
into  immediate  consideration ;  and  I  hope  it 
may  be  attended  with  success. 

"  The  order  of  congress  for  liquidating  the 
accounts  between  this  court  and  the  United 
States,  was  executed  before  it  arrived.  All 
the  accounts  against  us  for  money  lent,  and 
stores,  arms,  ammunition,  clothing,  &c.  fur 
nished  by  government,  were  brought  in  and 
examined,  and  a  balance  received,  which  made 
the  debt  amount  to  the  even  sum  of  eighteen 
millions,  exclusive  of  the  Holland  loan,  for 
which  the  king  is  guarantee.  I  send  a  copy 
of  the  instrument  to  Mr.  Morris.  In  reading 
it  you  will  discover  several  fresh  marks  of  the 
king's  goodness  towards  us,  amounting  to  the 
value  of  near  two  millions.  These,  added  to 
the  free  gifts  before  made  to  us  at  different 
times,  form  an  object  of  at  least  twelve  mil 
lions,  for  which  no  returns  but  that  of  grati 
tude  and  friendship  are  expected.  These  I 
hope  may  be  everlasting.  The  constant  good 
understanding  between  France  and  the  Swiss 
cantons,  and  the  steady  benevolence  of  this 
crown  towards  them,  afford  as  well  grounded 
hope  that  our  alliance  may  be  as  durable  and 
as  happy  for  both  nations ;  there  being  strong 
reasons  for  our  union,  and  no  crossing  inte 
rests  between  us.  I  write  fully  to  Mr.  Mor 
ris  on  money  affairs,  who  will  doubtless  com 
municate  to  you  my  letter,  so  that  I  need  say 
the  less  to  you  on  that  subject. 

"  The  letter  to  the  king  was  well  receiv 
ed  ;  the  accounts  of  your  rejoicings  on  the 
news  of  the  dauphin's  birth,  give  pleasure 
here ;  as  do  the  firm  conduct  of  congress  in 
refusing  to  treat  with  general  Carleton,  and 
the  unanimous  resolutions  of  the  assemblies 
of  different  states  on  the  same  subject,  (all 
ranks  of  this  nation  appear  to  be  in  good  hu 
mour  with  us,  and  our  reputation  rises  through 
out  Europe.)  I  understand  from  the  Swe 
dish  ambassador,  that  their  treaty  with  us  will 
go  on  as  soon  as  ours  with  Holland  is  finish 
ed  ;  our  treaty  with  France,  with  such  im 
provements  as  that  with  Holland  may  sug 
gest,  being  intended  as  the  basis. 

"  There  have  been  various  misunderstand 
ings  and  mismanagements  among  the  parties 
concerned  in  the  expedition  oftheBonhomme 
Richard,  which  have  occasioned  delay  in  divid 
ing  the  prize  money.  M.  de  Chaumont,  who  was 
chosen  by  the  captains  of  all  the  vessels  in  the 


450 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


expedition  as  their  agent,  has  long1  been  in  a 
state  little  short  of  bankruptcy,  and  some  of 
the  delays  have  possibly  been  occasioned  by 
the  distress  of  his  affairs ;  he  now  informs  me 
that  the  money  is  in  the  hands  of  the  minister 
of  the  marine.  I  shall  in  a  few  days  present 
the  memorial  you  propose,  with  one  relating1  to 
the  prisoners,  and  will  acquaint  you  with  the 
answer.  Mr.  Barclay  is  still  in  Holland: 
when  he  returns  he  may  take  into  his  hands 
what  money  can  be  obtained  on  that  account. 

"  I  think  your  observations,  respecting1  the 
Danish  complaints  through  the  minister  of 
France,  perfectly  just.  I  will  receive  no  more 
of  them  by  that  channel,  and  will  give  your 
reasons  to  justify  my  refusal. 

"  Your  approbation  of  my  idea  of  a  medal  to 
perpetuate  the  memory  of  York  and  Saratoga 
victories,  gives  me  great  pleasure,  and  encou 
rages  me  to  have  it  struck.  I  wish  you  would 
acquaint  me  with  what  kind  of  a  monument.,  at 
York,  the  emblems  required  are  to  be  fixed  on, 
whether  an  obelisk  or  a  column;  its  dimen 
sions  ;  whether  any  part  of  it  is  to  be  marble, 
and  the  emblems  carved  on  it,  and  whether 
the  work  is  to  be  executed  by  the  excellent 
artists  in  that  way  which  Paris  affords ;  and 
if  so,  to  what  expense  they  are  to  be  limited. 
This  puts  me  in  mind  of  a  monument  I  got 
made  here  and  sent  to  America,  by  order  of 
congress,  five  years  since.  I  have  heard  of  its 
arrival,  and  nothing  more.  It  was  admired 
here  for  its  elegant  antique  simplicity  of  de 
sign,  and  the  various  beautiful  marbles  used 
in  its  composition.  It  was  intended  to  be  fix 
ed  against  a  wall  in  the  state  house  of  Phila 
delphia.  I  know  not  why  it  has  been  so  long 
neglected;  it  would,  methinks, be  well  to  in 
quire  after  it,  and  get  it  put  up  some  where. 
Directions  for  fixing  it  were  sent  with  it.  I  en 
close  a  print  of  it.  The  inscription  in  the  en 
graving  is  not  on  the  monument;  it  was  mere 
ly  the  fancy  of  the  engraver.  There  is  a  white 
plate  of  marble  left  smooth  to  receive  such  in 
scription  as  the  congress  should  think  proper. 

"  Our  countrymen  who  have  been  prison 
ers  in  England  are  sent  home,  a  few  excepted, 
who  were  sick,  and  who  will  be  forwarded  as 
soon  as  recovered.  This  eases  us  of  a  very 
considerable  charge. 

"  I  communicated  to  the  marquis  de  la  Fay- 
ette,  the  paragraph  of  your  letter  which  re 
lated  to  him.  He  is  still  here ;  and  as  there 
seems  not  much  likelihood  of  an  active  cam 
paign  in  America,  he  is  probably  more  useful 
where  he  is.  His  departure  however,  though 
delayed,  is  not  absolutely  laid  aside. 

"  The  second  changes  in  the  ministry  of 
England,  have  occasioned  or  have  afforded 
pretences  for  various  delays  in  the  negotia 
tion  for  peace.  Mr.  Grenville  had  two  suc 
cessive  imperfect  commissions.  He  was  at 
length  recalled,  and  Mr.  Fitzherbert  is  now 
arrived  to  reolace  him,"with  a  commission  in 


due  form  to  treat  with  France,  Spain,  and  Hol 
land.  Mr,  Oswald,  who  is  here,  is  informed 
by  a  letter  from  the  new  secretary  of  state, 
that  a  commission  impowering  him  to  treat 
with  the  commissioners  of  congress,  will  pass 
the  seals,  and  be  sent  him  in  a  few  days ;  till 
it  arrives,  this  court  will  not  proceed  in  its 
own  negotiation.  I  send  the  enabling  act,  as 
it  is  called.  Mr.  Jay  will  acquaint  you  with 
what  passes  between  him  and  the  Spanish 
ambassador,  respecting  the  proposed  treaty 
with  Spain.  I  will  only  mention  281.  599. 
109. 124.  481.  256.  238.  468.  292.  281.  551. 
386.  263.  268.  173.  33.  451.  440.  399.  453. 
628.  74.  11.  167.  415.  576.  187.  109.  16.  542. 
347.  37.  481.  648. 163. 30. 112.  235.  193.  481. 
346.  428.  143.  37.  268.  414.  374.  167.  83. 
268.  268.  654.  481.  254.  167.  315.  542.  358. 
468.  109.  242.  159.  167.  119.  408.  460.  447. 
292.  167.  170.  399.  250.  242.  479.  574.  200. 
64.  245.  448.  208.  109.  371.  408.  161.  263. 
399. 

"  Explication.  That  my  conjecture  of  that 
court's  design  to  coop  us  up  within  the  Alle- 
ghany  mountains  is  now  manifested.  I  hope 
congress  will  insist  on  the  Mississippi  as  the 
boundary,  and  the  free  navigation  of  the  river 
from  which  they  could  entirely  exclude  us. 

"An  account  of  a  terrible  massacre  of  the 
Moravian  Indians  has  been  put  into  my  hands. 
I  sent  you  the  papers,  that  you  may  see  how 
the  fact  is  repesented  in  Europe.  I  hope 
measures  will  be  taken  to  secure  what  is  left 
of  those  unfortunate  people. 

"Mr.  Laurens  is  at  Nantes,  waiting  for  a 
passage  with  his  family  to  America.  His  state 
of  health  is  unfortunately  very  bad.  Perhaps 
the  sea  air  may  recover  him,  and  restore  him 
well  to  his  country :  I  heartily  wish  it.  He 
has  suffered  much  by  his  confinement. 

Be  pleased,  sir,  to  present  my  duty  to  the 
congress,  and  assure  them  of  my  most  faithful 
services.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


David  Hartley  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  August  16,  1782. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — Yours  I  received  by 
major  Young,  together  with  the  work  of  your 
veritable  philosophe,  which  is  full  of  humani 
ty.  I  was  not  before  that,  at  a  loss  where  I 
should  have  looked  for  my  veritable  philoso- 
phe  in  the  present  actual  scene  of  public  poli 
tics.  Your  honest,  anxious,  and  unremitted 
endeavours  towards  the  re-establishment  of 
peace,  must  endear  you  to  your  own  country, 
and  to  all  mankind.  Whatever  may  have 
been  transacting  in  America,  (if  it  can  be  pos 
sible  that  the  suspicions  which  you  mention 
should  become  true)  viz.,  to  tamper  with 
America  for  a  breach  of  faith,  of  which  some 
suspicions  seem  to  be  thrown  out  by  the  pro 
vinces  of  Maryland  and  Philadelphia,  I  can 
give  the  strongest  testimonies  of  the  constant 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


451 


honour  and  good  faith  of  your  conduct  and  cor 
respondencies ;  and  my  letters  to  you  will 
bear  me  equal  testimony,  that  I  have  never 
thrown  out  any  dishonourable  suggestions  to 
you.  When  the  proposed  congress  of  your 
veritable  philosophe  shall  meet,  neither  of  us 
need  fear  its  censures,  upon  the  strictest  ex 
amination  of  our  correspondence.  We  will 
claim  the  poet's  character  of  the  sincere  states 
man, 

'  Who  knew  no  thought,  but  what  the    world  might 
hear.' 

In  times  of  suspicion,  it  must  be  some  satis- 
tisfaction  to  both  of  us  to  know,  that  no  line 
or  word  has  ever  passed  between  us,  but  what 
the  governments  of  Great  Britain,  France,  and 
America  might  freely  peruse  as  the  words  of 
good  faith,  peace,  and  sweet  reconciliation. 

"  The  resolutions  of  Maryland  and  Phila 
delphia,  together  with  the  slow  proceeding  of 
our  plenipotentiaries,  and  even  the  doubt  sug 
gested,  whether  they  may  not  be  waiting  for 
events  in  America,  give  me  much  concern. 
Not  being  informed  to  a  certainty  of  the  state 
of  the  negotiation,  I  have  declined  any  con 
cern  with  the  ministry  upon  the  subject  of  the 
refugees,  &c.  My  assistance  cannot  be  in 
dispensable  upon  that  topic,  but  I  deem  it  in 
dispensable  to  myself  not  to  be  committed  in 
unknown  ground,  which,  from  the  points  above 
mentioned,  must  appear  dubious  to  me.  These 
are  the  reasons  which  I  gave  to  the  minister 
for  declining.  I  must  at  the  same  time  give 
him  the  justice  of  the  most  absolute  and  un 
limited  professions  of  sincerity  for  peace. 
Whatever  divisions  there  may  have  been,  as 
you  say,  suspected  in  the  cabinet,  there  are 
some  of  his  colleagues  still  remaining,  in 
whom  I  have  the  greatest  confidence  for  sin 
cerity  and  good  intentions.  The  public  prints 
of  this  country  have  stated  what  are  called 
shades  of  difference  as  to  the  mode.  Those 
opinions  which  are  imputed  to  Mr.  Fox,  are 
certainly  most  suitable  to  my  opinions.  I  am 
free  to  confess  to  you,  that  my  wishes  would 
have  been,  to  have  taken  the  most  decisive 
ground  relating  to  independence,  &c.  imme 
diately  from  the  27th  of  March  last,  viz.,  the 
accession  of  the  change  of  ministry.  But  I 
agree  with  you  in  sentiment,  viz.,  to  concur 
with  all  the  good  that  offers,  when  we  cannot 
obtain  all  the  good  that  we  might  wish.  The 
situation  of  my  sentiments  at  present  is,  an  un 
biassed  neutrality  of  expectation,  as  events 
may  justify. 

"  I  shall  be  obliged  to  you  for  the  earliest 
communications  of  any  public  events  in  Amer 
ica  which  may  come  to  Europe,  with  any  pub 
lic  resolutions  of  congress  or  provinces,  &c., 
and  all  memorials  or  negotiations  which  may 
pass  between  the  parties  in  America.  I  am 
very  anxious  to  have  the  earliest  informations 
to  form  my  opinions  upon,  and  to  be  prepared 


accordingly.  My  utmost  endeavours  will  al 
ways  be  exerted  to  the  blessed  work  of  peace. 
— I  am  ever,  your  affectionate 

"  D.  HARTLEY." 


Count  de  Vergennes  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  VERSAILLES,  August  23,  1782. 

"  SIR, — I  have  received  the  letter  you  did 
me  the  honour  of  writing  to  me  the  9th  instant, 
as  well  as  the  memorial  enclosed  in  it.  I 
communicated  the  paper  to  the  marquis  de 
Castries,  and  I  make  no  doubt  but  that  the  mi 
nister  will  take  into  consideration  its  contents, 
as  far  as  circumstances  will  permit.  We  are 
desirous  to  adopt  every  measure  that  may  tend 
to  the  prosperity  of  the  commerce  established 
between  France  and  the  United  States,  and 
we  shall  neglect  nothing  to  accomplish  this 
object  to  the  universal  satisfaction  of  the  two 
countries.  Congress  will  greatly  facilitate 
our  labour,  if  they  will  communicate  their 
ideas  and  wishes  on  this  subject ;  and  I  make 
the  demand  with  greater  confidence,  as  I  am 
convinced  that  that  assembly  desires  as  much 
as  we  do,  to  establish,  on  an  advantageous  and 
solid  basis,  the  commercial  concerns  between 
France  and  America. 

"DE  VERGENNES" 


To  Richard  Oswald,  Esq.,  from  the  right 
honourable  Thomas  Townshend,  one  of 
his  Majesty's  principal  secretaries  of  'state •, 
dated 

"  WHITEHALL,  September  1,  1782. 

"  SIR, — I  have  received  and  laid  before  the 
king,  your  letters  of  the  17th,  18th,  and  21st 
ult. ;  and  I  am  commanded  to  signify  to  you 
his  majesty's  approbation  of  your  conduct  in 
communicating  to  the  American  commission 
ers  the  fourth  article  of  your  instructions; 
which  could  not  but  convince  them,  that  the 
negotiation  for  peace,  and  the  cession  of  in 
dependence  to  the  Thirteen  United  Colonies, 
were  intended  to  be  carried  on  and  concluded 
with  the  commissioners  in  Europe. 

"  Those  gentlemen  having  expressed  their 
satisfaction  concerning  that  article,  it  is  hoped 
they  will  not  entertain  a  doubt  of  his  majes 
ty's  determinaton  to  exercise,  in  the  fullest 
extent,  the  powers  with  which  the  act  of 
parliament  hath  invested  him,  by  granting  to 
America,  full,  complete,  and  unconditional 
independence,  in  the  most  explicit  manner, 
as  an  article  of  treaty." 


"  The.  Secretary  of  State  of  Foreign  Affairs. 
"  PASSY,  September  3,  1782. 

«  SIR, — I  have  just  received  your  No.  13, 
dated  the  23d  of  June.  The  accounts  of  the 
general  sentiments  of  our  people  respecting 


452 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


propositions  from  England,  and  the  rejoicings 
on  the  birth  of  the  dauphin,  give  pleasure 
here,  and  it  affords  me  much  satisfaction  to 
find  the  conduct  of  congress  approved  by  all 
that  hear  or  speak  of  it,  and  to  see  all  the 
marks  of  a  constantly  growing  regard  for  us, 
and  confidence  in  us  among  those  in  whom 
such  sentiments  are  most  to  be  desired. 

"  I  hope  the  affair  of  captain  Asgill  was 
settled  as  it  ought  to  be,  by  the  punishment 
of  Lippincot.  Applications  have  been  made 
here,  to  obtain  letters  in  favour  of  the  young 
gentleman ;  enclosed  I  send  you  a  copy  of 
the  answer  I  gave  to  that  made  to  me. 

"  I  had  before  acquainted  M.  Tousard,  that 
his  pension  would  be  paid  in  America,  and 
there  only ;  it  being  unreasonable  to  expect, 
that  the  congress  should  open  a  pay  office  in 
every  part  of  the  world,  where  pensioners 
should  choose  to  reside.  I  shall  communi 
cate  to  him  that  part  of  your  letter. 

"  You  wish  to  know  what  allowance  I 
make  to  my  private  secretary :  my  grandson, 
William  T.  Franklin,  came  over  with  me, 
served  me  as  private  secretary,  during  the 
time  of  the  commissioners,  and  no  secretary 
to  the  commission  arriving,  though  we  had 
been  made  to  expect  one,  he  did  business  for 
us  all,  and  this  without  any  allowance  for  his 
services,  though  both  Mr.  Lee  and  Mr.  Deane 
at  times  mentioned  it  to  me  as  a  thing  proper 
to  be  done,  and  a  justice  due  to  him.  When 
I  became  appointed  sole  minister  here,  and 
the  whole  business  which  the  commissioners 
had  before  divided  with  me,  came  into  my 
hands,  I  was  obliged  to  exact  more  service 
from  him,  and  he  was  indeed,  by  being  so  long 
in  the  business,  become  capable  of  doing  more. 
At  length,  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1781, 
when  he  became  of  age,  considering  his  con 
stant  close  attention  to  the  duties  required  of 
him,  and  his  having  thereby  missed  the  op 
portunity  of  studying  the  law,  for  which  he 
had  been  intended,  I  determined  to  make  him 
some  compensation  for  the  time  passed,  and 
fix  some  appointment  for  the  time  to  come, 
till  the  pleasure  of  congress  respecting  him 
should  be  taken.  I  accordingly  settled  an 
account  with  him.  Allowing  him  from  the 
beginning  of  December  1776,  to  the  end  of 
1777,  the  sum  of  3400  livres;  and  for  the 
year  1778,  the  sum  of  4000  livres ;  for  1779, 
4300  livres;  and  for  1780,  6000  livres;  since 
that  time,  I  have  allowed  him  at  the  rate  of 
300  louis  per  annum,  being  what  I  saw  had 
been  allowed  by  congress,  to  the  secretary 
of  Mr.  William  Lee,  who  could  not  have 
had,  I  imagine,  a  fourth  part  of  the  business 
to  go  through ;  since  my  secretary,  besides 
the  writing  and  copying  the  papers  relative 
to  my  common  ministerial  transactions,  has 
had  all  those  occasioned  by  my  acting  in  the 
various  employments  of  judge  of  admiralty, 
consul,  purchaser  of  goods  for  the  public,  &c., 


besides  that  of  the  accepter  of  the  congress 
bills,  a  business  that  requires  being  always  at 
home;  bills  coming  by  post  from  different 
ports  and  countries,  and  often  requiring  im 
mediate  answers  whether  good  or  not ;  and 
to  that  end,  it  being  necessary  to  examine 
them  by  the  books  exactly  kept,  of  all  pre 
ceding  acceptations,  in  order  to  detect  double 
presentations,  which  happen  very  frequently ; 
the  great  number  of  these  bills  makes  almost 
sufficient  business  for  one  person,  and  the 
confinement  they  occasion  is  such,  that  we 
cannot  allow  ourselves  a  day's  excursion  into 
the  country ;  and  the  want  of  exercise  has 
hurt  our  healths  in  several  instances.  The 
congress  pay  much  larger  salaries  to  some 
secretaries,  who  I  believe  deserve  them,  but 
not  more  than  my  grandson  does ;  the  com 
paratively  small  one  I  have  allowed  to  him, 
his  fidelity,  exactitude,  and  address  in  trans 
acting  business,  being  really  what  one  could 
wish  in  such  an  officer,  and  the  genteel  ap 
pearance  a  young  gentleman  in  his  station 
obliges  him  to  make,  requiring  at  least  such 
an  income.  I  do  not  mention  the  extraordi 
nary  business  that  has  been  imposed  upon  us 
in  this  embassy,  as  a  foundation  for  demand 
ing  higher  salaries  than  others.  I  never  so 
licited  for  a  public  office  either  for  myself  or 
any  relative ;  yet  I  never  refused  one  that  I 
was  capable  of  executing,  when  public  ser 
vice  was  in  question ;  and  I  never  bargained 
for  salary,  but  contented  myself  with  what 
ever  my  constituents  were  pleased  to  allow 
me.  The  congress  will,  therefore,  consider 
every  article  charged  in  my  account,  distinct 
from  the  salary  originally  voted,  not  as  what 
I  presumed  to  insist  upon,  but  as  what  I  pro 
pose  only  for  their  consideration,  and  they 
will  allow  what  they  think  proper.  You  de 
sire  an  accurate  estimate  of  those  contingent 
expenses.  I  enclose  copies  of  two  letters 
which  passed  between  Mr.  Adams  and  me  on 
the  subject,  and  show  the  articles  of  which 
they  consist.  Their  amount  in  different 
years  may  be  found  in  my  accounts,  except 
the  article  of  house  rent,  which  has  never 
yet  been  settled.  M.  de  Chaumont,  our  land 
lord,  having  originally  proposed  to  leave  it 
till  the  end  of  the  war,  and  then  to  accept 
for  it  a  piece  of  American  land  from  the  con 
gress,  such  as  they  might  judge  equivalent; 
if  the  congress  did  intend  all  contingent 
charges  whatever  to  be  included  in  the  sa 
lary,  and  do  not  think  proper  to  pay  on  the 
whole  so  much,  in  that  case  I  would  humbly 
suggest  that  the  saving  may  be  most  conve 
niently  made  by  a  diminution  of  the  salary, 
leaving  the  contingencies  to  be  charged,  be 
cause  they  may  necessarily  be  very  different 
in  different  years,  and  in  different  courts.  1 
have  been  the  more  diffuse  on  this  subject, 
as  your  letter  gave  occasion  for  it,  and  it  is 
probably  the  last  time  I  shall  mention  it. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


453 


"  Be  pleased  to  present  my  dutiful  respect 
to  congress;  assure  them  of  my  best  se 
vices,  and  believe  me  to  be  with  sincere  e 
teem,  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  P.  S.  As  you  will  probably  lay  this  lette 
before  congress,  I  take  the  liberty  of  joinin 
to  it  an  extract  of  my  letter  to  the  presiden 
of  the  12th  March,  1781,  and  of  repeatin 
my  request  therein  contained,  relative  to  m 
grandson.  I  enclose  likewise  extracts  of  lei 
ters  from  Messrs.  Jay  and  Laurens,  whici 
both  show  the  regard  those  gentlemen  hav 
for  him,  and  their  desire  of  his  being  noticec 
by  the  congress.  "  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  September  3,  1782." 


"  To  John  Jay. 

"  PASS Y,  Sept.  5,1782. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — Mr.  Oswald's  courier  being 
returned,  with  directions  to  make  the  inde 
pendence  of  America  the  first  article  in  the 
treaty,  I  would  wait  on  you  if  I  could,  to  dis 
course  on  the  subject :  but  as  I  cannot,  I  wish 
to  see  you  here  this  evening,  if  not  incon 
venient  to  you. — With  great  esteem,  I  hav< 
the  honour  to  be,  dear  sir,  your  most  obedien 
and  most  humble  servant, 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


jR.  jR.  Livingston  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

'•  PHILADELPHIA,  Sept.  5,  1782. 

"  SIR, — Having  written  you  lately, 
should  not  again  trouble  you  so  soon,  were  it 
not  necessary  to  remind  you,  that  your  last 
letter  is  dated  in  March ;  since  which  there 
have  been  frequent  arrivals  from  France,  and 
since  which,  too,  we  have  reason  to  believe, 
the  most  interesting  events  have  taken  place 
in  Europe. 

"  We  learn  from  private  letters  and  com 
mon  fame,  that  Mr.  Adams  was  received  by 
the  United  Provinces  in  his  public  character 
on  the  19th  of  April.  We  have  yet  no  ac 
count  of  this  interesting  event,  nor  of  the 
measures  he  has  pursued  to  accomplish  our 
objects  in  Holland.  Since  then,  Mr.  Lau 
rens,  it  is  said,  has  been  liberated,  has  travel 
led  to  Holland  and  to  France,  has  entered  up 
on  the  execution  of  his  trust ;  but  has  left  us 
to  gather  events,  so  interesting  to  him  and  to 
us,  from  private  letters,  and  the  public  prints. 
Mr.  Jay  tells  us  on  the  24th  May,  that  he  is 
about  to  set  out  for  Paris,  and  that  he  pre 
sumes  Dr.  Franklin  has  assigned  the  reason 
for  that  step.  Doctor  Franklin  has  told  us 
nothing. 

"  As  to  Mr.  Dana,  if  it  were  not  for  the 


necessity  of  drawing  bills  in  his  favour,  we 

should  hardly  be  acquainted  with  his  exist-  j  such  a  state  that  she  may,  by  diligence",  be  re- 


ence.  It  is  commonly  said,  that  republics  are 
better  informed  than  monarchs,  of  the  state  of 
their  foreign  affairs,  and  they  insist  upon  a 
greater  degree  of  vigilance  and  punctuality 
in  their  ministers.  We,  on  the  contrary, 
seem  to  have  adopted  a  new  system.  The 
ignorance  in  which  we  are  kept,  of  every  in 
teresting  event,  renders  it  impossible  for  the 
sovereign  to  instruct  their  servants,  and  of 
course  forms  them  into  an  independent  privy 
council  for  the  direction  of  their  affairs,  with 
out  their  advice  or  concurrence.  I  can  hard 
ly  express  to  you  what  I  feel  on  this  occasion. 
I  blush  when  I  meet  a  member  of  congress 
who  inquires  into  what  is  passing  in  Europe. 
When  the  general  applies  to  me  for  advice 
on  the  same  subject,  which  must  regulate  his 
movements,  I  am  compelled  to  inform  him, 
that  we  have  no  intelligence  but  what  he  has 
seen  in  the  papers.  The  following  is  an  ex 
tract  of  his  last  letter  to  me.  '  But  how  does 
it  happen,  that  all  our  information  of  what  is 
transacting  in  Europe,  should  come  to  hand 
through  indirect  channels,  or  from  the  ene 
my:  or  does  this  question  proceed  from  my 
unacquaintedness  with  facts?' 

"  But  let  me  dismiss  a  subject  which  gives 
me  so  much  pain,  in  the  hope  that  we  shall  in 
future  have  no  further  cause  of  complaint. 

"  Since  the  evacuation  of  Savannah,  the 
enemy  have,  by  the  general  orders  enclosed, 
announced  the  purposed  evacuation  of  Charles 
ton.  We  are  in  daily  expectation  of  hear 
ing,  therefore,  that  tranquillity  is  restored  to 
the  Southern  states.  Several  circumstances 
lead  us  to  suppose,  that  they  entertain 
thoughts  of  evacuating  New  York  some  time 
this  fall.  You  only  can  inform  us,  whether 
;his  step  has  been  taken  in  consequence  of 
any  expectations  they  entertain  of  a  general 
>eace;  or  with  a  view  to  pursue  the  system, 
which  the  present  ministers  appear  to  have 
adopted,  when  they  so  loudly  reprobated  the 
American  war ;  and  whether,  by  withdrawing 
;heir  troops  from  hence,  they  only  mean  to 
collect  their  force  and  direct  it  against  our 
allies.  This  knowledge  would  render  such 
n  alteration  in  our  system  necessary,  that  it 
affords  us  new  reasons  for  regretting  our  want 
)f  information  on  these  important  points. 

The  marquis  de  Vaudreuil  has  unfortu- 
mtely  lost  the  Magnifique,  sunk  by  running 
>n  a  rock  in  the  harbour  of  Boston,  where  he 
low  is  with  the  remainder  of  his  fleet,  except 
tiree,  refitting  at  Portsmouth,  consisting  of 
welve  sail  of  the  line.     This  has  enabled 
ongress  to  show  their  attention  to  his  Ca- 
holic  Majesty,  and  their  wish  to  promote  his 
interests  as  far  as  their  circumstances  will 
permit,  by  presenting  him  the  America  of 
seventy-four  guns.     Enclosed  are  then*  re 
solves  on  that"  subject,  and  the  answer  given 
by  the  minister  of  France.     The  ship  is  in 


454 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


fitted  for  sea  in  about  two  months ;  and  from 
the  accounts  I  hear  of  her,  she  will,  I  believe 
prove  a  fine  ship.  The  general  is  collecting 
the  army.  The  last  division  of  the  French 
troops  marched  from  here  this  morning; — 
when  collected  they  will,  I  presume,  repair 
to  their  old  post  at  the  White  Plains,  and  per 
haps  endeavour  to  accelerate  the  departure  o :" 
the  enemy. 

"  I  am  sorry  you  did  not  pursue  your  first 
design,  and  enlarge  in  your  letter  upon  the 
subjects  which  you  imagined  would  be  dis 
cussed  in  the  negotiations  for  peace.  Il 
might  have  changed  our  sentiments  and 
altered  our  views  on  some  points.  Two 
things  are  of  great  moment  to  us,  one  o1 
which,  at  least,  would  meet  with  no  difficul 
ty,  if  France  and  England  understand  their 
true  interests ;  I  mean  the  West  India  trade, 
and  the  right  to  cut  logwood  and  mahogany. 
Without  a  free  admission  of  all  kinds  of  pro 
visions  into  the  islands,  our  agriculture  will 
suffer  extremely.  This  will  be  severely  felt 
at  first,  and  when  it  remedies  itself,  which  it 
will  do  in  time,  it  will  be  at  the  expense  of 
the  nations  that  share  our  commerce.  It  will 
lessen  the  consumption  of  foreign  sugars,  in 
crease  the  supplies  which  the  poorer  people 
among  us  draw  from  the  maple,  &c.,  and  by 
reducing  the  price  of  provision,  and  render 
ing  the  cultivation  of  lands  less  profitable, 
make  proportionable  increase  of  our  own  ma 
nufactures,  and  lessen  our  dependence  on  Eu 
rope.  This  will,  I  must  confess,  in  some 
measure  check  our  population,  and  so  far  I 
regard  it  as  an  evil.  The  merchants  and 
farmers,  if  precluded  at  a  peace  from  the  ad 
vantages  which  this  commerce  gave  them 
while  connected  with  England,  [the  sentence 
is  imperfect  being  in  cypher.]  Then  a  vari 
ety  of  arguments  on  this  subject,  arising  as 
well  from  the  general  interests  of  France,  as 
from  her  political  connexion  with  us,  might 
be  urged  to  show  the  wisdom  of  adopting  the 
same  liberal  sentiments  on  this  point  which 
has  of  late  distinguished  her  on  so  many 
others.  But  if  she  should  not  be  able  to  over 
come  her  ancient  prejudices,  I  believe  they 
will  be  found  to  have  less  influence  on  the 
British,  whom  you  will  press  earnestly  on 
this  head.  Besides  the  general  interest  of 
the  kingdom,  there  is  with  them  a  powerful 
West  India  interest,  to  plead,  in  behalf  of  a 
free  importation  of  provisions  into  their  is 
lands.  If  I  mistake  not,  the  present  wishes 
of  the  nation,  as  well  as  the  professions  of  the 
administration,  lead  to  every  measure  which 
may  wear  away  our  present  resentments,  and 
strengthen  the  connexion  between  us  and 
them. 

The  logwood  trade  we  have  some  claim  to, 
from  our  continued  exercise  of  the  right ;  nor 
can  England  pretend  to  exclude  us  from  it, 
without  invalidating  her  own  title,  which 


stands  on  the  same  ground.  If  Spain  admits 
the  right  in  England,  she  gains  nothing  by  ex 
cluding  us,  since  in  proportion  as  she  dimi 
nishes  our  commerce  in  that  article,  she  in 
creases  that  of  Great  Britain.  Other  manu 
facturing  nations  are  interested  in  exciting  a 
competition  between  us  at  their  markets. 

"  When  you  write  to  me,  be  pleased  to  be 
very  particular  in  your  relation  of  every  step 
which  leads  to  a  negotiation ;  every  thing  of 
this  kind  must  be  interesting. 

"  R.  R.  LIVINGSTON  " 


Richard  Oswald  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  PARIS,  September  5, 1782. 

"  SIR, — In  consequence  of  the  notice  I  have 
just  now  had  from  Mr.  Jay,  of  your  desire  of 
an  extract  from  my  last  letter  from  the  secre 
tary  of  state,  regarding  the  proposed  treaty  on 
the  subject  of  American  affairs,  and  my  au 
thority  in  relation  thereto ;  I  take  the  liberty 
to  send  the  same  enclosed,  which,  together 
with  the  powers  contained  in  the  commission 
which  I  had  the  honour  of  laying  before  you 
and  Mr.  Jay,  I  am  hopeful  will  satisfy  you  of 
the  willingness  and  sincere  desire  of  his  ma 
jesty  to  give  you  entire  content  on  that  import 
ant  subject. 

"  This  extract  I  would  have  sent  before  now, 
if  I  had  thought  you  wished  to  have  it  before 
I  had  the  honour  of  waiting  on  you  myself; 
which  was  only  delayed  until  I  should  be  in 
formed  by  Mr.  Jay,  that  you  was  well  enough 
to  see  me  upon  business. 

"  I  heartily  wish  you  a  recovery  of  your 
health,  and  am,  with  sincere  esteem  and  re 
gard,  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 
"RICHARD  OSWALD." 


David  Hartley  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  HOTEL  DE  YORCK,  Sept.  7,  1782. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  beg  of  you  not  to  for 
get  your  letter  to  Mr.  Fox.  The  purpose  of 
my  journey  to  England  will  be,  to  do  the  best 
in  my  power  for  things  and  persons,  and  par 
ticularly  for  my  friends.  If  you  have  any 
other  private  letters,  send  them  to  me ;  I  will 
deliver  them.  I  hope  likewise  to  be  per 
sonally  charged  with  the  answers.  I  am 
better  this  morning,  and  shall  certainly  set 
out  very  early  to-morrow  morning.  Pray 
give  my  best  compliments  to  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Jay, 
ind  Mr.  Temple  Franklin.  I  wish  you  all 
health  till  I  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you 
agfain. — Your  ever  most  affectionate  friend. 
«D.  HARTLEY." 


"Richard  Oswald. 

"  PASSY,  September  8,  1782. 

«  SIR, — I  have  received  the   honour  of 
yours,  dated  the  5th  instant,  enclosing  an  ex- 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


455 


tract  of  a  letter  to  your  excellency,  from  the 
right  honourable  Thomas  Townshend,  one  of 
his  majesty's  principal  secretaries  of  state, 
wherein  your  conduct  in  communicating  to  us 
the  fourth  article  of  your  instructions  appears 
to  have  been  approved  by  his  majesty.  I  sup 
pose  therefore  that  there  is  no  impropriety  in 
rny  requesting  a  copy  of  that  instruction  ;  and 
if  you  see  none,  I  wish  to  receive  it  from  you, 
hoping  it  may  be  of  use  in  removing  some  of 
the  difficulties  that  obstruct  our  proceeding. — 
With  great  and  sincere  esteem,  I  am,  sir, 
your  excellency's  most  obedient  and  most 
humble  servant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 

Copy  of  the  fourth  article  of  his  majesty's 
instructions  to  Richard  Oswald,  for  his  go 
vernment  in  treating  with  the  commission 
ers  of  the  Thirteen  United  Colonies  of  Ame 
rica  for  a  truce  or  peace,  the  said  instruc 
tions  being  dated  the  31st  day  of  July,  1782, 
viz. 

'  4th  Article.  In  case  you  find  the  Ame 
rican  commissioners  are  not  at  liberty  to  treat 
on  any  terms  short  of  independence,  you  are 
to  declare  to  them,  that  you  have  authority  to 
make  that  concession.  Our  ardent  wish  for 
peace  disposing  us  to  purchase  it  at  the  price 
of  acceding  to  the  complete  independence  of 
the  Thirteen  Colonies,  namely,  New  Hamp 
shire,  Massachusetts  Bay,  Rhode  Island,  Con 
necticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsyl 
vania,  the  three  lower  counties  on  Delaware, 
Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South 
Carolina,  and  Georgia  in  North  America. 
"  RICHARD  OSWALD. 

"Passy,9th  Sept.  1782." 


"  -Sir  Joseph  Banks. 

"  PASSV,  Sept.  9,  1782. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  just  received  the  very 
kind,  friendly  letter,  you  were  so  good  as  to 
write  to  me  by  Dr.  Broussonnet.  Be  assured 
that  I  long  earnestly  for  a  return  of  those 
peaceful  times,  when  I  could  sit  down  in  sweet 
society  with  my  English  philosophical  friends, 
communicating  to  each  other  new  discoveries, 
and  proposing  improvements  of  old  ones ;  all 
tending  to  extend  the  power  of  man  over 
matter,  avert  or  diminish  the  evils  he  is  sub 
ject  to,  or  augment  the  number  of  his  en 
joyments.  Much  more  happy  should  I  be 
thus  employed  in  your  most  desirable  com 
pany,  than  in  that  of  all  the  grandees  of  the 
earth  projecting  plans  of  mischief,  however 
necessary  they  may  be  supposed  for  obtaining 
greater  good. 

"  I  am  glad  to  learn  by  the  doctor  that  your 
great  work  goes  on.  I  admire  your  mag 
nanimity  in  the  undertaking,  and  the  perse 
verance  with  which  you  have  prosecuted  it. 

"I  join  with  you  most  perfectly  in  the 


charming  wish  you  so  well  express,  'that 
such  measures  may  be  taken  by  both  parties 
as  may  tend  to  the  elevation  of  both,  rather 
than  the  destruction  of  either.'  If  any  thing 
has  happened  endangering  one  of  them,  my 
comfort  is,  that  I  endeavoured  earnestly  to 
prevent  it,  and  gave  honest,  faithful  advice, 
which,  if  it  had  been  regarded,  would  have 
been  effectual.  And  still  if  proper  means  are 
used  to  produce,  not  only  a  peace,  but  what 
is  much  more  interesting,  a  thorough  recon 
ciliation,  a  few  years  may  heal  the  wounds 
that  have  been  made  in  our  happiness,  and 
produce  a  degree  of  prosperity  of  which  at 
present  we  can  hardly  form  a  conception. 
With  great  and  sincere  esteem,  and  respect,  I 
am,  dear  sir,  your  most  obedient,  and  most 
humble  servant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Earl  Grantham. 

"?ASSY,  Sept.  11,  1782. 

"  MY  LORD, — A  long  and  severe  indisposi 
tion  has  delayed  my  acknowledging  the  re 
ceipt  of  the  letter  your  lordship  did  me  the 
honour  of  writing  to  me  by  Mr.  Fitzherbert. 

"You  do  me  justice  in  believing  that  I 
agree  with  you  in  earnestly  wishing  the  es 
tablishment  of  an  honourable  and  lasting 
peace  ;  and  I  am  happy  to  be  assured  by  your 
lordship  that  it  is  the  system  of  the  ministers 
with  whom  you  are  co-operating.  I  know  it 
to  be  the  sincere  desire  of  the  United  States, 
and  with  such  dispositions  on  both  sides,  there 
is  reason  to  hope,  that  the  good  work  in  its  pro 
gress  will  meet  with  little  difficulty.  A  small 
one  has  occurred  in  the  commencement,  with 
which  Mr.  Oswald  will  acquaint  you.  I  flat 
ter  myself  that  means  will  be  found  on  your 
part  for  removing  it ;  and  my  best  endeavours 
in  removing  subsequent  ones  (if  any  should 
arise)  may  be  relied  on. 

"  I  had  the  honour  of  being  known  to  your 
lordship's  father.  On  several  occasions  he 
manifested  a  regard  for  me,  and  a  confidence 
in  me.  I  shall  be  happy  if  my  conduct  in  the 
present  important  business  may  procure  me  the 
same  rank  in  the  esteem  of  his  worthy  suc 
cessor. 

"  I  am,  with  sincere  respect,  my  lord,  your 
lordship's  most  obedient  and  most  humble  ser 
vant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 

R.  R.  Livingston  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Sept.  12, 1782. 

"  SIR, — I  have  nothing  to  add  to  mine  of 
the  5th  instant,  but  to  congratulate  you  on 
the  safe  arrival  of  two  vessels  from  Holland, 
having  on  board  the  goods  left  by  commodore 
Gillon,  and  to  present  you,  in  the  name  of  Mr. 
Paine,  with  three  copies  of  a  late  work  of  his, 
addressed  to  the  abbe  Raynal,  in  which  he 
takes  notice  of  some  of  the  many  errors  with 


456 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


which  his  work  abounds.  The  abbe  has  a 
fine  imagination,  and  he  indulges  it.  The 
enclosed  resolution  contains  an  important 
fact  which,  I  am  using  means  to  ascertain, 
but  from  the  ill  success  I  have  hitherto  met 
with  in  every  similar  attempt,  I  fear  it  will 
be  long  before  I  can  effect  it. 

"  R.  R.  LIVINGSTON." 


"M.  Dumas. 

"  PASSY,  September  12, 1782. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — My  grandfather  has  been  for 
these  three  weeks  past,  much  indisposed  with 
the  gravel,  and  an  attendant  severe  pain  in  his 
thigh.  This  has  prevented,  and  prevents,  his 
answering  several  of  your  late  letters.  He 
directs  me  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your 
last,  dated  the  4th  instant,  and  to  inform  you 
that  the  despatch  it  enclosed  shall  be  duly  for 
warded,  as  were  the  preceding  ones  you  sent 
him.  For  your  satisfaction,  sir,  and  as  a  proof 
of  the  high  sense  my  grandfather  has  of  your 
merit,  I  enclose  to  you  an  extract  from  one 
of  his  late  letters  to  our  secretary  of  foreign 
affairs,  which  relates  to  you.  That  you  may 
soon  experience  the  effect  of  it,  is  the  sincere 
wish  of  your  affectionate, 

"  W.  T.  FRANKLIN." 


R.  R.  Livingston  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Sept.  18, 1782. 

"  SIR, — Just  after  closing  my  despatches,  I 
was  favoured  with  yours  of  the  25th  and  29th 
of  June.  The  ships  that  brought  them  were 
so  unfortunate  as  to  be  chased  in  the  Dela 
ware  by  a  superior  force.  The  Eagle  was 
driven  ashore  and  sunk.  The  papers  and 
money  were,  however,  happily  saved,  and  part 
of  the  crew;  but  captain  la  Fouche,  not  hav 
ing  been  heard  of,  is  supposed  to  be  taken. 
The  other  frigate  has  arrived  safe,  with  all 
the  passengers  of  both  ships. 

"  As  I  am  just  about  to  leave  town  for  a 
short  time,  I  will  not  touch  upon  the  import 
ant  subject  mentioned  in  your  letters,  which 
will,  on  account  of  my  absence,  be  commit 
ted  to  a  special  committee. 

"  I  would  only  observe  to  you,  that  the  re 
solution  in  my  last,  shows  the  sense  of  con 
gress  in  money  matters. 

"  You  will  see  by  the  annexed  resolutions, 
that  congress  have  refused  to  accept  Mr. 
Laurens's  resignation,  and  that  they  have 
made  some  alteration  in  your  powers.  I  send 
the  papers,  which  have  little  news. 

"  R.  R.  LIVINGSTON." 


"  To  David  Hartley. 

"  PASSY,  Sept.  17, 1782. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND,— Since  those  acknow 
ledged  in  my  last,  I  have  received  your  seve 


ral  favours  of  August  16,  20,  and  26.  I  have 
been  a  long  time  afflicted  with  the  gravel  and 
gout,  which  have  much  indisposed  me  for 
writing.  I  am  even  now  in  pain,  but  will  not 
longer  delay  some  answer. 

"  I  did  not  perfectly  comprehend  the  nature 
of  your  appointment  respecting  the  refugees, 
and  I  supposed  you  would  in  a  subsequent 
letter  explain  it.  But,  as  I  now  find  you  have 
declined  the  service,  such  explanation  is  be 
come  unnecessary. 

"  I  did  receive  the  paper  you  inquire  about, 
intitled  Preliminaries,  and  dated  May,  1782, 
but  it  was  from  you,  and  I  know  nothing  of 
their  having  been- communicated  to  this  court. 
The  third  proposition,  « that  in  case  of  nego 
tiation  between  Great  Britain  and  the  allies 
of  America,  should  not  succeed,  but  the  war 
continue  between  them,  America  should  act 
and  be  treated  as  a  neutral  nation,'  appeared 
at  first  sight  inadmissible,  being  contrary  to 
our  treaty.  The  truce  too,  seems  not  to  have 
been  desired  by  any  of  the  parties.  t 

"  With  unalterable  esteem  and  affection,  I 
am,  my  dear  friend,  ever  yours,  &c. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


Richard  Oswald  to  Doctor  Franklin. 

"  PARIS,  September  24, 1782. 

"  SIR, — Having  received,  by  a  courier  just 
now  arrived,  a  letter  from  Mr.  secretary 
Townshend,  in  answer  to  mine  which  went  by 
the  messenger,  despatched  from  hence  on  the 
12th,  I  take  this  opportunity  of  Mr.  White- 
ford  to  send  you  a  copy  of  it.  I  hope  he  will 
bring  good  accounts  of  your  health,  which  I 
sincerely  wish,  and  am  your  excellency's, 

Am  "RTPITAPn  nSWATn" 


Count  de  Vergennes  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"VERSAILLES,  Sept.  25,1782. 

"  SIR, — I  have  the  honour  to  send  you  my 
despatches  for  the  chevalier  de  la  Luzerne. 
The  packet  is  voluminous,  but  it  contains 
many  duplicates. 

"  I  should  be  glad  if  it  were  in  my  power 
to  inform  him  that  our  treaty  is  in  as  good 
progress  as  yours,  but  this  is  far  from  being 
the  case.  I  cannot  even  foresee  what  will  be 
the  issue,  for  difficulties  multiply.  It  will  be 
well  for  you  to  forewarn  the  congress  to  be 
prepared  for  whatever  event  may  arise.  I  do 
not  despair ;  I  the  rather  hope ;  but  as  yet 
all  is  uncertainty.  DE  VERGENNES." 


"  Robert  R.  Livingston. 

"  PASSY,  Sept.  26, 1782. 

"  THE  negotiations  for  peace  have  hither 
to  amounted  to  little  more  than  mutual  pro 
fessions  of  sincere  desires,  &c. ;  being  ob 
structed  by  the  want  of  due  form  in  the  Eng- 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


457 


lish  commissions  appointing1  their  plenipo 
tentiaries.  The  objections  made  to  those  for 
treating  with  France,  Spain,  and  Holland, 
were  first  removed ;  and  by  the  enclosed,  it 
seems  that  our  objections  to  that  for  treating 
with  us  will  now  be  removed  also ;  so  that 
we  expect  to  begin  in  a  few  days  our  negoti 
ations.  But  there  are  so  many  interests  to 
be  considered  and  settled,  in  a  peace  between 
five  different  nations,  that  it  will  be  well,  not 
to  flatter  ourselves  with  a  very  speedy  con 
clusion.' 


"  Commission  under  the  Great  Seal  of  Great 
Britain,  impowering  Richard  Oswald, 
Esq.,  to  treat  with  the  Commissioners  of 
the  Thirteen  United  States  of  America. 

"  GEORGE  the  Third,  by  the  Grace  of  God, 
of  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Ireland,  King, 
Defender  of  the  Faith,  and  so  forth,— To 
our  trusty  and  well  beloved  Richard  Oswald, 
of  our  city  of  London,  esq.,  greeting.  Where 
as,  by  virtue  of  an  act  passed  in  the  last  session 
of  parliament,  intituled  an  act  to  enable  his 
majesty  to  conclude  a  peace  or  truce  with 
certain  colonies  in  North  America  therein 
mentioned,  it  is  recited,  that  it  is  essential  to 
the  interest,  welfare,  and  prosperity  of  Great 
Britain,  and  the  colonies  or  plantations  of  New 
Hampshire,  Massachusetts  Bay,  Rhode  Island, 
Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Penn 
sylvania,  the  three  lower  counties  on  Dela 
ware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina, 
South  Carolina,  and  Georgia,  in  North  Ame 
rica,  that  peace,  intercourse,  trade,  and  com 
merce  should  be  restored  between  them; 
therefore,  and  for  a  full  manifestation  of  our 
earnest  wish  and  desire,  and  of  that  of  our 
parliament,  to  put  an  end  to  the  calamities  of 
war,  it  is  enacted,  that  it  should  and  might  be 
lawful  for  us,  to  treat,  consult  of,  agree,  and 
conclude  with  any  commissioner  or  com 
missioners,  named  or  to  be  named  by  the  said 
colonies  or  plantations,  or  any  of  them  re 
spectively,  or  with  any  body  or  bodies  corpo 
rate  or  politic,  or  any  assembly  or  assemblies, 
or  description  of  men,  or  any  person  or  per 
sons  whatsoever,  a  peace  or  a  truce  with  the 
said  colonies  or  plantations,  or  any  of  them, 
or  any  part  or  parts  thereof,  any  law,  act,  or 
acts  of  parliament,  matter  or  thing  to  the 
contrary  in  any  wise  notwithstanding :  Now 
know  ye,  that  we,  reposing  especial  trust  in 
your  wisdom,  loyalty,  diligence,  and  circum 
spection,  in  the  management  of  the  affairs  to 
be  hereby  committed  to  your  charge,  have  no 
minated  and  appointed,  constituted  and  assign 
ed,  and  by  these  presents  do  nominate  and 
appoint,  constitute,  and  assign,  you  the  said 
Richard  Oswald,  to  be  our  commissioner  in 
that  behalf,  to  use  and  exercise  all  and  every 
the  powers  and  authorities  hereby  entrusted 
and  committed  to  you  the  said  Richard  Os- 

VOL.  I. . . .  3  M  39 


wald,  and  to  do,  perform,  and  execute  all 
other  matters  and  things  hereby  enjoined  and 
committed  to  your  care,  during  our  will  and 
no  longer,  according  to  the  tenour  of  these  our 
letters  patent :  And  it  is  our  royal  will  and 
pleasure,  and  we  do  hereby  authorize,  im- 
power,  and  require  you  the  said  Richard  Os 
wald,  to  treat,  consult  of,  and  conclude,  with 
any  commissioners  or  persons  vested  with 
equal  powers,  by  and  on  the  part  of  the 
Thirteen  United  States  of  America,  viz.  New 
Hampshire,  Massachusetts  Bay,  Rhode  Island, 
Connecticut,  New  York,  P^ew  Jersey,  Penn 
sylvania,  the  three  lower  counties  on  Dela 
ware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina, 
South  Carolina,  and  Georgia  in  North  Ame 
rica,  a  peace  or  a  truce  with  the  said  Thirteen 
United  States,  any  law,  act  or  acts  of  parlia 
ment,  matter  or  thing  to  the  contrary  in  any 
wise  notwithstanding.  And  it  is  our  further 
will  and  pleasure,  that  every  regulation, 
provision,  matter,  or  thing,  which  shall  have 
been  agreed  upon  between  you  the  said 
Richard  Oswald,  and  such  commissioners  or 
persons  as  aforesaid,  with  whom  you  shall 
have  judged  meet  and  sufficient  to  enter  into 
such  agreement,  shall  be  fully  and  distinctly 
set  forth  in  writing,  and  authenticated  by 
your  hand  and  seal  on  one  side,  and  by  the 
hands  and  seals  of  such  commissioners  or  per 
sons  on  the  other,  and  such  instrument  so  au 
thenticated,  shall  be  by  you  transmitted  to  us, 
through  one  of  our  principal  secretaries  of 
state.  And  it  is  our  farther  will  and  pleasure, 
that  you  the  said  Richard  Oswald,  shall  pro 
mise'  and  engage  for  us,  and  in  our  royal 
name  and  word,  that  every  regulation,  pro 
vision,  matter,  or  thing,  which  may  be  agreed 
to,  and  concluded  by  you  our  said  commis 
sioner,  shall  be  ratified  and  confirmed  by  us, 
in  the  fullest  manner  and  extent ;  and  that 
we  will  not  suffer  them  to  be  violated  or 
counteracted,  either  in  whole  or  in  part,  by 
any  person  whatsoever.  And  we  do  hereby 
require  and  command  all  our  officers,  civil 
and  military,  and  all  others  our  loving  subjects 
whatsoever,  to  be  aiding  and  assisting1  unto 
you  the  said  Richard  Oswald,  in  the  execu 
tion  of  this  our  commission,  and  of  the  powers 
and  authorities  herein  contained.  Provided 
always,  and  we  do  hereby  declare  and  ordain, 
that  the  several  offices,  powers,  and  authori 
ties  hereby  granted,  shall  cease,  determine, 
and  become  utterly  null  and  void,  on  the  first 
day  of  July,  which  shall  be  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  eighty- 
three,  although  we  shall  not  otherwise  in  the 
mean  time  have  revoked  and  determined  the 
same.  And  whereas,  in  and  by  your  com 
mission  and  letters  patent,  under  our  great 
seal  of  Great  Britain,  bearing  date  the  seventh 
day  of  August  last,  we  nominated  and  ap 
pointed,  constituted  and  assigned,  you  the 
said  Richard  Oswald,  to  be  our  commissioner, 


458 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


to  treat,  consult  of,  agree  and  conclude,  with 
any  commissioner  or  commissioners,  named  or 
to  be  named  by  certain  colonies  or  plantations 
therein  specified,  a  peace  or  truce  with  the 
said  colonies  or  plantations.  Now  know  ye, 
that  we  have  revoked  and  determined,  and 
by  these  presents  do  revoke  and  determine  our 
said  commission  and  letters  patent,  and  all  and 
every  power,  article,  and  thing,  therein  con 
tained.  In  witness  whereof,  we  have  caused 
these  our  letters  to  be  made  patent.  Witness 
our  self  at  Westminister,  the  twenty-first  day 
of  September,  and  the  twenty-second  year  of 
our  reign.  By  the  king  himself.  YORKE. 
"Paris,  Oct.  1,  1782.  I  certify,  that  the 
adjoining  is  a  true  copy  of  the  commission 
which  it  purports  to  be  a  copy,  and  whicli  has 
been  shown  to  Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Jay. 

»  RICHARD  OSWALD, 
"  The  commissioner  therein  named." 

To  the  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs. 
"  PASSY,  September  26,  1782. 

"  SIR, — I  have  just  received  your  No.  15, 
dated  the  9th  of  August,  which  mentions 
your  not  having  heard  from  me  since  March. 
I  have  however  written  sundry  letters,  viz.  of 
April  8th,  and  June  12th,  June  25th  and  29th, 
August  12th,  and  September  3d,  and  sent  co 
pies  of  the  same,  which  I  hope  cannot  all  have 
miscarried. 

"  The  negotiations  for  peace  have  hitherto 
amounted  to  little  more  than  mutual  profes 
sions  of  sincere  desires,  &c.,  being  obstructed 
by  the  want  of  due  form  in  the  English  com 
missions  appointing  their  plenipotentiaries. 
The  objections  made  to  those  for  treating  with 
France,  Spain,  and  Holland,  were  first  re 
moved,  and  by  the  enclosed  it  seems  that  our 
objections  to  that  for  treating  with  us  will  now 
be  removed  also,  so  that  we  expect  to  begin 
in  a  few  days  our  negotiations.  But  there  are 
so  many  interests  to  be  considered  and  settled, 
in  a  peace  between  five  different  nations,  that 
it  will  be  well  not  to  flatter  ourselves  with  a 
very  speedy  conclusion. 

"  I  mentioned,  in  a  former  letter,  my  having 
communicated  to  count  de  Vergennes  the  state 
of  American  commerce  which  you  sent  me,  and 
my  having  urged  its  consideration,  &c.  En 
closed  is  a  copy  of  a  letter  received  from  that 
minister  on  the  subject. 

"  The  copy  of  general  Carleton's  letter,  and 
the  bills  of  exchange,  which  you  mentioned  as 
enclosed,  do  not  appear.  I  hope  soon  to  have 
a  better  opportunity  of  writing,  when  I  shall  be 
fuller.— With  great  esteem,  &c. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 

Secretary  Townshend  to  Richard  Oswald. 
"  WHITEHALL,  September  30, 1782. 

"  SIR, — I  received,  on  Saturday  last,  your 
packets  of  the  10th  and  llth  of  this  month. 


"  A  meeting  of  the  king's  confidential  ser 
vants  was  held,  as  soon  as  possible,  to  consider 
the  contents  of  them,  and  it  was  at  once 
agreed  to  make  the  alteration  in  the  commis 
sion  proposed  by  Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Jay. 
I  trust  that  the  readiness  with  which  this  pro 
posal  has  been  accepted,  will  be  considered  as 
an  ample  testimony  of  the  openness  and  sin 
cerity  with  which  the  government  of  this 
country  is  disposed  to  treat  with  the  Ameri 
cans. 

"  The  commission  is  passing  with  as  much 
despatch  as  the  forms  of  office  will  allow ;  but 
I  thought  it  material  that  no  delay  should 
happen,  in  giving  you  notice  of  the  determi 
nation  of  his  majesty's  council  upon  this  sub 
ject.  You  will  receive  the  commission  very- 
soon  after  this  reaches  you. 

"T.  TOWNSHEND." 


Count  de  Vergennes  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  VERSAILLES,  Oct.  3,  1782. 

"SiR, — I  have  the  honour  to  return  you 
the  commission  appointing  Thomas  Barclay 
consul  of  the  United  States,  to  reside  in 
France ;  and  I  endorse  the  exequatur,  which 
is  requisite  for  the  exercise  of  his  functions. 
I  must  inform  you,  that  the  latter  of  these 
will  require  the  admiral's  signature,  previous 
to  its  being  registered,  either  by  the  secre 
tary  of  the  Admiralty,  at  L'Orient,  where 
Mr.  Barclay  intends  to  fix  his  residence,  or 
by  those  of  other  ports  of  the  kingdom,  where 
commercial  considerations  may  require  his 
presence.  DE  VERGENNES." 


David  Hartley  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  BATH,  October  4, 1782. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  only  write  one  line 
to  you  to  let  you  know  that  I  am  not  forget 
ful  of  you,  or  of  our  common  concerns.  1 
have  not  heard  any  thing  from  the  ministry 
yet :  I  believe  it  is  a  kind  of  vacation  with 
them  before  the  meeting  of  parliament  I 
have  told  you  of  a  proposition  which  I  have 
had  some  thoughts  to  make  as  a  kind  of  co 
partnership  in  commerce.  I  send  you  a  pur 
posed  temporary  convention,  which  I  have 
drawn  up.  You  are  to  consider  it  only  as  one 
I  recommend.  The  words  underlined  are 
grafted  upon  the  proposition  of  my  memorial, 
dated  May  19,  1773.  You  will  see  the  prin 
ciple  which  I  have  in  my  thoughts  to  extend 
for  the  purpose  of  restoring  our  ancient  co 
partnership  generally.  I  cannot  tell  you 
what  event  things  may  take,  but  my  thoughts 
are  always  employed  in  endeavouring  to  ar 
range  that  system  upon  which  the  China 
Vase,  lately  shattered,  may  be  cemented  to 
gether,  upon  principles  of  compact  and  con 
nexion,  instead  of  dependence.  I  have  met 
with  a  sentiment  in  this  country  which  gives 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


459 


some  alarm,  viz.  lest  the  unity  of  govern 
ment  in  America  should  be  uncertain,  and  the 
states  reject  the  authority  of  congress.  Some 
passages  in  general  Washington's  letter  have 
given  weight  to  these  doubts.  I  don't  hear 
of  any  tendency  to  this  opinion ;  that  the  Ame 
rican  States  will  break  to  pieces,  and  tlien  we 
may  still  conquer  them.  I  believe  all  that  folly 
is  extinguished.  But  many  serious  and  well 
disposed  persons  are  alarmed  lest  this  should 
be  the  ill-fated  moment  for  relaxing  the  pow 
ers  of  the  union,  and  annihilating  tfie  cement 
of  confederation,  (vide  Washington's  letter,) 
and  that  Great  Britain  should  thereby  lose 
her  best  and  wisest  hope  of  being  reconnect 
ed  with  the  American  states  unitedly.  I 
should  for  one  think  it  the  greatest  misfortune. 
Pray  give  me  some  opinion  upon  this.  You 
see  there  is  likewise  another  turn  which  may 
be  given  to  this  sentiment  by  intemperate  and 
disappointed  people,  who  may  indulge  a  pas 
sionate  revenge  for  their  own  disappointments, 
by  endeavouring  to  excite  general  distrust, 
discord,  and  disunion.  I  wish  to  be  prepared 
and  guarded  at  all  points.  I  beg  my  best 
compliments  to  your  colleagues ;  be  so  good 
as  to  show  this  letter  to  them.  I  beg  particu 
larly  my  condolence  (and  I  hope  congratula 
tion)  to  Mr.  Adams ;  I  hear  that  he  has  been 
very  dangerously  ill,  but  that  he  is  again  reco 
vered.  I  hope  the  latter  part  is  true,  and  that 
we  shall  all  survive  to  set  our  hands  to  some 
future  compacts  of  common  interest,  and  com 
mon  affection,  between  our  two  countries. — 
Your  ever  affectionate  D.  HARTLEY." 


"  Robert  R.  Livingston. 

"  PASSY,  Oct.  14,  1782. 

"  SIR, — I  have  but  just  received  information 
of  this  opportunity,  and  have  only  time  al 
lowed  to  write  a  few  lines. 

"  In  my  last  of  the  26th  past,  I  mentioned 
that  the  negotiations  for  peace  had  been  ob 
structed  by  the  want  of  due  form  in  the  Eng 
lish  commissions,  appointing  their  plenipoten 
tiaries.  In  that  for  treating  with  us,  the  men 
tioning  our  states  by  their  public  name  had 
been  avoided,  which  we  objecting  to,  another 
is  come,  of  which  I  send  you  a  copy  enclosed. 
We  have  now  made  several  peliminary  pro 
positions,  which  the  English  minister,  Mr. 
Oswald,  has  approved,  and  sent  to  his  court. 
He  thinks  they  will  be  approved  there,  but  I 
have  some  doubts.  In  a  few  days,  however, 
the  answer  expected  will  determine.  By  the 
.first  of  these  articles,  the  king  of  Great  Bri 
tain  renounces,  for  himself  and  successor,  all 
claim  and  pretension  to  dominion  or  territory 
within  the  Thirteen  United  States  ;  and  the 
boundaries  are  described  as  in  our  instruc 
tions;  except  that  the  line  between  Nova 
Scotia  and  New  England  is  to  be  settled  by 
-commissioners  after  the  paace.  By  another 


article,  the  fishery  in  the  American  seas  is  to 
be  freely  exercised  by  the  Americans,  wher 
ever  they  might  formerly  exercise  it  while 
united  with  Great  Britain.  By  another,  the 
the  citizens  and  subjects  of  each  nation,  are  to 
enjoy  the  same  protection  and  privileges  in 
each  other's  ports  and  countries  respecting 
commerce,  duties,  &c.,  that  are  enjoyed  by 
native  subjects.  The  articles  are  drawn  up 
very  fully  by  Mr.  Jay,  who  I  suppose  sends 
you  a  copy  ;  if  not  it  will  go  by  the  next  op 
portunity.  If  these  articles  are  agreed  to,  i 
apprehend  little  difficulty  in  the  rest.  Some 
thing  has  been  mentioned  about  the  refugees 
and  English  debts,  but  not  insisted  on,  as  we 
declared  at  once,  that  whatever  confiscations 
had  been  made  in  America,  being  in  virtue  of 
the  laws  of  particular  states,  the  congress  had 
no  authority  to  repeal  those  laws,  and  there 
fore  could  give  us  none  to  stipulate  for  such 
repeal. 

"  The  ministry  here  have  been  induced  to 
send  over  M.  de  Rayneval,  secretary  of  the 
council,  to  converse  with  lorcf  Shelburne,  and 
endeavour  to  form  by  that  means  a  more  per 
fect  judgment  of  what  was  to  be  expected 
from  the  negotiation.  He  was  five  or  six 
days  in  England,  saw  all  the  ministers,  and 
returned  quite  satisfied,  that  they  are  sincere 
ly  desirous  of  peace;  so  that  the  negotiations 
now  go  on  with  some  prospect  of  success.  But 
the  court  and  people  of  England  are  very 
changeable.  A  little  turn  of  fortune  in  their 
favour  sometimes  turns  their  heads ;  and  I 
shall  not  think  a  speedy  peace  to  be  depended 
on,  till  I  see  the  treaties  signed.  With  great 
esteem,  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  &c. 
"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  John  Adams. 

"  PASSY,  Oct.  15,  1782. 

"  Sm, — A  long  and  painful  illness  has  pre 
vented  my  corresponding  with  your  excellen 
cy  regularly. 

"Mr.  Jay  has,  I  believe,  acquainted  you 
with  the  obstructions  our  peace  negotiation.s 
have  met  with,  and  that  they  are  at  length 
removed.  By  the  next  courier,  expected  from 
London,  we  may  be  able  perhaps  to  form  some 
judgment  of  the  probability  of  success,  so  far 
as  relates  to  our  part  of  the  peace.  How  like 
ly  the  other  powers  are  to  settle  their  preten 
sions,  I  cannot  yet  learn.  In  the  meantime, 
America  is  gradually  growing  more  easy,  by 
the  enemy's  evacuation  of  their  posts ;  as  you 
will  see,  by  some  intelligence  I  enclose.— With 
great  respect,  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 
"B.  FRANKLIN." 

T.  Townshend,  Esq.,  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"WHITEHALL,  Oct.  23,  1782 

"  SIR, — As  Mr.  Strachey  is  going  from 
hence  to  Paris,  with  some  particulars  for  Mr. 


460 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


Oswald,  which  were  not  easily  to  be  explained 
in  writing-,  I  take  the  liberty  of  introducing 
him  to  your  acquaintance,  though  I  am  not 
sure,  that  he  is  not  already  a  little  known  to 
you.  The  confidential  situation  in  which  he 
stands  with  me,  makes  me  particularly  de 
sirous  of  presenting  him  to  you. 

"  I  believe,  sir,  I  am  enough  known  to  you, 
for  you  to  believe  me,  when  I  say,  that  there 
has  not  been  from  the  beginning  a  single  per 
son  more  averse  to  the  unhappy  war,  or  who 
wishes  more  earnestly  than  I  do,  for  a  return 
of  peace  and  mutual  amity  between  Great 
Britain  and  America. 

"  I  am,  with  great  regard,  sir,  your  most 
obedient,  humble  servant, 

"  T.  TOWNSHEND." 


To  Thomas  Townshend,  one  of  his  majes 
ty's  principal  Secretaries  of  State. 

"  PASSY,  Nov.  4, 1782. 

"  Sm,— I  received  the  letter  you  did  me  the 
honour  of  writing  to  me  by  Mr.  Strachey ;  and 
was  much  pleased  with  the  opportunity  it  gave 
me  of  renewing  and  increasing  my  acquaint 
ance  with  a  gentleman  of  so  amiable  and  de 
serving  a  character. 

"  I  am  sensible  you  have  ever  been  averse 
to  the  measures  that  brought  on  this  unhappy 
war ;  I  have,  therefore,  no  doubt  of  the  sincer 
ity  of  your  wishes  for  a  return  of  peace.  Mine 
are  equally  earnest.  Nothing,  therefore,  ex 
cept  the  beginning  of  the  war,  has  given  me 
more  concern,  than  to  learn,  at  the  conclusion 
of  our  conferences,  that  it  is  not  likely  to  be 
soon  ended.  Be  assured  no  endeavours  on  my 
part  would  be  wanting  to  remove  any  difficul 
ties  that  may  have  arisen,  or  even  if  a  peace 
were  made,  to  procure  afterwards  any  changes 
in  the  treaty  that  might  tend  to  render  it  more 
perfect,  and  the  peace  more  durable.  But  we 
who  are  here  at  so  great  a  distance  from  our 
constituents,  have  not  the  possibility  of  obtain 
ing  in  a  few  days  fresh  instructions,  as  is  the 
case  with  your  negotiators,  and  are  therefore 
obliged  to  insist  on  what  is  conformable  to 
those  we  have,  and  at  the  same  time  appears 
to  us  just  and  reasonable.— With  great  esteem 
and  respect,  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  &c. 
«B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  the  Ministers  Plenipotentiary  from  the 
United  States. 

"  PARIS,  Nov.  5, 1782. 

"GENTLEMEN, — Knowing  the  expectation 
of  the  king's  ministers,  that  full  indemnity 
shall  be  provided  for  the  whole  body  of  refiv 
gees,  either  by  a  restitution  of  their  property, 
or  by  some  stipulated  compensation  for  their 
losses,  and  being  confident,  as  I  have  repeat 
edly  assured  you,  that  your  refusal  upon  this 
point  will  be  the  great  obstacle  to  a  conclusion 


and  ratification  of  that  peace  which  is  meant 
as  a  solid,  perfect,  permanent  reconciliation 
and  re-union  between  Great  Britain  and  Ame 
rica,  I  am  unwilling  to  leave  Pans  without 
once  more  submitting  the  matter  to  your  con 
sideration.  It  affects  equally,  in  my  opinion, 
the  honour  and  humanity  of  your  country,  and 
of  ours.  How  far  you  will  be  justified  in  risk 
ing  every  favourite  object  of  America,  by 
contending  against  those  principles,  is  for  you 
to  determine.  Independence,  and  more  than 
a  reasonable  possession  of  territory,  seem  to  be 
within  your  reach.  Will  you  suffer  them  to 
be  outweighed  by  the  gratification  of  resent 
ment  against  individuals.  I  venture  to  assert 
that  such  a  conduct  hath  no  parallel  in  the  his 
tory  of  civilized  nations. 

"  I  am  under  the  necessity  of  setting  out  by 
two  o'clock  to-day ;  if  the  time  is  too  short  for 
your  re-consideration,  and  final  determination 
of  this  important  point,  I  shall  hope  that  you 
will  enable  Mr.  Oswald  to  despatch  a  messen 
ger  after  me,  who  may  be  with  me  before 
morning  at  Chantilly,  where  I  propose  sleep 
ing  to  night,  or  who  may  overtake  me  before 
I  arrive  in  London,  with  a  satisfactory  answer 
to  this  letter. — I  have  the  honour  to  be,  gen 
tlemen,  yours,  &c.  W.  STRACHEY." 


"  W.   Strachey. 

"  PARIS,  Nov.  6, 1782. 

"  SIR, — We  have  been  honoured  with  your 
favour  of  the  5th  instant,  and  as  our  answer 
to  a  letter  we  received  from  Mr.  Oswald  on 
the  same  subject,  contains  our  unanimous  sen 
timents  respecting  it,  we  take  the  liberty  of 
referring  you  to  the  enclosed  copy  of  that  an 
swer. 

;<  We  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  your  most 
obedient,  &c." 

«  Richard  Oswald. 

"  Nov.  6,  1782. 

"  SIR — In  answer  to  the  letter  you  did  us 
the  honour  to  write  on  the  4th  instant,  we  beg 
leave  to  repeat  what  we  often  said  in  conver 
sation,  viz.  that  the  restoration  of  such  of  the 
estates  of  refugees,  as  have  been  confiscated^ 
is  impracticable,  because  they  were  confiscated 
by  laws  of  particular  states,  and  in  many  in 
stances  have  passed  by  legal  titles  through  se 
veral  hands.  Besides,  sir,  as  this  is  a  matter 
evidently  appertaining  to  the  internal  polity  of 
the  separate  states,  the  congress,  by  the  na 
ture  of  our  constitution,  have  no  authority  to 
interfere  with  it. 

"  As  to  your  demand  of  compensation  to 
those  persons,  we  forbear  enumerating  our 
reasons  for  thinking  it  ill  founded:  in  the 
moment  of  conciliatory  overtures  it  would  not 
be  proper  to  call  certain  scenes  into  view,  over 
which  a  variety  of  considerations  should  in- 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


461 


cluce  both  parties,  at  present,  to  draw  a  veil 
Permit  us,  therefore,  only  to  repeat,  that  we 
cannot  stipulate  for  such  compensation,  unless 
on  your  part  it  be  agreed  to  make  retribution 
to  our  citizens  for  the  heavy  losses  they  have 
sustained  by  the  unnecessary  destruction  o: 
their  private  property. 

"  We  have  already  agreed  to  an  amnesty 
more  extensive  than  justice  required,  and  fill 
as  extensive  as  humanity  could  demand.  We 
can  therefore  only  repeat,  that  it  cannot  be  ex 
tended  further. 

"  We  should  be  sorry  if  the  absolute  impos 
sibility  of  our  complying  further  with  your 
propositions  on  this  head,  should  induce  Great 
Britain  to  continue  the  war,  for  the  sake  ol 
those  who  caused  and  prolonged  it.  But  if  that 
should  be  the  case,  we  hope  that  the  utmost 
latitude  will  not  be  again  given  to  its  rigours. 

"  Whatever  maybe  the  issue  of  this  nego 
tiation,  be  assured,  sir,  that  we  shall  always 
acknowledge  the  liberal,  manly,  and  candid 
manner  in  which  you  have  conducted  it,  and 
that  we  shall  remain  with  the  warmest  sen 
timents  of  esteem  and  regard,  your,  most  obe 
client  and  very  humble  servants." 


"  R.  R.  Livingston. 

"  PASSV,  November  7,  1782. 

"  SIR, — The  baron  deKermelin,  a  Swedish 
gentleman  of  distinction,  recommended  strong 
ly  to  me  by  his  excellency  the  ambassador  of 
that  nation  to  this  court,  as  a  person  highly 
esteemed  in  his  own;  purposes  a  journey 
through  North  America,  to  view  its  natural 
productions,  acquaint  himself  with  its  com 
merce,  and  acquire  such  information  as  may 
be  useful  to  his  country,  in  the  communica 
tion  and  connexion  of  interests  that  seems  to 
be  growing,  and  probably  may  soon  become 
considerable  between  the  two  nations.  I  there 
fore  beg  leave  to  introduce  him  to  you,  and  re 
quest  that  you  would  present  him  to  the  pre 
sident  of  congress,  and  to  such  other  persons 
as  you  shall  think  may  be  useful  to  him  in  his 
views,  and  I  recommend  him  earnestly  to  those 
civilities  which  you  have  a  pleasure'in  show 
ing  to  strangers  of  merit. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 

R.  R.  Livingston  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Nov.  21, 1782. 

"  SIR, — Congress,  a  few  days  since,  passed 
the  enclosed  resolution,  No.  1,  by  which  they 
have  added  Mr.  Jefferson  to  the  commission 
for  concluding  a  peace.  The  established  cha 
racter  of  this  gentleman  gives  me  reason  to 
hope  that  his  appointment  will  be  very  ac 
ceptable  to  you  and  the  other  gentlemen  in 
the  commission.  I  have  not  yet  learned 
whether  he  will  take  the  task  upon  him,  but 
I  have  reason  to  believe  he  will,  the  death  of 
39* 


his  wife  having  lessened,  in  the  opinion  of 
his  friends,  the  reluctance  which  he  has  hi 
therto  manifested  to  going  abroad.  I  think 
it  would  be  proper  to  make  a  formal  annunci 
ation  of  this  resolution  to  the  court  of  France. 
You  will  naturally  give  such  a  representation 
of  Mr.  Jefferson's  character,  as  will  secure  to 
him  there  that  esteem  and  confidence  which 
he  so  justly  merits.  The  resolution,  No.  2, 
needs  no  comment ;  or,  if  it  does,  Mr.  Morris 
will  prove  the  able  commentator.  I  resign 
the  task  to  him. 

"  For  what  end  is  the  show  of  negotiations 
kept  up  by  England,  when  peace,  upon  the 
only  terms  she  can  obtain  it,  is  far  from  her 
hea'rt  ?  Her  ministers,  like  some  ministers  of 
the  gospel,  who  are  unwilling  to  quit  the  pul 
pit  when  they  have  tired  out  their  hearer?, 
expect  to  keep  the  people  together  by  call 
ing  out  at  every  period,  '  Now  to  conclude,' 
while  they  continue  the  same  dull  tale  for 
want  of  skill  to  wind  it  up. 

"  By  accounts  from  Jamaica,  we  learn  that 
the  British  have  recovered  most  of  their  set 
tlements  on  the  bay.  Some  attention  will,  I 
hope,  be  paid  in  the  treaty  of  peace,  to  secure 
to  us  the  share  we  formerly  had  in  the  log 
wood  trade.  It  was  a  valuable  remittance  to 
us,  and  the  low  price  at  which  we  were  ena 
bled  to  sell,  renders  it  important  to  other  na 
tions  that  we  should  not  be  excluded  from 
furnishing  it  as  usual.  You  will  find  by  the 
enclosed  paper,  that  Mr.  Burgess,  an  English 
merchant,  was  not  permitted  to  settle  at  Bos 
ton,  and  obtain  the  rights  of  citizenship,  upon 
principles  which  must  be  alarming  to  Eng 
land.  It  shows,  at  the  same  time,  the  respect 
that  is  paid  to  the  resolutions  of  congress, 
notwithstanding  all  that  has  been  said  and 
written  to  prove  the  contrary. 

"R.  R.  LIVINGSTON." 


"  Richard  Oswald. 

'•  PASSY,  November  26,  1782. 

;'  SIR, — You  may  well  remember,  that  in 
the  beginning  of  our  conferences,  before  the 
other  commissioners  arrived,  on  your  men 
tioning  to  me  a  retribution  for  the  royalists, 
whose  estates  had  been  confiscated,  I  ac 
quainted  you  that  nothing  of  that  kind  couW 
be  stipulated  by  us,  the  confiscation  bein^ 
made  by  virtue  of  laws  of  particular  states 
which  the  congress  had  no  power  to  contra 
vene  or  dispense  with,  and  therefore  could 
give  us  no  such  authority  in  our  commission. 
And  I  gave  it  as  my  opinion  and  advice,  ho 
nestly  and  cordially,  that  if  a  reconciliation 
was  intended,  no  mention  should  be  made  in 
our  negotiations,  of  those  people ;  for  they  ha 
ving  done  infinite  mischief  to  our  properties, 
>y  wantonly  burning  and  destroying  farm- 
louses,  villages,  and  towns,  if  compensation 
°or  their  losses  were  insisted  on,  we  should 


462 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


certainly  exhibit  again  such  an  account  of  all 
the  ravages  they  had  committed,  which  would 
necessarily  recall  to  view  scenes  of  barbarity, 
that  must  inflame,  instead  of  conciliating-,  and 
tend  to  perpetuate  an  enmity  that  we  all  pro 
fess  a  desire  of  extinguishing-.  Understanding, 
however,  from  you,  that  this  was  a  point  your 
ministry  had  at  heart,  I  wrote  concerning  it 
to  congress,  and  I  have  lately  received  the  fol 
lowing  resolution,  viz. 

"  By  the  United  States,  in  Congress  assem 
bled. 

"  September  10,  1782. 

"  RESOLVED,  That  the  secretary  for  foreign 
affairs  be,  and  he  is  hereby  directed  to  obtain, 
as  speedily  as  possible,  authentic  returns  of 
the  slaves,  and  other  property,  which  have 
been  carried  offer  destroyed  in  the  course  of 
the  war  by  the  enemy,  and  to  transmit  the 
same  to  the  minister  plenipotentiary  for  nego 
tiating  peace. 

"  RESOLVED,  That  in  the  mean  time  the 
secretary  for  foreign  affairs,  inform  the  said 
ministers,  that  many  thousands  of  slaves,  and 
other  property,  to  a  very  great  amount,  have 
been  carried  off,  or  destroyed  by  the  enemy  ; 
and  that  in  the  opinion  of  congress,  the  great 
loss  of  property  which  the  citizens  of  the  Unit 
ed  States  have  sustained  by  the  enemy,  will 
be  considered  by  the  several  states,  as  an  in 
superable  bar  to  their  making  restitution  or 
indemnification  to  the  former  owner  of  pro 
perty,  which  has  been  or  may  be  forfeited  to, 
or  confiscated  by  any  of  the  states. 

"  In  consequence  of  these  resolutions  and 
circular  letters  of  the  secretary,  the  assembly 
of  Pennsylvania  then  sitting,  passed  the  fol 
lowing  act,  viz. 

"  State  of  Pennsylvania,  in  general  Assem 
bly. 

"  Wednesday,  September  18,  1784. 
"  THE  bill  entitled  *  an  act  for  procuring 
an  estimate  of  the  damages,  sustained  by  the 
inhabitants  of  Pennsylvania,  from  the  troops 
and  adherents  of  the  king  of  Great  Britain, 
during  the  present  war,'  was  read  a  second 
time. 

"  Ordered  to  be  transcribed,  and  printed  for 
public  consideration. 

"  Extract  from  the  minutes. 

"  PETER  Z.  LLOYD, 
"  Clerk  of  the  General  Assembly." 

A  BILL  entitled  "  an  act  for  procuring  an 
estimate  of  the  damages,  sustained  by  the 
inhabitants  of  Pennsylvania  from,  the 
troops  and  adherents  of  the  king  of  Great 
Britain,  during  the  present  war." 

"  WHEREAS  great  damages,  of  the  most 
wanton  nature,  have  been  committed  by  the 


arms  of  the  king  of  Great  Britain,  or  their  ad 
herents,  within  the  territory  of  the  United 
States  of  North  America,  unwarranted  by  the 
practice  of  civilized  nations,  and  only  to  be 
accounted  for  from  the  vindictive  spirit  of  the 
said  king  and  his  officers ;  and  whereas  an  ac 
curate  account  and  estimate  of  such  damages, 
more  especially  the  waste  and  destruction  of 
property,  may  be  very  useful  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States  of  America,  in  forming  a 
future  treaty  of  peace,  and,  in  the  mean  timey 
|iay  serve  to  exhibit  in  a  true  light  to  the  na 
tions  of  Europe,  the  conduct  of  the  said  king, 
his  ministers,  officers,  and  adherents;  to  the 
end  therefore  that  proper  measures  be  taken 
to  ascertain  the  damages  aforesaid,  which 
have  been  done  to  the  citizens  and  inhabitants 
of  Pennsylvania,  in  the  course  of  the  present 
war  within  this  state :  '  Be  it  enacted  by  the 
house  of  representatives  of  the  freemen  of 
the  commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania,  in  gene 
ral  assembly  met,  and  by  the  authority  of  the 
same,  that  in  every  county  of  this  state,  which 
have  been  invaded  by  the  armies,  soldiers,  or 
adherents  of  the  king  of  Great  Britain,  the 
commissioners  of  every  such  county  shall  im 
mediately  meet  together,  each  within  their 
county,  and  issue  directions  to  the  assessors 
of  the  respective  townships,  districts,  and 
places  within  such  county,  to  call  upon  the 
inhabitants  of  every  township  and  place,  to 
furnish  accounts  and  estimates  of  the  damages, 
waste,  spoil,  and  destruction,  which  hath  been 
done  and  committed  as  aforesaid,  upon  the 
property,  real  or  personal,  within  the  same 
township  or  place,  since  the  first  day  of— 
which  was  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  177 — , 
and  the  same  accounts  and  estimates,  to 
transmit  to  the  commissioners  without  delay. 
And  if  any  person  or  persons,  shall  refuse  or 
neglect  to  make  out  such  accounts  and  esti 
mates,  the  said  assessors  of  the  township  or 
place,  shall,  from  their  own  knowledge,  and 
by  any  other  reasonable  and  lawful  method, 
take  and  render  such  an  account  and  estimate 
of  all  damages  done,  or  committed,  as  afore 
said  :  Provided  always,  that  all  such  accounts 
and  estimates  to  be  made  out,  and  transmitted 
as  aforesaid,  shall  contain  a  narrative  of  the 
time  and  circumstances ;  and  if  in  the  power 
of  the  person  aggrieved,  the  names  of  the 
general,  or  other  officers,  or  adherents,  of  the 
enemy  by  whom  the  damage  in  any  case  was 
done,  or  under  whose  orders  the  army,  de 
tachment,  party,  or  persons,  committing  the 
same,  acted  at  that  time,  and  also  the  name 
and  condition  of  the  person,  or  persons,  whose 
property  was  so  damaged  or  destroyed,  and 
that  all  such  accounts  and  estimates  be  made- 
in  current  money,  upon  oath  or  affirmation  of 
the  sufferer,  or  of  others  having  knowledge 
concerning  the  same :  and  that  in  every  case- 
it  be  set  forth,  whether  the  party  injured 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


403 


hath  received  any  satisfaction  for  his  loss,  and 
by  whom  the  same  was  given. 

"  And  be  it  further  enacted,  by  the  author 
ity  aforesaid,  that  the  said  commissioners, 
having  obtained  the  said  accounts  and  esti 
mates  from  the  assessor  of  the  several  town 
ships  and  places,  shall  proceed  to  inspect  and 
register  the  same  in  a  book  to  be  provided  for 
that  purpose,  distinguishing  the  districts  and 
townships,  and  entering  those  of  each  place  to 
gether  ;  and  if  any  account  and  estimate  be 
imperfect,  or  not  sufficiently  verified  and  es 
tablished,  the  said  commissioners  shall  have 
power,  and  they,  or  any  two  of  them,  are  here 
by  authorized  to  summon  and  compel  any 
person  whose  evidence  they  shall  think  ne 
cessary,  to  appear  before  them  at  a  day  and 
place  appointed,  to  be  summoned  upon  oath  or 
affirmation,  concerning  any  damage  or  injury 
as  aforesaid;  and  the  said  commissioners 
shall,  upon  the  call  and  demand  of  the  presi 
dent,  or  vice-president,  of  the  supreme  exe 
cutive  council,  deliver,  or  send  to  the  secretary 
of  the  said  council,  all  or  any  of  the  original 
accounts  and  estimates  aforesaid,  and  shall  also 
deliver,  or  send  to  the  said  secretary,  copies 
of  the  book  aforesaid,  or  any  part  or  parts 
thereof,  upon  reasonable  notice.  And  be  it 
further  enacted,  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
that  all  losses  of  negro  or  mulatto  slaves,  and 
servants,  who  have  been  deluded  and  carried 
away  by  the  enemies  of  the  United  States, 
and  who  have  not  been  recovered  or  recom 
pensed,  shall  be  comprehended  within  the  ac 
counts  and  estimates  aforesaid :  and  that  the 
commissioners  and  assessors  of  any  county 
which  had  not  been  invaded  as  aforesaid,  shall 
nevertheless  inquire  after,  and  procure  ac 
counts  and  estimates  of  any  damages,  suffered 
by  the  loss  of  such  servants  and  slaves,  as  is 
herein  before  directed  as  to  other  property. 

"  And  be  it  further  enacted,  by  the  authority 
aforesaid,  that  the  charges  and  expenses  of 
executing  this  act,  as  to  the  pay  of  the  said 
commissioners  and  assessors,  shall  be  as  in 
other  cases ;  and  that  witnesses  shall  be  re 
warded  for  their  loss  of  time  and  trouble,  as 
witnesses  summoned  to  appear  in  the  courts 
of  quarter-sessions  of  the  peace;  and  the  said 
charges  and  expenses  shall  be  defrayed  by  the 
commonwealth ;  but  paid,  in  the  first  instance, 
out  of  the  hands  of  the  treasurer  of  the  county, 
for  county  rates,  and  levies  upon  orders  drawn 
by  the  commissioners  of  the  proper  county." 

"  We  have  not  yet  had  time  to  hear  what 
lias  been  done  by  the  other  assemblies ;  but 
I  have  no  doubt  that  similar  acts  will  be  made 
use  of  by  all  of  them,  and  that  the  mass  of 
evidence  produced  by  the  execution  of  those 
acts,  not  only  of  the  enormities  committed  by 
those  people,  under  the  direction  of  British 
generals,  but  of  those  committed  by  the  Bri 
tish  troops  themselves,  will  form  a  record  that 


must  render  the  British  name  odious  in  Amer 
ica  to  the  latest  generations.  In  that  authen 
tic  record  will  be  found  the  burning  of  the 
fine  towns  of  Charleston,  near  Boston ;  of  Fal- 
mouth,  just  before  winter,  when  the  sick,  the 
aged,  the  women  and  children,  were  driven 
to  seek  shelter  where  they  could  hardly  find 
it ;  of  Norfolk,  in  the  midst  of  winter ;  of  New 
London,  of  Fairfield,  ofEsopus,  &c. ;  besides 
near  a  hundred  and  fifty  miles  of  well  settled 
country  laid  waste ;  every  house  and  barn 
burnt,  and  many  hundreds  of  farmers,  with 
their  wives  and  children,  butchered  and 
scalped. 

"  The  present  British  ministers,  when  they 
reflect  a  little,  will  certainly  be  too  equitable 
to  suppose,  that  their  nation  has  a  right  to 
make  an  unjust  war,  (which  they  have  always 
allowed  this  against  us  to  be),  and  to  do  all 
sorts  of  unnecessary  mischiefs,  unjustifiable 
by  the  practice  of  any  individual  people,  which 
those  they  make  war  with  are  to  suffer  with 
out  claiming  any  satisfaction;  but  that  if  Bri 
tons,  or  their  adherents,  are  in  return,  depriv 
ed  of  any  property,  it  is  to  be  restored  to  them, 
or  they  are  to  be  indemnified.  The  British 
troops  can  never  excuse  their  barbarities. 
They  were  unprovoked.  The  loyalists  may 
say,  in  excuse  of  theirs,  that  they  were  exas 
perated  by  the  loss  of  their  estates,  and  it  was 
revenge.  They  have  then  had  their  revenge. 
Is  it  right  they  should  have  both  ! 
.  "  Some  of  those  people  may  have  merit  in 
their  regard  for  Britain,  and  who  espoused  her 
cause  from  affection;  these  it  may  become 
you  to  reward.  But  there  are  many  of  them 
who  were  waverers,  and  were  only  determin 
ed  to  engage  in  it  by  some  occasional  circum 
stance  or  appearances ;  these  have  not  much  of 
either  merit  or  demerit;  and  there  are  others 
who  have  abundance  of  demerit  respecting 
your  country,  having,  by  their  falsehoods  and 
misrepresentations,  brought  on  and  encourag 
ed  the  continuance  of  the  war ;  these,  instead 
of  being  recompensed,  should  be  punished. 

"  It  is  usual,  among  Christian  people  at 
war,  to  profess  always  a  desire  of  peace ;  but 
if  the  ministers  of  one  of  the  parties,  choose  to 
insist  particularly  on  a  certain  article  which 
they  have  known,  the  others  are  not  and  can 
not  be  impowered  to  agree  to,  what  credit 
can  they  expect  should  be  given  to  such  pro 
fessions  1 

"Your  ministers  require,  that  we  should 
receive  again  into  our  bosom,  those  who  have 
been  our  bitterest  enemies,  and  restore  their 
properties  who  have  destroyed  ours,  and  this 
while  the  wounds  they  have  given  us  are  still 
bleeding !  It  is  many  years  since  your  nation 
expelled  the  Stuarts  and  their  adherents,  and 
confiscated  their  estates.  Much  of  your  re 
sentment  against  them  may  by  this  time  be 
abated ;  yet  if  we  should  propose  it,  and  in 
sist  on  it  as  an  article  of  our  treaty  with  you, 


464 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


that  that  family  should  be  recalled,  and  the 
forfeited  estates  of  its  friends  restored,  would 
you  think  us  serious  in  our  professions  of  ear 
nestly  desiring  peace  7 

"  I  must  repeat  my  opinion,  that  it  is  best 
for  you  to  drop  all  mention  of  the  refugees. 
We  have  proposed  indeed  nothing  but  what 
we  think  best  for  you  as  well  as  ourselves. 
But  if  you  will  have  them  mentioned,  let  it 
be  in  an  article  which  you  may  provide ;  that 
they  shall  exhibit  accounts  of  their  losses  to 
commissioners,  hereafter  to  be  appointed,  who 
should  examine  the  same,  together  with  the 
accounts  now  preparing  in  America,  of  the 
damages  done  by  them,  and  state  the  account, 
and  that  if  a  balance  appears  in  their  favour, 
it  shall  be  paid  by  us  to  you,  and  by  you  di 
vided  among  them,  as  you  shall  think  proper. 
And  if  the  balance  is  found  due  to  us,  it  shall 
be  paid  by  you. 

"  Give  me  leave,  however,  to  advise  you  to 
prevent  the  necessity  of  so  dreadful  a  discus 
sion,  by  dropping  the  article,  that  we  may 
write  to  America  and  stop  the  inquiry. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


Article  proposed  by  the  American  Plenipo 
tentiaries. 

"  IT  is  agreed  that  his  Britannic  Majesty 
will  earnestly  recommend  it  to  his  parliament 
to  provide  for,  and  make  compensation  to  the 
merchants  and  shopkeepers  of  Boston,  whose 
goods  and  merchandize  were  seized  and  taken 
out  of  their  stores,  warehouses,  and  shops,  by 
order  of  general  Gage  and  others  of  his  com 
manders  or  officers  there,  and  also  to  the  in 
habitants  of  Philadelphia,  for  the  goods  taken 
away  by  his  army  there,  and  to  make  com 
pensation  also  for  the  tobacco,  rice,  indigo,  ne 
groes,  &c.  seized  and  carried  off  by  his  ar 
mies  under  generals  Arnold,  Cornwallis,  and 
others,  from  the  States  of  Virginia,  North  and 
South  Carolina,  and  Georgia;  and  also  for 
all  vessels  and  cargoes  belonging  to  the  in 
habitants  of  the  said  United  States,  which  were 
stopped,  seized,  or  taken  either  in  the  ports  or 
on  the  seas,  by  his  governors  or  by  his  ships 
of  war,  before  the  declaration  of  war  against 
the  said  States. 

"  And  it  is  further  agreed,  that  his  Britan 
nic  Majesty  will  also  earnestly  recommend  it 
to  his  parliament,  to  make  compensation  for  all 
the  towns,  villages,  and  farms,  burnt  and  de 
stroyed  by  his  troops,  or  adherents,  in  the  said 
United  States. 


Facts  stated  by  Dr.  Franklin,  respecting  the 
demands  of  British  merchants  against 
American  planters,  tyc. 

"  THERE  existed  a  free  commerce  upon  mu 
tual  faith,  between  Great  Britain  and  Ameri 


ca.  The  merchants  of  the  former  credited  the 
merchants  and  planters  of  the  latter,  with  great 
quantities  of  goods,  on  the  common  expecta 
tion  that  the  merchants  having  sold  the  goods, 
would  make  the  accustomed  remittances,  that 
the  planters  would  do  the  same  by  the  labour 
of  their  negroes,  and  the  produce  of  that  la 
bour,  tobacco,  rice,  indigo,  &c. 

"England,  before  the  goods  were  sold  in 
America,  sends  an  armed  force,  seizes  those 
goods  in  the  stores,  some  even  in  the  ships  that 
brought  them,  and  carries  them  off;  seizes 
also,  and  carries  off  the  tobacco,  rice,  and  in 
digo,  divided  by  the  planters  to  make  returns, 
and  even  the  negroes  from  whose  labour  they 
might  hope  to  raise  other  produce  for  that 
purpose. 

"  Britain  now  demands  that  the  debts  shall 
nevertheless  be  paid. 

"  Will  she,  can  she,  justly  refuse  making 
compensation  for  such  seizures  1 

"  If  a  draper  who  had  sold  a  piece  of  linen 
to  a  neighbour  on  credit,  should  follow  him, 
take  the  linen  from  him  by  force,  and  then 
send  a  bailiff  to  arrest  him  for  the  debt,  would 
any  court  of  law  or  equity  award  the  payment 
of  the  debt,  without  ordering  a  restitution  of 
the  cloth  ? 

"  Will  not  the  debtors  in  America  cry  out, 
that  if  this  compensation  be  riot  made,  they 
were  betrayed  by  the  pretended  credit,  and 
are  now  doubly  ruined:  1st.  by  the  enemy, 
and  then  by  the  negotiators  at  Paris ;  the 
goods  and  negroes  sold  them,  being  taken  from 
them  with  all  they  had  besides,  and  they  are 
now  to  be  obliged  to  pay  for  what  they  have 
been  robbed  of." 


B.  Vaughan  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  PARIS,  Nov.  27,  1782. 

"  MY  DEAREST  SIR, — I  am  so  agitated  with 
the  present  crisis,  that  I  cannot  help  writing 
to  you,  to  beseech  you  again  and  again  to 
mediate  upon  some  mild  expedient  about  the 
refugees,  or  to  give  a  favourable  ear,  and. 
helping  hand  to  such  as  may  turn  up. 

"  Both  sides  agree,  that  the  matter  of  ex 
pense  is  nothing;  and  the  matter  of  honour 
in  my  opinion  is  least  to  that  side,  which  has 
most  sense  and  most  justice  on  its  side.  It 
seems  to  me,  that  the  matter  of  present  peace, 
and  future  happiness,  are  the  only  points  of 
true  concern  to  either. 

"  If  I  can  judge  of  favourable  moments,  the 
present  is  of  all  others  most  favourable  to  our 
views  of  reconciliation.  We  have  liberal 
American  commissioners  at  Paris,  a  liberal 
English  commissioner,  and  a  liberal  first  mi 
nister  for  England.  All  these  circumstances 
may  vanish  to-morrow,  if  this  treaty  blows 
over. 

"If  you  wanted  to  break  off  your  treaty,  I 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


465 


am  perfectly  sensible  that  you  could  not  do  it 
on  grounds  in  which  America  would  more 
join  with  you,  than  this  of  the  refugees.  On 
the  other  hand,  if  England  wanted  to  break, 
she  could  not  wish  for  better  ground  on  her 
side.  You  do  not  break;  and  therefore  I 
conclude  you  both  sincere.  But  in  this  way, 
J  see  the  treaty  is  likely  of  itself  to  break.  I 
pray  then,  my  dearest,  dearest  sir,  that  you 
would  a  little  take  this  matter  to  heart. 

tt  If  the  refugees  are  not  silenced,  you  must 
be  sensible  what  constant  prompters  to  evil 
measures  you  leave  us,  what  perpetual 
sources  of  bad  information.  If  the  minister  is 
able,  on  the  other  hand,  to  hold  up  his  head 
on  this  one  point,  you  must  see  how  much 
easier  it  will  be  for  you  both  to  carry  on  the 
great  work  of  re-union,  as  far  as  relates  to 
prince  and  people.  We  are  not  well  inform 
ed  about  the  deeds  of  the  refugees  in  Eng 
land  ;  and  we  can  only  now  be  well  informed 
by  publications,  that  would  do  irreparable 
mischief. 

"  Besides,  you  are  the  most  magnanimous 
nation ;  and  can  excuse  things  to  your  people, 
which  we  can  less  excuse  to  ours.  Not  to 
mention,  that  when  congress  sent  you  their 
last  resolutions,  she  was  not  aware  that  you 
would  be  so  near  a  settlement  as  you  are  at 
present.  To  judge  which  is  the  hardest  task, 
yours,  or  England's,  put  yourself  in  lord  Shel- 
burne's  place.  The  only  marks  of  confidence 
shown  him  at  Paris,  are  such  as  he  dares  not 
name  ;  and  the  only  marks  promised  him,  are 
future  national  ones.  England  has  given  much 
ground  of  confidence  to  America.  In  my  opi 
nion,  England  will  do  HER  business  in  the  way 
of  RECONCILIATION,  very  much  in  proportion 
as  you  do  your  business  generously  at  the  pre 
sent  peace.  England  is  to  be  won,  as  well  as 
America  is  to  be  won ;  and  I  beg  you  would 
think  with  yourself  and  your  colleagues  about 
the  means.  Excuse  this  freedom,  rny  dearest 
sir ;  it  is  the  result  of  a  very  warm  heart,  that 
thinks  a  little  property  nothing,  to  much  hap- 
tpiness.  I  do  not,  however,  ask  you  to  do  a 
dishonourable  thing,  but  simply  to  save  Eng 
land  ;  and  to  give  our  English  ministry  the 
means  of  saying,  on  the  5th  of  December,  we 
have  done  more  than  the  last  ministry  have 
done.  I  hope  you  will  not  think  this  zeal  per 
secution  ;  for  I  shall  not  mention  this  subject 
to  you  again,  of  my  own  accord. 

"  I  know  you  have  justice  on  your  side ; 
I  know  you  may  talk  of  precedents;  but  there 
is  such  a  thing  as  forgiveness,  as  generosity, 
and  as  a  manly  policy,  that  can  share  a  small 
loss,  rather  than  miss  a  greater  good. 

""B.  VAUGHAN." 


"  To  the  Count  de  Vergcnnes. 

"  PASSY,  Nov.  29,  1TS2. 

"  SIR, — I  have  the  honour  to  acquaint  your 
excellency,  that  the  commissioners  of  the  Uni- 
VOL.  I. .  . .  3  N 


ted  States  have  agreed  with  Mr.  Oswald  on 
the  preliminary  articles  of  the  peace  between 
those  states  and  Great  Britain.  To-morrow 
I  hope  we  shall  be  able  to  communicate  to 
your  excellency  a  copy  of  them. 

"  Witli  great  respect,  I  have  the  honour  to 
be,  sir,  your  excellency's  most  obedient  and 
most  humble  servant, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


Provisional  articles  with  Great  Britain. 

"  ARTICLES  agreed  upon  by  and  between 
Richard  Oswald,  Esq.  the  commissioner  of  hi8 
Britannic  majesty,  for  treating  of  peace  with 
the  commissioners  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  in  behalf  of  his  said  majesty,  on  the 
one  part,  and  John  Adams,  Benjamin  Frank 
lin,  John  Jay,  and  Henry  Laurens,  four  of  the 
commissioners  for  the  said  states,  for  treating 
of  peace  with  the  commissioners  of  his  said 
majesty,  on  their  behalf,  on  the  other  part ;  to 
be  inserted  in,  and  to  constitute  the  treaty  of 
peace,  proposed  to  be  concluded  between  the 
crown  of  Great  Britain  and  the  said  United 
States ;  but  which  treaty  is  not  to  be  conclud 
ed,  until  terms  of  a  peace  shall  be  agreed  up 
on  between  Great  Britain  and  France,  and  his 
Britannic  majesty  shall  be  ready  to  conclude 
such  treaty  accordingly. 

"  Whereas  reciprocal  advantages  and  mu 
tual  convenience  are  found  by  experience  to 
form  the  only  permanent  foundation  of  peace 
and  friendship  between  states;  it  is  agreed 
to  form  the  articles  of  the  proposed  treaty  on 
such  principles  of  liberal  equity  and  recipro 
city,  as  that  partial  advantages  (those  seeds 
of  discord)  being  excluded,  such  a  beneficial 
and  satisfactory  intercourse  between  the  two 
countries  may  be  established,  as  to  promise 
and  secure  to  both  perpetual  peace  and  har 
mony. 

Article  1.  His  Britannic  majesty  acknow 
ledges  the  said  United  States,  to  wit,  New 
Hampshire,  Massachusetts  Bay,  Rhode  Island 
and  Providence  plantations,  Connecticut,  New 
York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware, 
Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South 
Carolina,  and  Georgia,  to  be  free,  sovereign, 
and  independent  states :  that  he  treats  witli 
them  as  such,  and  for  himself,  his  heirs  and  suc 
cessors,  relinquishes  all  claims  to  the  govern 
ment,  property,  and  territorial  rights  of  the 
same,  and  every  part  thereof;  and  that  all  dis 
putes  which  might  arise  in  future,  on  the  sub 
ject  of  the  boundaries  of  the  said  United 
States,  may  be  prevented,  it  is  hereby  agreed 
and  declared,  that  the  following  are  and  shall 
be  their  boundaries,  viz. 

Article  2.  From  the  north  west  angle  of 
Nova  Scotia,  to  wit,  that  angle  which  is  found 
by  a  line  drawn  due  north  from  the  source  of 
St.  Croix  river,  to  the  high  lands,  along  the 
said  high  lands,  which  divide  these  rivers  that 


466 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


empty  themselves  into  the  river  St.  Laurence 
from  those  which  fall  into  the  Atlantic  ocean 
to  the  north  vvestermost  head  of  Connecticut 
river ;  thence  down  along  the  middle  of  that 
river  to  45°  of  north  latitude ;  from  thence  by 
a  line  due  west  on  said  latitude,  until  it 
strikes  the  river  Iroquoise  or  Cataraquy; 
thence  along  the  middle  of  said  river  into  lake 
Ontario,  through  the  middle  of  said  lake  until 
it  strikes  the  communication  by  water  be 
tween  that  lake  and  lake  Erie ;  thence  along 
the  middle  of  said  communication  into  lake 
Erie,  through  the  middle  of  said  lake  until  it 
arrives  at  the  water  communication  between 
that  lake  and  lake  Huron  ;  thence  along  the 
middle  of  said  water  communication  into  the 
lake  Huron ;  thence  through  the  middle  of 
said  lake,  to  the  water  communication  between 
that  lake  and  lake  Superior ;  thence  through 
lake  Superior,  northward  of  the  isles  Royal 
and  Phillipeaux  to  the  Long  Lake;  thence 
through  the  middle  of  said  Long  Lake,  and  the 
water  communication  between  it  and  the 
Lake  of  the  Woods  to  the  said  Lake  of  the 
Woods ;  thence  through  the  said  lake  to  the 
most  north  western  point  thereof,  and  from 
thence  on  a  due  west  course  to  the  river  Mis 
sissippi  ;  thence  by  a  line  to  be  drawn  along 
the  middle  of  the  said  river  Mississippi  until 
it  shall  intersect  the  northernmost  part  of  31° 
of  north  latitude. 

"  South  by  a  line  to  be  drawn  due  east  from 
the  termination  of  the  line  last  mentioned,  in 
the  latitude  of  31°  north  of  the  equator,  to  the 
middle  of  the  river  Appalachicola,  or  Cata- 
houche ;  thence  along  the  middle  thereof  to 
its  junction  with  the  Flint  river;  thence 
straight  to  the  head  of  St.  Mary's  river  ;  and 
thence  down  along  the  middle  of  St.  Mary's 
river  to  the  Atlantic  ocean. 

"  East  by  a  line  to  be  drawn  along  the 
middle  of  the  river  St.  Croix,  from  its  mouth 
on  the  Bay  of  Fundy  to  its  source,  and  from 
its  source  directly  north  to  the  aforesaid  high 
lands  which  divide  the  rivers  that  fall  into  the 
Atlantic  ocean,  from  those  which  fall  into  the 
river  St.  Laurence ;  comprehending  all  is 
lands  within  twenty  leagues  of  any  part  of  the 
shores  of  the  United  States,  and  lying  between 
lines  to  be  drawn  due  east  from  the  points 
where  the  aforesaid  boundaries  between  Nova 
Scotia  on  the  one  part,  and  east  Florida  on 
the  other,  shall  respectively  touch  the  Bay  of 
Fundy  and  the  Atlantic  ocean;  excepting 
such  islands  as  now  are  or  heretofore  have 
been  within  the  limits  of  the  said  province  of 
Nova  Scotia. 

"  Article  3.  It  is  agreed,  that  the  people  of 
the  United  States  shall  continue  to  enjoy  un 
molested  the  right  to  take  fish  of  every  kind 
on  the  Grand  Bank,  and  on  all  the  other  banks 
of  Newfoundland ;  also  in  the  gulph  of  St. 
Laurence,  and  at  all  other  places  on  the  sea 
where  the  inhabitants  of  both  countries  used 


at  any  time  heretofore  to  fish  ;  and  also  that 
the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  shall  have 
liberty  to  take  fish  of  every  kind  on  such  part 
of  the  coast  of  Newfoundland,  as  British  fish 
ermen  shall  use ;  (but  not  to  dry  and  cure  the 
same  on  that  island  ;)  and  also  on  the  coasts, 
bays,  and  creeks,  of  all  others  of  his  Britannic 
majesty's  dominions  in  America ;  and  that  the 
American  fishermen  shall  have  liberty  to  cure 
and  dry  fish  in  any  of  the  unsettled  bays, 
harbours,  and  creeks  of  Nova  Scotia,  Magda 
lene  islands,  and  Labradore,  so  long  as  the 
same  shall  remain  unsettled ;  but  as  soon  as 
the  same,  or  either  of  them,  shall  be  settled, 
it  shall  not  be  lawful  for  the  said  fishermen  to 
dry  or  cure  fish  on  such  settlement,  without 
a  previous  agreement  for  that  purpose  with 
the  inhabitants,  proprietors,  or  possessors  of 
the  ground. 

"  Article  4.  It  is  agreed,  that  creditors  on 
either  side  shall  meet  with  no  unlawful  im 
pediment  to  the  recovery  of  the  full  value,  in 
sterling  money,  of  all  bonafide  debts  hereto 
fore  contracted. 

"  Article  5.  It  is  agreed,  that  the  congress 
shall  earnestly  recommend  it  to  the  legisla 
tures  of  the  respective  states,  to  provide  for 
the  restitution  of  all  estates,  rights,  and  pro 
perties,  which  have  been  confiscated  belong 
ing  to  real  British  subjects ;  and  also  of  the 
estates,  rights,  and  properties,  of  persons  resi 
dent  in  districts  in  the  possession  of  his  ma 
jesty's  arms,  and  who  have  not  borne  arms 
against  the  said  United  States ;  and  that  per 
sons  of  any  other  description,  shall  have 
free  liberty  to  go  to  any  part  or  parts  of  any 
of  the  thirteen  United  States,  and  therein  to 
remain  twelve  months,  unmolested  in  their 
endeavours  to  obtain  the  restitution  of  such 
of  their  estates,  rights,  and  properties,  as  may 
have  been  confiscated ;  and  that  congress 
shall  also  earnestly  recommend  to  the  several 
states,  a  reconsideration  and  revision  of  all 
acts  or  laws  regarding  the  premises,  so  as  to 
render  the  said  laws  or  acts  perfectly  consis 
tent,  not  only  with  justice  and  equity,  but 
with  that  spirit  of  conciliation  which,  on  the 
return  of  the  blessings  of  peace,  should  uni 
versally  prevail ;  and  that  congress  should  also 
earnestly  recommend  to  the  several  states, 
that  the  estates,  rights,  and  properties,  of  such 
last  mentioned  persons,  shall  be  restored  to 
them,  they  refunding  to  any  persons,  who 
may  be  now  in  possession,  the  bonafide  price 
(where  any  has  been  given)  which  such  per 
sons  may  have  paid  on  purchasing  any  of  the 
said  lands,  rights,  or  properties,  since  the  con 
fiscation. 

"  And  it  is  agreed,  that  all  persons  who 
lave  any  interest  in  confiscated  lands,  either 
by  debts,  marriage  settlements,  or  otherwise, 
shall  meet  with  no  lawful  impediment  in  the 
srosecution  of  their  just  rights. 

'  Article  6.  That  there  shall  be  no  future 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


467 


confiscations  made,  nor  any  prosecutions  com 
menced  against  any  persons,  for  or  by  reason 
of  the  part  which  he  or  they  may  have  taken 
in  the  present  war ;  and  that  no  person  shall  on 
that  account,  suffer  any  future  loss  or  damage, 
either  in  his  person,  liberty,  or  property  ;  and 
that  those  who  may  be  now  in  confinement  on 
such  charges,  at  the  time  of  the  ratification  of 
the  treaty  in  America,  shall  be  immediately 
set  at  liberty,  and  the  prosecutions  so  commen 
ced  be  discontinued. 

"  Article  7.  There  shall  be  a  firm  and  per 
petual  peace  between  his  Britannic  majesty 
and  the  said  States,  and  between  the  subjects 
of  the  one  and  the  citizens  of  the  other ;  where 
fore  all  hostilities,  both  by  sea  and  by  land, 
shall  then  immediately  cease ;  all  prisoners, 
on  both  sides,  shall  be  set  at  liberty  ;  and  his 
Britannic  majesty  shall,  with  all  convenient 
speed,  and  without  causing  any  destruction  of 
carrying  away  negroes,  or  other  property  of 
the  American  inhabitants,  withdraw  all  his 
armies,  garrisons,  and  fleets,  from  the  said 
United  States,  and  from  every  port,  place,  and 
harbour  within  the  same,  leaving  in  all  forti 
fications  the  American  artillery  that  may  be 
therein ;  and  shall  also  order  and  cause  all 
archives,  records,  deeds,  and  papers,  belong 
ing  to  any  of  the  said  states,  or  their  citizens, 
which  in  the  course  of  the  war  may  have 
Men  into  the  hands  of  his  officers,  to  be  forth 
with  restored  and  delivered  to  the  proper  states 
and  persons  to  whom  they  belong. 

"  Article  8.  The  navigation  of  the  river 
Mississippi,  from  its  source  to  the  ocean,  shall 
for  ever  remain  free  and  open  to  the  subjects 
of  Great  Britain  and  citizens  of  the  United 
States. 

"  Article  9.  In  case  it  should  so  happen  that 
any  place,  or  territory,  belonging  to  Great 
Britain,  or  to  the  United  States,  should  be  con 
quered  by  the  arms  of  either,  from  the  other, 
before  the  arrival  of  these  articles  in  America, 
it  is  agreed,  that  the  same  shall  be  restored 
without  difficulty,  and  without  requiring  any 
compensation. 

"  Done  at  Paris,  November  30,  1782. 
"Signed,   RICHARD  OSWALD,  (L.  s.) 
JOHN  ADAMS,  (L.  s.) 

BENJ.  FRANKLIN,      (L.  s.) 
JOHN  JAY,  (L.  s.) 

HENRY  LAURENS,    (L.  s.) 
"Witness,    CALEB  WHITEFORD, 

**  Secretary  to  the  British  Commission. 
"Signed,    W.  T.  FRANKLIN, 
"  Secretary  to  the  American  Commission:' 

Separate  Article. 

"  IT  is  hereby  understood  and  agreed,  that 
in  case  Great  Britain,  at  the  conclusion  of 
the  present  war,  shall  recover,  or  be  put  in 
possession  of  West  Florida,  the  line  of  the 
north  boundary  between  the  said  province  and 


;he  United  States,  shall  be  a  line  drawn  from 
the  mouth  of  the  river  Yassous,  where  it 
unites  with  the  Mississippi,  due  east  to  the 
river  Appalachicola. 

"Done  at  Paris,  November  30,  1782. 
"  Signed,   RICHARD  OSWALD,  (L.  s.) 
JOHN  ADAMS,  (L.  s.) 

BENJ.  FRANKLIN,      (L.  s.) 
JOHN  JAY,  (L.  s.) 

HENRY  LAURENS,    (L.  s.) 
"  Signed,  Attest,  CALEB  WHITEFORD, 
"  Secretary  to  the  British  Commission. 
"Attest,    W.  T.  FRANKLIN, 
"Secretary  to  the  American  Commission" 


"  R.  R.  Livingston. 

"  PASSY,  December  4,  1781. 

"  SIR,— WE  detain  the  Washington  a  little 
onger,  expecting  an  English  passport  for  her 
n  a  few  days,  and  as  possibly  some  vessel 
sound  for  North  America  may  sail  before  her, 
I  write  this  line  to  inform  you,  that  the  French 
preliminaries  with  England  are  not  yet  sign 
ed,  though  we  hope  they  may  be  very  soon. 
Of  ours  I  enclose  a  copy.  The  Dutch  and 
Spain  have  yet  made  but  little  progress,  and 
as  no  definitive  treaty  will  be  signed,  till  all  are 
agreed,  there  may  be  time  for  congress  to 
give  us  farther  instructions  if  they  think 
proper.  We  hope  the  terms  we  have  ob 
tained  will  be  satisfactory,  though,  to  secure 
our  main  points,  we  may  have  yielded  too 
much  in  favour  of  the  royalists.  The  quan 
tity  of  aid  to  be  afforded  us  remains  undecided. 
I  suppose  something  depends  on  the  event  of 
the  treaty ;  by  the  Washington  you  will  be 
fully  informed  of  every  thins1. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


To  the  same. 

"  PASSY,  December  5,  1782. 

"SiR,— I  am  honoured  by  your  several  let 
ters,  No.  16, 17,  18,  and  19,  dated  September 
5th,  13th,  15th,  and  18th.  I  believe  the  com 
plaints  that  you  make  in  them,  of  my  not  writ 
ing,  may,  ere  now,  have  appeared  less  neces 
sary,  as  many  of  my  letters,  written  before 
those  complaints,  must  have  since  come  to 
hand.  I  will  nevertheless  mention  some  of  the 
difficulties  your  ministers  meet  with,  in  keep 
ing  up  a  regular  and  punctual  correspondence. 
We  are  far  from  the  sea  ports,  and  not  well 
informed,  and  often  misinformed  about  the 
sailing  of  vessels.  Frequently  we  are  told, 
they  are  to  sail  in  a  week  or  two,  and  often 
they  lie  in  the  ports  for  months  after,  with 
our  letters  on  board,  either  waiting  for  con 
voy,  or  for  other  reasons.  The  post  office 
here  is  an  unsafe  conveyance,  many  of  the  let 
ters  we  received  by  it  have  evidently  been 


468 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


opened,  and  doubtless  the  same  happens  t 
those  we  send ;  and  at  this  time  particularly 
there  is  so  violent  a  curiosity  in  all  kinds  of 
people,  to  know  something  relating  to  the  ne 
gotiations,  and  whether  peace  may  be  expect 
ed,  or  a  continuance  of  the  war ;  that  there 
are  few  private  hands,  or  travellers,  that  w 
can  trust  with  carrying  our  despatches  to  th 
sea  coast ;  and  I  imagine  that  they  may  some 
times  be  opened  and  destroyed,  because  they 
cannot  be  well  sealed;  again,  the  observation 
you  make,  that  the  congress  ministers  in  Eu 
rope  seem  to  form  themselves  into  a  privj 
council,  transacting  affairs  without  the  privity 
or  concurrence  of  the  sovereign,  maybe  in  sorm 
respects  just ;  but  it  should  be  considered,  tha' 
if  they  do  not  write  as  frequently  as  other 
ministers  here  do  to  their  respective  courts 
or  if,  when  they  write,  their  letters  are  not 
9  regularly  received,  the  greater  distance  of  the 
seat  of  war,  and  the  extreme  irregularity  of 
conveyances  may  be  the  causes,  and  not  a  de 
sire  of  acting  without  the  knowledge  or  orders 
of  their  constituents.  There  is  no  European 
court  to  which  an  express  cannot  be  sent  from 
Paris  in  ten  or  fifteen  days,  and  from  most  oi 
them  answers  may  be  obtained  in  that  time. 
There  is,  I  imagine,  no  minister  who  would  riot 
think  it  safer  to  act  by  orders,  than  from  his 
own  discretion;  and  yet,  unless  you  leave 
more  to  the  discretion  of  your  ministers  in 
Europe  than  courts  usually  do,  your  affairs 
may  sometimes  suffer  extremely  from  the  dis 
tance  which,  in  the  time  of  war  especially, 
may  make  it  five  or  six  months  before  the 
answer  to  a  letter  shall  be  received.  I  sup 
pose  the  minister  from  this  court  will  acquaint 
congress  with  the  king's  sentiments,  respect 
ing  their  very  handsome  present  of  a  ship  of 
the  line.  People  in  general  here  are  much 
pleased  with  it. 

"I  communicated,  together  with  my  me 
moir  demanding  a  supply  of  money,  copies  of 
every  paragraph  in  your  late  letters,  which 
express  so  strongly  the  necessity  of  it.  I  have 
been  constant  in  my  "solicitations  both  direct 
ly,  and  through  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette,  who 
has  employed  himself  diligently  and  warmly 
in  the  business ;  the  negotiations  for  peace  are, 
I  imagine,  one  cause  of  the  great  delay  and  in 
decision  on  this  occasion  beyond  what  has  been 
usual,  as  the  quantum  may  be  different  if  those 
negotiations  do  or  do  not  succeed.  We  have 
not  yet  learnt  what  we  may  expect.  We 
have  been  told  that  we  shall  be  aided,  but  it 
cannot  be  to  the  extent  demanded ;  six  mil 
lions  have  been  mentioned,  but  not  as  a  sum 
rixed.  The  minister  tells  me  still  that  he  is 
working  upon  the  subject,  but  cannot  yet  give 
a  determinative  answer.  I  know  his  good 
will  to  do  the  best  for  us  that  is  possible.  It 
is  in  vain  for  me  to  repeat  again  what  I  have 
BO  often  written,  and  what  I  find  taken  so  little 
notice  of,  that  there  are  bounds  to  every 


thing,  and  that  the  faculties  of  this  nation  are 
limited  like  those  of  all  other  nations.  Some 
of  you  seem  to  have  established  as  maxims, 
the  suppositions  that  France  has  money  enough 
for  all,  her  occasions,  and  all  ours  besides;  and 
that  if  she  does  not  supply  us,  it  is  owing  to 
her  want  of  will,  or  to  my  negligence.  As  to 
the  first,  I  am  sure  it  is  not  true,  and  to  the  se 
cond,  I  can  only  say  I  should  rejoice  as  much 
as  any  man  in  being  able  to  obtain  more ;  and 
I  shall  also  rejoice  in  the  greater  success  of 
those  who  may  take  my  place.  You  desire  to 
be  very  particularly  acquainted  witth  '  every 
step  which  tends  to  a  negotiation.'  I  aril 
therefore  encouraged  to  send  you  the  first  part 
of  the  journal,  which  accidents  and  a  long 
severe  illness  interrupted ;  but  which,  from 
notes  I  have  by  me,  may  be  continued  if 
thought  proper.  In  its  present  state,  it  is 
hardly  fit  for  the  inspection  of  congress, 
certainly  not  for  public  view.  I  confide  it 
therefore  to  your  prudence. 

"  The  arrival  of  Mr.  Jay,  Mr.  Adams,  and 
Mr.  Laurens,  has  relieved  me  from  much 
anxiety,  which  must  have  continued,  if  I  had 
been  left  to  finish  the  treaty  alone  ;  and  it  has 
given  me  the  more  satisfaction,  as  I  am  sure 
the  business  has  profited  by  their  assistance. 

"  Much  of  the  summer  has  been  taken  up 
in  objecting  against  the  powers  given  to  Great 
Britain,  and  in  removing  those  objections,  in 
using  any  expressions  that  might  imply  an 
acknowledgment  of  our  independence,  seem- 
d  at  first  industriously  to  be  avowed.    But 
our  refusing  otherwise  to  treat,  at  length  in 
duced  them  to  get  over  that  difficulty,  and 
then  we  came  to  the  point  of  making  propo 
sitions.     Those  made  by  Mr.  Jay  and  me  be 
fore  the  arrival  of  the  other  gentlemen,  you  will 
find  in  the  paper  No.  1,  which  was  sent  by  the 
:he  British  plenipotentiary  to  London  for  the 
king's1  consideration.     After  some  weeks,  an 
under  secretary,  Mr.  Strachey,  arrived  ;  with 
whom  we  had  much  contestation  about  the 
boundaries  and  other  articles  which  he  pro- 
rosed  we  settled  ;  some  which  he  carried  to 
London,  and  returned  with  the  propositions ; 
some  adopted,  others  omitted  or  altered,  and 
new  ones  added,  which  you  will  see  in  pa- 
)er*  No.  2.     We  spent  many  days  in  disput- 
ng,  and  at  length  agreed  on  and  signed  the 
preliminaries,  which  you  will  see  by  this  con 
veyance.     The  British  minister    struggled 
mrd  for  two  points,  that  the  favours  granted 
,o  the  royalists  should  be  extended,  and  all 
>ur  fishery  contracted.    We  silenced  them 
m  the  first,  by  threatening  to  produce  an  ac 
count  of  the  mischief  done  by  those  people, 
and  as  to  the  second,  when  they  told  us  they 
:ould  not  possibly  agree  to  it  as  we  requested 
t,  and  must  refer  it  to  the  ministry  in  Lon- 
"on,  we  produced  a  new  article  to  be  referred 

*  This  paper  does  not  appear. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


at  the  same  time,  with  a  note  of  facts  in  sup 
port  of  it,  which  you  have,  No.  3.  Apparently 
it  seemed  that  to  avoid  the  discussion  of  this, 
they  suddenly  changed  their  minds,  dropt  the 
design  of  recurring  to  London,  and  agreed  to 
allow  the  fishery  as  demanded. 

'*  You  will  find  in  the  preliminaries,  some 
inaccurate  and  ambiguous  expressions  that 
want  explanation,  and  which  may  be  explain 
ed  in  the  definitive  treaty,  and  as  the  British 
ministry  excluded  our  proposition  relating  to 
commerce,  and  the  American  prohibition  of 
that  with  England,  may  not  be  understood  to 
cease  merely  by  our  concluding  a  treaty  of 
peace.  Perhaps  we  may  then,  if  the  congress 
shall  think  fit  to  direct  it,  obtain  some  com 
pensation  for  the  injuries  done  us  as  a  con 
dition  of  our  opening  again  the  trade.  Every 
one  of  the  present  British  ministry  has,  while 
in  the  ministry,  declared  the  war  against  us 
unjust,  and  nothing  is  clearer  in  reason,  than 
that  those  who  injure  others  by  an  unjust  war, 
should  make  full  reparation.  They  have 
stipulated  too,  in  these  preliminaries,  that  in 
evacuating  our  towns,  they  shall  carry  off  no 
plunder,  which  is  a  kind  of  acknowledgment 
that  they  ought  not  to  have  done  it  before. 

"  The  reason  given  us  for  dropping  the  ar 
ticle  relating  to  commerce,  was,  that  some  sta 
tutes  were  in  the  way,  which  must  be  re 
pealed  before  a  treaty  of  that  could  be  well 
formed,  and  that  this  was  a  matter  to  be  con 
sidered  in  parliament. 

"They  wanted  to  bring  their  boundary 
down  to  the  Ohio,  and  to  settle  their  loyalists 
in  the  Illinois  country.  We  did  not  choose 
such  neighbours. 

"  We  communicated  all  the  articles  as  soon 
as  they  were  signed,  to  M.  le  Compte  de  Ver- 
gennes,  (except  the  separate  one)  who  thinks 
we  have  managed  well,  and  told  me  that  we 
had  settled  what  was  most  apprehended  as  a 
difficulty  in  the  work  of  a  general  peace,  by 
obtaining  the  declaration  of  our  independency. 

"  December  14.  I  have  this  day  learnt  that 
the  principal  preliminaries  between  France 
and  England  are  agreed  on,  to  wit : 

"  1st.  France  is  to  enjoy  the  right  of  fish 
ing,  and  drying  on  all  the  west  coast  of  New 
foundland,  down  to  Cape  Ray.  Miquelon 
and  St.  Pierre  to  be  restored,  and  may  be  for 
tified. 

"2nd.  Senegal  remains  to  France,  and 
Goree  to  be  restored.  The  Gambier  entirely 
to  England. 

"  3d.  All  the  places  taken  from  France  in 
the  East  Indies,  to  be  restored,  with  a  certain 
quantity  of  territory  round  them. 

"  4th.  In  the  West  Indies,  Grenada  and  the 
Grenadines,  St.  Christophers,  Nevis  and 
Montserat,  to  be  restored  to  England.  St. 
Lucia  to  France.  Dominique  to  remain  with 
France,  and  St.  Vincents  to  be  neutralized. 
40 


"  5th.  No  commissioner  at  Dunkirk. 

"  The  points  not  yet  quite  settled,  are  the 
territory  round  the  places  in  the  Indies,  and 
neutralization  of  St.  Vincents.  Apparently 
these  will  not  create  much  difficulty. 

"  Holland  has  yet  hardly  done  any  thing  in 
her  negotiation. 

"  Spain  offers  for  Gibraltar  to  restore  West 
Florida  and  the  Bahamas.  An  addition  is 
talked  of  the  island  of  Guadaloupe,  which 
France  will  cede  to  Spain  in  exchange  for 
the  other  half  of  Hispaniola  and  Spain  to 
England,  but  England  it  is  said,  chose  rather 
Porto  Rico.  Nothing  yet  concluded. 

"  As  soon  as  I  received  the  commission  and 
instructions  for  treating  with  Sweden,  I  waited 
on  the  ambassador  here,  who  told  me  he  daily 
expected  a  courier  on  that  subject.  Yester 
day  he  wrote  a  note  to  acquaint  me  that  he 
would  call  on  me  to-day,  having  something  to 
communicate  to  me.  Being  obliged  to  go  to 
Paris,  I  waited  on  him,  when  he  showed  me 
the  full  powers  he  had  just  received,  and  I  show 
ed  him  mine.  We  agreed  to  meet  on  Wed 
nesday  next,  exchange  copies,  and  proceed 
to  business.  His  commission  has  some  polite 
expressions  in  it,  to  wit:  'that  his  majesty 
thought  it  for  the  good  of  his  subjects  to  en 
ter  into  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  with 
the  United  States  of  America,  who  had  esta 
blished  their  independence  so  justly  merited 
by  their  courage  and  constancy ;'  or  to  that 
effect.  I  imagine  this  treaty  will  be  soon 
completed ;  if  any  difficulty  should  arise,  I 
shall  take  the  advice  of  my  colleagues. 

"  I  thank  you  for  the  copies  of  Mr.  Paine's 
letter  to  the  Abbe  Raynal,  which  I  have  dis 
tributed  into  good  hands.  The  errors  we  see 
in  histories  of  our  times  and  affairs  weaken 
our  faith  in  ancient  history.  M.  Hilliard 
D'Auberteuil  has  here  written  another  history 
of  our  revolution,  which  however,  he  modestly 
calls  an  essay,  and  fearing  that  there  may  be 
errors,  and  wishing  to  have  them  corrected, 
that  his  second  edition  may  be  more  perfect, 
he  has  brought  me  six  sets,  which  he  desires 
me  to  put  into  such  hands  in  America,  as  may 
be  good  enough  to  render  him  and  the  public 
that  service.  I  send  them  to  you  for  that 
purpose,  by  captain  Barney,  desiring  that  one 
set  may  be  given  to  Mr.  Paine,  and  the  rest 
where  you  please.  There  is  a  quarto  set  in 
the  parcel,  which  please  to  accept  from  me. 

"  I  have  never  learnt  whether  the  box  of 
books  I  sent  to  you,  and  the  press  to  Mr. 
Thompson,  were  put  on  board  the  Eagle  or 
one  of  the  transports.  If  the  former,  perhaps 
you  might  easily  purchase  them  at  New  York; 
if  the  latter,  you  may  still  receive  them  among 
the  goods  for  congress,  now  shipping  by  Mr. 
Barclay.  If  they  are  quite  lost  let  me  know 
it,  that  I  may  replace  them. 

"  I  have  received  several  letters  from  your 


470 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


office  with  bills  to  pay  ministers'  salaries.  No 
thing1  has  yet  been  done  with  those  bills,  bu 
I  have  paid  Mr.  Laurens  20,000  livres. 

"  I  have  this  day  signed  a  common  letter  tc 
you  drawn  up  by  my  colleagues,  which  you 
will  receive  herewith.  We  have  kept  this 
vessel  longer  for  two  things,  a  passport  pro 
mised  us  from  England,  and  a  sum  to  send  in 
her ;  but  she  is  likely  to  depart  without  both 
being  all  of  us  impatient  that  congress  shouk 
receive  early  intelligence  of  our  proceedings 
and  for  the  money,  we  may  probably  borrow 
a  frigate. 

"  I  am  now  entering  on  my  78th  year 
public  business  has  engrossed  fifty  of  them;  ] 
wish  now  to  be,  for  the  little  time  I  have  left 
my  own  master.  If  I  live  to  see  this  peace 
concluded,  I  shall  beg  leave  to  remind  the 
congress  of  their  promise  then  to  dismiss  me 
I  shall  be  happy  to  sing  with  old  Simeon,  Now 
lettest  thou  thy  servant  depart  in  peace,  for 
mine  eyes  have  seen  thy  salvation. 

"B.  FRANKLIN.' 


No.  I. 

"  ARTICLES  agreed  upon  by  and  between 
Richard  Oswald,  Esq.,  the  commissioner  of  his 
Britannic  majesty,  for  treating  of  peace  with 
the  commissioners  of  the  United  States  oi 
America,  on  the  behalf  of  his  said  majesty  on 
the  one  part,  and  Benjamin  Franklin,  and  John 
Jay,  of  the  commissioners  of  the  said  states, 
for  treating  of  peace  with  the  commission 
er  of  his  said  majesty  on  their  behalf,  on  the 
other  part. 

"  To  be  inserted  in,  and  to  constitute  the 
treaty  of  peace,  proposed  to  be  concluded  be 
tween  the  crown  of  Great  Britain  and  the  said 
United  States  :  but  which  treaty  is  not  to  be 
concluded,  until  his  Britannic  majesty  shall 
have  agreed  to  the  terms  of  peace  between 
France  and  Britain,  proposed  or  accepted  by 
his  most  Christian  majesty ;  and  shall  be  ready 
to  conclude  with  him  such  treaty  accordingly. 
It  being  the  duty  and  intention  of  the  United 
States  not  to  desert  their  ally,  but  faithfully, 
and  in  all  things,  to  abide  by,  and  fulfil  their 
engagements  with  his  most  Christian  majesty. 

"  Whereas  reciprocal  advantages  and  mu 
tual  convenience  are  found  by  experience,  to 
form  the  only  permanent  foundation  of  peace 
and  friendship  between  states,  it  is  agreed  to 
frame  the  articles  of  the  proposed  treaty,  on 
such  principles  of  liberal  equality  and  reci 
procity,  as  that  partial  advantages  (those  seeds 
of  discord)  being  excluded,  such  a  beneficial 
and  satisfactory  intercourse  between  the  two 
countries  may  be  established,  as  to  promise  and 
secure  to  both  the  blessings  of  perpetual  peace 
and  harmony.  1st,  His  Britannic  majesty 
acknowledges  the  said  United  States,  viz.  New 
Hampshire,  Massachusetts  Bay,  Rhode  Island 
and  Providence  plantations,  Connecticut,  New 


York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware, 
Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South 
Carolina,  and  Georgia,  to  be  free,  sovereign, 
and  independent  states ;  that  he  treats  with 
them  as  such ;  and  for  himself,  his  heirs  and 
successors,  relinquishes  all  claims  to  the 
government,  propriety,  and  territorial  rights 
of  the  same,  and  every  part  thereof:  and  that 
all  disputes  which  might  arise  in  future,  on 
the  subject  of  the  boundaries  of  the  said 
United  States  may  be  prevented,  it  is  hereby- 
agreed  and  declared,  that  the  following  are, 
and  shall  remain  to  be  their  boundaries,  viz. 

"  The  said  states  are  bounded  north,  by  a 
line  to  be  drawn  from  the  north  west  angle 
of  Nova  Scotia,  along  the  high  lands,  which 
divide  those  rivers  which  empty  themselves 
into  the  river  St.  Laurence,  from  those  which 
fall  into  the  Atlantic  ocean,  to  the  norther- 
most  head  of  Connecticut  river ;  thence  down 
along  the  middle  of  that  river  to  the  forty- 
fifth  degree  of  north  latitude,  and  thence  due 
west  in  the  latitude  forty-five  degrees  north 
from  the  equator,  to  the  north  westernmost 
side  of  the  river  St.  Laurence,  or  Cadaraqui ; 
thence  straight  to  the  south  end  of  the  lake 
Nipissing,  and  thence  straight  to  the  source 
of  the  river  Mississippi,  west  by  a  line  to  be 
drawn  along  the  middle  of  the  river  Missis 
sippi,  from  its  source  to  where  the  said  line 
shall  intersect  the  thirty-first  degree  of  north 
latitude  ;  south  by  a  line  to  be  drawn  due  east 
from  the  termination  of  the  line  last  mentioned, 
in  the  latitude  of  thirty-one  degrees  north  of 
the  equator  to  the  middle  of  the  river  Ap- 
palachicola  or  Catahouchi ;  thence  along  the 
middle  thereof  to  its  junction  with  the  Flint 
river;  thence  straight  to  the  head  of  St. 
Mary's  river ;  thence  down  along  the  middle 
of  St.  Mary's  river  to  the  Atlantic  ocean ;  and 
east  by  a  line  to  be  drawn  along  the  middle  of 
St.  John's  river,  from  its  source  to  its  mouth 
in  the  Bay  of  Fundy ;  comprehending  all  is 
lands  within  twenty  leagues  of  any  part  of  the 
shores  of  the  United  States,  and  lying  between 
"ines  to  be  drawn  due  east  from  the  points 
where  the  aforesaid  boundaries,  between  Nova 
Scotia  on  the  one  part,  and  East  Florida  on 
the  other,  shall  respectively  touch  the  Bay  of 
Pundy  and  the  Atlantic  ocean. 

"  2d.  From  and  immediately  after  the  con- 
lusion  of  the  proposed  treaty,  there  shall  be 
firm  and  perpetual  peace  between  his  Bri 
tannic  majesty  and  the  United  States,  and 
)etween  the  subjects  of  the  one  and  the  citi 
zens  of  the  other :  wherefore  all  hostilities, 
)oth  by  sea  and  land,  shall  then  immediately 
;ease ;  all  prisoners  on  both  sides  shall  be  set 
at  liberty:  and  his  Britannic  majesty  shall 
brth  with,  and  without  causing  any  distinction, 
withdraw  all  his  armies,  garrisons,  and  fleets, 
rorn  the  said  United  States,  and  from  every 
>os't,  place,  and  harbour  within  the  same, 
caving  in  all  fortifications  the  American  ar- 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


471 


tillery  that  may  be  therein :  and  shall  also 
order  and  cause  all  archives,  records,  deeds, 
and  papers,  belonging  to  either  of  the  said 
states,  or  their  citizens,  which,  in  the  course 
of  the  war  may  have  fallen  into  the  hands  of 
his  officers,  to  be  forthwith  restored,  and  de 
livered  to  the  proper  states  and  persons  to 
whom  they  belong, 

"3d.  That  the  subjects  of  his  Britannic 
majesty,  and  people  of  the  said  United  States, 
shall  continue  to  enjoy  unmolested,  the  right 
to  take  fish  of  every  kind  on  the  banks  of 
Newfoundland,  and  other  places  where  the 
inhabitants  of  both  countries  used  formerly,  to 
wit,  before  the  last  war,  between  France  and 
Britain,  to  fish,  and  also  to  dry  and  cure  the 
same  at  the  accustomed  places,'  whether  be 
longing  to  his  said  majesty  or  to  the  United 
States;  and  his  Britannic  majesty,  and  the 
said  United  States  will  extend  equal  privi 
leges  and  hospitality  to  each  others  fishermen 
as  to  their  own. 

"  4th.  That  the  navigation  of  the  river 
Mississippi,  from  its  source  to  the  ocean,  shall 
for  ever  remain  free  and  open,  and  that  both 
there,  and  in  all  rivers,  harbours,  lakes,  ports, 
and  places,  belonging  to  his  Britannic  majesty, 
or  to  the  United  States,  or  in  any  part  of  the 
world,  the  merchants  and  merchant  ships,  of 
the  one  and  the  other  shall  be  received,  treat 
ed,  and  protected,  like  the  merchants  and  mer 
chant  ships  of  the  sovereign  of  the  country : 
That  is  to  say,  the  British  merchants,  and  mer 
chant  ships,  on  the  one  hand,  shall  enjoy  in  the 
United  States,  and  in  all. places  belonging  to 
them,  the  said  protection  and  commercial  pri 
vileges,  and  be  liable  only  to  the  same  charges 
and  duties  as  their  own  merchants  and  mer 
chant  ships ;  and  on  the  other  hand  the  mer 
chants  and  merchant  ships  of  the  United 
States,  shall  enjoy  in  all  places  belonging  to 
his  Britannic  majesty,  the  same  protection 
and  commercial  privileges,  and  be  liable  only  to 
the  same  charges  and  duties  of  British  mer 
chants  and  merchant  ships,  saving  always  to 
the  chartered  trading  companies  of  Great  Bri 
tain,  such  exclusive  use  and  trade,  and  their 
respective  posts  and  establishments,  as  neither 
the  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  nor  any  of  the 
more  favoured  nations  participate  in. 

"Paris,  8th  October,  1782.  A  true  copy 
of  which  has  been  agreed  on  between  the 
American  commissioners  and  me,  to  be  sub 
mitted  to  his  majesty's  consideration. 

"RICHARD  OSWALD." 

Alteration  to  be  made  in  the  Treaty,  respect 
ing  the  boundaries  of  Nova  Scotia,  viz. 

"  EAST  the  true  line  between  which  and 
the  United  States  shall  be  settled  by  commis 
sioners,  as  soon  as  conveniently  may  be  after 
the  war." 


Passport  given  to  the  ship  Washington,  to 
carry  over  the  Preliminary  Articles. 

(L.  S.)  GEORGE  R. 

"GEORGE  the  Third,  by  the  Grace  of  God, 
King  of  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Ireland, 
Defender  of  the  Faith,  &c.  To  all  admirals, 
vice-admirals,  captains,  commanders  of  our 
ships  of  war  or  privateers,  governors  of  our 
forts  and  castles,  customhouse  comptrollers, 
searchers,  &c.,  to  all  and  singular  our  officers, 
and  military  and  loving  subjects  whom  it  may 
concern,  greeting:  Our  will  and  pleasure  is, 
and  we  do  hereby  strictly  charge  and  require 
you,  as  we  do  likewise  pray  and  desire  the 
officers  and  ministers  of  all  princes  and  states, 
in  amity  with  us,  to  permit  and  suffer  the 
vessel  called  the  Washington,  commanded  by 

Mr. Barney,*  belonging  to  the  United 

States  of  North  America,  to  sail  from  either 
of  the  ports  of  France,  to  any  port  or  place  in 
North  America,  without  any  lett,  hindrance, 
or  molestation  whatsoever,  but  on  the  con 
trary,  affording  the  said  vessel  all  such  aid 
and  assistance  as  may  be  necessary. 

"Given  at  our  court  at  St.  James's,  the 
tenth  day  of  December,  1782,  in  the  twenty- 
third  year  of  our  reign,  by  his  majesty's  com 
mand.  (Signed)  T.  TOWNSHEND." 


"  R.  R.  Livingston,  Secretary  for  Foreign 
Affairs. 

"  PASSY,  Dec  14, 1782. 

"  SIR, — We  have  the  honour  to  congratu 
late  congress  on  the  signature  of  the  prelimi 
naries  of  a  peace  between  the  crown  of  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  of  America,  to 
be  inserted  in  a  definitive  treaty  so  soon  as 
the  terms  between  the  crowns  of  France  and 
Great  Britain  shall  be  agreed  on.  A  copy 
of  the  articles  is  here  enclosed,  and  we  can 
not  but  flatter  oursel  ves  that  they  will  appear 
to  congress  as  they  do  to  all  of  us,  to  be  con 
sistent  with  the  honour  and  interest  of  the 
United  States ;  and  we  are  persuaded  con 
gress  would  be  more  fully  of  that  opinion  if 
they  were  apprized  of  all  the  circumstances 
and  reasons  which  have  influenced  the  nego 
tiation.  Although  it  is  impossible  for  us  to 
go  into  that  detail,  we  think  it  necessary 
nevertheless  to  make  a  few  remarks  on  such 
of  the  articles  as  appear  most  to  require  eluci 
dation. 

Remarks  on  Article  2,  relative  to  the  Boun 
daries. 

"  The  Court  of  Great  Britain  insisted  on 
retaining  all  the  territories  comprehended 

*  Joshua  Barney,  distinguished  at  Bladensburg,  du 
ring  the  war  of  1814. 


472 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


within  the  province  of  Quebec,  by  the  act  of 
parliament  respecting  it.  They  contended 
that  Nova  Scotia  should  extend  to  the  river 
Kennebeck;  and  they  claimed  not  only  all 
the  lands  in  the  western  country,  and  on  the 
Mississippi,  which  were  not  expressly  includ 
ed  in  our  charters  and  governments,  but  also 
all  such  lands  within  them  as  remained  un- 
granted  by  the  King  of  Great  Britain :  it 
would  be  endless  to  enumerate  all  the  discus 
sions  and  arguments  on  the  subject.  We 
knew  this  court  and  Spain  to  be  against  our 
claims  to  the  western  country,  and  having  no 
reason  to  think  that  lines  more  favourable 
could  ever  have  been  obtained,  we  finally 
agreed  to  those  described  in  this  article.  In 
deed  they  appear  to  leave  us  little  to  com 
plain  of,  and  not  much  to  desire.  Congress 
will  observe,  that  although  our  northern  line 
is  in  a  certain  part  below  the  latitude  of  forty 
five,  yet  in  others  it  extends  above  it,  divides 
the  Lake  Superior,  and  gives  us  access  to  its 
western  and  southern  waters,  from  which  a 
3ine  in  that  latitude  would  have  excluded  us." 

Re?narks  on  Article  4,  respecting  Creditors. 

"  We  had  been  informed  that  some  of  the 
States  had  confiscated  British  debts ;  but  al 
though  each  State  has  a  right  to  bind  its  own 
citizens,  yet  in  our  opinion  it  appertains  solely 
to  congress,  in  whom  exclusively  are  vested 
the  right  of  making  war  and  peace,  to  pass 
acts  against  the  subjects  of  a  power  with 
which  the  confederacy  may  be  at  war.  It 
therefore  only  remained  for  us  to  consider, 
whether  this  article  is  founded  in  justice  and 
good  policy. 

"  In  our  opinion  no  acts  of  government  could 
dissolve  the  obligations  of  good  faith,  result 
ing  from  lawful  contracts  between  individuals 
of  the  two  countries,  prior  to  the  war.  We 
inew  that  some  of  the  British  creditors  were 
making  common  cause  with  the  refugees,  and 
other  adversaries  of  our  independence;  be 
sides,  sacrificing  private  justice  to  reasons  o' 
state  and  political  convenience,  is  always  an 
odious  measure,  and  the  purity  of  our  reputa 
tion  in  this  respect  in  all  foreign  commercia 
countries  is  of  infinitely  more  importance  to 
us,  than  all  the  sums  in  question.  It  may  also 
be  remarked,  that  American  and  British  cre 
ditors  are  placed  on  an  equal  footing. 

Remarks  on  Articles  5  and  6  respecting 

Refugees. 

"  These  articles  were  among  the  first  dis 
cussed,  and  the  last  agreed  to.     And  had  no 
the  conclusion  of  their  business,  at  the  tim 
of  its  date,  been  particularly  important  to  the 
British  administration,  the  respect  which  botl 
in  London  and  Versailles,  is  supposed  to  be 
due  to  the  honour,  dignity,  and  interests  o 


oyalty,  would  probably  have  for  ever  prevent- 
d  our  bringing  this  article  so  near  to  the 
iews  of  congress,  and  the  sovereign  rights  of 
le  states  as  it  now  stands.  When  it  is  con- 
idered,  that  it  was  utterly  impossible  to 
ender  this  article  perfectly  consistent  both 
with  American  and  British  ideas  of  honour, 
ve  presume  that  the  middle  line  adopted  by 
his  article,  is  as  little  unfavourable  to  the 
ormer,  as  any  that  could  in  reason  be  ex- 
)ected. 

As  to  the  separate  article,  we  beg  leave 
o  observe,  that  it  was  our  policy  to  render 
he  navigation  of  the  river  Mississippi,  so  im- 
wrtant  to  Britain,  as  that  their  views  might 
correspond  with  ours  on  that  subject.  Their 
assessing  the  country  on  the  river,  north  of 
;he  line  from  the  lake  of  the  woods,  affords  a 
bundation  for  their  claiming  such  navigation. 
And  as  the  importance  of  West  Florida  to 
Sri  tain  was  for  the  same  reason  rather  to  be 
strengthened  than  otherwise,  we  think  it  ad 
visable  to  allow  them  the  extent  contained  in 
the  separate  article,  especially  as  before  the 
war  it  had  been  annexed  by  Britian  to  West 
Florida,  and  would  operate  as  an  additional 
inducement  to  their  joining  with  us  in  agree 
ing  that  the  navigation  of  the  river  should  for 
ever  remain  open  to  both.  The  map  used  in 
the  course  of  our  negotiations  was  Mitchell's. 
"  As  we  had  reason  to  imagine  that  the  ar 
ticles  respecting  the  boundaries,  the  refugees, 
and  fisheries,  did  not  correspond  with  the  po 
licy  of  this  court,  we  did  not  communicate  the 
preliminaries  to  the  minister,  until  after  they 
were  signed  ;  and  not  even  then  the  separate 
article.  We  hope  that  these  considerations 
will  excuse  our  having  so  far  deviated  from 
the  spirit  of  our  instructions.  The  Count  de 
Vergennes  on  perusing  the  articles,  appeared 
surprised,  but  not  displeased,  at  their  being  so 
favourable  to  us. 

"  We  beg  leave  to  add  our  advice,  that  co 
pies  be  sent  us  of  the  accounts  directed  to  be 
taken  by  the  different  states  of  the  unneces 
sary  devastations  and  sufferings  sustained  by 
them  from  the  enemy  in  the  course  of  the 
war ;  should  they^arrive  before  the  signature 
of  the  definitive  treaty,  they  might  possibly 
answer  very  good  purposes.     With  great  re 
spect,  we  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  your 
most  obedient  and  most  humble  servants, 
"Signed,    JOHN  ADAMS, 
B.  FRANKLIN, 
JOHN  JAY, 
HENRY  LAURENS." 


Explanatory  Note. 

"  DR.  FRANKLIN  thus  adroitly  endeavoured 
to  soothe  the  minister's  justifiable  discontent; 
but  the  private  motives  which  induced  the 
American  plenipotentiaries  to  deviate  from 
their  instructions,  and  from  the  expectations 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


473 


of  the  French  government,  by  signing  Pre 
liminary  Articles  of  Peace  with  the  British 
commissioner,  while  the  negotiation  between 
France  and  Great  Britain  was  undetermined, 
and  without  the  knowledge  of  Count  de  Ver 
gennes  ;  were  an  apprehension  of  a  disposition 
in  the  Court  of  France  to  abridge  the  right 
of  the  Americans  to  fish  on  their  own  coast ; 
excited  by  a  letter  written  from  Philadelphia 
to  Count  de  Vergennes,  by  Mons.  Marbois, 
(secretary  of  the  French  embassy),  and  which 
being  intercepted  and  decyphered  by  the  Bri 
tish  government,  had  been  sent  by  the  latter, 
through  Mr.  Oswald,  to  the  American  com 
missioners.  Also  the  apprehension  of  a  de 
sign  in  the  court  of  Spain  to  oppose  the  Uni 
ted  States  from  forming  settlements  to  the 
westward  of  the  Alleghany  mountains;  exci 
ted  by  the  pretensions  which  Count  d' Aranda, 
the  Spanish  ambassador,  had  advanced  in  his 
negotiation  with  Mr.  Jay. 

"  The  following  is  a  translation  of  the  de- 
cyphered  letter  of  M.  De  Marbois." 

Translation  of  an  intercepted  and  decypher 
ed  letter  from  M.  de  Marbois  to  M.  le 
Compte  de  Vergennes. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  March  13, 1782. 

"  SIR,— South  Carolina  again  enjoys  the 
benefit  of  a  legislative  body,  after  having  been 
deprived  of  it  for  two  years ;  it  was  summon 
ed  together  towards  the  end  of  last  year,  and 
met  in  January  at  Jacksonburgh,  only  ten 
leagues  distant  from  Charlestown;  where  de 
liberations  are  carried  on  with  as  much  tran 
quillity  as  if  the  state  was  in  profound  peace. 
Mr.  Rutledge,  who  was  then  governor,  opened 
the  meeting  with  a  speech  greatly  applauded, 
wherein  he  represents  in  their  full  extent,  the 
important  services  rendered  by  the  king  to  the 
United  States,  expressing  their  just  acknow 
ledgments  for  the  same.  This  sentiment  pre 
vails  much,  sir ;  the  different  states  are  eager 
to  declare  it,  in  their  public  acts,  and  the  prin 
ciple  members  of  government,  and  the  writers 
omployed  by  them  would  forfeit  their  popu 
larity  were  they  to  admit  any  equivocal  re 
marks  respecting  the  alliance.  General  Green 
affirms,  that  in  no  one  state  is  attachment  to 
independence  carried  to  a  higher  pitch,  but 
that  this  affection  is  yet  exceeded  by  the  ha 
tred  borne  to  England.  The  assembly  of  Ca 
rolina  is  going  to  make  levies  of  men,  and  has 
imposed  pretty  large  sums ;  as  there  is  but 
little  money  in  the  country,  the  taxes  will  be 
gathered  in  indigo;  and  what  deficiency  may 
then  be  fouud,  will  be  supplied  by  the  sale 
of  lands  of  such  Carolinians  as  joined  the  ene 
my  while  they  were  in  possession  of  the  coun 
try.  South  Carolina  was  the  only  state  that 
had  not  confiscated  the  property  of  the  disaf 
fected.  The  step  just  taken  puts  her  on  a 
footing  with  the  other  states  of  the  Union. 
The  assembly  of  this  state  has  passed  a  reso- 

VOL.  I. ...  3  O  41* 


lution,  in  consequence  of  which  a  purchase 
of  land  is  to  be  made  of  the  value  of  240,000 
livres  tournois,  which  Carolina  makes  a  pre 
sent  of  to  general  Green,  as  the  saviour  of 
that  province. 

"  Mr.  Matthews,  a  delegate  from  congress, 
lately  arrived  in  Carolina,  has,  it  is  said,  been 
chosen  governor  in  the  room  of  Mr.  Rutledge  : 
he  has  communicated  to  persons  of  the  most 
influence  in  his  state,  the  ultimatum  of  the 

month  of last,  who  approved  of  the 

clauses  in  general,  and  particularly  that  one 
which  leaves  the  king  master  of  the  terms  of 
the  treaty  of  peace  or  truce,  excepting  inde 
pendence,  and  treaties  of  alliance.  A  dele 
gate  from  South  Carolina  told  me  that  this  ul 
timatum  was  equally  well  known  by  persons 
of  note  in  his  state,  arid  this  had  given  entire 
satisfaction  there ;  it  is  the  same  with  regard 
to  several  other  states,  and  I  believe  I  may  as 
sure  you,  upon  the  testimony  of  several  dele 
gates,  that  this  measure  is  approved  by  a  great 
majority ;  but  Mr.  Samuel  Adams  is  using  all 
his  endeavours  to  raise  in  the  state  of  Massa 
chusetts  a  strong  opposition  to  peace,  if  the 
eastern  states  are  not  thereby  admitted  to  the 
fisheries,  and  particularly  to  that  of  New 
foundland.  S.  Adams  delights  in  trouble  and 
difficulty,  and  prides  himself  on  forming  an 
opposition  against  the  government,  whereof 
he  is  himself  president.  His  aim  and  atten 
tion  are  to  render  the  minority  of  consequence, 
and  at  this  very  moment  he  is  attacking  the 
constitution  of  Massachusetts,  although  it  be 
in  a  great  measure  his  own  work ;  but  he  had 
disliked  it  since  the  people  had  shown  their 
uniform  attachment  to  it.  It  may  be  expect 
ed  that,  with  this  disposition,  no  measure  can 
meet  the  approval  of  Mr.  S.  Adams,  and  iftho 
United  States  should  agree  relative  to  the 
fisheries,  and  be  certain  of  partaking  therein, 
all  his  manoeuvres  and  intrigues  would  be  di 
rected  towards  the  conquest  of  Canada,  and 
Nova  Scotia ;  but  he  could  not  have  used  a 
fitter  engine  than  the  fisheries  for  stirring  up 
the  passions  of  the  eastern  people.  By  re 
newing  this  question,  which  had  lain  dormant 
during  his  two  years'  absence  from  Boston,  he 
has  raised  the  expectation  of  the  people  of 
Massachusetts  to  an  extraordinary  pitch.  The 
public  prints  hold  forth  the  importance  of  the 
fisheries;  the  reigning  toast  in  the  east  is, 
may  the  United  States  ever  maintain  their 
right  to  the  fisheries.  It  has  been  often  re 
peated  in  the  deliberation  of  the  general  court ; 
No  peace  without  fisheries.  However  clear 
this  principle  may  be  in  this  manner,  it  would 
be  needless  and  even  dangerous  to  attempt  in 
forming  the  people  through  the  public  papers, 
but  it  appears  to  me  possible  to  use  means  for 
preventing  the  consequences  of  success  to  Mr. 
S.  Adams  and  his  party,  and  I  take  the  liberty 
of  submitting  them  to  your  discernment  and 
indulgence ;  one  of  those  means  would  be  for 


474 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


the  king  to  cause  it  to  be  intimated  to  con 
gress  or  to  the  ministers,  '  f  lis  surprise  that 
the  Newfoundland  fisheries  have  been  included 
in  the  additional  instructions;  that  the  United 
States  set  forth  therein  pretensions  without 
paying  regard  to  the  king's  rights,  and 
without  considering  the  impossibility  they  are 
under  of  making  conquests,  and  keeping  what 
belongs  to  Great  Britain.'  His  majesty  might 
at  the  same  time  cause  a  promise  to  be  given 
to  congress  '  of  his  assistance  for  procuring 
admission  to  the  other  fisheries,  declaring  how 
ever,  that  he  would  not  be  answerable  for  the 
success,  and  that  he  is  bound  to  nothing,  as 
the  treaty  makes  no  mention  of  that  article.' 
This  declaration  being  made  before  the  peace, 
the  hopes  of  the  people  could  not  be  support 
ed,  nor  could  it  one  day  be  said  that  we  left 
them  in  the  dark  on  this  point.  It  were  even 
to  be  wished  that  this  declaration  should  be 
made  whilst  New  York,  Charlestown,  and 
Penobscot  are  in  the  enemy's  hands ;  our  al 
lies  will  be  less  tractable  than  ever  upon  these 
points  whenever  they  recover  these  import 
ant  posts.  There  are  some  judicious  persons 
to  whom  one  may  speak  of  giving  up  the  fish 
eries  and  the* of  the  West  for  the  sake 

of  peace.  But  there  are  enthusiasts  who  fly 
out  at  this  idea,  and  their  numbers  cannot  fail 
increasing  when,  after  the  English  are  expel 
led  this  continent,  the  burden  of  the  war  will 
scarce  be  felt.  It  is  already  observable,  that 
the  advocates  for  peace  are  of  those  who  lived 
in  the  country.  The  inhabitants  of  towns, 
whom  commerce  enriches,  mechanics  who  re 
ceive  there  a  higher  pay  than  before  war,  and 
5  or  6  times  more  than  in  Europe,  do  not  wish 
for  it:  but  it  is  a  happy  circumstance  that 
this  division  be  nearly  equal  in  the  congress 
and  among  the  states,  since  our  influence  can 
incline  the  beam  either  for  peace  or  war  which 
ever  way  we  choose.  Another  means  of  pre 
serving  to  France  so  important  a  branch  of 
her  commerce  and  navigation  is  that  proposed 

to  you,  sir,  by  M ,  viz.  the  conquest  of 

Cape  Breton  ;  it  seems  to  me,  as  it  does  to  that 
minister,  the  only  sure  means  of  containing 
within  bounds,  when  peace  is  made,  those 
swarms  of  smugglers  who,  without  regard  to 
treaties,  will  turn  all  their  activity,  daring 
spirit,  and  means  towards  the  fisheries,  whose 
undertakings  congress  will  not  perhaps  have 
the  power  or  the  will  to  repress.  If  it  be  ap 
prehended  that  the  peace  which  is  to  put  an 
end  to  the  present  war  will  prove  disagreeable 
to  any  of  the  United  States,  there  appears  to  me 
a  certain  method  of  guarding  against  the  effects 
of  this  discontent,  of  preventing  the  declara 
tions  of  some  states,  and  other  resources  which 
turbulent  minds  might  employ  for  availing 
themselves  of  the  present  juncture.  This  would 
be,  for  his  majesty  to  cause  a  memorial  to  be 

*  Supposed  settlements,  or  lands. 


delivered  to  congress,  wherein  should  be  sta 
ted  the  use  made  by  his  ministers  of  the  pow 
ers  entrusted  to  them  by  that  assembly ;  and 
the  impediments  which  may  have  stood  in  the 
way  of  a  fuller  satisfaction  on  every  point. 
This  step  would  certainly  be  pleasing  to  con 
gress  ;  and  should  it  become  necessary  to  in 
form  the  people  of  this  memorial,  it  could  ea 
sily  be  done ;  they  would  be  flattered  by  it, 
and  it  might  probably  beget  the  voice  and  con 
currence  of  the  public.  I  submit  these  thoughte 
to  you  early,  and  although  peace  appears  yet 
to  be  distant,  sir,  by  reason  of  delays  and  dif 
ficulties  attending  the  communications,  that 
period  will  be  a  crisis  when  the  partizans  of 
France  and  England  will  openly  appear,  and 
when  that  power  will  employ  every  means  to 
diminish  our  influence,  and  re-establish  her 
own;  it  is  true,  the  independent  party  will  al 
ways  stand  in  great  want  of  our  support ;  that 
the  fears  and  jealousies  which  a  remembrance? 
of  the  former  government  will  always  produce, 
most  operate  as  the  safeguard  to  our  alliance, 
and  as  a  security  for  the  attachment  of  the 
Americans  to  us.  But  it  is  best  to  be  prepar 
ed  for  any  discontent,  although  it  should  be 
but  temporary.  It  is  remarked  by  some,  that 
as  England  has  other  fisheries  besides  New 
foundland,  she  may  perhaps  endeavour  that 
the  Americans  should  partake  in  that  of  the 
Great  Bank,  in  order  to  conciliate  their  affec 
tion,  or  procure  them  some  compensation,  or 
create  a  subject  of  jealousy  between  them  and 
us :  but  it  does  not  seem  likely  that  she  will  act 
so  contrary  to  their  true  interest,  and  were  she 
to  do  so,  it  will  be  for  the  better  to  have  declar 
ed  at  an  early  period  to  the  Americans,  that 
their  pretension  is  not  founded,  and  that  his 
majesty  does  not  mean  to  support  it. 

"I  here  enclose,  sir,  translations  of  the 
speech  made  by  the  governor  of  South  Ca 
rolina  to  the  assembly,  and  of  their  answer. 
These  interesting  productions  convey  in  a  for 
cible  manner  the  sentiments  of  the  inhabitants 
of  that  state,  and  appeared  to  me  worth  com  • 
municating  to  you. — I  am,  &c. 

"  BARBE  DE  MARBOIS." 

"  To  the  Count  de  Vergennes, 

"PASSY.Dcc.  15,1782 

"Sra, — I  have  the  honour  to  acquaint  your 
excellency,  that  our  courier  is  to  set  out  to 
morrow  at  ten  o'clock,  with  the  despatches  we 
send  to  congress,  by  the  Washington,  captain 
Barney,  for  which  ship  we  have  got  a  pass 
port  from  the  king  of  England.  If  you  would 
make  any  use  of  this  conveyance,  the  courier 
shall  wait  upon  you  to-morrow  at  Versailles, 
and  receive  your  orders. 

"  I  hoped  I  might  have  been  able  to  send 
part  of  the  aids  we  have  asked,  by  this  safe 
vessel.  I  beg  that  your  excellency  would  at 
least  inform  me,  what  expectations  I  may  give 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


475 


in  my  letters.  I  fear  the  congress  will  be  re 
duced  to  despair,  when  they  find  that  nothing 
Js  yet  obtained. — With  the  greatest  and  most 
sincere  respect,  I  am,  sir,  your  excellency's 
most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

«  B.  FRANKLIN." 

The  answer. 

"  VERSAILLES,  Dec.  15,  1782. 

"  I  CANNOT  but  be  surprised,  sir,  that  after 
the  explanation  I  have  had  with  you,  and  the 
promise  you  gave,  that  you  would  not  press 
the  application  for  an  English  passport  for  the 
•sailing  of  the  packet  Washington,  that  you 
now  inform  me,  you  have  received  the  pass 
port  ;  and  that  at  ten  o'clock  to-morrow  morn- 
ng  your  courier  will  set  out  to  carry  your 
'lespatches.  I  am  at  a  loss,  sir,  to  explain 
your  conduct,  and  that  of  your  colleagues,  on 
this  occasion.  You  have  concluded  your  pre 
liminary  articles  without  any  communication 
between  us,  although  the  instructions  from 
-ongress  prescribes,  that  nothing  shall  be  done 
without  the  participation  of  the  king.  You 
ire  about  to  hold  out  a  certain  hope  of  peace 
10  America,  without  even  informing  yourself 
on  the  state  of  the  negotiation  on  our  part — 
You  are  wise  and  discreet,  sir ;  you  per 
fectly  understand  what  is  due  to  propriety ; 
you  have  all  your  life  performed  your  duties. 
I  pray  you  to  consider  how  you  propose  to  fulfil 
those  which  are  due  to  the  king  1  I  am  not  de 
sirous  of  enlarging  these  reflections ;  I  com 
mit  them  to  your  own  integrity.  When  you 
shall  be  pleased  to  relieve  my  uncertainty,  I 
will  entreat  the  king  to  enable  me  to  answer 
your  demands. — I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir, 
with  sincere  regard,  your  very  humble  and 
jbedient  servant, 

"  DE  VERGENNES." 


The  Count  de  Vergennes. 

"  PASSY,  Dec.  IT,  1762. 

"  SIR, — I  received  the  letter  your  excel' 
iency  did  me  the  honour  of  writing  to  me  on 
the  15th  instant,  The  proposal  of  having  a 
passport  from  England  was  agreed  to  by  me 
the  more  willingly,  as  I  at  that  time  had 
hopes  of  obtaining  some  money  to  send  in  the 
Washington,  and  the  passport  would  have 
made  its  transportation  safer,  with  that  of  our 
despatches,  and  of  yours  also,  if  you  had 
thought  fit  to  make  use  of  the  occasion.  Your 
excellency  objected,  as  I  understood  it,  that 
the  English  ministers  by  their  letters  sent  in 
the  same  ship,  might  convey  inconvenient  ex 
pectations  into  America.  It  was  therefore  I 
proposed  not  to  press  for  the  passport  till  your 
preliminaries  were  also  agreed  to.  They  have 
sent  the  passport  without  being  pressed  to  do 
it,  and  they  have  sent  no  letters  to  go  under 
it,  and  ours  will  prevent  the  inconvenience 


apprehended.  In  a  subsequent  conversation, 
your  excellency  mentioned  your  intention  of 
sending  some  of  the  king's  cutters,  whence  I 
imagined  that  detaining  the  Washington  was 
no  longer  necessary  ;  and  it  was  certainly  in- 
cumbent  on  us  to  give  congress  as  early  an 
account  as  possible  of  our  proceedings,  who 
think  it  extremely  strange  to  hear  of  them  by 
other  means  without  a  line  from  us.  I  ac 
quainted  your  excellency,  however,  with  our 
intention  of  despatching  that  ship,  supposing 
you  might  possibly  have  something  to  send  by 
her. 

"Nothing  has  been  agreed  in  the  prelimi 
naries  contrary  to  the  interests  of  France ; 
and  no  peace  is  to  take  place  between  us  and 
England,  till  you  have  concluded  yours.  Your 
observation  is,  however,  apparently  just,  that 
in  not  consulting  you  before  they  were  sign 
ed,  we  have  been  guilty  of  neglecting  a  point 
of  bienseance.  But  as  this  was  not  from  want 
of  respect  for  the  king,  whom  we  all  love  and 
honour,  we  hope  it  will  be  excused ;  and  that 
the  great  work  which  has  hitherto  been  so 
happily  conducted,  is  so  nearly  brought  to 
perfection,  and  is  so  glorious  to  his  reign,  will 
not  be  ruined  by  a  single  indiscretion  of  ours. 
And  certainly  the  whole  edifice  sinks  to  the 
ground  immediately,  if  you  refuse  on  that  ac 
count  to  give  us  any  farther  assistance. 

"  We  have  not  yet  despatched  the  ship, 
and  I  beg  leave  to  wait  upon  you  on  Friday 
for  your  answer. 

"  It  is  not  possible  for  any  one  to  be  more 
sensible  than  I  am,  of  what  I  and  every  Ame 
rican  owe  to  the  king,  for  the  many  and 
great  benefits  and  favours  he  has  bestowed  up 
on  us.  All  my  letters  to  America  are  proofs 
of  this ;  all  tending  to  make  the  same  impres 
sions  on  the  minds  of  my  countrymen,  that 
I  felt  in  my  own.  And  I  believe  that  no 
prince  was  ever  more  beloved  and  respected 
by  his  own  subjects,  than  the  king  is  by  the 
people  of  the  United  States.  The  English, 
I  just  now  learn,  flatter  themselves  they 
have  already  divided  us.  I  hope  this  little 
misunderstanding  will  therefore  be  kept  a  se 
cret,  and  that  they  will  find  themselves  total 
ly  mistaken. — With  great  and  sincere  respect, 
I  am,  sir,  your  excellency's  most  obedient  and 
most  humble  servant, 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  Francis  Hopkinson. 

"  PASSY,  Dec.  24, 1782. 

"  I  THANK  you  for  your  ingenious  paper  in- 
favour  of  the  trees.  I  own  I  now  wish  we 
had  two  rows  of  them  in  every  one  of  our 
streets.  The  comfortable  shelter  they  would 
afford  us  when  walking,  from  our  burning 
summer  suns,  and  the  greater  coolness  of  our 
walls  and  pavements,  would,  I  conceive,  in 
the  improved  health  of  the  inhabitants,  amply 


476 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


compensate  the  loss  of  a  house  now  and  then 
by  fire,  if  such  should  be  the  consequence ; 
but  a  tree  is  soon  felled :  and  as  axes  are  at 
hand  in  every  neighbourhood,  may  be  down 
before  the  engines  arrive. 

"  You  do  well  to  avoid  being-  concerned  in 
the  pieces  of  personal  abuse,  so  scandalously 
common  in  our  newspapers,  that  I  am  afraid  t 
lend  any  of  them  here,  till  I  have  examinee 
and  laid  aside  such  as  would  disgrace  us :  an 
subject  us  among  strangers  to  a  reflection  lik 
that  used  by  a  gentleman  in  a  coffee-house  t( 
two  quarrellers,  who  after  a  mutually  free  use 
of  the  words  rogue,  villain,  rascal,  scoundrel 
&c.  seemed  as  if  they  would  refer  their  dis 
pute  to  him  :  I  know  nothing  of  you,  or  you 
affairs,  said  he  ;  I  only  perceive  that  you  knou 
one  another. 

"  The  conductor  of  a  newspaper,  should 
methinks,  consider  himself  as  in  some  degree 
the  guardian  of  his  country's  reputation,  am 
refuse  to  insert  such  writings  as  may  hurt  it 
If  people  will  print  their  abuses  of  one  another 
let  them  do  it  in  little  pamphlets,  and  distri 
bute  them  where  they  think  proper.  It  is  ab 
surd  to  trouble  all  the  world  with  them  ;  am 
unjust  to  subscribers  in  distant  places,  to  stuf 
their  paper  with  matters  so  unprofitable  am 
so  disagreeable. — With  sincere  esteem  anc 
affection,  I  am,  my  dear  friend,  ever  yours, 
«B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Dec.  25.    Enclosed  is  a  copy  of  a  letter 
just  received  from  count  de  Vergennes,  upon 


the  present 
England. 


state  of  the  negotiation  with 
B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  R.  R.  Livingston. 

"  PASSY,  Dec.  24, 1782. 

"  SIR, — Sundry  circumstances  occurring 
since  mine  of  the  5th  and  14th,  have  hitherto 
retarded  the  departure  of  our  despatches. — 
They  will  now  go  under  the  security  of  a 
British  passport,  be  accompanied  by  a  sum  oi 
money,  and  by  some  further  intelligence  from 
England,  which  shows  the  still  unsettled 
state  of  minds  there,  and,  together  with  the 
difficulties  and  small  progress  in  the  Dutch 
and  Spanish  negotiations,  makes  the  speedy 
conclusion  of  peace  still  uncertain. 

"  The  Swedish  ambassador  has  exchanged 
full  powers  with  me.  I  send  a  copy  of  his 
herewith.  We  have  had  some  conferences 
on  the  proposed  plan  of  our  treaty,  and  he 
has  despatched  a  courier  for  further  instruc 
tions  respecting  some  of  the  articles. 

"  The  commissioners  have  joined  in  a  let 
ter  to  you,  recommending  the  consideration 
of  a  proposal  from  Mr.  Brigden,  relating  to  a 
copper  coin.  With  this  you  have  a  copy  of 
that  proposal,  and  a  sample  of  the  copper.  If 
it  should  be  accepted,  I  conceive  the  weight 
and  value  of  the  pieces  (charge  of  coinage 
deducted)  should  be  such  that  they  may  be 
aliquot  parts  of  a  Spanish  dollar.  By  the  co 
py  enclosed,  of  an  old  letter  of  mine  to  Mr. 
Brigden,  you  will  see  the  ideas  I  had  of  the 
additional  utility  such  a  coinage  might  be  of 
in  communicating  instruction. 


JOURNAL  OF  NEGOTIATION 

FOR  PEACE  WITH  GREAT  BRITAIN. 

"  PASSY,  May  9, 1782. 

"  As  since  the  change  of  ministry  in  Eng 
land,  some  serious  professions  have  been  made 
of  their  disposition  to  peace,  and  of  their 
readiness  to  enter  into  a  general  treaty  for 
that  purpose ;  and  as  the  concerns  and  claims 
of  five  nations  are  to  be  discussed  in  that 
treaty,  which  must,  therefore,  be  interesting 
to  the  present  age  and  to  posterity,  I  am  in 
clined  to  keep  a  Journal  of  the  proceedings, 
as  far  as  they  come  to  my  knowledge,  and  to 
make  it  more  complete,  will  first  endeavour 
to  recollect  what  has  already  past. 

"  Great  affairs  sometimes  take  their  rise 
from  small  circumstances.  My  good  friend 
and  neighbour,  Madame  Brillon,  being  at 
Nice  all  last  winter  for  her  health,  with  her 
very  amiable  family,  wrote  to  me  that  she 
had  met  with  some  English  gentry  there, 
whose  acquaintance  proved  agreeable;  among 
them  she  named  lord  Cholmondely,  who,  she 
said,  had  promised  to  call  on  his  return  to 
England,  and  drink  tea  with  us  at  Passy. 

•'  He  left  Nice  sooner  than  she  supposed, 
and  came  to  Paris  long  before  her.  On  the 
21st  of  March  I  received  the  following  note :" 

[RECEIVED  MARCH  21,  1782.] 
'  Lord  Cholmondely's  compliments  to  Dr. 
Franklin ;  he  sets  out  for  London  to-morrov/ 
evening,  and  should  be  glad  to  see  him  for 
five  minutes  before  he  went:  lord  Cholmon 
dely  will  call  on  him  at  any  time  in  the  morn  - 
ing,  he  shall  please  to  appoint. 

"  Thursday  evening,  Hotel  de  Chartres." 
I  wrote  for  answer,  that  I  should  be  at 
home  all  the  next  morning,  and  glad  to  see 
liis  lordship,  if  he  did  me  the  honour  of  call- 
'rig  upon  me.  He  came  accordingly.  I  had 
Defore  no  personal  knowledge  of  this  noble 
man.  We  talked  of  our  friends  whom  we 
eft  at  Nice;  then  of  affairs  in  England;  and 
:he  late  resolutions  of  the  commons,  on  Mr. 
Conway's  motion. 

He  told  me  that  he  knew  lord  Shelburne 
lad  a  great  regard  for  me,  that  he  was  sure 
lis  lordship  would  be  pleased  to  hear  from 
me,  and  that  if  I  would  write  a  line  he  should 
lave  a  pleasure  in  carrying  it.  On  which  I 
wrote  the  following : 

"  To  Earl  Shelburne. 

•'  PASSY,  March  22, 1782- 

"  Lord  Cholmondely  having  kindly  offered 


JOURNAL  OF  NEGOTIATION  FOR  PEACE. 


477 


to  take  a  letter  from  me  to  your  lordship,  I 
embrace  the  opportunity  of  assuring  the  con 
tinuance  of  my  ancient  respect  for  your  ta 
lents  and  virtues,  and  of  congratulating  you 
on  the  returning  good  disposition  of  your 
country  in  favour  of  America,  which  appears 
in  the  late  resolutions  of  the  commons ;  I  am 
persuaded  it  will  have  good  effects.  I  hope 
it  will  tend  to  produce  a  general  peace,  which 
i  am  sure  your  lordship,  with  all  good  men, 
desires,  which  I  wish  to  see  before  I  die,  and 
to  which  I  shall  with  infinite  pleasure,  con 
tribute  every  thing  in  my  power.  Your 
friends  the  Abbe  Morellet  and  Madame  Hel- 
vetms  are  well.  You  have  made  the  latter 
very  happy  by  your  present  of  gooseberry 
bushes,  which  arrived  in  five  days,  and  in  ex 
cellent  order.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

Soon  after  this  we  heard  from  England, 
that  a  total  change  had  taken  place  in  the 
ministry,  and  that  lord  Shelburne  was  come 
in  as  secretary  of  state.  But  I  thought  no 
more  of  my  letter,  till  an  old  friend  and  neigh 
bour  of  mine  many  years  in  London,  appeared 
at  Passy,  and  introduced  a  Mr.  Oswald,  whom 
he  said  had  a  great  desire  to  see  me;  and 
Mr.  Oswald,  after  some  little  conversation, 
gave  me  the  following  letters  from  lord  Shel 
burne  and  Mr.  Laurens 

"  To  Dr.  Franklin. 

"LONDON,  April  6,  1782 

"DEAR  SIR, — I  have  been  favoured  with 
your  letter,  and  am  much  obliged  by  your  re 
membrance.  I  find  myself  returned  nearly 
to  the  same  situation  which  you  remember 
me  to  have  occupied  nineteen  years  ago,  and 
should  be  very  glad  to  talk  to  you  as  I  did 
then,  and  afterwards  in  1767,  upon  the  means 
of  promoting  the  happiness  of  mankind ;  a  sub 
ject  much  more  agreeable  to  my  nature,  than 
the  best  concerted  plans  for  spreading  misery 
and  devastation.  I  have  had  a  high  opinion 
of  the  congress,  of  your  mind,  and  of  your 
tbresight.  I  have  often  been  beholden  to 
both,  and  shall  be  glad  to  be  so  again,  as  far 
as  is  compatible  with  your  situation.  Your 
letter  discovering  the  same  disposition,  has 
made  me  send  you  Mr.  Oswald.  I  have  had 
a  longer  acquaintance  with  him,  than  even  I 
have  had  the  pleasure  to  have  with  you.  I 
believe  him  a  honest  man,  and  after  consult 
ing  some  of  our  common  friends,  I  have 
thought  him  fittest  for  the  purpose.  He  is  a 
pacifical  man,  and  conversant  in  those  nego 
tiations  which  are  most  interesting  to  man 
kind.  This  has  made  me  prefer  him  to  any 
of  our  speculative  friends,  or  to  any  person 
•of  higher  rank :  he  is  fully  apprised  of  my 
mind,  and  you  may  give  full  credit  to  every 
thing  he  assures  you  of.  At  the  same  time, 
<f  any  channel  occurs  to  you,  I  am  ready  to 
embrace  it.  I  wish  to  retain  the  same  sim 


plicity  and  good  faith  which  subsisted  between 
us  in  transactions  of  less  importance. — 1  have 
the  honour  to  be,  &c.  SHELBURNE." 

To  the  same. 

"  LONDON,  April  7,  1782. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — Richard  Oswald,  esquire, 
who  will  do  me  the  honour  of  delivering 
this,  is  a  gentleman  of  the  strictest  candour 
and  integrity.  I  dare  give  such  assurance, 
from  an  experience  little  short  of  thirty  years, 
and  to  add,  you  will  be  perfectly  safe  in  con 
versing  freely  with  him  on  the  business  which 
he  will  introduce,  a  business  which  Mr.  Os 
wald  has  disinterestedly  engaged  in  from 
motives  of  benevolence,  and  from  the  choice 
of  the  man,  a  persuasion  follows  that  the 
electors  mean  to  be  in  earnest.  Some  peo 
ple  in  this  country,  who  have  too  long  in 
dulged  themselves  in  abusing  every  thing 
American,  have  been  pleased  to  circulate  an 
opinion  that  Doctor  Franklin  is  a  very  cun 
ning  man,  in  answer  to  which,  I  have  remark 
ed  to  Mr.  Oswald,  Doctor  Franklin  knows 
very  well  how  to  manage  a  cunning  man ; 
but  when  the  doctor  converses  and  treatn 
with  a  man  of  candour,  there  is  no  man  more 
candid  than  himself.  I  do  not  know  whether 
you  will  ultimately  agree  in  political  sketch 
es;  but  I  am  sure  as  gentlemen,  you  will 
part  very  well  pleased  with  each  other. 

"  Should  you,  sir,  think  proper  to  communi 
cate  to  me  your  sentiments  and  advice  on 
our  affairs,  the  more  amply  the  more  accept 
able,  and  probably  the  more  serviceable,  Mr. 
Oswald  will  take  charge  of  your  despatches, 
and  afford  a  secure  means  of  conveyance. 
To  this  gentleman  I  refer  you  for  general  in 
formation  of  a  journey  which  I  am  immedi 
ately  to  make,  partly  in  his  company,  at  Os- 
tend,  to  file  off  for  the  Hague.  I  feel  a  wil 
lingness,  infirm  as  I  am,  to  attempt  doing  as 
much  good  as  can  be  expected  from  such  a 
prisoner  upon  parole.  As  general  Burgoyne 
is  certainly  exchanged,  a  circumstance  by  the 
by  which  possibly  might  have  embarrassed 
us,  had  your  proposition  been  accepted.  May 
I  presume,  at  my  return,  to  offer  another 
lieutenant-general  now  in  England,  a  prison 
er  upon  parole,  in  exchange,  or  what  shall  I 
offer  in  exchange  for  myself,  a  thing  in  my 
own  estimation,  of  no  great  value. 

"  HENRY  LAURENS." 

I  entered  into  conversation  with  Mr.  Os 
wald.  He  was  represented  in  the  letter  as 
fully  apprized  of  lord  Shelburne's  mind,  and 
I  was  desirous  of  knowing  it  All  I  could 
learn  was,  that  the  ministry  sincerely  wished 
for  peace,  that  they  considered  the  object  of 
the  war  to  France  and  America  as  obtained. 
That  if  the  independence  of  the  U.  States 
was  agreed  to,  there  was  no  other  point  in 
dispute,  and  therefore  nothing  left  to  hinder 


478 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


a  pacification ;  that  they  were  ready  to  treat 
of  peace ;  but  he  intimated,  that  if  France 
should  insist  upon  terms  too  humiliating  to 
England,  they  could  still  continue  the  war, 
having  yet  great  strength  and  many  re 
sources  left.  I  let  him  know  that  America 
would  not  treat  but  in  concert  with  France ; 
and  that  my  colleagues  not  being  here,  I 
could  do  nothing  of  importance  in  the  affair, 
but  that  if  he  pleased,  I  would  present  him 
to  the  count  de  Vergennes,  secretary  of  state 
for  foreign  affairs.  He  consenting,  I  wrote 
and  sent  the  following  letter  : 

"  Count  de  Vergennes. 

"  PASSY,  April  15,  1782. 

"  SIR, — An  English  nobleman,  lord  Chol- 
mondely,  lately  returning  from  Italy,  called 
on  me  at  a  time  when  we  received  the  news 
of  the  first  resolutions  of  the  house  of  com 
mons  relating  to  America.  On  conversation, 
be  said,  that  he  knew  his  friend  lord  Shel- 
burne  had  a  great  regard  for  me :  that  it 
would  be  pleasing  to  him  to  hear  of  my  wel 
fare,  and  to  receive  a  line  from  me,  of  which 
he,  lord  Cholmondely,  should  like  to  be  the 
bearer;  adding,  that  if  there  should  be  a 
change  of  ministry,  he  believed  lord  Shel- 
burne  would  be  employed.  I  thereupon 
wrote  a  few  lines,  of  which  I  also  enclose 
a  copy.  This  day  I  received  an  answer, 
which  I  also  enclose,  together  with  another 
letter  from  Mr.  Laurens.  They  both,  as  your 
excellency  will  see,  recommend  the  bearer, 
Mr.  Oswald,  as  a  very  honest,  sensible  man. 
I  have  had  a  little  conversation  with  him. 
He  tells  me  there  has  been  a  desire  of  mak 
ing  a  separate  peace  with  America,  and  con 
tinuing  the  war  with  France  and  Spain ;  but 
that  now  all  wise  people  give  up  that  idea  as 
impracticable ;  and  it  is  his  private  opinion, 
that  the  ministry  do  sincerely  desire  a  gene 
ral  peace,  and  that  they  will  readily  come 
into  it,  provided  France  does  not  insist  upon 
conditions  too  humiliating  for  England ;  in 
such  case,  she  will  make  great  and  violent 
efforts  rather  than  submit  to  them,  and  that 
much  is  still  in  her  power,  &c.  I  told  the 
gentleman,  that  I  could  not  enter  into  parti 
culars  with  him,  but  in  concert  with  the  mi 
nisters  of  this  court.  And  I  proposed  intro 
ducing  him  to  your  excellency,  after  com 
municating  to  you  the  letters  he  had  brought 
me,  in  case  you  should  think  fit  to  see  him, 
with  which  he  appeared  to  be  pleased.  I  in 
tend  waiting  on  you  to-morrow,  when  you 
will  please  to  acquaint  me  with  your  inten 
tions,  and  favour  me  with  your  counsels.  He 
had  heard  nothing  of  Forth's  mission,  and  the 
old  ministry  had  not  acquainted  the  new  with 
that  transaction.  Mr.  Laurens  came  over 
with  him  in  the  same  vessel,  and  went  from 
Ostend  to  Holland.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


The  next  day,  being  at  court  with  the  fo 
reign  ministers,  as  usual  on  Tuesdays,  I  saw 
M.  de  Vergennes,  who  acquainted  me,  that 
he  had  caused  the  letter  to  be  translated,  had 
considered  the  contents,  and  should  like  to 
see  Mr.  Oswald.  We  agreed  that  the  inter 
view  should  be  on  Wednesday  at  ten  o'clock. 

Immediately  on  my  return  home  I  wrote  to 
Mr.  Oswald,  acquainting  him  with  what  had 
passed  at  Versailles,  and  proposing  that  he 
should  be  with  me  at  half  past  eight  the  next 
morning,  in  order  to  proceed  thither. 

I  received  from  him  the  following  answer : 

"  SIR, — I  have  the  honour  of  yours  by  the 
bearer,  and  shall  be  sure  to  wait  on  you  to 
morrow,  at  half  past  eight,  and  I  am,  with 
much  respect,  &c. 

"  RICHARD  OSWALD. 

«  Paris,  April  16." 

He  came  accordingly,  and  we  arrived  at 
Versailles  punctually.  M.  de  Vergennes  re 
ceived  him  with  much  civility.  Mr.  Oswald, 
not  being  ready  in  speaking  French,  M.  de 
Rayneval  interpreted.  The  conversation  con 
tinued  near  an  hour.  Mr.  Oswald,  at  first, 
thought  of  sending  an  express,  with  an  ac 
count  of  it,  and  was  offered  a  passport,  but 
finally  concluded  to  go  himself,  and  I  wrote 
the  next  day  to  lord  Shelburne  the  following 
letter : 

"  Lard  Shelburne. 

"  PASSY,  April  18,  1782- 

"  MY  LORD, — I  have  received  the  lette 
your  lordship  did  me  the  honour  of  writing 
to  me  the  6th  instant.  I  congratulate  you  on 
your  new  appointment  to  the  honourable  and 
important  office  you  formerly  filled  so  worth 
ily,  an  office  which  must  be  so  far  pleasing  to 
you,  as  it  affords  you  more  opportunities  of 
doing  good,  and  serving  your  country  essen 
tially  in  its  great  concerns.  I  have  conversed 
a  good  deal  with  Mr.  Oswald,  and  am  much 
pleased  with  him ;  he  appears  to  me  a  wise 
and  honest  man.  I  acquainted  him  that  I  was 
commissioned,  with  others,  to  treat  of  and 
conclude  a  peace :  that  full  powers  were  given 
us  for  that  purpose;  and  that  the  congress 
promised,  in  good  faith,  to  ratify,  confirm,  and 
cause  to  be  faithfully  observed,  the  treaty  we 
should  make ;  but  that  we  would  not  treat  se 
parately  from  France ;  and  I  proposed  intro 
ducing  him  to  M.  le  compte  de  Vergennes, 
to  whom  I  communicated  your  lordship's  let 
ter,  containing  Mr.  Oswald's  character,  as  a 
foundation  for  the  interview.  He  will  ac 
quaint  you,  that  the  assurance  he  gave  of  his 
Britannic  majesty's  good  disposition  towards 
peace  was  well  received,  and  assurances  re 
turned  of  the  same  good  dispositions  on  the 
part  of  his  most  Christian  majesty.  With 
regard  to  circumstances  relative  to  a  treaty, 
M.  de  Vergennes  observed,  that  the  king's 


JOURNAL  OF  NEGOTIATION  FOR  PEACE. 


479 


engagements  were  such,  as  that  he  could  not 
treat  without  the  concurrence  of  his  allies ; 
that  the  treaty  should  therefore  be  for  a  ge 
neral,  not  a  partial,  peace ;  and  if  the  parties 
were  not  disposed  to  finish  the  war  speedily 
by  themselves,  it  would  perhaps  be  best  to 
treat  at  Paris,  as  an  ambassador  from  Spain 
was  already  there,  and  the  commissioners 
from  America  might  easily  and  soon  be  as 
sembled  there :  or  if  they  chose  to  make  use 
of  the  proposed  mediation,  they  might  treat 
at  Vienna;  but  that  the  king  was  truly  wil 
ling  to  put  a  speedy  end  to  the  war  :  that  he 
would  agree  to  any  place  the  king  of  Eng 
land  should  think  proper.  I  leave  the  rest  of 
the  conversation,  to  be  related  to  your  lord 
ship  by  Mr.  Oswald ;  and  that  he  might  do  it 
more  easily  and  fully  than  he  could  by  letter, 
I  was  of  opinion  with  him,  that  it  would  be 
best  he  should  return  immediately,  and  do  it 
vivd  voce. 

"  Being  myself  but  one  of  the  four  persons 
now  in  Europe,  commissioned  by  the  congress 
to  treat  of  peace,  I  can  make  no  proposition 
of  much  importance,  without  them.  I  can 
only  express  my  wish  that,  if  Mr.  Oswald  re 
turns  hither,  he  may  bring  with  him  the 
agreement  of  your  court  to  treat  for  a  gene 
ral  peace,  and  the  proposal  of  place  and  time, 
that  I  may  immediately  write  to  Messrs. 
Adams,  Laurens,  and  Jay.  I  suppose  that,  in 
this  case,  your  lordship  will  think  it  proper 
to  have  Mr.  Laurens  discharged  from  the  en 
gagements  he  entered  into,  when  he  was  ad 
mitted  to  bail.  I  desire  no  other  channel  of 
communication  between  us,  than  that  of  Mr. 
Oswald,  which  I  think  your  lordship  has 
chosen  with  much  judgment.  He  will  be 
witness  of  my  acting  with  all  the  simplicity, 
and  good  faith,  which  you  do  me  the  honour 
to  expect  from  me;  and  if  he  is  enabled, 
when  he  returns  hither,  to  communicate  more 
fully  your  lordship's  mind  on  the  principal 
points  to  be  settled,  I  think  it  may  contribute 
much  to  the  blessed  work  our  hearts  are  en- 
in. 


"  By  the  act  of  parliament,  relative  to  Ame 
rican  prisoners,  I  see  the  king  is  impowered 
to  exchange  them.  I  hope  those  you  have, 
in  England  and  Ireland,  may  be  sent  home 
soon  to  their  country  in  flags  of  truce,  and 
exchanged  for  an  equal  number  of  your  peo- 
'.e.  Permit  me  to  add,  that  I  think  it  would 
well  if  some  kindness  were  used  in  the 
transaction,  with  regard  to  their  comfortable 
accommodation  on  ship-board,  as  those  poor 
unfortunate  people  have  been  long  absent 
from  their  families  and  friends,  and  rather 
hardly  treated.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

To  the  account,  contained  in  this  letter,  of 
what  passed  in  the  conversation  with  the  mi 
nister,  I  should  add  his  frank  declaration,  that 


should  be  laid  in  justice,  whenever  a  treaty 


1  •!' 
.,  h 


was  entered  upon,  he  had  several  demands  to 
make  of  justice  from  England.  Of  this,  says 
he,  I  give  you  previous  notice.  What  these 
demands  were,  he  did  not  particularly  say ; 
one  occurred  to  me,  to  wit,  reparation  for  the 
injury  done  in  taking  several  French  ships 
by  surprise,  before  the  declaration  of  the  pre 
ceding  war,  contrary  to  the  law  of  nations. 
Mr.  Oswald  seemed  to  wish  obtaining  some 
propositions  to  carry  back  with  him  ;  but  M. 
de  Vergennes  said  to  him  very  properly,  there 
are  four  nations  engaged  in  the  war  against 
you,  who  cannot,  till  they  have  consulted  and 
known  each  other's  minds,  be  ready  to  make 
propositions.  Your  court,  being  without  al 
lies,  and  alone,  knowing  its  own  mind,  can 
express  it  immediately.  It  is  therefore  more 
natural  to  expect  the  first  propositions  from 
you. 

On  our  return  from  Versailles,  Mr.  Oswald 
took  occasion  to  impress  me  with  ideas,  that 
the  present  weakness  of  the  government  in 
England,  with  regard  to  continuing  the  war. 
was  owing  chiefly  to  the  division  of  senti 
ments  about  it.  That  in  case  France  should 
make  demands  too  humiliating  for  England  to 
submit  to,  the  spirit  of  the  nation  would  be 
roused,  unanimity  would  prevail,  and  re 
sources  would  not  be  wanting.  He  said, 
there  was  no  want  of  money  in  the  nation : 
that  the  chief  difficulty  lay  in  the  finding  out 
new  taxes  to  raise  it ;  and  perhaps  that  diffi 
culty  might  be  avoided,  by  shutting  up  the 
exchequer ;  stopping  the  payment  of  the  in 
terest  of  public  funds,  and  applying  that  mo 
ney  to  the  support  of  the  war.  I  made  no 
reply  to  this ;  for  I  did  not  desire  to  discou 
rage  their  stopping  payment,  which  I  consi 
der  as  cutting  the  throat  of  the  public  credit, 
and  a  means  of  adding  fresh  exasperation 
against  them  with  the  neighbouring  nations. 
Such  menaces  were  besides  an  encourage 
ment  with  me,  remembering  the  adage,  that 
they  who  threaten  are  afraid. 

The  next  morning,  when  I  had  written  the 
above  letter  to  lord  Shelburne,  I  went  with  it 
to  Mr.  Oswald's  lodgings,  and  gave  it  to  him 
to  read  before  I  sealed  it,  that  in  case  any 
thing  might  be  in  it  with  which  he  was  not 
satisfied,  it  might  be  corrected ;  but  he  ex 
pressed  himself  much  pleased.  In  going  to 
him  I  had  also  in  view  the  entering  into  a 
conversation,  which  might  draw  out  some 
thing  of  the  mind  of  his  court,  on  the  subject 
of  Canada  and  Nova  Scotia.  I  had  thrown 
some  loose  thoughts  on  paper,  which  I  intend 
ed  to  serve  as  memorandums  for  my  dis 
course  ;  but  without  a  fixed  intention  of  show 
ing  them  to  him.  On  his  saying,  that  he  was 
obliged  to  me  for  the  good  opinion  I  had  ex 
pressed  of  him  to  lord  Shelburne,  in  my  let 
ter,  and  assuring  that  he  had  entertained  the 


as  the  foundation  of  good  and  durable  peace  j  same  of  me ;  I  observed,  that  I  had  perceived 


480 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


lord  S.  placed  great  confidence  in  him,  and 
as  we  had  happily  the  same  in  each  other,  we 
might  possibly,  by  a  free  communication  of 
sentiments,  and  a  previous  settling  of  our  own 
minds  on  some  of  the  important  points,  be 
the  means  of  great  good,  by  impressing  our 
sentiments  on  the  minds  of  those  with  whom 
they  might  have  influence  ;  and  where  their 
being  received  might  be  of  importance.  I 
then  remarked,  that  his  nation  seemed  to  de 
sire  a  reconciliation  with  America:  that  I 
heartily  wished  the  same  thing :  that  a  mere 
peace  would  not  produce  half  its  advantages, 
if  not  attended  with  a  sincere  reconciliation: 
that,  to  obtain  this,  the  party  which  had  been 
the  aggressor,  and  had  cruelly  treated  the 
other,  should  show  some  marks  of  concern 
for  what  was  past,  and  some  disposition  to 
make  reparation:  that  perhaps  there  were 
things  which  America  might  demand,  by  way 
of  reparation,  and  which  England  might  yield ; 
but  that  the  effect  would  be  vastly  greater,  if 
they  appeared  to  be  voluntary,  and  to  spring 
from  returning  good  will:  that  I  therefore 
wished  England  would  think  of  offering  some 
thing  to  relieve  those  who  had  suffered  by  its 
scalping  and  burning  parties.  Lives  indeed 
could  not  be  restored  nor  compensated ;  but 
the  villages  and  houses,  wantonly  destroyed, 
might  be  rebuilt,  &c.  I  then  touched  upon 
the  affair  of  Canada ;  and,  as  in  a  former  con 
versation  he  had  mentioned  his  opinion,  that 
the  giving  up  that  country  to  the  English,  at 
the  last  peace,  had  been  a  politic  act  in 
France;  for  that  it  had  weakened  the  ties 
between  England  and  her  colonies,  and  that 
he  himself  had  predicted  from  it  the  late  re 
volution  ;  I  spoke  of  the  occasions  of  future 
quarrels  that  might  be  produced,  by  her  con 
tinuing  to  hold  it ;  hinting  at  the  same  time, 
but  not  expressing  too  plainly,  that  such  a  si 
tuation  to  us  so  dangerous,  would  necessarily 
oblige  us  to  cultivate  and  strengthen  our 
union  with  France.  He  appeared  much 
struck  with  my  discourse ;  and  as  I  frequently 
looked  at  my  paper,  he  desired  to  see  it. 
After  some  little  delay,  I  allowed  him  to  read 
it.  The  following  is  an  exact  copy. 

NOTES  OF  CONVERSATION. 

To  make  a  peace  durable,  what  may  give 
occasion  for  future  wars  should,  if  practicable, 
be  removed. 

The  territory  of  the  United  States,  and 
that  of  Canada,  by  long  extended  frontiers, 
touch  each  other. 

The  settlers  on  the  frontiers  of  the  Ame 
rican  provinces,  are  generally  the  most  dis 
orderly  of  the  people,  who  being  far  removed 
from  the  eye  and  control  of  their  respective 
governments,  are  more  bold  in  committing 
offences  against  neighbours,  and  are  for  ever 
occasioning  complaints,  and  furnishing  mat 
ter  for  fresh  differences  between  their  states. 


By  the  late  debates  in  parliament,  and  pub 
ic  writings,  it  appears  that  Britain  desires  a 
reconciliation  with  the  Americans.  It  is  a 
sweet  word.  It  means  more  than  a  mere 
Deace,  and  what  is  heartily  to  be  wished  for. 
Nations  make  a  peace  whenever  they  are 
30th  weary  of  making  war.  But  if  one  of 
them  has  made  war  upon  the  other  unjustly, 
and  has  wantonly,  and  unnecessarily,  done  it 
great  injuries,  and  refuses  reparation ;  though 
:here  may,  for  the  present,  be  peace,  the  re 
sentment  of  those  injuries  will  remain,  and 
will  break  out  again  in  vengeance  when  oc 
casions  offer.  These  occasions  will  be  watched 
for  by  one  side,  feared  by  the  other,  and  the 
peace  will  never  be  secure,  nor  can  any  cor 
diality  subsist  between  them. 

Many  houses  and  villages  have  been  burnt 
in  America  by  the  English,  and  their  allies 
the  Indians.  I  do  not  know  that  the  Ameri 
cans  will  insist  on  reparation,  perhaps  they 
may.  But  would  it  not  be  better  for  England 
to  offer  it  ?  Nothing  would  have  <a  greater 
tendency  to  conciliate,  and  much  of  the  fu 
ture  commerce  and  returning  intercourse,  be 
tween  the  two  countries,  may  depend  on  the 
reconciliation.  Would  not  the  advantage  of 
reconciliation,  by  such  means,  be  greater 
than  the  expense. 

If  then  a  way  can  be  proposed,  which  may 
tend  to  efface  the  memory  of  injuries,  at  the 
same  time  that  it  takes  away  the  occasions 
of  fresh  quarrels  and  mischief,  will  it  not  be 
worth  considering,  especially  if  it  can  be 
done,  not  only  without  expense,  but  be  a 
means  of  saving  ? 

Britain  possesses  Canada.  Her  chief  ad 
vantage  from  that  possession  consists  in  the 
trade  for  peltry.  Her  expenses  in  governing1 
and  defending  that  settlement  must  be  con 
siderable.  It  might  be  humiliating  to  her  to 
give  it  up  on  the  demand  of  America.  Per 
haps  America  will  not  demand  it.  Some  of 
the  political  rulers  may  consider  the  fear  of 
such  a  neighbour,  as  the  means  of  keeping 
the  thirteen  states  more  united  among  them 
selves,  and  more  attentive  to  military  disci 
pline.  But,  on  the  mind  of  the  people  in 
general,  would  it  not  have  an  excellent  ef 
fect,  if  Britain  should  voluntarily  offer  to  give 
up  this  province,  though,  on  these  conditions, 
that  she  shall,  in  all  times  coming,  have  and 
enjoy  the  right  of  free  trade  thither,  unin- 
cumbered  with  any  duties  whatsoever ;  that 
so  much  of  the  vacant  lands  there  shall  be 
sold,  as  will  raise  a  sum  sufficient  to  pay  for 
the  houses  burnt  by  the  British  troops,  and 
the  Indians ;  and  also  to  indemnify  the  royal 
ists  for  the  confiscation  of  their  estates. 

This  is  mere  conversation  matter,  between 
Mr.  Oswald  and  Mr.  Franklin,  as  the  former 
is  not  impowered  to  make  propositions,  and 
the  latter  cannot  make  any  without  the  con 
currence  of  his  colleagues. 


JOURNAL  OF  NEGOTIATION  FOR  PEACE. 


461 


He  then  told  me,  that  nothing  in  his  judg 
ment  could  be  clearer,  and  more  satisfactory 
and  convincing,  than  the  reasonings  in  that 
paper:  that  he  would  do  his  utmost  to  im 
press  lord  Shelburne  with  them :  that  as  his 
memory  might  not  do  them  justice,  and  it 
would  be  impossible  for  him  to  express  them 
so  well,  or  state  them  so  clearly  as  I  had 
written  them,  he  begged  that  I  would  let 
him  take  the  paper  with  him,  assuring  me 
that  he  would  return  it  safely  into  my  hands. 
[  at  length  complied  with  this  request  also. 
We  parted  exceeding  good  friends,  and  he 
set  out  for  London. 

By  the  first  opportunity  after  his  departure, 
I  wrote  the  following  letter  to  Mr.  Adams, 
and  sent  the  paper  therein  mentioned,  that 
he  might  be  fully  apprized  of  the  proceedings. 
I  omitted  only  the  paper  of  notes  for  conver 
sation  with  Mr.  Oswald,  but  gave  the  sub 
stance,  as  appears  in  the  letter. 

Th-3  reason  of  my  omitting  it  was,  that,  on 
reflection,  I  was  not  pleased  with  my  having 
hinted  a  reparation  to  the  tories  for  their  for 
feited  estates.  I  was  a  little  ashamed  of  my 
weakness  in  permitting  the  paper  to  go  out 
of  my  hands. 

"  John  Adams. 

"  PASSY,  April  20,  1782. 

"Sia, — I  hope  your  excellency  received 
the  copy  of  our  instructions,  which  I  sent  by 
the  courier  from  Versailles  some  weeks  since. 
T  wrote  you  on  the  13th  to  go  by  captain 
Smedley,  and  sent  a  packet  of  correspond 
ence  with  Mr.  Hartley.  Smedley  did  not 
leave  Paris  so  soon  as  I  expected,  or  you  should 
1iave  had  it  by  this  time.  With  this  I  send 
a  fresh  correspondence,  which  I  have  been 
drawn  into,  to  wit,  1st.  A  letter  I  sent  to 
lord  Shelburne  before  he  was  minister.  &1. 
His  answer,  since  he  was  minister,  by  Mr. 
Oswald.  3d.  A  letter  from  Mr.  Laurens.  4th. 
My  letter  to  M.  de  Vergennes.  5th.  My  an 
swer  to  lord  Shelburne.  6th.  My  answer  to 

Mr.  Laurens.  7th.  Copy  of Reports. 

These  papers  will  inform  pretty  well  of  what 
passed  between  me  and  Mr.  Oswald,  except 
that,  in  a  conversation  at  parting,  I  mention 
ed  to  him,  that  I  observed  they  spoke  much 
in  England  of  obtaining  a  reconciliation  with 
the  colonies :  that  this  was  more  than  a  peace ; 
that  the  latter  might  possibly  be  obtained, 
without  the  former;  that  the  cruel  injuries 
constantly  done  us,  by  burning  our  towns,  &c. 
had  made  deep  impressions  of  resentment  that 
would  long  remain :  that  much  of  the  advan 
tage  to  the  commerce  of  England,  from  a 
peace,  would  depend  on  a  reconciliation  :  that 
the  peace  without  reconciliation,  would  pro 
bably  not  be  durable :  that  after  a  quarrel  be 
tween  friends,  nothing  tended  so  much  to  con 
ciliate,  as  offers  made  by  the  aggressor,  of  re 
paration  for  injuries  done  by  him  in  his  pas- 

VOL.  I. . . .  3  P  41 


sion.  And  hinted,  that  if  England  should 
make  us  a  voluntary  offer  of  Canada  express 
ly  for  that  purpose,  it  might  have  a  good  ef 
fect.  Mr.  Oswald  liked  mucli  the  idea,  said 
they  were  too  much  straitened  for  money  to 
make  us  pecuniary  reparation,  but  lie  should 
endeavour  to  persuade  their  doing  it  in  that 
way.  He  is  furnished  with  a  passport  to  go 
and  return  by  Calais,  and  I  expect  him  back 
in  ten  or  twelve  days.  I  wish  you  and  Mr. 
I^aurens  could  be  here  when  he  arrives,  for  1 
shall  much  want  your  advice,  and  cannot  act 
without  your  concurrence.  If  the  present  cri 
sis  of  your  affairs  prevents  your  coming,  1 
hope  at  least  Mr.  Laurens  will  be  here,  arid 
we  must  communicate  with  you  by  expresses, 
for  your  letters  to  me  per  post  are  generally 
opened.  I  shall  write  per  next  post,  request 
ing  Mr.  Jay  to  be  here  also  as  soon  as  possi 
ble. 

"  I  received  your  letter,  advising  of  your 
draft  on  me  for  a  quarter's  salary,  which  will 
be  duly  honoured.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

Supposing  Mr.  Laurens  to  be  in  Holland 
with  Mr.  Adams,  I  at  the  same  time  wrote 
him  the  following  letter. 

"  Henry  Laurens. 

'•  PASSY,  April  20,  1782. 

"  SIR,— I  received,  by  Mr.  Oswald,  the  let 
ter  you  did  me  the  honour  of  writing  to  me 
the  7th  instant.  He  brought  me  also  a  letter 
from  lord  Shelburne,  which  gave  him  the 
same  character  that  you  did  ;  adding,  *  he  is 
fully  apprized  of  my  mind,  and  you  may  give 
full  credit  to  every  thing  he  assures  you  of.' 
Mr.  Oswald,  however,  could  give  me  no  other 
particulars  of  his  lordship's  mind  ;  but  that  he 
was  sincerely  disposed  to  peace.  As  to  mo 
the  message  seemed  therefore  rather  intend 
ed  to  procure  or  receive  propositions  than  to 
make  any,  I  told  Mr.  Oswald,  that  I  could 
make  none  but  in  concurrence  with  my  col 
leagues  in  the  commission,  and  that  if  we 
were  together,  we  should  not  treat  but  in  con 
junction  with  France ;  and  I  proposed  introduc 
ing  him  to  M.  de  Vergennes,  which  he  ac 
cepted.  He  made  to  that  minister  the  same 
declaration  of  the  disposition  of  England  to 
peace ;  who  replied,  that  France  had  assured 
ly  the  same  good  disposition :  that  a  treaty 
might  be  immediately  begun,  but  it  must  be 
for  a  general,  and  not  a  particular  peace ;  that 
as  to  the  place,  he  thought  Paris  to  be  the 
most  convenient,  as  Spain  had  here  already 
an  ambassador,  and  the  American  commis 
sioners  could  easily  be  assembled  there.  This 
upon  a  supposition  of  the  parties  treating  di 
rectly  with  each  other,  without  the  interven 
tion  of  mediators;  but  if  the  mediation  was  to 
be  used,  it  might  be  at  Vienna.  The  king, 
his  master,  however,  was  so  truly  disposed  to 
peace,  that  he  would  agree  to  any  place  that 
the  king  of  England  should  choose,  and  would 


482 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


at  the  treaty  give  proof  of  the  confidence  that 
might  be  placed  in  any  engagement  he  should 
then  enter  into,  by  the  fidelity  and  exactitude 
with  which  he  should  observe  those  already 
had  with  his  present  allies.  Mr.  Oswald  is 
returned,  with  these  general  answers,  by  the 
way  of  Calais,  and  expects  to  be  here  again  in 
a  few  days.  I  wish  it  might  be  convenient  for 
you  and  Mr.  Adams  to  be  here  at  the  same 
time ;  but  if  the  present  critical  situation  of 
affairs  there,  makes  his  being  in  Holland  ne 
cessary  just  now,  I  hope  you  may  neverthe 
less  be  here,  bringing  with  you  his  opinion 
and  advice.  I  have  proposed  to  lord  Shelburne 
to  discharge  you  from  the  obligations  you  en 
tered  into  at  the  time  of  your  enlargement, 
that  you  may  act  more  freely  in  the  treaty  he 
desires.  I  had  done  myself  the  honour  of 
writing  to  you  a  few  days  before  the  arrival 
of  Mr.  Oswald.  My  letter  went  by  Mr. 
Young,  your  secretary,  and  enclosed  a  copy 
of  our  commission,  with  an  offer  of  money  if 
you  had  occasion  for  any.  Hoping  that  you 
will  not  return  to  England  before  you  have 
been  at  Paris,  I  forbear  enlarging  on  the  state 
of  our  affairs  here  and  Spain.  M.  de  Vergen- 
nes  told  me,  he  should  be  very  glad  to  see 
you  here.  I  found  Mr.  Oswald  to  answer  per 
fectly  the  character  you  gave  me  of  him,  and 
was  much  pleased  with  him. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


Just  after  I  had  despatched  these  letters,  I 
received  the  following  from  Mr.  Adams. 

John  Adams  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  AMSTERDAM,  April  16,  1782. 

"  SIR, Yesterday  noon  Mr.  William 

Vaughan,  of  London,  came  to  my  house  with 
Mr.  Laurens,  the  son  of  the  president ;  and 
brought  me  a  line  from  the  latter,  and  told  me 
that  the  president  was  at  Haerlem,  and  desir 
ed  to  see  me  ;  I  went  to  Haerlem,  and  found 
my  old  friend  at  the  Golden  Lion. 

"  He  told  me  that  he  was  come  partly  for 
his  health  and  the  pleasure  of  seeing  me,  and 
partly  to  converse  with  rne,  and  see  if  he  had 
at  present  just  ideas  and  views  of  things,  at 
least  to  see  if  we  agreed  in  sentiment,  and 
having  been  desired  by  several  of  the  new  mi 
nistry  to  do  so. 

"  I  asked  him  if  he  was  at  liberty  :  he  said 
no,  that  he  was  still  under  parole,  but  at  li 
berty  to  say  what  he  pleased  to  me. 

"  I  told  him  I  could  not  communicate  to  him, 
being  a  prisoner,  even  his  own  instructions, 
nor  enter  into  any  consultation  with  him  as 
one  of  our  colleagues  in  the  commission  for 
peace  ;  that  all  I  should  say  to  him  would  be 
as  one  private  citizen  conversing  with  ano 
ther,  but  that  upon  all  such  occasions,  I  should 
reserve  a  right  to  communicate  whatever 
should  pass  to  our  colleagues  and  allies. 


"  He  said  that  lord  Shelburne  and  others  of 
the  new  ministry,  were  anxious  to  know  whe 
ther  there  was  any  authority  to  treat  of  a  se 
parate  peace,  and  whether  there  could  be  an 
accommodation  upon  any  terms  short  of  inde 
pendence,  that  he  had  ever  answered  them, 
that  nothing  short  of  an  express  or  tacit  ac 
knowledgment  of  our  independence,  in  his 
opinion,  would  ever  be  accepted,  and  that  no 
treaty  ever  would  or  could  be  made  separate 
from  France.  He  asked  me  if  his  answers 
had  been  right;  I  told  him  I  was  fully  of  that 
opinion. 

"  He  said  that  the  new  ministers  had  re 
ceived  Report,  but  his  character  was 

such  that  they  did  not  choose  to  depend  upon 
it ;  that  a  person  by  the  name  of  Oswald,  I 
think,  set  off  for  Paris  to  see  you,  about  the 
same  time  that  he  came  away  to  see  me. 

"  I  desired  him,  between  him  and  me,  to 
consider  without  saying  anything  of  it  to  the 
ministry,  whether  we  could  ever  have  a  real 
peace,  with  Canada  or  Nova  Scotia  in  the 
hands  of  the  English  :  and  whether  we  ought 
not  to  insist  at  least  upon  a  stipulation  that 
they  should  keep  no  standing  army  or  regular 
troops,  nor  erect  any  fortifications  upon  the 
frontiers  of  either.  That  at  present,  I  saw 
no  motive  that  we  had  to  be  anxious  for  a 
peace,  and  that  if  the  nation  was  not  ripe  for 
it  upon  proper  terms,  we  might  wait  patient 
ly  until  they  should  be  so. 

"  I  found  the  old  gentleman  perfectly  sound 
in  his  system  of  politics ;  he  has  a  very  poor 
opinion  both  of  the  integrity  and  abilities  of 
the  new  ministry,  as  well  as  of  the  old.  He 
thinks  they  know  not  what  they  are  about : 
that  they  are  spoiled  by  the  same  insincerity, 
duplicity,  falsehood,  and  corruption  with  the 
former.  Lord  Shelburne  still  flatters  the 
king  with  ideas  of  conciliation  and  separate 
peace ;  yet  the  nation  and  the  best  men  in  it, 
are  for  universal  peace,  and  an  express  ac 
knowledgment  of  American  independence ; 
and  many  of  the  best  are  for  giving  up  Cana 
da  and  Nova  Scotia. 

"  His  design  seemed  to  be  solely  to  know 
how  far  • —  —  Report  was  true.  After  an 
hour  or  two  of  conversation,  I  returned  to  Am 
sterdam,  and  left  him  to  return  to  London. 

"  These  are  all  but  artifices  to  raise  the 
stocks,  and  if  you  think  of  any  method  to  put 
a  stop  to  them,  I  will  cheerfully  concur  with 
you.  They  now  know  sufficiently  that  our 
commission  is  to  treat  of  a  general  peace,  and 
with  persons  vested  with  equal  powers,  and 
if  you  agree  to  it,  I  will  never  wish  to  see 
another  messenger  that  is  not  a  plenipoten 
tiary. 

""it  is  expected  that  the  seventh  province, 
Guelderland,  will  this  day  acknowledge  Ame 
rican  independence.  I  think  we  are  in  such 
a  situation  now,  that  we  ought  not  upon  any 
consideration,  think  of  a  truce  or  any  thing 


JOURNAL  OF  NEGOTIATION  FOR  PEACE. 


short  of  the  express  acknowledgment  of  the 
sovereignty  of  the  United  States. 

"  I  should  be  glad,  however,  to  know  your 
sentiments  upon  this  point. 

"JOHN  ADAMS." 


To  the  above,  I  immediately  wrote  the  fol 
lowing  answer. 

"  John  Adams. 

"  PASSY,  April  20,  1782. 

"  SIR, — I  have  just  received  the  honour  of 
yours,  dated  the  16th  instant,  acquainting  me 
with  the  interview  between  your  excellency 
and  Mr.  Laurens.  I  am  glad  to  learn  that  his 
political  sentiments  coincide  with  ours,  and 
that  there  is  a  disposition  in  England  to  give 
us  up  Canada  and  Nova  Scotia. 

"  I  like  your  idea  of  seeing  no  more  mes 
sengers  that  are  not  plenipotentiaries ;  but  I 
cannot  refuse  seeing  again  Mr.  Oswald,  as  the 
minister  here  considered  the  letter  to  me  from 
lord  Shelburne,  as  a  kind  of  authentication 
given  to  that  messenger,  and  expects  his  re 
turn  with  some  explicit  propositions.  I  shall 
keep  you  advised  of  what  passes. 

"  The  late  act  of  parliament  for  exchang 
ing  American  prisoners,  as  prisoners  of  war, 
according  to  the  law  of  nations,  any  thing  in 
their  commitments  notwithstanding,  seems  to 
me  a  renunciation  of  their  pretensions  to  try 
our  people  as  subjects  guilty  of  high  treason, 
and  to  be  a  kind  of  tacit  acknowledgment  of 
our  independency.  Having  taken  this  step, 
it  will  be  less  difficult  for  them  to  acknow 
ledge  it  expressly.  They  are  now  preparing 
transports  to  send  the  prisoners  home.  I  yes 
terday  sent  the  passports  desired  of  me. 

"  Sir  George  Grand  shows  me  a  letter  from 
Mr.  Fizeaux,  in  which  he  says,  that  if  advan 
tage  is  taken  of  the  present  enthusiasm  in  fa 
vour  of  America,  a  loan  might  be  obtained  in 
Holland  of  five  or  six  millions  of  florins  for 
America ;  and  if  their  house  is  employed  to 
open  it,  he  has  no  doubt  of  success;  but  that 
no  time  is  to  be  lost.  I  earnestly  recommend 
this  matter  to  you  as  extremely  necessary  to 
the  operations  of  our  financier,  Mr.  Morris, 
who,  not  knowing  that  the  greatest  part  of  the 
last  five  millions  has  been  consumed  by  pur 
chase  of  goods,  &c.  in  Europe,  writes  me  ad 
vice  of  large  drafts  that  he  shall  be  obliged  to 
make  upon  me  this  summer.  This  court  has 
granted  us  six  millions  of  livres  for  the  cur 
rent  year,  but  it  will  fall  vastly  short  of  our 
occasions ;  there  being  large  orders  to  fulfil, 
and  near  two  millions  and  a  half  to  pay  Mr. 
Beaumarchais,  besides  the  interest  bills,  &c. 
The  house  of  Fizeaux  and  Grand,  is  now  ap 
pointed  banker  for  France,  by  a  special  com 
mission  from  the  king,  and  will  on  that  as 
well  as  other  accounts,  be  in  my  opinion,  the 
fittest  for  this  operation.  Your  excellency 


being  on  the  spot,  can  better  judge  of  the 
terms,  &c.  and  manage  with  that  house  the 
whole  business,  in  which  I  shall  be  glad  to 
have  no  other  concern  than  that  of  receiving 
assistance  from  it  when  pressed  by  the  dread 
ed  drafts.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


In  reply  to  this,  Mr.  Adams  wrote  me  as 
follows : 

John  Adams  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  AMSTERDAM,  May  2,  1782. 

"  SIR, — I  am  honoured  with  your  favour  of 
the  20th  of  April,  and  Mr.  Laurens's  son  pro 
poses  to  carry  the  letter  to  his  father  forth 
with.  The  instructions  by  the  courier  from 
Versailles  came  safe,  as  all  other  despatches  by 
that  channel  no  doubt  will  do.  The  corres 
pondence  with  Mr.  Hartley,  I  received  by 
captain  Smedley,  and  will  take  the  first  good 
opportunity  by  a  private  hand  to  return  it,  as 
well  as  that  with  the  E.  of  S. 

"  Mr.  Laurens  and  Mr.  Jay  will,  I  hope,  be 
able  to  meet  at  Paris ;  but  when  it  will  be  in 
my  power  to  go  I  know  not.  Your  present 
negotiation  about  peace,  falls  in  very  well  to 
aid  a  proposition  which  I  am  instructed  to 
make  as  soon  as  the  court  of  Versailles  shall 
judge  proper,  of  a  triple  or  quadruple  alliance. 
This  matter,  the  treaty  of  commerce,  which 
is  now  under  deliberation,  and  the  loan,  will 
render  it  improper  for  me  to  quit  the  station, 
unless  in  case  of  necessity.  If  there  is  a  real 
disposition  to  permit  Canada  to  accede  to  the 
American  association,  I  should  think  there 
would  be  no  great  difficulty  in  adjusting  all 
things  between  England  and  America,  provi 
ded  our  allies  are  contented  too.  la  a  former 
letter,  I  hinted  that  I  thought  an  express  ac 
knowledgment  of  our  independence  might 
now  be  insisted  on :  but  I  did  not  mean  that 
we  should  insist  upon  such  an  article  in  the 
treaty.  If  they  make  a  treaty  of  peace  with 
the  United  States  of  America,  this  is  acknow 
ledgment  enough  for  me. 

"  The  affair  of  a  loan  gives  me  much  anx 
iety  and  fatigue.  It  is  true  I  may  open  a  loan 
for  five  millions,  but  I  confess  I  have  no  hopes 
of  obtaining  so  much  ;  the  money  is  not  to  be 
had.  Cash  is  not  infinite  in  this  country. 
Their  profits  by  trade  have  been  ruined  for 
two  or  three  years ;  and  their  loans  open  for 
France,  Spain,  England,  Russia,  Sweden,  Den 
mark,  and  several  other  powers,  as  well  as 
their  own  national,  provincial,  and  collegiate 
loans.  The  undertakers  are  already  loadeJ 
with  burdens  greater  than  they  can  bear; 
and  all  the  brokers  in  the  republic  are  so  en 
gaged,  that  there  is  scarcely  a  ducat  to  be  lent 
but  what  is  promised. 

"  This  is  the  true  cause  why  we  shall  not 
succeed :  yet  they  will  seek  an  hundred  other 
pretences.  It  is  considered  such  an  honour, 


484 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


and  such  an  introduction  to  American  trade 
to  be  the  house ;  that  the  eagerness  to  obtain 
the  title  of  American  banker,  is  prodigious. 
Various  houses  have  pretensions  which  they 
set  up  very  high,  and  let  me  choose  which  I 
will,  I  am  sure  of  a  cry  and  a  clamour.  I  have 
taken  some  measures  to  endeavour  to  calm 
the  heat,  and  give  a  general  satisfaction,  but 
have  as  yet  small  hopes  of  success.  I  would 
strike  with  any  house  that  would  insure  the 
money,  but  none  will  undertake  it  now  it  is 
offered,  although  several  were  very  ready  to 
affirm  that  they  could,  when  it  began  to  be 
talked  of.  Upon  inquiry,  they  don't  find  the 
money  easy  to  obtain,  which  I  could  have  told 
them  before.  It  is  to  me,  personally,  perfect 
ly  indifferent  which  is  the  house,  and  the  on 
ly  question  is,  which  will  be  able  to  do  best 
£•?  the  interest  of  the  United  States.  This 
question,  however  simple,  is  not  easy  to  an 
swer. 

"  But  I  think  it  clear,  after  very  painful  and 
laborious  inquiries  for  a  year  and  a  half,  that 
no  house  whatever  will  be  able  to  do  much. 
Enthusiasm  at  some  times,  and  in  some  coun 
tries,  may  do  a  great  deal,  but  there  has  as 
yet  been  no  enthusiasm  in  this  country  for 
America,  strong  enough  to  untie  many  purses. 
Another  year,  if  the  war  should  continue,  per 
haps  we  may  do  better. 

"JOHN  ADAMS." 


During  Mr.  Oswald's  absence,  I  received 
the  following  from  Mr.  Laurens. 

Henry  Laurens  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"LONDON,  April  20,  1782. 

"  SIR, — I  writ  to  you  on  the  7th  inst.  by 
Mr.  Oswald,  since  which,  that  is  to  say,  on  the 
28th,  I  was  honoured  by  the  receipt  of  your 
letter  of  the  12th,  enclosing  a  copy  of  the 
commission  for  treating  for  peace,  by  the 
hands  of  Mr.  Young.  The  recognizance 
exacted  from  me  by  the  late  ministry,  has  been 
vacated  and  done  away  by  the  present :  these 
have  been  pleased  to  enlarge  me  without  for 
mal  conditions ;  but,  as  I  would  not  consent 
the  United  States  of  America  should  be  out 
done  in  generosity,  however  late  the  marks 
appeared  on  this  side,  I  took  upon  me  to  assure 
lord  Shelburne,  in  a  letter  of  acknowledg 
ment  for  the  part  which  his  lordship  had  taken 
for  obtaining  my  release,  that  congress  would 
not  fail  to  make  a  just  and  adequate  return. 
The  only  return  in  my  view  is  lieutenant- 
general  lord  Cornwallis.  Congress  were 
pleased,  some  time  ago,  to  offer  a  British  lieu 
tenant-general  for  my  ransom,  and  as  I  am 
informed  the  special  exchange  of  lord  Corn- 
\vallis  for  the  same  subject,  was  lately  in  con 
templation  ;  it  would  afford  me  very  great  sa 
tisfaction  to  know,  that  you  will  join  me  in 
cancelling  the  debt  of  honour  which  we  have 


impliedly  incurred,  by  discharging  his  lord 
ship  from  the  obligation  of  his  parole. 

"  For  my  own  part,  though  not  a  bold  ad 
venturer,  I  think  I  shall  not  commit  myself  to 
the  risk  of  censure,  by  acting  conjunctly  with 
you  in  such  a  bargain.  I  entreat,  you,  sir,  at 
least  to  reflect  on  this  matter ;  I  shall  take 
the  liberty  of  requesting  your  determination, 
when  I  reach  the  continent,  which  will  pro 
bably  happen  in  a  few  days. 

"  Lord  Cornwallis,  in  a  late  conversation 
with  me,  put  the  following  case:  suppose, 
said  his  lordship,  it  shall  have  been  agreed,  in 
America,  that  lord  Cornwallis  should  be  offered 
in  exchange  for  Mr.  Laurens,  don't  you  think, 
although  you  are  now  discharged,  I  ought  to 
reap  the  intended  benefit  \  A  reply  /rom  the 
feelings  of  my  heart,  as  I  love  fair  play,  was 
prompt ;  undoubtedly,  my  lord  :  you  ought  to 
be,  and  shall  be,  in  such  case  discharged ;  and 
I  will  venture  to  take  the  burden  upon  my 
self.  Certain  legal  forme,  I  apprehend,  ren 
dered  the  discharge  of  me,  without  condition, 
unavoidable ;  but  I  had  previous,  refused  to 
accept  of  myself  for  nothing,  and  what  I  now 
aim  at  was  understood  as  an  adequate  return ; 
'tis  not  to  be  doubted,  his  lordship's  question 
was  built  on  this  ground.  I  had  uniformly 
and  explicitly  declared  to  the  people  here, 
people  in  the  first  rank  of  importance,  that 
nothing  short  of  independence  in  terms  of  our 
treaty  of  alliance  would  induce  America  to 
treat  for  truce  or  peace ;  and  that  no  treaty 
could  be  had  without  the  consent  of  our  ally 
first  obtained  ;  in  a  word,  if  you  mean  to  have 
peace,  you  must  seek  for  a  general  peace. 
The  doctrine  was  ill  relished,  especially  by 
those  whose  power  only  could  set  the  ma 
chine  in  motion ;  but,  having  since  my  return 
from  Haerlem,  asserted  in  very  positive  terms, 
that  I  was  confirmed  in  my  former  opinions, 
the  late  obduracy  has  been  more  than  a  little 
softened,  as  you  will  soon  learn  from  the  wor 
thy  friend  by  whom  I  addressed  you  on  the 
7th,  who  two  days  ago  set  out  on  his  return 
to  Passy  and  Versailles,  with  (as  I  believe)  a 
more  permanent  commission  than  the  former. 

"  Accept  my  thanks,  sir,  for  the  kind  office 
of  a  supply  of  money ;  I  know  too  well  how 
much  you  have  been  harassed  for  that  article, 
and  too  well  how  low  our  American  finances 
in  Europe  are.  Therefore,  if  I  can  possibly 
avoid  it,  I  will  not  further  trouble  you,  nor 
impoverish  them,  or  not  till  the  last  extremity. 
Hitherto  I  have  supported  myself  without 
borrowing  from  any  body ;  and  I  am  deter 
mined  to  continue  living  upon  my  own  stock 
while  it  lasts.  The  stock  is  indeed  small,  my 
expenses  have  been  and  shall  be  in  a  suitably 
modest  style.  1  pray  God  to  bless  von. 

«  HENRY  LAURENS. 

"  P.  S.  I  judged  it  proper,  not  only  to  show 
the  peace  commission  to  lord  Shelburne,  but 


JOURNAL  OF  NEGOTIATION  FOR  PEACE. 


485 


to  give  his  lordship  a  copy  of  it,  from  an  opi 
nion  that  it  would  work  no  evil,  being  shown 
elsewhere." 


On  the  4th  May,  Mr.  Oswald  returned,  and 
brought  me  the  following  letter  from  lord 
Shelburne : 

Earl  Shelburne  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  SHELBURNE  HOUSE,  April  20,  1782. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  received  much  satis 
faction  in  being  assured  by  you,  the  qualifi 
cations  of  wisdom  and  integrity  which  induced 
me  to  make  choice  of  Mr.  Oswald,  as  the  fit 
test  instrument  for  the  renewal  of  our  friendly 
intercourse,  have  also  recommended  him  so 
effectually  to  your  approbation  and  esteem.  I 
most  heartily  wish  the  influence  of  his  first 
communication  of  our  mutual  sentiments,  may 
be  extended  to  a  happy  conclusion  of  all  our 
public  differences. 

"  The  candour  with  which  M.  le  compte  de 
Vergennes  expresses  his  most  Christian  ma 
jesty's  sentiments  and  wishes,  on  the  subject 
of  a  speedy  pacification,  is  a  pleasing  omen  of 
its  accomplishment.  His  majesty  is  not  less 
decided  in  the  same  sentiments  and  wishes, 
and  it  confirms  his  majesty's  ministers  in  their 
intention  to  act  in  like  manner,  as  most  con 
sonant  to  the  true  dignity  of  a  great  nation. 

"  In  consequence  of  these  reciprocal  advan 
ces,  Mr.  Oswald  is  sent  back  to  Paris,  for  the 
purpose  of  arranging  and  settling  with  you 
the  preliminaries  of  time  and  place.  And  I 
have  the  pleasure  to  tell  you,  that  Mr.  Lau- 
rens  is  already  discharged  from  those  engage 
ments  which  he  entered  into  when  he  was  ad 
mitted  to  bail.  It  is  also  determined  that  Mr. 
Fox,  from  whose  department  that  communi 
cation  is  necessarily  to  proceed,  and  shall  send 
a  proper  person  who  may  confer  and  settle 
immediately  with  M.  de  Vergennes,  the  fur 
ther  measures  and  proceedings  which  may  be 
judged  proper  to  adopt,  towards  advancing  the 
prosecution  of  this  important  business.  In  the 
mean  time,  Mr.  Oswald  is  instructed  to  com 
municate  to  you,  my  thoughts  upon  the  prin 
cipal  objects  to  be  settled. 

"  Transports  are  actually  preparing  for  the 
purpose  of  conveying  your  prisoners  to  Ame 
rica,  to  be  there  exchanged ;  and  we  trust, 
that  you  will  learn,  that  due  attention  has  not 
been  wanting  to  their  accommodation  and  good 
treatment.  SHELBURNE?' 

Having  read  the  letter,  I  mentioned  to 
Mr.  Oswald  the  part  which  refers  me  to  him 
for  his  lordship's  sentiments.  He  acquainted 
me  that  they  were  very  sincerely  disposed  to 
peace,  that  the  whole  ministry  concurred  in 
the  same  dispositions ;  that  a  good  deal  of  con 
fidence  was  placed  in  my  character  for  open, 
honest  dealing ;  that  it  was  also  generally  be- 

"  41*    ' 


lieved,  I  had  still  remaining  some  part  of  my 
ancient  affection  and  regard  for  Old  England, 
and  it  was  hoped  it  might  appear  on  this  oc 
casion.  He  then  showed  me  an  extract  from 
the  minutes  of  council,  but  did  not  leave  the 
paper  with  me. 

As  well  as  I  can  remember,  it  was  to  this 
purpose. 

"  At  a  cabinet  council,  held  April  27th,  1782. 
"Present,  Lord  ROCKINGHAM, 
Lord  CHANCELLOR, 
Lord  PRESIDENT, 
Lord  CAMDEN,  &c.,  &c.,  &c., 
(to  the  number  of  fifteen  or  twenty,  being  all 
ministers  and  great  officers  of  state,)  It  was 
proposed  to  present  to  his  majesty,  that  it 
would  be  well  for  Mr.  Oswald  to  return  to 
Doctor  Franklin,  and  acquaint  him  that  it  is 
agreed  to  treat  for  a  general  peace,  and  at  Pa 
ris  ;  and  that  the  principal  points  in  contem 
plation  are  the  allowing  of  American  inde 
pendence,  on  condition  that  England  be  put. 
in  the  same  situation  that  she  was  left  in  by 
the  peace  of  1763." 

Mr.  Oswald  also  informed  me,  that  he  had 
conversed  with  lord  Shelburne  on  the  subject 
of  my  paper  of  notes,  relating  to  reconcilia 
tion.  That  he  had  shown  him  the  paper,  and 
had  been  prevailed  on  to  leave  it  with  him  a 
night,  but  it  was  on  his  lordship's  solemn  pro 
mise  of  returning  it,  which  had  been  compli 
ed  with,  and  he  now  returned  it  to  me;  that 
it  seemed  to  have  made  an  impression ;  and 
he  had  reason  to  believe,  that  matter  might 
be  settled  to  our  satisfaction  towards  the  end 
of  the  treaty  ;  but  in  his  own  mind  he  wished 
it  might  not  be  mentioned  at  the  beginning. 
That  his  lordship  indeed  said  he  had  not  ima 
gined  reparation  would  be  expected,  and  lie 
wondered  I  should  not  know  whether  it  was 
intended  to  demand  it.  Finally,  Mr.  Oswald 
acquainted  me,  that  as  the  business  now  like 
ly  to  be  brought  forward,  more  particularly 
appertained  to  the  department  of  the  other  se 
cretary,  Mr.  Fox,  he  was  directed  to  announce 
another  agent  coming  from  that  department, 
who  might  be  expected  every  day ;  (to  wit) 
the  honourable  Mr.  Grenville,  brother  of  lord 
Temple,  and  son  of  the  famous  Mr.  George 
Grenville,  formerly  chancellor  of  the  exche 
quer. 

I  immediately  wrote  the  following  note  to 

"  Count  de  Vergennes. 

"  PASSY,  May  4, 1782. 

"  SIR, — I  have  the  honour  to  acquaint  your 
excellency,  that  Mr.  Oswald  has  just  return 
ed  from  London,  and  is  now  with  me :  he  ha.s 
delivered  me  a  letter  from  lord  Shelburne, 
which  I  enclose  for  your  perusal,  together 
with  a  copy  of  my  letter,  to  which  it  is  an  an 
swer.  He  tells  me  that  it  has  been  agreed 
in  council  to  meet  at  Paris,  and  to  treat  of 


486 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN; 


a  general  peace,  and  that  as  it  is  more  parti 
cularly  in  the  department,  of  Mr.  Fox,  to  re 
gulate  the  circumstantials  :  a  gentleman  (Mr. 
Grenville)  to  be  sent  by  him  for  that  purpose, 
may  be  daily  expected  here;  Mr.  Oswald 
will  wait  on  your  excellency,  whenever  you 
shall  think  fit  to  receive  him. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 

And  the  next  day  received  the  following 
answer  : 

Count  de  Vergennes  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  VERSAILLES,  May  5,  1782. 

"  SIR, — I  have  received  the  letter  which 
you  did  me  the  honour  to  write  to  me  the  4th 
instant,  as  also  those  which  accompanied  it. 
I  will  see  you  with  your  friend  with  pleasure, 
at  11  o'clock  to-morrow  morning. 

"  DE  VERGENNES." 

Accordingly,  on  Monday  morning,  I  went 
with  Mr.  Oswald  to  Versailles,  and  we  saw 
the  minister.  Mr.  Oswald  acquainted  him 
with  the  disposition  of  his  court,  to  treat  for 
a  general  peace,  and  at  Paris ;  and  he  an 
nounced  Mr.  Grenville,  who  he  said  was  to 
set  out  about  the  same  time  with  him ;  but  as 
he  would  probably  set  out  by  way  of  Ostend, 
might  be  a  few  days  longer  on  the  road. — 
Some  general  conversation  passed,  agreeable 
enough,  but  not  of  importance.  In  my  return, 
Mr.  Oswald  repeated  to  me  his  opinion,  that 
the  affair  of  Canada  would  be  settled  to  our 
satisfaction,  and  his  wish  that  it  might  not  be 
mentioned  till  the  end  of  the  treaty.  He  in 
timated  too,  that  it  was  apprehended  the  great 
est  obstruction  in  the  treaty  might  come  from 
the  part  of  Spain.  But  said,  if  she  was  un 
reasonable,  there  was  means  to  bring  her  to 
reason.  That  Russia  was  a  friend  to  England 
had  lately  made  great  discoveries  on  the  back 
of  North  America;  could  make  establish 
ments  there,  and  might  easily  transport  an 
army  from  Kamtskatka  to  the  coast  of  Mexi 
co,  and  conquer  all  those  countries.  This 
appeared  to  me  a  little  visionary  at  present, 
but  I  did  not  dispute  it.  On  the  whole,  I  was 
able  to  draw  so  little  from  Mr.  O.  of  the  sen 
timents  of  lord  S.  who  had  mentioned  him  as 
entrusted  with  the  communication  of  them, 
that  I  could  not  but  wonder  at  his  being  sent 
again  to  me,  especially  as  Mr.  Grenville  was 
so  soon  to  follow. 

On  Tuesday  I  was  at  court,  as  usual  on 
that  day.  M.  de  Vergennes  asked  me,  if  Mr. 
Oswald  had  not  opened  himself  farther  to  me. 
I  acquainted  him  with  the  sight  I  had  of  the 
minute  of  council,  and  of  the  loose  expressions 
contained  in  it  of  what  was  in  contemplation. 
He  seemed  to  think  it  odd,  that  he  had  brought 
nothing  more  explicit.  I  supposed  Mr.  Gren 
ville  might  be  better  furnished. 

The  next  morning  I  wrote  the  following 
letter  to 


"  John  Adams. 

"  PASSY,  May  8,  1788- 

"  SIR, — Mr.  Oswald,  whom  I  mentioned  in 
a  former  letter,  which  I  find  you  have  received, 
is  returned,  and  brought  me  another  letter 
from  lord  Shelburne,  of  which  the  above  is  a 
copy.  It  says,  Mr.  Oswald  is  instructed  to 
communicate  to  me  his  lordship's  thoughts. 
He  is  however  very  sparing  of  such  commu 
nication.  All  I  have  got  from  him  is,  that  the 
ministry  have  in  contemplation  the  allowing 
independence  to  America,  on  condition  of  Bri 
tain  being  put  again  into  the  state  she  was 
left  in  by  the  peace  of  1763 ;  which  I  suppose 
means  to  be  put  again  in  possession  of  the  is 
lands  France  has  taken  from  her.  This  seems 
to  me  a  proposition  of  selling  to  us  a  thing 
that  is  already  our  own,  and  'making  France 
pay  the  price  they  are  pleased  to  ask  for  it. 
Mr.  Grenville.  who  is  sent  by  Mr.  Fox,  is  ex 
pected  here  daily.  Mr.  Oswald  tells  me  that 
Mr.  Laurens  will  soon  be  here  also. 

"  Yours  of  the  second  instant,  is  just  come 
'  to  hand ;  I  shall  write  to  you  on  this  affair 
hereafter,  by  the  court  couriers,  for  I  am  cer 
tain  your  letters  to  me  are  opened  at  the  post, 
office,  either  here  or  in  Holland,  and  I  suppose 
mine  to  you  are  treated  in  the  same  manner. 
I  enclose  the  cover  of  your  last  that  you  may 
see  the  seal.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

I  had  but  just  sent  away  this  letter,  when 

Mr.  Oswald  came  in,  bringing  with  him  Mr 

!  Grenville,  who  was  just  arrived.     He  gave 

me  the  following  letter  from  Mr.  secretary 

Fox. 

Charles  J.  Fox  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  ST.  JAMES,  May  1,  1732. 

"  SIR, — Though  Mr.  Oswald  will  no  doubt 
have  informed  you  of  the  nature  of  Mr.  Gren- 
ville's  commission,  yet  I  cannot  refrain  from 
making  use  of  the  opportunity  of  his  going  of 
fers  me  to  assure  you  of  the  esteem  and  respect 
which  I  have  borne  to  your  character,  and  to 
beg  you  to  believe  that  no  change  in  my  si 
tuation,  has  made  any  in  those  ardent  wishes 
for  reconciliation — which  I  have  invariably  felt 
from  the  very  beginning  of  this  unhappy  con 
test.  Mr.  Grenville  is  fully  acquainted  with 
my  sentiments  upon  this  subject,  and  with 
the  sanguine  hopes  which  I  have  conceived, 
that  those  with  whom  we  are  contending,  are 
too  reasonable  to  continue  a  contest,  which 
has  no  longer  any  object  either  real  or  even 
imaginary. 

"  I  know  your  liberality  of  mind  too  well, 
to  be  afraid  lest  any  prejudices  against  Mr. 
Grenville's  name,  may  prevent  you  from  es 
teeming  those  excellent  qualities  of  heart  and 
head  which  belong  to  him,  or  from  giving  the 
fullest  credit  to  the  sincerity  of  his  wishes  for 
peace,  in  which  no  man  in  either  country  goes 
beyond  him.  C.  J.  FOX." 


JOURNAL  OF  NEGOTIATION  FOR  PEACE. 


I  imagined  the  gentlemen  had  been  at 
Versailles,  as  f  supposed  Mr.  G.  would  first 
have  waited  on  M.  de  Vergennes  before  he 
called  on  me ;  but  finding1  in  conversation  that 
lie  had  not,  and  that  he  expected  me  to  intro 
duce  him,  I  immediately  wrote  to  that  mi 
nister,  acquainting  him  that  Mr.  G.  was  ar 
rived,  and  desired  to  know  when  his  excel 
lency  would  think  fit  to  receive  him,  and  I 
sent  an  express  with  my  letter.  I  then  en 
tered  into  conversation  with  him  on  the  sub 
ject  of  his  mission,  Mr.  Fox  having  referred 
me  to  him  as  being  fully  acquainted  with  his 
sentiments.  He  said,  that  peace  was  really 
wished  for  by  every  body,  if  it  could  be  ob 
tained  on  reasonable  terms ;  and  as  the  idea 
of  subjugating  America  was  given  up,  and 
both  France  and  America  had  thereby  ob 
tained  what  they  had  in  view  originally,  it  was 
hoped  that  there  remained  now  no  obstacle  to 
a  pacification :  that  England  was  willing  to 
treat  of  a  general  peace,  with  all  the  powers 
at  war  against  her,  and  that  the  treaty  should 
be  at  Paris.  I  did  not  press  him  much  for 
further  particulars,  supposing  they  were  re 
served  for  an  interview  with  M.  de  Vergen- 
nes.  The  gentlemen  did  me  the  honour  of 
staying  to  dinner  with  me,  on  the  supposition 
which  I  urged,  that  rny  express  might  be 
back  before  we  parted.  This  gave  me  an  op 
portunity  of  a  good  deal  of  general  conversa 
tion  with  Mr.  Grenville,  who  appeared  to  me 
a  sensible,  judicious,  intelligent,  good  temper 
ed,  and  well  instructed  young  man,  answer 
ing  well  the  character  Mr.  Fox  had  given  me 
of  him ;  they  left  me  however  about  six  o'clock, 
and  my  messenger  did  not  return  till  nine. — 
He  brought  me  the  answer  of  M.  le  compte 
de  Vergennes,  that  he  was  glad  to  hear  of 
M.  Grenville's  arrival,  and  would  be  ready  to 
receive  us  to-morrow  at  half  past  ten  or  ele 
ven  o'clock.  I  immediately  enclosed  his  note 
in  one  to  Mr.  Grenville,  requesting  him  to  be 
with  me  at  Passy  by  eight,  that^  we  might 
have  time  to  breakfast  before  we  set  out.  I 
have  preserved  no  copy  of  these  three  last 
mentioned  notes,  or  I  should  have  inserted 
them,  as  I  think,  that  though  they  seem  of 
almost  too  trifling  a  nature,  they  serve  use 
fully  sometimes  to  settle  dates,  authenticate 
facts,  and  show  something  of  the  turn  and 
manner  of  thinking  of  the  writers  on  particu 
lar  occasions.  The  answer  I  received  was 
as  follows : 

"Mr.  Grenville  presents  his  compliments 
to  Mr.  Franklin,  and  will  certainly  do  himself 
the  honour  of  waiting  upon  Mr.  Franklin  to 
morrow  morning  at  eight  o'clock. 

"  Rue  de  Richelieu,  Wednesday  night." 

We  set  out  accordingly  the  next  morning 
in  my  coach  from  Passy,  and  arrived  punctu 
ally  at  M.  de  Vergennes's,  who  received  Mr. 


Grenville  in  the  most  cordial  manner,  on  ac 
count  of  the  acquaintance  and  friendship  that 
had  formerly  subsisted  between  his  uncle  and 
M.  de  Vergennes,  when  they  were  ambassa 
dors  together  at  Constantinople.  After  some 
little  agreeable  conversation,  Mr.  Grenville 
presented  his  letters  from  Mr.  secretary  Fox, 
and  I  think  from  the  duke  of  Richmond. — 
When  these  were  read,  the  subject  of  peace 
was  entered  on.  What  my  memory  retains 
of  the  discourse,  amounts  to  little  more  than 
this,  that  after  mutual  declarations  of  the 
good  dispositions  of  the  two  courts,  Mr. 
Grenville  having  intimated  that  in  case  Eng 
land  gave  America  independence,  France,  it 
was  expected,  would  restore  the  conquests 
she  had  made  of  British  islands,  receiving 
back  those  of  Miquelon  and  St.  Pierre.  And 
the  original  object  of  the  war  being  obtained  ; 
it  was  supposed  that  France  would  be  content 
ed  with  that  The  minister  seemed  to  smile 
at  the  proposed  exchange,  and  remarked,  on 
the  offer  of  giving  independence  to  America. 
"  America,"  says  he,  "does  not  ask  it  of  you ; 
there  is  Mr.  Franklin,  he  will  answer  you  as 
to  that  point."  To  be  sure,  I  said,  we  do  not 
consider  ourselves  as  under  any  necessity  of 
bargaining  for  a  thing  that  is  our  own,  which 
we  have  bought  at  the  expense  of  so  much  blood 
and  treasure,  and  which  we  are  in  possession 
of.  "As  to  our  being  satisfied  with  the  ori 
ginal  object  of  the  war,"  continued  he,  "  look 
back  to  the  conduct  of  your  nation  in  former 
wars :  in  the  last  war  for  example,  what  was 
the  object?  It  was  the  disputed  right  to  some 
waste  lands  on  the  Ohio,  and  the  frontiers  of 
Nova  Scotia;  did  you  content  yourselves 
with  the  recovery  of  those  lands  ?  No ;  you 
retained  at  the  peace  all  Canada,  all  Louisiana, 
all  Florida,  Grenada,  and  other  West  India 
islands,  the  greater  part  of  the  northern  fish 
eries,  with  all  your  conquests  in  Africa  and  the 
East  Indies."  "Something  being  mentioned  of 
its  not  being  reasonable  that  a  nation,  after 
making  an  unprovoked  and  unsuccessful  war 
upon  its  neighbours  should  expect  to  sit  down 
whole,  and  have  every  thing  restored  whicl: 
she  lost  in  such  a  war,  I  think  Mr.  Gren 
ville  remarked,  that  the  war  had  been  pro 
voked  by  the  encouragement  given  by  France 
to  the  Americans  to  revolt.  On  which  M.  df 
Vergennes  grew  a  little  warm,  and  declared 
firmly  that  the  breach  was  made,  and  our  in 
dependence  declared,  long  before  we  receiv 
ed  the  least  encouragement  from  France; 
and  he  defied  the  world  to  give  the  smallest 
proof  to  the  contrary.  "  There  sits,"  says  he, 
"  Mr.  Franklin,  who  knows  the  fact,  and  can 
contradict  me  if  I  do  not  speak  the  truth." — 
He  repeated  to  Mr.  Grenville  what  he  had  be 
fore  said  to  Mr.  Oswald,  respecting  the  king's 
intentions  of  treating  fairly,  and  keeping  faith 
fully  the  conventions  he  should  enter  into,  of 
which  disposition,  he  should  give  at  the  trea- 


488 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


ty  convincing  proofs,  by  the  fidelity  and  ex 
actitude  with  which  he  should  observe  his  en 
gagements  with  his  present  allies :  and  added 
that  the  points  which  the  king  had  chiefly  ir 
view,  were  justice  and  dignity.  These  he 
could  not  depart  from.  He  acquainted  Mr 
Grenville,  that  he  should  immediately  write 
to  Spain  and  Holland,  to  communicate  to 
those  courts  what  had  passed,  and  request 
their  answers,  that  in  the  meantime,  he  hoped 
Mr.  Grenville  would  find  means  to  amuse 
himself  agreeably,  to  which  he  should  be  glad 
to  contribute;  that  he  would  communicate 
what  had  passed  to  the  king ;  and  he  invited 
him  to  come  again  the  next  day. 

On  our  return,  Mr.  G.  expressed  himself 
as  not  quite  satisfied  with  some  part  of  M.  de 
Vergennes's  discourse,  and  was  thoughtful.  He 
told  me  that  he  had  brought  two  state  messen 
gers  with  him,  and  perhaps  after  he  had  had 
another  interview  with  the  minister,  he  might 
despatch  one  of  them  to  London.  I  then  re 
quested  leave  to  answer  by  that  opportunity, 
the  letters  I  had  received  from  lord  Shelburne 
and  Mr.  Fox,  and  he  kindly  promised  to  ac 
quaint  me  in  time,  of  the  messenger's  depart 
ure.  He  did  not  ask  me  to  go  with  him  the 
next  day  to  Versailles,  and  I  did  not  offer  it. 

The  coming  and  going  of  these  gentle 
men  was  observed,  and  made  much  talk  at 
Paris ;  and  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette  having 
learnt  something  of  their  business  from  the 
minister's  discourse  with  me  about  it;  agree 
able  to  the  resolutions  of  congress,  directing 
me  to  confer  with  him,  and  take  his  assist 
ance  in  our  affairs,  I  communicated  to  him 
what  had  passed.  He  told  me,  that  during 
the  treaty  at  Paris,  for  the  last  peace,  the 
duke  de  Nivernois  had  been  sent  to  reside  in 
London,  that  this  court  might,  through  him, 
state  what  was  from  time  to  time  transacted 
in  the  light  they  thought  best,  to  prevent 
misrepresentations  and  misunderstandings; 
that  such  an  employ  would  be  extremely 
agreeable  to  him  on  many  accounts ;  that  as 
he  was  now  an  American  citizen,  and  spoke 
both  languages,  and  was  well  acquainted  with 
our  interests,  he  believed  he  might  be  useful 
in  it ;  and  that  as  peace  was  likely  from  ap 
pearances  to  take  place,  his  return  to  America 
was  not  perhaps  so  immediately  necessary. 
I  liked  the  idea,  and  encouraged  his  proposing 
it  to  the  ministry.  He  then  wished  I  would 
make  him  acquainted  with  Messrs.  Oswald 
and  Grenville,  and  for  that  end,  proposed 
meeting  them  for  breakfast  with  me,  which  I 
undertook  to  contrive  if  I  could,  and  endea 
vour  to  engage  them  for  Saturday. 

Friday  morning  the  10th  of  May,  I  went 
to  Paris  and  visited  Mr.  Oswald :  I  found  him 
In  the  same  friendly  disposition,  and  very  de 
sirous  of  doing  good,  and  seeing  an  end  put 
to  this  ruinous  war.  But  I  got  no  further 
light  as  to  the  sentiments  of  lord  S.  respect 


ing  the  terms.  I  told  him  the  marquis  de  la 
Fayette  would  breakfast  with  me  to-morrow, 
and  as  he,  Mr.  Oswald,  might  have  some  cu 
riosity  to  see  a  person  who  had  in  this  war 
rendered  himself  remarkable,  I  proposed  his 
doing  me  the  same  honour.  He  agreed  to  it 
cheerfully.  I  came  home  intending  to  write 
to  Mr.  Grenville,  whom  I  supposed  might  stay 
and  dine  at  Versailles,  and  therefore  did  not 
call  on  him.  But  he  was  returned,  and  I 
found  the  following  note  from  him : 

"PARIS,  May  10. 

"  Mr.  Grenville  presents  his  compliments  to 
Mr.  Franklin ;  he  proposes  sending  a  courier 
to  England  at  ten  o'clock  to-night,  and  will 
give  him  in  charge,  any  letters  Mr.  Franklin 
may  wish  to  send  by  him." 

I  sat  down  immediately,  and  wrote  the 
two  short  letters  following,  to  the  secretaries 
of  state,  viz. 

"  Charles  J.  Fox. 

"  PASSY,  May  10,  1782. 

"  SIR, — I  received  the  letter  you  did  me 
the  honour  of  writing  to  me  by  Mr.  Grenville, 
whom  I  find  to  be  a  very  sensible,  judicious, 
and  amiable  gentleman ;  the  name  I  assure 
you  does  not  with  me  lessen  the  regard  that 
his  excellent  qualities  inspire.  I  introduced 
him  as  soon  as  possible  to  M.  de  Vergennes, 
he  will  himself  give  you  an  account  of  his  re 
ception.  I  hope  his  coming  may  forward  the 
blessed  work  of  pacification,  in  which  for  the 
sake  of  humanity,  no  time  should  be  lost,  no 
reasonable  cause  as  you  observe  existing  at 
present  for  the  continuance  of  this  abomina 
ble  war.  Be  assured  of  my  endeavours  to  put 
an  end  to  it.  I  am  much  flattered  by  the 
S^ood  opinion  of  a  person  whom  I  have  long 
highly  esteemed,  and  I  hope  it  will  not  be 
lessened  by  my  conduct  in  the  affair  that  has 
given  rise  to  our  correspondence. — With 
reat  respect,  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 
"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Lord  Shelburne. 

"  PASSY,  May  10,  1782. 

'  MY  LORD, — I  have  received  the  honour 
of  your  lordship's  letter,  dated  the  28th  past, 
sy  Mr.  Oswald,  informing  me  that  he  is  sent 
back  to  settle  with  me  the  preliminaries  of 
time  and  place.  Paris,  as  the  place,  seemed 
to  me  yesterday  to  be  agreed  between  Mr. 
jrenville  and  M.  de  Vergennes,  and  it  is  per 
fectly  agreeable  to  me.  The  time  cannot 
well  be  settled  till  this  court  has  received  an 
swers  from  Madrid  and  the  Hague,  and  until 
my  colleagues  are  arrived;  I  expect  daily 
Messrs.  Jay  and  Laurens.  Mr.  Adams  doubts 
whether  he  can  be  here,  but  that  will  not 
inder  our  proceeding. 

"  It  gave  me  great  pleasure,  to  hear  that 
Mr.  Laurens  is  discharged  entirely  from  the 
)bligation  he  had  entered  into.  I  am  much 


JOURNAL  OF  NEGOTIATION  FOR  PEACE. 


4H9 


obliged,  by  the  readiness  with  which  your 
lordship  has  conferred  that  favour.  Please  to 
accept  my  thankful  acknowledgments.  I  am 
happy  too  in  understanding  from  your  letter 
that  transports  are  actually  preparing  to  con 
vey  our  prisoners  to  America,  and  that  atten 
tion  will  be  paid  to  their  accommodation  and 
good  treatment.  Those  people  on  their  re 
turn,  will  be  dispersed  through  every  part  of 
America,  and  the  accounts  they  will  have  to 
give  of  any  marks  of  kindness  received  by 
them  under  the  present  ministry,  will  lessen 
much  the  resentment  of  their  friends  against 
the  nation,  for  the  hardships  they  suffered  un 
der  the  past. 

"  Mr.  Oswald  rests  here  a  while  by  my  ad 
vice,  as  I  think  his  presence  likely  to  be  use 
ful.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

And  I  sent  them  to  Mr.  Grenville,  with 
the  following  note : 

"  Mr.  Franklin  presents  his  compliments  to 
Mr.  Grenville,  with  thanks  for  the  informa 
tion  of  his  courier's  departure,  and  his  kind 
offer  of  forwarding  Mr.  F.'s  letters,  who  ac 
cepts  the  favour  and  encloses  two. 

"  The  marquis  de  la  Fayette  and  Mr.  Os 
wald,  will  do  Mr.  Franklin  the  honour  of 
breakfasting  with  him  to-morrow,  between 
nine  and  ten  o'clock.  Mr.  F.  will  be  happy 
to  have  the  company  also  of  Mr.  Grenville,  if 
agreeable  to  him.  He  should  have  waited  on 
Mr.  G.  to-day,  at  Paris,  but  he  imagined  Mr. 
Grenville  was  at  Versailles. 

"  Passy,  Friday  evening,  May  10." 

To  which  Mr.  G.  sent  me  this  answer . 

"  Mr.  Grenville  presents  his  compliments 
to  Mr.  Franklin,  and  will,  with  great  plea 
sure,  do  himself  the  honour  of  breakfasting 
with  Mr.  Franklin,  to-morrow,  between  nine 
and  ten  o'clock. 

"  Mr.  Grenville  was  at  Versailles  to-day, 
and  should  have  been  sorry  that  Mr.  Franklin 
should  have  given  himself  the  trouble  of  call 
ing  at  Paris  this  morning.  The  courier  shall 
certainly  take  particular  care  of  Mr.  Frank 
lin's  letters. 

"  Paris,  Friday,  May  10." 

The  gentlemen  all  met  accordingly ;  had 
a  good  deal  of  conversation  at,  and  after  break 
fast  ;  staid  till  after  one  o'clock,  and  parted 
much  pleased  with  each  other.  The  Monday 
following  I  called  to  visit  Mr.  G.  I  found 
with  him  Mr.  Oswald,  who  told  me  he  was 
just  about  returning  to  London.  I  was  a  little 
surprised  at  the  suddenness  of  the  resolution 
he  had  taken,  it  being,  as  he  said,  to  set  out 
the  next  morning  early.  I  conceived  the  gen 
tlemen  were  engaged  in  business ;  so  I  with 
drew,  and  went  to  write  a  few  letters,  among 
which  was  the  following  to  lord  Shelburne ; 
being  really  concerned  at  the  thought  of  los 
ing  so  good  a  man  as  Mr.  Oswald. 

VOL.  I. ...  3  Q 


Earl  Shelburne. 


"Pjuwv,  May  13,  1782. 

"  MY  LORD, — I  did  myself  the  honour  of 
writing  to  your  lordship  a  few  days  since,  by 
Mr.  Grenville's  courier,  acknowledging  the 
receipt  of  yours  of  the  28th  past,  by  Mr.  Os 
wald.  I  then  hoped  that  gentleman  would 
have  remained  here  some  time ;  but  his  affairs, 
it  seems,  recall  him  sooner  than  he  imagined. 
I  hope  he  will  return  again,  as  I  esteem  him 
more,  the  more  I  am  acquainted  with  him ; 
and  believe  his  moderation,  prudent  counsels, 
and  sound  judgment  may  contribute  much, 
not  only  to  the  speedy  conclusion  of  a  peace, 
but  to  the  framing  such  a  peace  as  may  be 
firm  and  long  lasting.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

I  went  in  the  evening  to  Mr.  Oswald's 
lodging  with  my  letters :  when  he  informed  me 
his  intention  was  to  return  immediately  hither 
from  England,  and,  to  make  the  more  despatch 
in  going  and  returning,  he  should  leave  his 
carriage  at  Calais,  as  the  embarking  and  de 
barking  of  carriages  in  the  packet  boats  often 
occasioned  a  tide's  delay.  I  did  not  inquire 
the  reason  of  this  movement.  We  had  but 
little  conversation,  for  Mr.  Grenville  coming 
in,  I  soon  after  wished  him  a  good  journey, 
and  retired,  that  I  might  not  interrupt  their 
consultations. 

Since  his  departure,  Mr.  Grenville  has 
made  me  a  visit ;  and,  entering  into  conver 
sation  with  me,  exactly  of  the  same  tenor 
with  the  letters  I  formerly  received  from  Mr. 
Hartley;  stating  suppositions  that  France 
might  insist  on  points  totally  different  from 
what  had  been  the  object  of  our  alliance ;  and 
that,  in  such  case,  he  should  imagine  we  were 
not  at  all  bound  to  continue  the  war  to  obtain 
such  points  for  her,  &c.  I  thought  I  could  not 
give  him  a  better  answer  to  this  kind  of  dis 
course,  than  what  I  had  given  in  two  letters 
to  Mr.  Hartley ;  and,  therefore,  calling  for 
those  letters,  I  read  them  to  him.  He  smiled 
and  would  have  turned  the  conversation  :  but 
I  gave  a  little  more  of  my  sentiments  on 
the  general  subject  of  benefit,  obligation,  and 
gratitude.  I  said,  I  thought  people  had  often 
imperfect  notions  of  their  duty  on  those  points, 
and  that  a  state  of  obligation,  was,  to  many, 
so  uneasy  a  state,  that  they  became  ingeni 
ous  in  finding  out  reasons  and  arguments  to 
prove  they  had  been  laid  under  no  obligation 
at  all,  or  that  they  had  discharged  it,  and  they 
too  easily  satisfied  themselves  with  such  ar 
guments.  To  explain,  clearly,  my  ideas  on 
this  subject,  I  stated  a  case  :  A,  a  stranger  to 
B,  sees  him  about  to  be  imprisoned  for  a  debt 
by  a  merciless  creditor :  he  lends  him  the 
sum  necessary  to  preserve  his  liberty.  B 
then  becomes  the  debtor  of  A;  and,  after 
some  time  repays  the  money.  Has  he  then 
discharged  the  obligation?  No;  he  has  dis 
charged  the  money  debt,  but  the  obligation 


490 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


remains,  and  he  is  a  debtor  for  the  kindness 
of  A  in  lending  the  sum  so  seasonably.  If 
B  should  afterwards  find  A  in  the  same  cir 
cumstances,  that  he,  B,  had  been  in  when  A 
lent  him  the  money,  he  may  then  discharge 
this  obligation,  or  debt  of  kindness,  in  part,  by 
lending  him  an  equal  sum.  In  part,  I  said, 
and  not  wholly,  because  when  A  lent  B  the 
money,  there  had  been  no  prior  benefit  re 
ceived  to  induce  him  to  it  ;  and,  therefore,  if 
A  should,  a  second  time,  need  the  same  as 
sistance,  I  thought  B,  if  in  his  power,  was  in 
duty  bound  to  afford  it  to  him.  Mr.  Grenville 
conceived  that  it  was  carrying  gratitude  very 
far,  to  apply  this  doctrine  to  our  situation  in 
respect  to  France,  who  was  really  the  party 
served  and  obliged  by  our  separation  from 
England,  as  it  lessened  the  power  of  her  rival, 
and  relatively  increased  her  own.  I  told  him 
I  was  so  strongly  impressed  with  the  kind  as 
sistance  afforded  us  by  France  in  our  distress, 
and  the  generous  and  noble  manner  in  which 
it  was  granted,  without  exacting  or  stipulating 
for  a  single  privilege,  or  particular  advantage 
to  herself  in  our  commerce  or  otherwise  ;  that 
I  could  never  suffer  myself  to  think  of  such 
reasonings  for  lessening  the  obligation,  and, 
I  hoped,  and,  indeed,  did  not  doubt,  but  my 
countrymen  were  all  of  the  same  sentiments. 
Thus  he  gained  nothing  of  the  point  he  came 
to  push  ;  we  parted,  however,  in  good  humour. 

His  conversation  is  always  polite,  and  his 
manner  pleasing. 

As  he  expressed  a  strong  desire  to  dis 
course  with  me,  on  the  means  of  a  reconcili 
ation  with  America  ;  I  promised  to  consider 
the  subject,  and  appointed  Saturday  the  1st  of 
June,  for  our  conversation,  when  he  proposed 
to  call  on  me.  The  same  day  I  received  ano 
ther  letter  from  my  old  friend  Mr.  Hartley. 
Our  former  correspondence  on  the  subject  of 
peace  since  the  beginning  of  this  year,  I  have 
kept  by  itself,  as  it  preceded  this,  was  in  the 
time  of  the  old  ministry,  and  consisted  wholly 
of  letters  unmixed  with  personal  conversation. 
This  being  the  first  letter  from  him  under 
the  new  ministry,  and,  as  it  may  be  followed 
by  others,  which  may  relate  to  the  negotia 
tion,  I  insert  it  here,  with  my  answer,  and 
shall  continue  to  insert  the  future  letters  I 
may  receive  from  him,  relative  to  the  same 
subject. 


David  Hartley  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  May  3,  1782. 

"  MY  DEA.R  FRIEND,  —  I  write  to  you  only 
one  line,  just  to  inform  you  that  a  general  or 
der  is  issued,  by  our  government,  for  the  re 
lease  of  all  the  American  prisoners  every 
where.  I  have  had  this  from  lord  Shelburne, 
who  informed  me  that  the  order  was  not  par 
tial  or  conditional,  but  general  and  absolute. 
}  heartily  congratulate  you  upon  this  first 


step  towards  sweet  reconciliation.  I  hope 
other  things  will  follow.  I  have  had  a  long- 
conversation  with  lord  Shelburne,  relating  to 
America,  in  which  he  expressed  himself  in 
most  favourable  terms.  I  shall  have  the  ho 
nour  of  seeing  and  conversing  with  him  again. 
But  at  present,  as  you  know,  certain  matters 
are  depending  from  your  side  of  the  water. 
Mr.  Laurens  is  entirely  at  liberty.  I  see  him 
very  frequently,  and  when  you  see  him  he 
will  tell  you  many  things  from  me,  which 
have  occurred  to  me  in  the  course  of  my  poor 
endeavours  to  promote  the  cause  of  peace.  Da 
pacem  Domini  in  diebus  nostris.  D.  H. 


The  Answer. 

"  PASS y,  May  13, 1783. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  have  just  received 
your  favour  of  the  3d  instant  I  thank  you 
much  for  the  good  news  you  give  me  that  '  an 
order  is  issued  by  your  government  for  the 
release  of  all  the  American  prisoners  every 
where,  an  order  not  partial  or  conditional, 
but  general  and  absolute.'  I  rejoice  with 
you  in  this  step,  not  only  on  account  of  the  un 
happy  captives,  who  by  it  will  be  set  at  liber 
ty  and  restored  to  their  friends  and  families, 
but  as  I  think  it  will  tend  greatly  towards  a 
reconciliation,  on  which  alone  the  hope  of  a 
durable  peace  can  be  founded.  I  am  much 
indebted  to  your  good  brother,  for  a  very  kind 
and  obliging  letter,  which  was  mislaid  when 
it  should  have  been  answered.  I  beg  yon 
will  present  to  him  my  thankful  acknowledg 
ments  and  my  very  sincere  respects.  I  join 
with  you  most  heartily  in  the  prayer  that  ends 
your  letter.  Da  pacem  Domini  in  diebus 


nostris. 


B.  FRANKLIN.' 


Our  business  standing  still  at  present  till 
the  return  of  Mr.  Oswald,  gives  me  a  void 
that  I  may  fill  up  with  two  or  three  circum 
stances,  not  at  present  connected  with  this 
intended  treaty,  but  which  serve  to  show  some 
thing  of  the  disposition  of  courts  who  have,  or 
may  have  a  concern  in  it. 

Mr.  Jay  had  written  to  me,  from  time  to 
time,  of  the  unaccountable  delays  he  had  met 
with  since  his  residence  at  the  court  of  Spain, 
and  that  he  was  now  no  nearer  in  the  business 
he  had  been  charged  with,  than  when  he  first 
arrived.  Upon  the  first  coming  of  Mr.  Os 
wald,  and  the  apparent  prospect  of  a  treaty,  I 
wrote  to  press  his  coming  hither ;  and  beino; 
a  little  out  of  humour  with  that  court,  I  said, 
"  they  have  taken  four  years  to  consider  whe 
ther  they  would  treat  with  us  ;  give  them  for 
ty,  and  let  us  mind  our  own  business  ;n  and 
I  sent  the  letter  under  cover  to  a  person  at 
Madrid,  who,  I  hoped,  would  open  and  read  it. 
It  seems  to  me  that  we  have,  in  most  instances, 
hurt  our  credit  and  importance,  by  sending 
all  over  Europe  begging  alliances,  and  solicit- 


JOURNAL  OF  NEGOTIATION  FOR  PEACE. 


491 


ing  declarations  of  our  independence.  The 
nations,  perhaps  from  thence,  seem  to  think, 
that  our  independence  is  something  they  have 
to  sell,  and  that  we  don't  offer  enough  for  it. 
Mr.  Adams  has  succeeded  in  Holland,  owing 
to  their  war  with  England,  and  a  good  deal  to 
the  late  votes  in  the  commons  towards  a  re 
conciliation  ;  but  the  ministers  of  other  pow 
ers  refused,  as  I  hear,  to  return  his  visits ; 
because  our  independence  was  not  yet  ac 
knowledged  by  their  courts.  I  had  heard 
here,  by  good  luck,  that  the  same  resolution 
was  taken  by  several  of  them,  not  to  return 
the  visits  I  should  make  them  (as  they  sup 
posed)  when  I  was  tirst  received  here  as  mi 
nister  plenipotentiary,  and  I  disappointed  their 
project  by  visiting  none  of  them.  In  my  pri 
vate  opinion,  the  first  civility  is  due  from  the 
old  resident  to  the  stranger  and  new-comer. 
My  opinion  indeed  is  good  for  nothing  against 
custom,  which  I  should  have  obeyed,  but  for 
the  circumstance  that  rendered  it  more  pru 
dent  to  avoid  disputes  and  affronts,  though  at 
the  hazard  of  being  thought  rude  or  singular. 
While  I  am  writing,  something  ridiculous 
enough  on  this  head  has  happened  to  me. — 
The  count  du  Nord,who  is  son  to  the  empress 
of  Russia,  arriving  at  Paris,  ordered,  it  seems, 
cards  to  be  sent  to  all  the  foreign  ministers. 
One  of  them,  on  which  was  written,  le 
oompte  du  Nord  et  le  prince  Bariatinski,  was 
brought  to  me.  It  was  on  Monday  morning 
last :  being  at  court  the  next  day,  I  inquired 
of  an  old  minister,  my  friend,  what  was  the 
etiquette,  and  whether  the  count  received  vi 
sits.  The  answer  was,  "  Non ;  en  se  fait 
ecrire :  voila  tout."  This  is  done  by  passing 
the  door,  and  ordering  your  name  to  be  writ 
on  the  porter's  book.  Accordingly,  on  Wed 
nesday,  I  passed  the  house  of  prince  Bariatin 
ski,  ambassador  of  Russia,  where  the  count 
lodged,  and  left  my  name  on  the  list  of  each. 
I  thought  no  more  of  the  matter ;  but  this 
day,  May  24th,  comes  the  servant,  who 
brought  the  card,  in  great  affliction,  saying, 
he  was  likely  to  be  ruined  by  his  mistake  in 
bringing  the  card  here,  and  wishing  to  ob 
tain  from  me  some  paper,  of  I  know  not  what 
kind,  for  I  did  not  see  him.  In  the  afternoon 
came  my  friend,  M.  le  Roy,  who  is  also  a 
friend  of  the  prince's,  telling  me  how  much 
he,  the  prince,  was  concerned  at  the  accident : 
that  both  himself  and  the  count  had  great 
personal  regard  for  me  and  my  character ; 
but  that  our  independence  not  being  yet  ac 
knowledged  by  the  court  of  Russia,  it  was 
impossible  for  him  to  permit  himself  to  make 
me  a  visit  as  minister.  I  told  M.  le  Roy  it 
was  not  my  custom  to  seek  such  honours, 
though  I  was  very  sensible  of  them  when 
conferred  upon  me ;  that  I  should  not  have  vo 
luntarily  intruded  a  visit ;  and  that  in  this 
case  I  had  only  done  what  I  was  informed  the 
etiquette  required  of  me :  but  if  it  would  be  at 


tended  with  any  inconvenience  to  prince  Bari 
atinski,  whom  I  much  esteemed  and  respected, 
I  thought  the  remedy  was  easy,  he  had  only 
to  erase  my  name  out  of  his  book  of  visits  re 
ceived,  and  I  would  burn  their  card. 

All  the  northern  princes  are  not  ashamed 
of  a  little  civility  committed  towards  an  Ame 
rican.  The  king  of  Denmark  travelling  in 
England  under  an  assumed  name,  sent  me  a 
card,  expressing  in  strong  terms  his  esteem 
for  me,  and  inviting  me  to  dine  with  him  at 
St.  James's.  And  the  ambassador  from  the 
king  of  Sweden,  lately  asked  me,  whether  I 
had  power  to  make  a  treaty  of  commerce 
with  their  kingdom ;  for  he  said,  his  master 
was  desirous  of  such  a  treaty  with  the  United 
States;  and  had  directed  him  to  ask  me  the 
question ;  and  had  charged  him  to  tell  me, 
that  it  would  flatter  him  greatly  to  make  it 
with  a  person  whose  character  he  so  much  es 
teemed,  &c.  Such  compliments  might  make 
me  a  little  proud,  if  we  Americans  were  not 
naturally  as  much  so  already,  as  the  por 
ter,  who  being  told,  that  he  had  with  his 
burden  jostled  the  great  Czar  Peter  (then  in 
London,  walking  the  street;)  poh!  say?  he, 
we  are  all  czars  here. 

I  did  not  write  by  Mr.  Oswald  to  Mr. 
Laurens ;  because,  from  some  expressions  in 
his  letter  to  me,  I  expected  him  here ;  and  I 
desired  Mr.  Oswald,  if  he  found  him  still  in 
London,  or  met  him  on  the  road,  to  give  him 
that  reason.  I  am  disappointed  in  my  expec 
tation  ;  for  I  have  now  received  (May  25th) 
the  following  letter  from  him : 

Henry  Laurens  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  OSTEND,  May  17,  1782. 

"  SIR, — I  had  the  honour  of  addresing  you, 
under  the  30th  ultimo  by  post,  a  duplicate  of 
which  will  accompany  this,  in  order  to  guard 
against  the  effect  of  a  miscarriage,  in  the  first 
instance,  and  I  beg  leave  to  refer  to  the  con 
tents. 

"  On  the  10th  current,  and  no  sooner,  your 
very  obliging  favour  of  20th  preceding  reach 
ed  me  in  London,  being  then  on  the  point  of 
leaving  that  place ;  I  deferred  a  reply  until 
my  arrival  on  this  side ;  this  happened  yester 
day  too  late  to  catch  the  post  of  the  day,  ex 
cept  by  a  single  letter  put  into  my  hands,  I 
believe  by  Doctor  Price,  which  I  sent  forward. 
I  sincerely  and  heartily  thank  you,  sir,  for  the 
cordial  contents  of  your  last  letter,  but  from 
the  most  mature  reflection,  and  taking  into 
consideration  my  present  very  infirm  sate  of 
health,  I  have  resolved  to  decline  accepting 
the  honour  intended  by  congress,  in  the  com 
mission  for  treating  with  Great  Britain  ;  and 
I  find  the  less  difficulty  in  coming  to  this  de 
termination,  from  a  persuasion  in  my  own  mind 
that  my  assistance  is  not  essential,  and  that 
it  was  not  the  view  or  expectation  of  our  con 
stituents,  that  every  one  named  in  the  com- 


492 


MEMOIRS  OP  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


mission  should  act.     I  propose  to  repair  to  or 
near  Mr.  Adams,  and  inquire  of  him,  whether 
I  may  yet  be  serviceable  under  the  commis 
sion  to  whicJi  I  had  been  first  appointed,  that 
for  borrowing  money  for  the  use  of  the  United 
States ;  if  he  speaks  in  the  affirmative,  I  shall, 
though  much  against  my  own  grain,  as  is  well 
known  at  our  little  court,  proceed  in  the  mis 
sion  with  diligence  and  fidelity,  otherwise  I 
shall  take  a  convenient  opportunity  of  return 
ing  to  give  an  account  there,  of  having  in  the 
course  of  two  years  and  upwards,  done  nothing 
excepting  only  the  making  a  great  number  of 
rebels  in  the  enemy's  country,  and  reconcil 
ing  thousands  to  the  doctrine  of  absolute  and 
unlimited  independence.     A  doctrine  which 
I  asserted  and  maintained  with  as  much  free 
dom  in  the  Tower  of  London,  as  ever  I  had 
in  the  State  House  at  Philadelphia ;  and  hav 
ing-  contentedly  submitted  to  the  loss  of  my 
estate,  and  being  ready  to  lay  down  my  life  in 
support  of  it,  I  had  the  satisfaction  of  perceiv 
ing  the  coming  in  of  converts  every  day.     I 
must  not,  however,  conclude  this  head  without 
assuring  you,  that  should  you  think  proper  to 
ask  questions  respecting  American  commerce, 
or  the  interests  of  any  particular  state,  I  will 
answer  with  candour,  and  the  best  judgment 
I  am  possessed  of;  but  of  that  judgment  I  sin 
cerely  protest  I  have  the  utmost  diffidence. 
God  prosper  your  proceedings  in  the  great 
work :  you  shall  be  called  blessed  by  all  the 
grateful  of  the  present  generation,  and  your 
name  will  be  celebrated  by  posterity.     I  feel 
myself  happy  in  reflecting,  that  in  the  great 
outlines  for  a  treaty,  our  opinions  exactly  co 
incide,  that  we  shall  not  want  the  countenance 
;:nd  assistance  of  our  great  and  good  ally,  and 
that  you  have  so  honest  a  man  as  Mr.  Oswald 
to  deal  with  for  preliminaries :  I  know  him  to 
be  superior  to  all  chicanery,  and  am  sure  he 
will  not  defile  his  mind  by  attempting  any 
dirty  thing. 

"  I  entreat  you,  sir,  to  present  my  humble 
respects  to  M.  de  Vergennes,  and  thank  his 
excellency  for  his  polite  expressions  respect 
ing  me ;  and  be  so  good  as  to  say  all  that  shall 
appear  necessary  in  excuse  for  my  non-appear 
ance  at  his  court. 

"  Lord  Cornwallis  called  on  me  the  day  I 
]eft  London,  and  was,  you  may  suppose,  very 
anxious  to  know  when  he  might  probably  hear 
from  me  on  the  subject  of  his  release ;  let  me 
therefore  request  your  opinion,  in  answer  to 
what  I  had  the  honour  of  writing  in  my  last 
concerning  that  affair.  I  wish  it  may  prove  sa 
tisfactory  to  his  lordship,  by  enabling  me,  with 
your  consent  and  concurrence,  to  cancel  a 
debt  which  does  not  sit  easy  upon  me,  and 
which  cannot,  with  honour  to  our  country,  re 
main  unpaid.  I  think  we  shall  not;  'tis  im 
possible  we  should  incur  displeasure  by  doing 
an  act  of  common  justice,  and  our  authority 
nay  be  fully  implied. 


"  His  lordship  declares,  that  he  has  no  in 
tention  of  returning  to  Ameirca,  but  desires 
to  be  reinstated  in  his  legislative  and  military 
character  in  his  own  country,  and  I  am  of 
opinion,  that  in  the  former  station,  he  will  ra 
ther  be  friendly  to  us  than  otherwise ;  for  my 
own  part,  if  the  war  continues,  I  should  not 
be  uneasy  if  his  lordship  were  to  go  to  the 
Chesapeake  again. 

"  I  have  a  thousand  compliments  and  good 
wishes  to  present  you,  from  your  friends  in 
England,  where  males  and  females,  I  am  sure 
you  have  at  least  so  many,  your  own  remem 
brance  may  lead  you  to  individuals  of  your 
old  acquaintance.  To-morrow  I  intend  to  pro 
ceed  for  Brussels,  and  thence  probably  to 
Hague  and  Amsterdam.  My  movements  must 
unavoidably  be  as  slow  as  water  carriage. 
My  weak,  tender  limbs  cannot  bear  continual 
thumping  on  the  pavement  in  the  rough  ma 
chines  of  this  country ;  and  the  feebleness 
of  my  pocket  will  not  admit  the  indulgence 
of  a  more  convenient  vehicle. 

"  I  beg,  sir,  you  will  write  to  me  at  the 
house  of  Mr.  Edward  Jennings,  or  under  the 
protection  of  any  other  friend  in  that  city,  that 
will  be  at  the  trouble  of  finding  out  a  voya- 


geur  who 


-at  all  times  in  all  places 

HENRY  LAURENS.' 


I  wrote  the  following  answer  : 
"  Henry  Laurens. 

"  PASSY,  May  25,- 1782. 

"  SIR, — I  am  now  honoured  with  yours  of  the 
17th ;  I  had  before  read  one  of  the  17th,  which 
remained  unanswered,  because  from  the  words 
in  it,  '  when  I  reach  the  continent,  which 
will  probably  happen  in  a  few  days,'  I  flatter 
ed  myself  with  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you 
here.  That  hope  is  disappointed  by  your  last, 


in  which  you  tell  me,  you  are  determined  not 
to  act  in  the  commission  for  treating  of  peace 
with  Britain.  I  regret  your  taking  this  reso- 
ution,  principally,  because  I  am  persuaded 
your  assistance  must  have  been  of  great  ser 
vice  to  our  country.  But  I  have  besides  some 
private  or  particular  reasons  that  relate  to  my 
self,  to  encourage  me  in  the  arduous  task, 
you  kindly  tell  me  I  shall  be  called  blessed, 
&  c.  I  have  never  yet  known  of  a  peace  made, 
that  did  not  occasion  a  great  deal  of  popular 
discontent,  clamour,  and  outcry  on  both  sides. 
This  is  perhaps  owing  to  the  usual  manage 
ment  of  the  ministers,  and  leaders  of  the  con- 
ending  nations,  who,  to  keep  up  the  spirits  of 
;heir  people  for  continuing  the  war,  generally 
represent  the  state  of  their  own  affairs  in  a 
better  light,  and  that  of  the  enemy  in  a  worse 
han  is  consistent  with  the  truth ;  hence  the 
>opulace  on  each  side,  expect  better  terms 
han  really  can  be  obtained,  and  are  apt  to  as 
cribe  their  disappointment  to  treachery.  Thus 
he  peace  of  Utrecht,  and  that  of  Aix  la  Cha- 


JOURNAL  OF  NEGOTIATION  FOR  PEACE. 


pelle,  were  said  in  England  to  have  been  in 
financed  by  French  gold,  and  in  France  b1 
English  guineas.     Even  the  last  peace,  the 
most  advantageous  and  glorious  for  Englam 
that  ever  she  made,  was,  you  may  remember 
violently  decried,  and  the  makers  as  violent!} 
abused.     So  that  the  blessings  promised  t( 
peace-makers,  I  fancy,  relates  ty  the  nex 
world,  for  in  this,  they  seem  to  have  agreate: 
chance  of  being  cursed  ;  and  as  another,  tha 
in  the  multitude  of  counsellors  there  is  safety 
which,  I  think,  may  mean  safety  to  the  coun 
sellors,  as  well  as  to  the  counselled ;  because 
if  they  commit  a  fault  in  counselling,  the 
blame  does  not  fall  on  one  or  a  few,  but  is 
divided  among  many,  and  the  share  of  each 
is  so  much  the  lighter,  or  perhaps  because 
when  a  number  of  honest  men  are  concerned, 
the  suspicion  of  their  being  biassed  is  weaker, 
as  being  more   inviolable ;  or  because  de- 
fendit  numcrus ;  for  all  these  reasons,  but 
especially  for  the  support  your  established 
character  of  integrity  would  afford  me,  against 
the  attacks  of  my  enemies,  if  this  treaty  takes 
place,  and  I  am  to  act  in  it,  I  wish  for  your 
presence,  and  for  the  presence  of  as  many  ol 
the  commissioners  as  possible ;  and  I  hope 
you  will  reconsider  and  change  your  resolu 
tion.     In  the  mean  time,  as  you  have  had 
opportunities  of  conversing  with  the  new  mi 
nisters,  and  other  leading  people  in  England, 
and  of  learning  their  sentiments  relating  to 
the  terms  of  peace,  &c.  I  request  you  would 
inform  me  by  letters,  of  what  you  think  im 
portant.     Letters  from  you  will  come  safer 
by  the  court  courier  than  by  the  post ;  and  I 
desire  you  would,  if  you  should  continue  de 
termined  not  to  act,  communicate  to  me  your 
ideas  of  the  terms  to  be  insisted  on,  and  the 
points  to  be  attended  to  respecting  commerce, 
fisheries,  boundaries,  and  every  other  material 
circumstance,  to  all  or  any  of  the  United 
States.     Lord  Shelburne  having  written  to 
me  on  the  subject  of  the  wished  for  peace,  I 
acquainted  him  in  my  answer  sent  by  our 
friend  Mr.  Oswald,  that  you  were  one  of  the 
commissioners  appointed  by  congress  to  treat 
with  Britain,  and  that  I  imagined  his  lordship 
would  therefore  think  proper  to  discharge 
you  entirely  from  the  obligations  you  entered 
mto,  when  you  were  admitted  to  bail,  that 
you  might  be  at  liberty  to  act  freely  in  the 
commission.     He  wrote  to  me  in  reply,  that 
you  were  accordingly  discharged  immediately. 
His  lordship  mentioned  nothing  of  any  ex 
change  being  expected  for  you :  nevertheless, 
I  honour  your  sensibility  on  the  point,  and 
your  concern  for  the  credit  of  America,  that 
she  should  not  be  outdone  in  generosity  by 
Britain,  and  will  cheerfully  join  with  you  in 
any  act  that  you  may  think  proper,  to  dis 
charge  in  return  the  parole  of  lord  Cornwallis, 
as  far  as  in  our  power  may  lie ;  but  as  we 
have  no  express  authority  for  that  purpose, 

42 


and  the  congress  may  possibly  in  the  mean 
time  have  made  some  other  arrangement  re 
lative  to  his  exchange,  I  conceive  that  our  act 
should  contain  a  clause,  reserving  to  congress 
the  final  approbation  or  disallowance  of  the 
proceeding.  And  I  have  some  doubts,  whe 
ther  lord  Cornwallis  will  think  himself  well 
freed  from  his  engagement,  and  at  liberty  to 
exercise  his  military  employments,  by  virtue 
of  any  concession  in  his  favour,  made  by  per 
sons  who  are  not  vested  with  authority  tor 
that  purpose.  So  that  on  the  whole,  perhaps 
the  best  and  surest  way  will  be  our  writing 
immediately  to  congress,  and  strongly  recom 
mending  the  measure.  However,  I  will  do 
what  you  shall  think  best. 

"  I  heartily  wish  you  success  in  any  en 
deavours  you  may  use  in  Holland  for  raising 
a  loan  of  money.  We  have  pressed  rather 
too  hard  on  this  court,  and  we  shall  want 
more  than  they  can  conveniently  spare  us;  but 
I  am  sorry  that  too  scrupulous  a  regard  to  our 
wants  and  difficulties  should  induce  you,  under 
the  present  infirmity  of  your  lower  limbs,  to 
deny  yourself  the  necessary  comfort  of  an  easy 
carriage,  rather  than  make  use  of  the  public 
assistance,  when  the  public  must  be  much  in 
your  debt.  I  beg  you  would  get  over  that 
difficulty,  and  take  of  me  what  you  may  have 
occasion  for. 

"  The  letter  forwarded  to  me,  was  from 
America's  constant  friend,  the  good  bishop  of 
St.  Asaph.  He  speaks  of  you,  in  terms  of  the 
highest  esteem  and  respect. 

"  Mr.  Oswald  is  gone  back  again  to  Lon 
don,  but  intended  to  return  immediately.  Mr. 
Grenville  remains  here,  and  has  re'ceived 
powers  to  treat ;  but  no  farther  steps  can  be 
taken,  till  Spain  and  Holland  have  impovver- 
ed  ministers  for  the  same  purpose.  I  shall 
'nform  you  and  Mr.  Adams  (if  he  does  not 
come)  of  the  proceedings  from  time  to  time, 
and  request  your  counsels  in  case  of  any  dif- 
iculty.  I  hope  you  will  not  think  of  hazard- 
ng  a  return  to  America  before  a  peace,  if  we 
ind  any  hope  of  its  being  soon  obtained,  and 
hat  if  you  do  not  find  you  can  be  useful  in 
he  manner  you  wish  in  Holland,  you  will 
uake  me  happy  by  your  company  and  counsels 
lere.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

May  2fi,  I  received  the  following  letter?, 
tec. 

David  Hartley,  M.  P.,  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  May  1,  17-J 

41  MY  DEAR   FRIEND, — I  have  received   a 
racket  from  you,  containing  several  letters 
f  various  dates.     As  I  shall  probably  have  a 
safe  conveyance  to  you  when  Mr.  Laurens 
eaves  this  country ;  I  am  now  sitting  down  to 
vrite  to  you  an  omnium  kind  of  a  letter  of 
•arious  matters  as  they  occur.     The  late  mi 
nistry  being  defeated,  I  may  now  speak  of 
hings  past  more  freely.     I  will  take  a  sen- 


494 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


tence  in  one  of  your  letters  as  my  text ;  vide 
yours  of  April  ]3th,  1782,  in  which  you  say, 
'  you  was  of  opinion,  that  the  late  ministry 
desired  sincerely  a  reconciliation  with  Ame 
rica,  and  with  that  view  a  separate  peace 
with  us  was  proposed.'  I  must  qualify  this 
sentence  much  before  I  can  adopt  it  as  my 
opinion.  As  to  reconciliation,  I  never  gave 
them  much  credit  for  that  wish :  '  it  is  a 
sweet  expression,  it  certainly  means  more 
than  peace.'  The  utmost  that  I  ever  gave 
the  late  ministry  credit  for,  was  a  wish  for 
peace;  and  I  still  believe  that  the  wisest 
amongst  them,  grew  from  day  to  day  more 
disposed  to  peace,  (or  an  abatement  of  the  late 
war)  in  proportion  as  they  became  more 
alarmed  for  their  own  situations  and  their  re 
sponsibility.  Had  the  war  been  more  suc 
cessful,  I  should  not  have  expected  much  re 
lating  towards  peace  or  reconciliation ;  that 
this  has  been  always  the  measure  of  my  opi 
nion  of  them,  I  refer  you  to  some  words  in  a 
letter  from  me  to  you,  dated  January  5th, 
1780,  for  proof:  «  But  for  the  point  of  since 
rity  ;  why  as  to  that,  I  have  not  much  to  say. 
I  have  at  last  expected  some  hold  upon  their 
prudence.  My  argument  runs  thus:  It  is 
a  bargain  for  your  ministers  to  be  sincere  now. 
Common  prudence  may  hint  to  you  to  look  to 
yourselves;  it  has  amazed  me  beyond  mea 
sure,  that  this  principle  of  common,  selfish 
prudence,  has  not  had  the  effect  which  I  ex 
pected.'  I  have  not  been  disposed  to  be  de 
ceived  by  any  conciliatory  professions,  which 
I  considered  only  as  arising  from  prudence, 
and  I  hope  that  I  have  not  led  you  into  any 
deception,  having  so  fully  explained  myself 
to  you  on  that  head.  Had  the  American  war 
been  more  propitious  on  the  part  of  the  late 
ministry,  I  do  not  believe  the  late  resignation 
would  have  taken  place;  but  it  is  evident 
from  the  proposition  to  the  court  of  France, 
which  you  have  communicated  to  me  (and 
which  I  have  communicated  to  the  present 
ministry  with  your  letter)  that  even  to  the 
last  hour  some  of  the  late  ministry  were  still 
set  upon  the  American  war  to  the  last  extre 
mity,  and  probably  another  more  prudent  part 
of  the  ministry  would  proceed  no  farther ; 
which  if  it  be  so,  may  reasonably  be  expected 
as  the  cause  of  the  dissolution  of  the  late  mi 
nistry.  These  are  the  arguments  which  I 
have  already  driven  and  insisted  upon  with 
the  greatest  expectation  of  success,  viz.  pru 
dential  arguments,  from  the  total  unpractica- 
bility  of  the  war,  responsibility,  &c.  I  have 
been  astonished  beyond  measure,  that  the  ar 
guments  have  not  had  their  effect  sooner.  If 
I  could  give  you  an  idea  of  many  conferences 
which  I  have  had  upon  the  subject,  I  should 
tell  you  that  many  times  Felix  has  trembled. 
When  reduced  to  the  terror  of  responsibility, 
either  to  renounce  the  American  war  or  to 
relinquish  their  places ;  they  have  chosen  the 


latter,  which  is  a  most  wretched  and  con 
temptible  retribution,  either  to  their  country 
or  to  mankind  for  the  desolation  in  which  they 
have  involved  every  nation  that  they  have 
ever  been  connected  with.  Peace  they  would 
not  leave  behind  them,  their  legacy  to  their 
country  and  to  mankind  has  been,  '  let  dark 
ness  be  the  burier  of  the  dead !' 

"  As  to  the  proposal  of  a  separate  peace 
arising  from  a  desire  of  reconciliation,  it  cer 
tainly  was  so  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  Eng 
land  ;  but  on  the  part  of  the  late  ministry,  it 
probably  arose  from  the  hopes  of  suggesting 
to  France  ideas  of  some  infidelity  on  the  part 
of  America  towards  them.  If  you  should 
ask  me  why  I  have  seemed  to  conspire  with 
this,  my  answer  is  very  plain.  In  the  first 
place,  if  I  could  have  prevailed  with  the  late 
ministry  to  have  actually  made  an  irrevocable 
offer  on  their  own  part  of  a  separate  peace  to 
America,  that  very  offer  would  in  the  same 
instant  have  become  on  their  part  also,  a  con 
sent  to  a  general  peace,  because  they  never 
had  any  wish  to  a  separate  contest  with 
France";  and  America  being  out  of  the  ques 
tion,  they  would  have  thought  of  nothing  after 
that  but  a  general  peace.  But  I  never  could 
bring  them  even  to  this.  They  wished  that 
America  should  make  the  offer  of  a  separate 
treaty,  (for  obvious  views)  my  proposal  was, 
that  they  should  offer  irrevocable  terms  of  a 
peace  to  America.  If  they  had  really  meant 
what  they  pretended,  and  what  the  people  of 
England  did  really  desire,  they  would  have 
adopted  that  proposition ;  then  the  question 
would  have  come  forward  upon  the  fair  and 
honourable  construction  of  a  treaty  between 
France  and  America :  the  essential  and  di 
rect  end  of  which  was  fully  accomplished. 
When  I  speak  of  Great  Britain  offering  irre 
vocable  terms  of  peace  to  America,  I  mean 
such  terms  as  would  effectually  have  satis 
fied  the  provision  of  the  treaty,  viz.  tacit  inde 
pendence.  I  send  you  a  paper  entitled  a 
Breviate,  which  I  laid  before  the  late  minis 
try,  and  their  not  having  acted  upon  it,  was 
a  proof  to  me  that  the  disposition  of  their 
hearts  to  America  was  not  altered,  but  that 
all  their  relenting  arose  from  the  impractica 
bility  of  that  war  and  their  want  of  success  in 
it;  but  desponding  as  they  were  at  last,  it  was 
not  inconsistent  with  my  expectations  of  their 
conduct,  that  they  should  make  great  offers 
with  France  to  abandon  America ;  it  was  the 
only  weapon  left  in  their  hands.  In  course 
of  negotiating  with  the  said  ministry,  I  per 
ceived  their  courage  drooping,  from  three  to 
five,  for  the  last  three  or  four  years,  and  it 
was  upon  that  ground  that  I  gave  them  cre 
dit  for  an  increasing  disposition  towards  peace. 
Some  dropt  off,  others  sunk  under  the  load  of 
folly,  and  at  last  they  all  failed. 

"  My  argument,  ad  homines  to  the  late  mi 
nistry,  might  be  stated  thus  respecting  the 


JOURNAL  OF  NEGOTIATION  FOR  PEACE. 


495 


American  war;  'If  you  don't  kill  them,  they 
will  kill  you'  But  the  war  is  impracticable 
on  your  part — Ergo,  '  the  best  thing  you  can 
do  for  your  own  sakes,  is  to  make  peace? 
This  was  reasoning  to  men,  and  through  men 
to  things.  But  there  is  no  measure  of  rage 
in  pride  and  disappointment — 


-'  Spicula  cteca  relinquunt, 


Affixe  venis  animosque  ;  in  valuere  ponunt.' 

So  much  for  the  argument  of  the  Breviate,  as 
far  as  it  respected  the  late  ministry.  It  was 
a  test  which  proved  that  they  were  not  sin 
cere  in  their  pretensions.  If  they  had  been 
in  earnest  to  have  given  the  war  a  turn  to 
wards  the  house  of  Bourbon,  and  to  have  dropt 
the  American  war,  a  plain  road  lay  before 
them.  The  sentiment  of  the  people  of  Eng 
land  was  conformable  to  the  argument  of 
that  Breviate,  or  rather  I  should  say,  what  is 
the  real  truth,  that  the  argument  of  that  Bre 
viate  was  dictated  by  the  notoriety  of  that 
sentiment  in  the  people  of  England.  My  ob 
ject  and  wish,  has  been  always  to  strike  at  the 
root  of  the  evil,  the  American  war.  If  the 
British  nation  have  jealousies  and  resentments 
against  the  house  of  Bourbon,  yet  still  the 
first  step  in  every  case  should  be  to  rescind 
the  American  war,  and  not  to  keep  it  lurking- 
in  the  rear,  to  become  hereafter,  in  case  of 
certain  events,  a  reversionary  war  with  Ame 
rica  for  unconditional  terms.  This  reversion 
ary  war,  was  never  the  object  of  the  people 
of  England ;  therefore  the  argument  of  the 
British  was  concluded  bond  Jide,  to  accom- 

Elish  their  views,  and  to  discriminate  the  fal- 
icious  pretences  of  the  late  administration, 
from  the  real  wishes  of  the  country,  as  ex 
pressed  in  the  circular  resolutions  of  many 
counties  in  the  year  1780,  first  moved  at 
York,  on  March  28,  1780 :  every  other  prin 
ciple  and  mode  of  conduct  only  implies,  as  you 
very  justly  express  it,  a  secret  hope  that  war 
may  still  produce  successes,  and  then,  &c. 
The  designs  which  have  been  lurking  under 
this  pretext,  could  not  mean  any  thing  else 
than  this :  '  Who  knows  but  we  may  talk  to 
America  at  last?'  The  only  test  of  clear  in 
tentions  would  have  been  this,  to  have  cut  up 
the  American  war  and  all  possible  return  to 
it,  for  any  cause  or  under  any  pretext.  I  am 
confident  that  the  sentiments  of  the  people  of 
England  is,  and  always  have  been,  to  procure 
peace  and  reconciliation  with  America,  and  to 
vindicate  the  national  honour  in  the  contest 
with  the  house  of  Bourbon.  If  this  intention 
had  been  pursued  in  a  simple  and  direct  man 
ner,  I  am  confident  that  the  honour  and  safe 
ty  of  the  British  nation  would  long  ago  have 
been  established  in  &  general  peace  with  all  the 
belligerent  powers. 

"  These  are  the  sentiments  to  which  I  have 
always  acted  in  those  negotiations,  which  I 
have  had  on  the  subject  of  peace  with  all  the 


late  ministry;  reconciliation  with  America, 
and  peace  with  all  the  world,  upon  terms  con 
sistent  with  the  honour  and  safety  of  my  own 
country.  Peace  must  be  sought  in  such  ways 
as  promise  the  greatest  degree  of  practica 
bility.  The  sentiments  of  individuals  as  phi 
lanthropists,  may  be  overborne  by  the  powers 
of  ancient  prejudices,  which  too  frequently 
prevail  in  aggregates  of  nations.  In  such  cases 
the  philanthropist,  who  wishes  the  good  of  his 
own  country  and  of  mankind,  must  be  the 
bulrush  bending  to  the  storm,  and  not  the 
sturdy  oak  unavailing  by  resisting.  National 
prejudices  are,  I  hope,  upon  the  decline.  Rea 
son  and  humanity  gain  ground  every  day, 
against  their  natural  enemies  of  folly  and  in 
justice.  The  ideas  of  nations  being  natural 
enemies  to  each  other,  are  generally  reprobat 
ed.  But  still  jealousies  and  ancient  rivalships 
remain,  which  obstruct  the  road  to  peace 
among  men.  If  one  belligerent  nation  will 
entertain  a  standing  force  of  three  or  four 
hundred  thousand  fighting  men,  other  nations 
must  have  defended  frontiers  and  barrier 
towns,  and  the  barrier  of  the  neighbouring 
island,  whose  constitution  does  not  allow  a 
standing  military  force,  must  consist  in  a  su 
periority  at  sea,  it  is  necessary  for  her  own 
defence.  If  all  nations  will  by  mutual  con 
sent,  reduce  their  offensive  powers  (which 
they  only  claim  under  the  pretext  of  neces 
sary  defence)  and  bring  forward  the  reign  of 
the  millennium ;  then  away  with  your  fron 
tiers  and  your  barriers,  your  Gibraltars  and 
the  key  of  the  Baltic,  and  all  the  hostile  array 
of  nations. 

'  Aspersa  compositis  mitescant  sascula  bellis!' 

"These  must  be  the  sentiments  of  every 
philanthropist  in  his  interior  thoughts.  But 
if  we  are  not  to  seek  peace  by  some  particu 
lar  method  accommodating  to  the  remaining 
prejudices  of  the  multitude,  we  shall  not,  I 
rear,  in  our  time  see  that  happy  day,  if  Great 
Britain  and  France  are  ancient  rivals,  then 
(until  the  reign  of  the  millennium  shall  ap 
proach)  arrange  that  rivalship  upon  equitable 
terms,  as  the  two  leading  nations  of  Europe  ; 
set  them  in  the  balance  by  each  other,  the 
one  by  land  and  the  other  by  sea,  give  to 
France  her  elevated  rank  among  the  "nations 
of  Europe  ;  give  to  Great  Britain  the  honour 
of  her  flag,  and  the  security  of  her  islands  by 
her  wooden  walls,  and  then  there  would  be 
no  obstruction  to  general  and  perpetual 
peace. 

"The  prejudices  of  disrespect  between  r.a- 
tions,  prevail  only  among  the  inferior  rank<. 
Believe  me  for  once,  at  least,  I  have  the  high 
est  sentiments  of  respect  for  the  nation  of 
France.  I  have  no  other  sentiment  of  hosti 
lity  but  what  is  honourable  towards  them,  and 
which,  as  a  member  of  a  rival  state,  at  war 
with  them,  constitutes  the  duty  of  allegiance, 


496 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


which  I  owe  to  the  honour  and  interest  of  my 
country.  I  am  not  conscious  of  a  word  or 
thought,  which  on  the  point  of  honour,  I  would 
wish  to  have  conealed — from  a  French  minis 
ter.  In  the  mode  which  I  have  proposed,  of  un 
ravelling  the  present  subjects  of  jealousy  and 
contest,  I  would  make  my  proposals  openly  to 
France  herself.  Let  America  be  free,  and  enjoy 
her  happiness  and  peace  for  ever.  If  France 
and  Great  Britain  have  jealousies  and  rival- 
ships  between  themselves  as  European  nations, 
I  would  then  say  to  France,  let  us  settle  those 
points  between  ourselves,  if  unfortunately,  we 
shall  not  be  able,  by  honourable  negotiation, 
to  compromise  the  indispensable  points  of  na 
tional  honour  and  safety.  This  would  be  my 
language  to  France,  open  and  undisguised, 
in  the  mean  time,  I  desire  you  to  observe, 
that  it  would  not  be  with  reluctance,  that  I 
should  offer  eternal  freedom,  happiness,  and 
peace  to  America.  You  know  my  thoughts  too 
well  to  suspect  that.  I  speak  only  as  in  a  state 
of  war ;  desirous  to  arrange  the  complicated  in 
terests,  and  to  secure  the  respective  honour 
of  nations,  my  wishes  are,  and  always  have 
been,  for  the  peace,  liberty,  and  safety  of 
mankind.  In  the  pursuit  of  those  blessed  ob 
jects,  not  only  this  country  and  America,  but 
France  herself,  and  the  house  of  Bourbon, 
may  justly  claim  the  conspiring  exertions  of 
every  free  and  liberal  mind,  even  among  their 
temporary  enemies  and  rivals. 

«  DAVID  HARTLEY." 


BREVIATE. 

"  February  7,  178-2. 

"  IT  is  stated,  that  America  is  disposed  to 
enter  into  a  negotiation  of  peace  with  Great 
Britain,  without  requiring  any  formal  recog 
nition  of  independence,  always  understood 
that  they  are  to  act  in  conjunction  with  their 
allies  conformable  to  treaties. 

"  It  is  therefore  recommended  to  give  for 
reply,  that  the  ministers  of  Great  Britain  are 
likewise  disposed  to  enter  into  a  negotiation 
for  peace,  and  that  they  are  ready  to  open  a 
general  treaty  for  that  purpose. 

"  If  the  British  ministers  should  see  any 
objection  to  a  general  treaty,  but  should  still 
be  disposed  to  enter  into  a  separate  treaty 
with  America,  it  is  then  recommended  to 
to  them  to  offer  such  terms  to  America,  as 
shall  induce  her  to  apply  to  her  allies  for 
their  consent,  that  she  should  be  permitted  to 
enter  into  a  separate  treaty  with  Great  Bri 
tain.  The  condition  of  which,  being  the  con 
sent  of  allies,  no  proposition  of  any  breach  of 
faith  can  be  understood  to  be  required  of  them, 
by  the  requisition  of  a  separate  treaty. 

"  The  British  ministers  are  free  to  make 
any  propositions  to  America,  which  they  may 
think  proper ;  provided  they  be  not  dishonour 
able  in  themselves,  which  in  the  present  case, 


is  barred  by  the  supposition  of  consent  being' 
obtained.  In  this  case,  therefore,  if  they 
should  be  inclined  to  offer  a  separate  treaty, 
it  is  recommended  to  them,  to  offer  such  terms 
to  America,  as  should  induce  her  to  be  desi 
rous  of  closing  with  the  proposal  of  a  separate 
treaty  on  the  grounds  of  national  security  and 
interests ;  and  likewise,  such  as  may  consti 
tute  to  them  a  case  of  reason  and  justice,  upon 
which  they  may  make  requisition  to  their  al 
lies  for  their  consent.  It  is  suggested,  that 
the  offer  to  America  of  a  truce  of  sufficient 
length,  together  with  the  removal  of  the  Bri 
tish  troops,  would  be  equivalent  to  that  case, 
which  is  provided  for  in  the  treaty  of  Febru 
ary  6,  1778,  between  America  and  France, 
viz.  tacit  independence ;  and  the  declared 
ends  of  that  alliance  being  accomplished,  it 
would  not  be  reasonable  that  America  should 
be  dragged  on  by  their  allies  in  a  war,  the 
continuance  of  which,  between  France  and 
Great  Britain,  could  only  be  caused  by  sepa 
rate  European  jealousies,  and  sentiments  (if 
unfortunately  for  the  public  peace,  any  such 
should  arise)  between  themselves,  independ 
ent  and  unconnected  with  the  American 
cause.  It  is  to  be  presumed,  that  France 
would  not,  in  point  of  honour  to  their  allies, 
refuse  their  consent  so  requested,  as  any  ri- 
valship  and  punctilio  between  her  and  Great 
Britain  as  European  nations,  (principles  which 
too  often  disturb  the  peace  of  mankind)  could 
not  be  considered  as  casus  faderis  of  the  Ame 
rican  alliance,  and  their  pride  as  a  belligerent 
nation,  would  not  prevent  them  to  claim  the 
assistance  of  America  as  necessary  for  their 
support,  thereby  proclaiming  their  nation  un 
equal  to  the  contest,  in  case  of  the  continu 
ance  of  a  war  with  Great  Britain,  after  the 
settlement  and  pacification  with  America. 
Their  consent  therefore  is  to  be  presumed. 
But  if  they  should  demur  on  this  point,  if 
Great  Britain  should  be  disposed  to  concede 
tacit  independence  to  America,  by  a  long 
truce,  and  the  removal  of  the  troops  ;  and  if 
the  obstruction  should  evidently  occur  on  the 
part  of  France,  under  any  equivocal  or  cap 
tious  construction  of  a  defensive  treaty  of  al 
liance  between  America  and  France,  Great 
Britain  would,  from  thence  forward,  stand 
upon  advantageous  ground,  either  in  any  ne 
gotiation  with  America,  or  on  the  continuance 
of  a  war  including  America,  but  not  arising 
from  any  further  resentment  of  Great  Britain 
towards  America,  but  imposed  reluctantly  upon 
both  parties  by  the  conduct  of  the  court  of 
France. 

"  These  thoughts  are  not  suggested  with 
any  view  of  giving  any  opinion  of  preference, 
in  favour  of  a  separate  treaty,  above  a  ge 
neral  treaty,  and  above  any  plan  of  separate 
but  comcomitant  treaties,  like  the  treaties  of 
Munster  and  Osnaburg,  but  only  to  draw  out 
the  line  of  negotiating  a  separate  treaty,  in 


JOURNAL  OF  NEGOTIATION  FOR  PEACE. 


497 


case  the  British  ministers  should  think  it  ne 
cessary  to  adhere  to  that  mode.  But,  in  all 
cases,  it  should  seem  indispensable  to  express 
some  disposition,  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain, 
to  adopt  either  one  mode  or  the  other.  An 
absolute  refusal  to  treat  at  all,  must  necessa 
rily  drive  America  into  the  closest  connexion 
with  France,  and  all  other  foreign  hostile  pow 
ers,  who  would  take  that  advantage  for  ma 
king  every  possible  stipulation  to  the  future 
disadvantage  of  British  interests ;  and,  above 
all  things,  would  probably  stipulate,  that  Ame 
rica  should  never  make  peace  with  Great 
Britain,  without  the  most  formal  and  explicit 
recognition  of  their  independence,  absolute 
and  unlimited." 

David  Hartley  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  May  13,  1782. 

"  MY  DEA.R  FRIEND, — I  wrote  you  a  long 
letter,  dated  May  the  1st,  1782,  by  Mr.  Lau- 
rens,  who  left  London  on  Saturday  last ;  but 
I  will  add  a  few  lines  more  by  a  conveyance, 
that  I  believe  will  overtake  him,  just  to  tell 
you  two  or  three  things,  which  I  have  omitted 
in  my  last.  Perhaps  they  may  not  be  of  any 
consequence ;  but  as  they  relate  to  my  own 
conduct,  I  could  wish  to  have  you  understand 
them. 

"  After  several  conferences  with  the  late 
ministry,  I  gave  in  the  paper,  called  the  Bre- 
viate,  on  the  7th  of  February,  but  I  never  re 
ceived  any  answer  from  them.  They  resign 
ed  on  the  20th  March.  Upon  the  accession 
of  the  new  ministry,  I  heard  nothing  from 
them  upon  the  subject,  nor  indeed  did  I  apply 
to  them.  I  did  not  know  whether  the  paper 
would  come  into  their  hands  by  succession, 
and  I  doubted  whether  it  might  not  be  more 
proper  for  me  to  wait  till  I  heard  from  them. 
While  I  remained  doubtful  about  this,  I  re 
ceived  your  letters,  which  determined  me  to 
go  to  lord  Shelburne.  [This  was  about  the 
beginning  of  the  present  month.]  I  commu 
nicated  to  him  some  extracts,  such  as  those 
about  the  prisoners,  &c.  and  likewise  the 
whole  of  your  letter  of  April  the  13th,  con 
taining  the  offer  of  the  late  ministry,  the  king 
of  France's  answer,  together  with  more  re 
flections  on  the  conclusions  respecting  peace. 
As  you  had  given  me  a  general  permission,  I 
left  with  him  a  copy  of  the  whole  letter. 

"  Upon  the  occasion  of  this  interview,  lord 
Shelburne  told  me,  that  he  had  made  much 
inquiry  in  the  office  for  the  correspondences 
and  papers,  which  had  passed  between  the 
late  ministry  and  me,  but  that  he  could  not 
meet  with  them.  He  expressed  a  regret  that 
he  had  not  conversed  with  me  at  an  earlier 
day,  with  many  civilities  of  that  kind.  In 
short,  I  had  been  backward  to  intrude  myself, 
and  he  expressed  regret  that  he  had  not  sent 
to  me.  Upon  this  opening  on  his  part,  I  stated 

VOL.  I. ...  3  R  42* 


to  him  the  substance  of  what  had  passed  be 
tween  the  late  ministry  and  myself,  and  I  left 
a  copy  of  the  Breviate  with  him.  He  gave 
me  a  very  attentive  audience,  and  I  took  that 
opportunity  of  stating  my  sentiments  to  him, 
as  far  as  I  could,  upon  every  view  of  the  ques 
tion.  Upon  his  expressing  regret  that  he  had 
not  seen  me  sooner,  I  told  him,  that  I  always 
had  been,  and  shall  be  most  ready  to  give  any 
assistance  in  my  power  towards  the  work  of 
peace.  I  say  the  same  to  you. 

"  I  do  not  believe  there  is  any  difference  of 
sentiment  between  you  and  me  personally, 
in  our  own  minds  upon  independence,  &c. 
But  we  belong  to  different  communities,  and 
the  right  of  judgment,  or  consent  and  dissent, 
is  vested  in  the  community.  Divide  independ 
ence  into  six  millions  of  shares,  and  you  should 
have  been  heartily  welcome  to  my  share  from 
the  beginning  of  the  war.  Divide  Canada 
into  six  millions  of  shares,  I  could  find  a  better 
method  of  disposing  of  my  share,  than  by  offer 
ing  it  to  France  to  abandon  America.  Divide 
the  rock  of  Gibraltar  into  six  millions  of  pieces, 
I  can  only  answer  for  one  portion.  Let  rea 
son  and  justice  decide,  in  any  such  case,  as 
universal  umpires  between  contending  par 
ties,  and  those  who  wish  well  to  the  perma 
nent  peace  of  mankind,  will  not  refuse  to  give 
and  to  receive  equal  justice.  I  agree  with 
you,  that  the  equitable  and  philosophical  prin 
ciples  of  politics,  can  alone  form  a  solid  foun 
dation  of  permanent  peace,  and  that  the  con 
traries  to  them  (though  highly  patronised  by 
nations  themselves  and  their  ministers,)  are 
no  better  than  vulgar  errors ;  but  nations  are 
slow  to  conviction  from  the  personal  argu 
ments  of  individuals.  They  are  jealous  in  ho 
nour,  seeking  the  '  Bubble  reputation,  even  in 
the  cannon's  mouth.'  But  until  a  confirmed 
millennium,  founded  upon  wiser  principles, 
shall  be  generally  established,  the  reputation 
of  nations  is  not  merely  a  bubble.  It  forms 
their  real  security.  To  apply  all  this,  in  one 
word,  let  all  nations  agree,  with  one  accord, 
to  « beat  their  swords  into  ploughshares,  and 
their  spears  into  pruning  hooks ;'  or,  give  me 
wooden  walls  to  Great  Britain  ! 

"  I  have  nothing  further  to  add.  My  rea 
son  for  writing  this,  was  just  to  communicate 
to  you  in  what  position  I  had  delivered  over 
my  conferences  and  arguments,  with  the  late' 
ministry,  into  the  hands  of  the  present.  And 
I  will  conclude  with  your  own  words — May 
God  send  us  all  more  wisdom. 

«D.  HARTLEY." 

"  P.  S.  May  17, 1782.  Since  writing  the 
above,  I  have  likewise  left  a  copy  of  the  en 
closed  preliminaries  with  lord  Shelburne." 

PRELIMINARIES. 

"  May,  1762. 

"  1.  That  the  British  troops  shall  be  with- 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


drawn  from  the  thirteen  provinces  of  North 
America,  and  a  truce  made  between  Great 

Britain   and   the   said  provinces,  for 

years.  (Suppose  ten  or  twenty  years.) 

"  2.  That  a  negotiation  for  peace  shall  bond 
fide  be  opened  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
allies  of  America. 

';  3.  If  the  proposed  negotiation  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  allies  of  America, 
should  not  succeed  so  far  as  to  produce  peace, 
but  that  war  should  continue  between  the 
said  parties,  that  America  should  act  and  be 
treated  as  a  neutral  nation. 

"  4.  That  whenever  peace  shall  take  place 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  allies  of  Ame 
rica,  the  truce  between  Great  Britain  and 
America  shall  be  converted  into  a  perpetual 
peace.  The  independence  of  America  shall 
be  admitted  and  guaranteed  by  Great  Britain, 
and  a  commercial  treaty  settled  between  them. 

"  5.  That  these  propositions  shall  be  made 
to  the  court  of  France  for  communication  to 
the  American  commissioners,  and  for  an  an 
swer  to  the  court  of  Great  Britain." 

The  same  day  Mr.  Grenville  visited  me. 
He  acquainted  me  that  his  courier  was  re 
turned,  and  had  brought  him  full  powers  in 
form,  to  treat  for  a  peace  with  France  and 
her  allies.  That  he  had  been  at  Versailles, 
and  had  shown  his  power  to  M.  de  Vergennes, 
and  left  a  copy  with  him  :  that  he  had  also  a 
letter  of  credence,  which  he  was  not  to  deli 
ver  till  France  should  think  fit  to  send  a  mi 
nister  of  the  same  kind  to  London.  That  M. 
de  Vergennes  had  told  him  he  would  lay  it 
before  the  king,  and  had  desired  to  see  him 
again  on  Wednesday.  That  Mr.  Oswald  had 
arrived  in  London  about  an  hour  before  the 
courier  came  away  ;  that  Mr.  Fox  in  his  let 
ter,  had  charged  him  to  thank  me  for  that 
v/iiich  I  had  written,  and  to  tell  me  he  hoped  I 
v/ould  never  forget  that  he  and  I  were  of  the 
same  country.  I  answered,  that  I  should  al 
ways  esteem  it  an  honour  to  be  owned  as  a 
countryman  by  Mr*  Fox.  He  had  requested, 
at  our  last  interview,  that  if  I  saw  no  impro 
priety  in  doing  it,  I  would  favour  him  with  a 
sight  of  the  treaty  of  alliance  between  France 
and  America.  I  acquainted  him  that  it  was 
printed  ;  but  that  if  he  could  not  readily  meet 
with  a  copy  I  would  have  one  written  for 
him  ;  and  as  he  had  not  been  able  to  find  one, 
I  this  day  gave  it  to  him.  He  lent  me  a  Lon 
don  Gazette,  containing  Admiral  Rodney's 
account  of  his  victory  over  M.  de  Grasse,  and 
the  accounts  of  other  successes  in  the  East 
Indies,  assuring  me,  however,  that  these 
events  made  not  the  least  change  in  the  sin 
cere  desire  of  his  court  to  treat  for  peace. 

In  the  afternoon  the  marquis  de  la  Fay- 
ette  called  upon  me.  I  acquainted  him  with 
what  Mr.  Grenville  had  told  me  respecting 
his  credential  letter,  and  the  expectation  that 


a  person,  on  the  part  of  this  court,  would  be 
sent  to  London  with  a  commission  similar  to 
his.  The  marquis  told  me,  he  was  on  his 
way  to  Versailles,  and  should  see  M.  de  Ver 
gennes.  We  concluded,  that  it  would  now  be 
proper  for  him  to  make  the  proposition  we  had 
before  talked  of,  that  he  should  be  the  person 
employed  in  that  service. 

On  Monday,  the  27th,  I  received  a  letter 
from  Mr.  Jay,  dated  the  8th,  acquainting  me 
that  he  had  received  mine  of  the  21st  and 
22d  past,  and  had  concluded  to  set  out  for 
Paris  about  the  19th ;  so  that  he  may  be  ex 
pected  in  a  few  days. 

I  dined  this  day  with  count  D'Estaing,  and 
a  number  of  brave  marine  officers  that  he 
had  invited.  We  were  all  a  little  dejected  and 
chagrined  with  the  news.  I  mentioned,  by 
way  of  encouragement,  the  observation  of  the 
Turkish  bashaw,  who  was  taken  with  his  fleet 
at  Lepanto  by  the  Venetians.  "  Ships,"  says 
he,  "  are  like  my  master's  beard :  you  may 
cut  it,  but  it  will  grow  again :  he  has  cut  off 
from  your  government  all  the  Morea,  which 
is  like  a  limb  that  you  will  never  recover." 
And  his  words  proved  true. 

On  Tuesday  I  dined  at  Versailles  with 
some  friends,  so  was  not  at  home  when  the 
marquis  de  la  Fayette  called  to  acquaint  me 
that  M.  de  Vergennes  informed  him,  that  a 
full  power,  received  by  Mr.  Grenville  from 
London,  and  communicated  by  him,  related  tc 
France  only.  The  marquis  left  me  this  in 
formation,  which  I  could  not  understand. 

On  Wednesday  I  was  at  court,  and  saw 
the  copy  of  the  power.  It  appeared  full,  with 
regard  to  treating  with  France ;  but  mention 
ed  not  a  word  of  her  allies.  And  as  M.  de 
Vergennes  had  explicitly  and  constantly,  from 
the  beginning,  declared  to  the  several  mes- 
engers,  Mr.  Forth,  Mr.  Oswald,  and  Mr. 
Grenville,  that  France  could  only  treat  in  con 
cert  with  her  allies,  and  it  had  in  consequence 
been  declared,  on  the  part  of  the  British  mi 
nistry,  that  they  consented  to  treat  for  a  gene 
ral  peace,  and  at  Paris,  the  sending  this  par 
tial  power  appeared  to  be  insidious,  and  a  mere 
invention  to  occasion  delay ;  the  late  disas 
ter  to  the  French  fleet  having  probably  given 
the  court  of  England  fresh  courage  and  other 
views.  M.  de  Vergennes  said,  he  should  see 
Mr.  Grenville  on  Thursday,  and  would  speak 
his  mind  to  him  on  the  subject  very  plainly  : 
they  want,  says  he,  to  treat  with  us  for  you ; 
but  this  the  king  will  not  agree  to.  He  thinks 
it  not  consistent  with  the  dignity  of  your 
state  ;  you  will  treat  for  yourselves,  and  eve 
ry  one  of  the  powers  at  war  with  England 
will  make  its  own  treaty.  All  that  is  neces 
sary  to  be  observed,  for  our  common  security, 
is,  that  the  treaties  go  hand  in  hand,  and  are 
igned  all  on  the  same  day. 

"  Prince  Bariatinski,  the  Russian  ambassa 
dor,  was  particularly  civil  to  me  this  day  at 


JOURNAL  OF  NEGOTIATION  FOR  PEACE. 


court,  apologized  for  what  had  passed  relating 
to  the  visit,  expressed  himself  extremely  sen 
sible  of  my  friendship  in  covering  the  affair, 
which  might  have  occasioned  to  him  very  dis 
agreeable  consequences,  &c.  The  compte  de 
Nord  came  to  M.  de  Vergennes's  while  we 
were  drinking  coffee  after  dinner.  He  ap 
pears  lively  and  active,  with  a  sensible  spi 
rited  countenance.  There  was  an  opera  at 
night  for  his  entertainment.  The  house  be 
ing  richly  finished  with  abundance  of  carving 
and  gilding,  well  illuminated  with  wax  ta 
pers,  and  the  company  all  superbly  dressed, 
many  of  the  men  in  cloth  of  tissue,  and  the 
ladies  sparkling  with  diamonds,  formed  alto 
gether  the  most  splendid  spectacle  my  eyes 
ever  beheld. 

I  had  some  little  conference  to-day  with 
M.  M.  Berkenrode,  Vanderpiene,  and  Boeris, 
the  ambassador  of  Holland,  and  the  agents  of 
the  Dutch  East  India  Company ;  they  inform 
ed  me,  that  the  proud  letter  of  Mr.  Fox  to  the 
mediating  minister  of  Russia,  proposing  a  se 
parate  peace  with  Holland,  made  no  more  im 
pression  than  the  first,  and  no  peace  will  be 
made  but  in  concurrence  with  France. 

The  Swedish  minister  told  me,  he  expect 
ed  orders  from  his  court  relative  to  a  treaty,  &c. 

I  had,  at  our  last  interview,  given  Mr.  Gren- 
ville  a  rendezvous  for  Saturday  morning, 
and,  having  some  other  engagements  for 
Thursday  and  Friday,  though  1  wished  to 
speak  to  him  on  the  subject  of  his  power, 
I  did  not  go  to  him,  but  waited  his  coming  to 
me  on  Saturday.  On  Friday,  May  31st,  Mr. 
Oswald  called  on  me,  being  just  returned,  and 
brought  me  the  following  letters  from  lord 
Shelburne,  the  first  of  which  had  been  written 
before  his  arrival : 

Earl  Shelburne  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  WHITEHALL,  May  21,  1782. 

"  SIR, — I  am  honoured  with  your  letter  of 
the  10th  instant,  and  am  very  glad  to  find, 
that  the  conduct  which  the  king  had  impow- 
ered  me  to  observe  towards  Mr.  Laurens,  and 
the  American  prisoners,  has  given  you  plea 
sure. 

"  I  have  signified  to  Mr.  Oswald  his  majes 
ty's  pleasure,  that  he  shall  continue  at  Paris 
till  he  receives  orders  from  hence  to  return. 

"  In  the  present  state  of  this  business  there 
is  nothing  left,  but  for  me  to  add  my  sincere 
wishes  for  a  happy  issue,  and  to  repeat  my 
assurances,  that  nothing  should  be  wanting 
on  my  part  which  can  contribute  to  it. 

"SHELBURNE." 


From  the  same. 

"  WHITEHALL,  May  26,  1782. 

"  SIR, — I  have  the  honour  to  receive  your 

letter  of  the  13th  of  May,  by  Mr.  Oswald.   It 

gives  me  great  pleasure  to  find  my  opinion  of 

the  moderation,  prudence,  and  judgment  of 


that  gentleman,  confirmed  by  your  concur 
rence.  For  I  am  glad  to  assure  you,  that  we 
likewise  concur  in  hoping  that  those  qualities 
may  enable  him  to  contribute  to  the  speedy 
conclusion  of  a  peace,  and  such  a  peace  aH 
may  be  firm  and  long  lasting.  In  that  hope 
he  has  the  king's  orders  to  return  immediate 
ly  to  Paris,  and  you  will  find  him  I  trust,  pro 
perly  instructed  to  co-operate  to  so  desirable 
an  object.  SHELBURNJ' 

I  had  not  then  time  to  converse  with  Mr. 
Oswald,  and  he  promised  to  come  and  break 
fast  with  me  on  the  next  Monday. 

Saturday,  June  1st,  Mr.  Grenville  came  ac 
cording  to  appointment  Our  conversation 
began  by  my  acquainting  him  that  I  had  seen 
M.  de  Vergennes,  and  had  perused  the  copy 
left  with  him  of  the  power  to  treat.  That  af 
ter  what  he,  Mr.  Grenville,  had  told  me  of  its 
being  to  treat  with  France  and  her  allies,  I 
was  a  little  surprised  to  find  in  it  no  mention 
of  the  allies,  and  that  it  was  only  to  treat  with 
the  king  of  France  and  his  ministers ;  that  at 
Versailles  there  was  some  suspicion  of  its  being- 
intended  to  occasion  delay,  the  professed  de 
sire  of  a  speedy  peace  being  perhaps  abatec? 
in  the  British  court,  since  its  late  successes  : 
but  that  I  imagined  the  words  relating  to  the 
allies,  might  have  been  accidentally  omitted  ir; 
transcribing,  or  that  perhaps  he  had  a  special 
power  to  treat  with  us  distinct  from  the  other 
He  answered,  that  the  copy  was  right,  am! 
that  he  had  no  such  special  power  in  form  ; 
but  his  instructions  were  full  to  that  purpose, 
and  that  he  was  sure  the  ministers  had  no  de 
sire  of  delay,  nor  any  of  excluding  us  from  the 
treaty,  since  the  greatest  part  of  those  instruc 
tions  related  to  treating  with  me.  That  to 
convince  me  of  the  sincerity  of  his  court  re 
specting  us,  he  would  acquaint  me  with  one 
of  his  instructions,  though  perhaps  the  doinsr 
it  now  was  premature,  and  therefore  a  little 
inconsistent  with  the  character  of  a  politician , 
but  he  had  that  confidence  in  me,  that  he 
should  not  hesitate  to  inform  me  (though  he 
wished  that  at  present  it  should  go  no  farther,) 
he  was  instructed  to  acknowledge  the  indepen 
dence  of  America,  previous  to  the  commence 
ment  of  the  treaty;  and  he  said,  he  could  on 
ly  account  for  the  omission  of  America  in  the 
power,  by  supposing  that  it  was  an  old  offici 
al  form,  copied  from  that  given  to  Mr.  Stan 
ley,  when  he  came  over  hither,  before  the 
last  peace.  Mr.  Grenville  added,  that  he  had 
immediately,  after  his  interview  with  M.  de 
Vergennes,  despatched  a  courier  to  London, 
and  hoped  that  with  his  return  the  difficult} 
would  be  removed.  That  he  was  perfectly 
assured,  that  their  late  success  had  made  no 
change  in  the  disposition  of  his  court  to  peace, 
and  that  he  had  more  reason  than  M.  de  Ver 
gennes  to  complain  of  delay,  since  five  days 
were  spent,  and  lie  could  scarce  obtain  a  pass- 


500 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 


port  for  his  courier,  and  then  it  was  not  to  go 
and  return  by  way  of  Calais,  but  to  go  by  Os- 
tend,  which  would  occasion  a  delay  of  five 
days  longer.  Mr.  Grenville  then  spoke  much 
of  the  high  opinion  the  present  ministry  had 
of  me.  and  their  great  esteem  for  me ;  their 
desire  of  a  perfect  reconciliation  between  the 
two  countries,  and  the  firm  and  general  belief 
in  England,  that  no  man  was  so  capable  as 
myself,  of  proposing  the  proper  means  of  bring 
ing  about  such  a  reconciliation ;  adding,  that 
if  the  old  ministers  had  formerly  been  too  lit 
tle  attentive  to  my  counsels,  the  present  were 
very  differently  disposed,  and  he  hoped  that 
in  treating  with  them  I  would  totally  forget 
their  predecessors.  The  time  has  been,  when 
such  flattering  language,  from  great  men, 
might  have  made  me  vainer,  and  had  more 
effect  on  my  conduct  than  it  can  at  present, 
when  I  find  myself  so  near  the  end  of  life,  as 
to  esteem  alike  all  personal  interests  and  con 
cerns,  except  that  of  maintaining  to  the  last, 
and  the  leaving  behind  me  the  tolerable  good 
character  I  have  hitherto  supported. 

Mr.  G.  then  discoursed  of  our  resolution 
not  to  treat  without  our  allies.  This,  says  he, 
can  properly  only  relate  to  France,  with  whom 
you  have  a  treaty  ;  that  you  have  none  with 
Spain :  you  have  none  with  Holland  ;  if  Spain 
and  Holland,  and  even  if  France  should  in 
sist  on  unreasonable  terms  of  advantage  to 
themselves,  after  you  have  obtained  all  you 
want,  and  are  satisfied,  can  it  be  right  that 
America  should  be  dragged  on  in  a  war  for 
their  interest  only  1  He  stated  this  matter  in 
various  lights,  and  pressed  it  earnestly.  I  re 
solved,  from  various  reasons,  to  evade  the 
discussion,  therefore  answered,  that  the  in 
tended  treaty  not  being  yet  begun,  it  appear 
ed  unnecessary  to  enter  at  present  into  con 
siderations  of  that  kind.  The  preliminaries 
being  once  settled,  and  the  treaty  commenced, 
if  any  of  the  other  powers  should  make  ex 
travagant  demands  on  England,  and  insist  on 
our  continuing  the  war  till  those  were  com 
plied  with,  it  would  then  be  time  enough  for 
us  to  consider  what  our  obligations  were,  and 
how  far  they  extended.  The  first  thing  ne 
cessary  was,  for  him  to  procure  the  full  pow 
ers  ;  the  next,  for  us  to  assemble  the  plenipo 
tentiaries  of  all  the  belligerent  parties,  and 
then  propositions  might  be  mutually  made,  re 
ceived,  considered,  answered,  or  agreed  to. 
In  the  mean  time,  I  would  just  mention  to  him, 
that  though  we  were  under  no  obligations  to 
Spain  by  treaty,  we  are  under  obligations  of 
gratitude  for  the  assistance  she  had  afforded  us ; 
and  as  Mr.  Adams  had  some  weeks  since  com 
menced  a  treaty  in  Holland,  the  terms  of 
which  I  was  not  yet  acquainted  with,  I  knew 
not  but  that  we  might  have  already  some  al 
liance  and  obligations  contracted  there,  and 
perhaps  we  ought  however  to  have  some  con 
sideration  for  Holland,  on  this  account,  that 


it  was  in  vengeance,  for  the  disposition  shown 
by  some  of  her  people,  to  make  a  treaty  of 
commerce  with  us,  that  England  had  declar 
ed  the  war  against  her.  He  said,  it  would  be 
hard  upon  England  if,  having  given  reason 
able  satisfaction  to  one  or  or  two  of  her  ene 
mies,  she  could  not  have  peace  with  those, 
till  she  had  complied  with  whatever  the  others 
might  demand,  however  unreasonable;  for  she 
might  be  obliged  to  pay  for  every  article  four 
fold.  I  observed,  that  when  she  made  her  pro 
positions,  the  more  advantageous  they  were 
to  each,  the  more  it  would  be  the  interest  of 
each  to  prevail  with  the  others  to  accept  of 
those  offered  to  them.  We  then  spoke  of  the 
reconciliation  ;  but  his  full  power  not  being 
yet  come,  I  chose  to  defer  entering  upon  that 
subject  at  present.  I  told  him  I  had  thoughts 
of  putting  down  in  writing  the  particulars  that 
I  judged  would  conduce  to  that  end,  and  of 
adding  my  reasons  ;  that  this  required  a  little 
time,  and  I  had  been  hindered  by  accidents, 
which  was  true,  for  I  had  begun  to  write,  but 
had  postponed  it  on  account  of  his  defective 
power  to  treat ;  but  I  promised  to  finish  it  as 
soon  as  possible.  He  pressed  me  earnestly  to  do 
it,  and  urging  an  expression  of  mine  in  a  for 
mer  conversation,  that  there  still  remained 
roots  of  good  will  in  America  towards  Eng 
land,  which,  if  properly  taken  care  of,  might 
produce  a  reconciliation,  had  made  a  great  im 
pression  on  his  mind,  and  given  him  infinite 
pleasure ;  and  he  hoped  I  would  not  neglect 
furnishing  him  with  the  information  of  what 
would  be  necessary  to  nourish  those  roots , 
and  could  assure  me,  that  my  advice  would 
be  greatly  regarded. 

Mr.  Grenville  had  shown  me,  at  our  last 
interview,  a  letter  from  the  duke  of  Rich 
mond,  requesting  him  to  prevail  with  me  for 
to  disengage  a  captain  M'Leod  of  the  artil 
lery,  from  his  parole,  the  duke's  brother,  lord 
George  Lennox,  being  appointed  to  the  com 
mand  of  Portsmouth,  and  desiring  to  have  him 
as  his  aid-de-camp.  I  had  promised  to  con 
sider  of  it,  and  this  morning  I  sent  him  the 
following  letter : 

"  Lord  George  Lennox. 

"PASSY,  May  31,  1782. 

«  SIR,— I  do  not  find  that  I  have  any  ex 
press  authority  to  absolve  a  parole,  given  by 
an  English  officer  in  America ;  but  desirous 
of  complying  with  the  request  of  the  duke  of 
Richmond,  as  far  as  may  be  in  my  power,  and 
being  confident  that  the  congress  will  be  pleas 
ed  with  whatever  may  oblige  a  personage  they 
so  much  respect,  I  do  hereby  consent  that 
captain  M'Leod  serve  in  his  military  capa 
city  in  England  only,  till  the  pleasure  of  con 
gress  is  known,  to  whom  I  will  write  immedi 
ately,  and  who,  I  make  no  doubt,  will  dis 
charge  him  entirely. 

B.  FRANKLIN." 


JOURNAL  OF  NEGOTIATION  FOR  PEACE. 


501 


America  had  been  constantly  befriended 
in  parliament  by  the  duke  of  Richmond,  and  I 
believed  the  congress  would  not  be  displeased 
at  this  opportunity  of  obliging1  him ;  and  that 
they  would  by  their  approbation,  supply  the 
deficiency  of  my  power ;  besides,  I  could  not 
well  refuse  it,  after  what  had  passed  between 
Mr.  Laurens  and  me,  and  what  1  had  pro 
mised  to  do  for  the  satisfaction  of  that  gentle 
man. 

Sunday,  June  the  2d,  the  marquis  de  la 
Fayette  called  and  dined  with  me ;  he  is  un 
easy  about  the  delay,  as  he  cannot  resolve 
concerning  his  voyage  to  America,  till  some 
certainty  appears  of  their  being  a  treaty,  or  no 
treaty.  This  day  I  wrote  the  following  let 
ter  to 

"  John  Adams. 

"  PASSY,  June  2,  17S2. 

"  SIR, — Since  mine  of  May  8th,  I  have  not 
had  any  thing  material  to  communicate  to 
your  excellency.  Mr.  Grenville  indeed  ar 
rived  just  after  I  despatched  that  letter,  and  I 
introduced  him  to  M.  de  Vergennes ;  but  his 
mission  seems  only  a  repetition  of  that  by 
Mr.  Oswald,  the  same  declarations  of  the 
king  of  England's  sincere  desire  of  peace,  and 
willingness  to  treat  of  a  general  pacification 
with  all  the  powers  at  war,  and  to  treat  at 
Paris ;  which  were  answered  by  the  same  de 
clarations  of  the  good  dispositions  of  their 
court,  and  that  it  could  not  treat  without  the 
concurrence  of  its  allies.  I  omitted  writing 
till  something  should  be  produced  from  a  kind 
of  agreement  that  M.  de  Vergennes  would 
acquaint  Spain  and  Holland  of  the  overture, 
and  that  Mr.  Grenville  would  write  for  full 
powers  to  treat,  and  make  propositions,  &c. 
nothing  of  importance  being  in  the  mean  time 
to  be  transacted. 

"Mr.  Grenville  accordingly  despatched  a 
messenger  for  London,  who  returned  in  about 
twelve  days.  Mr.  G.  called  on  me,  after 
having  been  at  Versailles,  and  acquainted  me 
that  he  had  received  the  favour,  and  had  left 
a  copy  of  it  with  M.  de  Vergennes,  and  that 
he  was  thereby  authorized  to  treat  with 
France  and  her  allies.  The  next  time  I  went 
to  Versailles,  I  desired  to  see  that  copy,  and 
was  surprised  to  find  in  it  no  mention  of  the 
allies  of  France  or  any  one  of  them  ;  and  on 
speaking  with  M.  de  Vergennes  about  it,  I 
found  he  began  to  look  upon  the  whole  as  a 
piece  of  artifice,  to  amuse  us  and  gain  time, 
since  "he  had  uniformly  declared  to  every 
agent  who  had  appeared  here,  viz.  to  Forth, 
Oswald,  and  Grenville,  that  the  king  would 
not  treat  without  the  concurrence  of  his  al 
lies  ;  and  yet  England  had  given  a  power  to 
treat  with  France  only  ;  which  showed  that 
she  did  not  intend  to  treat  at  all,  but  meant 
to  continue  the  war.  I  had  not  till  yesterday, 
an  opportunity  of  talking  with  Mr.  Grenville 


on  the  subject,  and  expressing  my  wonder,  af 
ter  what  he  told  me,  that  there  should  be  no 
mention  made  of  our  states  in  his  commission : 
he  could  not  explain  this  to  my  satisfaction, 
but  said,  he  believed  the  omission  was  occa 
sioned  by  their  copying  an  old  commission 
given  to  Mr.  Stanley  at  the  last  treaty  of 
peace,  for  that  he  was  sure  the  intention  was, 
that  he  should  treat  with  us,  his  instructions 
being  fully  to  that  purpose.  I  acquainted 
him  that  I  thought  a  special  commission  was 
necessary,  without  which  we  could  not  treat 
with  him.  I  imagine  that  there  is  a  reluc 
tance  in  their  king  to  take  this  first  step,  as 
the  giving  such  a  commission  would  itself  be 
a  kind  of  acknowledgment  of  our  independ 
ence.  The  late  success  against  count  de 
Grasse,  may  also  have  given  them  hopes,  that 
by  delay  and  more  successes  they  may  make 
that  acknowledgment  and  a  peace  less  ne 
cessary. 

"Mr.  Grenville  has  written  to  his  court 
for  further  instructions,  we  shall  see  what  the 
return  of  his  courier  will  produce,  a  full 
power  to  treat  with  each  of  the  powers  at 
war  against  England  does  not  appear.  I 
imagine  the  negotiations  will  be  broken  off. 

"  Mr.  G.  in  his  conversations  with  me,  in 
sists  much  on  our  being  under  no  engage 
ments  not  to  make  a  peace  without  Holland. 
I  have  answered  him  that  I  know  not  but  you 
may  have  entered  into  some,  and  that  if  these 
should  be  done,  a  general  pacification  made 
at  the  same  time  would  be  best  for  us  all,  and 
that  I  believe  neither  Holland  nor  we  could 
be  prevailed  on  to  abandon  our  friends ;  what 
happens  farther  shall  be  immediately  com 
municated.  Be  pleased  to  present  my  re 
spects  to  Mr.  Laurens,  to  whom  I  wrote  some 
davs  since.  Mr.  Jay,  I  suppose,  is  on  his 
way  hither.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

On  Monday,  the  third,  Mr.  Oswald  came 
according  to  appointment,  he  told  me  he  had 
seen,  and  had  conversations  with  lord  Shel- 
burne,  lord  Rockingham,  and  Mr.  Fox ;  that 
their  desire  of  peace  continued  uniformly  the 
same,  though  he  thought  some  of  them  were 
a  little  too  much  elated  with  the  late  victory 
in  the  West  Indies ;  and  when  observing  his 
coolness,  they  asked  him  if  he  did  not  think 
it  a  very  good  thing.  Yes,  says  he,  if  you  do 
not  rate  it  too  high.  He  went  on  with  the 
utmost  frankness  to  tell  me,  that  the  peace 
was  absolutely  necessary  for  them ;  that  the 
nation  had  been  foolishly  involved  in  four 
wars,  and  would  no  longer  be  able  to  earn 
money  to  carry  them  on,  so  that  if  they  con 
tinued,  it  would  be  absolutely  necessary  for 
them  to  stop  payment  of  the  interest  money 
in  the  funds,  which  would  ruin  their  future 
credit.  He  spoke  of  stopping  on  all  sums 
above  a  thousand  pounds,  and  continuing  to 
pay  on  those  below,  because  the  great  sums 


502 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


belonged  to  the  rich,  who  could  better  bear 
the  delay  of  their  interest,  and  the  smaller 
sums  to  poorer  persons,  who  would  be  more 
hurt  and  make  more  clamour;  and  that  the 
rich  might  be  quieted  by  promising-  them  in 
terest  upon  their  interests;  all  this  looked  as 
if  the  matter  had  been  seriously  thought  on. 
Mr.  Oswald  has  an  air  of  great  simplicity  and 
honesty ;  yet  I  could  hardly  take  this  to  be 
merely  a  weak  confession  of  their  deplorable 
state ;  and  thought  it  might  be  rather  intend 
ed  as  a  kind  of  intimidation,  by  showing  us 
that  they  had  still  that  resource  in  their 
power,  which  he  said  would  furnish  five  mil 
lions  a  year ;  but  he  added,  our  enemies  may 
now  do  what  they  please  with  us,  they  have 
the  ball  at  their  foot,  was  his  expression;  and 
I  hope  they  will  show  their  moderation  and 
their  magnanimity :  he  then  repeatedly  men 
tioned  the  great  esteem  the  ministers  had  for 
me ;  that  they,  with  all  the  considerable  peo 
ple  of  England,  looked  towards,  and  depend 
ed  on  me  for  the  means  of  extricating  the  na 
tion  from  its  present  desperate  situation ;  and 
that  perhaps,  no  single  man  had  ever  in  his 
hands  an  opportunity  of  doing  so  much  good, 
as  I  had  at  this  present  time;  with  much 
more  to  that  purpose.  He  then  showed  me 
a  letter  to  him  from  lord  Shelburne,  partly  I 
suppose  that  I  might  see  his  lordship's  opi 
nion  of  me,  which,  as  it  has  some  relation  to 
the  negotiation,  is  here  inserted.  He  left  it 
with  me,  requesting  that  I  would  communi 
cate  it  to  Mr.  Walpole. 


Earl  Shelburne  to  Mr.  Oswald. 

"  WHITEHALL,  May  21,  1782. 

"  SIR,— It  has  reached  me  that  Mr.  Wal 
pole  esteems  himself  much  injured  by  your 
going  to  Paris,  and  that  he  conceives  it  was 
a  measure  of  mine,  intended  to  take  the  pre 
sent  negotiation  with  the  court  of  France  out 
of  his  hands,  which  he  conceives  to  have  been 
previously  commenced  through  his  channel, 
by  Mr.  Fox.  I  must  desire  that  you  will  have 
the  goodness  to  call  upon  Mr.  Walpole,  and 
explain  to  him  distinctly,  how  very  little 
foundation  there  is  for  so  unjust  a  suspicion, 
as  I  knew  of  no  such  intercourse.  Mr.  Fox 
declares  he  considered  what  had  passed  be 
tween  him  and  Mr.  Walpole  of  a  mere  pri 
vate  nature,  not  sufficiently  material  to  men 
tion  to  the  king  or  the  cabinet,  and  will  write 
to  Mr.  Walpole  to  explain  this  distinctly  to 
him.  But  if  you  find  the  least  suspicion  of 
this  kind  has  reached  Doctor  Franklin  or  M. 
le  compte  de  Vergennes,  I  desire  this  matter 
may  be  clearly  explained  to  both.  I  have  too 
much  friendship  for  Doctor  Franklin,  and  too 
much  respect  for  the  character  of  M.  le  compte 
de  Vergennes,  with  which  I  am  perfectly  ac 
quainted,  to  be  so  indifferent  to  the  good 


opinion  of  either,  as  to  suffer  them  to  believe 
me  capable  of  an  intrigue,  when  I  have  both 
professed  and  observed  a  direct  opposite  con 
duct.  In  truth  I  hold  it  in  such  perfect  con 
tempt,  that  however  proud  I  may  be  to  serve 
the  king  in  my  present  situation  or  in  any 
other,  and  however  anxious  I  may  be  to  save 
my  country,  I  should  not  hesitate  a  moment 
about  retiring  from  any  situation  which  requir 
ed  such  services.  But  I  must  do  the  king 
the  justice  to  say,  that  his  majesty  abhors 
them,  and  I  need  not  tell  you  that  is  my  fixed 
principle,  that  no  country  in  any  moment  can 
be  advantaged  by  them. 

"SHELBURNE." 

In  speaking  farther  of  the  ministry's  opi 
nion  of  the  great  service  it  might  be  in  my 
power  to  render,  Mr.  Oswald  said,  he  had 
told  them  in  one  of  his  conversations,  that  no 
thing  was  to  be  expected  of  me  but  consist 
ence,  nothing  unsuitable  to  my  character  or 
inconsistent  with  my  duty.  I  did  not  ask 
him  the  particular  occasion  of  his  saying  this, 
but  thought  it  looked  a  little  as  if  something 
inconsistent  with  my  duty  had  been  talked  of 
or  proposed. 

Mr.  Oswald  also  gave  me  a  copy  of  a  pa 
per  written  by  lord  Shelburne,  to  wit : 

Memorandums. 

"  1st.  That  I  am  ready  to  correspond  more 
particularly  with  Doctor  Franklin  if  wished. 

"2d.  That  the  enabling  act  is  passing, 
with  the  insertion  of  commissioners  recom 
mended  by  Mr.  Oswald,  and  on  our  part  com 
missioners  will  be  named,  or  any  character 
given  to  Mr.  Oswald  which  Doctor  Franklin 
and  he  may  judge  conducive  to  a  final  settle 
ment  of  things^between  Great  Britain  and 
America :  which  as  Doctor  Franklin  very 
properly  says,  requires  to  be  treated  in  a  very 
different  manner  from  the  peace  between 
Great  Britain  and  France,  who  have  been  al 
ways  at  enmity  with  each  other. 

"  3d.  That  an  establishment  for  the  loyal 
ists  must  always  be  upon  Mr.  Oswald's  mind, 
as  it  is  uppermost  in  lord  Shelburne's;  be 
sides  other  steps  in  their  favour  to  influence 
the  several  states  to  agree  to  a  fair  restoration 
or  compensation  for  whatever  confiscations 
have  taken  place. 

"4th.  To  give  lord  Shelburne's  letters 
about  Mr.  Walpole  to  Doctor  Franklin." 

On  perusing  this  paper,  I  recollected  that 
a  bill  had  been  sometime  since  proposed  in 
parliament,  to  enable  his  majesty  to  conclude 
a  peace  or  truce  with  the  revolted  colonies  in 
America,  which  I  supposed  to  be  the  enabling 
bill  mentioned,  that  had  hitherto  slept,  and 
not  having  been  passed,  was  perhaps  the  true 
reason  why  the  colonies  were  not  mentioned 
in  Mr.  Grenville's  commission ;  Mr.  Oswald 
thought  it  likely,  and  said  that  the  words 


JOURNAL  OF  NEGOTIATION  FOR  PEACE. 


503 


"  insertion  of  commissioners  recommended  by 
Mr.  Oswald,'  related  to  his  advising  an  ex 
press  mention  in  the  bill  of  the  commissioners 
appointed  by  congress  to  treat  of  peace,  instead 
of  the  vague  denomination  of  any  person  or 
persons,  &c.  in  the  first  draft  of  the  bill  as  to 
the  loyalists.  I  repeated  what  I  had  said  to 
him,  when  first  here,  that  their  estates  had 
been  confiscated  by  the  laws  made  in  the 
particular  states,  where  the  delinquents  had 
resided ;  and  not  by  any  law  of  congress ; 
who  indeed  had  no  power  either  to  make  such 
laws  or  to  repeal  them,  or  to  dispense  with 
them,  and  therefore  could  give  no  power  to 
their  commissioners  to  treat  for  restoration 
for  those  people.  That  it  was  an  affair  apper 
taining  to  each  state.  That  if  there  were 
justice  in  compensating  them,  it  must  be  due 
from  England  rather  than  from  America ;  but 
in  my  opinion,  England  was  not  under  any 
very  great  obligations  to  them,  since  it  was  by 
their  misrepresentations  and  bad  counsels, 
that  she  had  been  drawn  into  this  miserable 
war;  and  that  if  an  account  was  brought 
against  us  for  their  losses,  we  should  more 
than  balance  it,  by  an  account  of  the  ravages 
they  had  committed  all  along  the  coasts  ot 
America.  Mr.  Oswald  agreed  to  the  reason 
ableness  of  all  this,  and  said  he  had,  before 
he  came  away,  told  the  ministers  that  he 
thought  no  recompense  to  those  people  was 
to  be  expected  from  us ;  that  he  had  also,  in 
consequence  of  our  former  conversation  on 
that  subject,  given  it  as  his  opinion,  that 
Canada  should  be  given  up  to  the  United 
States,  as  it  would  prevent  the  occasion  of 
future  differences;  and  as  the  government 
of  such  a  country  was  worth  nothing,  and  of 
no  importance  if  they  could  have  there  a  free 
commerce ;  that  the  marquis  of  Rockingham 
and  lord  Shelburne,  though  they  spoke  re 
servedly,  did  not  seem  very  averse  to  it :  but 
that  Mr.  Fox  appeared  to*  be  startled  at  the 
proposition.  He  was,  however,  not  without 
hopes,  that  it  would  be  agreed  to. 

We  now  come  to  another  article  of  the 
note,  viz.  "  on  our  part  commissioners  will  be 
named,  or  any  character  given  to  Mr.  Os 
wald,  which  Doctor  Franklin  and  he  may 
judge  conducive  to  a  final  settlement  of  things 
between  Great  Britain  and  America."  This 
he  said  was  left  entirely  to  me,  for  he  had  no 
will  in  the  affair.  He  did  not  desire  to  be 
farther  concerned  than  to  see  it  en  train  ;  he 
had  no  personal  views  either  of  honour  or 
profit.  He  had  now  seen  and  conversed  with 
Mr.  Grenville ;  thought  him  a  very  sensible 
young  gentleman,  and  very  capable  of  the 
business ;  he  did  not  therefore  see  any  fur 
ther  occasion  there  was  for  himself;  but  if  I 
thought  otherwise,  and  conceived  he  might 
be  farther  useful,  he  was  content  to  give  his 
time  and  service  in  any  character  or  manner 
I  should  think  proper.  I  said  his  knowledge 


of  America,  where  he  had  lived,  and  with 
every  part  of  which  and  of  its  commerce  and 
circumstances  he  was  well  acquainted,  made 
me  think  that  in  persuading  the  ministry  to 
things  reasonable,  relating  to  that  country, 
he  could  speak  or  write  with  more  weight 
than  Mr.  Grenville ;  and  therefore  I  wished 
him  to  continue  in  the  service,  and  I  asked 
him  whether  he  would  like  to  be  joined  in 
a  general  commission  for  treating  with  all  the 
powers  at  war  with  England,  or  to  have  a 
special  commission  to  himself  for  treating 
with  America  only.  He  said  he  did  not 
choose  to  be  concerned  in  treating  with  the 
foreign  powers,  for  he  was  not  sufficiently  a 
master  of  their  affairs  or  of  the  French  lan 
guage,  which  probably  would  be  used  in  treat 
ing  ;  if  therefore  he  accepted  of  any  com 
mission  it  should  be  that  of  treating  with 
America.  I  told  him  I  would  write  to  lord 
Shelburne  on  the  subject ;  but  Mr.  Grenville 
having  some  time  since  despatched  a  courier, 
partly  on  account  of  the  commission,  who 
was  not  yet  returned,  I  thought  it  well  to 
wait  a  few  days,  till  we  could  see  what  an 
swer  he  would  bring  or  what  measures  were 
taken:  this  he  approved  of.  The  truth  i~, 
he  appears  so  good  and  so  reasonable  a  man, 
that  though  I  have  no  objection  to  Mr.  Gren 
ville,  I  should  be  loth  to  loose  Mr.  Oswald. 
He  seems  to  have  nothing  at  heart  but  the 
good  of  mankind,  and  putting  a  stop  to  mis 
chief;  the  other,  a  young  statesman,  may  be 
supposed  to  have  naturally  a  little  ambition 
of  recommending  himself  as  an  able  negotia 
tor.  In  the  afternoon,  Mr.  Boeris,  of  Holland, 
called  on  me,  and  acquainted  me  that  an  an 
swer  had  not  been  given  to  the  last  memorial 
from  Russia,  relating  to  the  mediation ;  but 
it  was  thought  that  it  would  be  in  respectful 
terms  to  thank  her  imperial  majesty  for  her 
kind  offers,  and  to  represent  the  propriety  of 
their  connexion  with  France,  in  endeavouring 
to  obtain  a  general  peace,  and  that  they  con 
ceived  it  would  be  still  more  glorious  for  her 
majesty  to  employ  her  influence  in  procuring 
a  general  than  a  particular  pacification.  Mr. 
Boeris  further  informed  me,  that  they  were 
not  well  satisfied  in  Holland  with  the  conduct 
of  the  Russian  court,  and  suspected  views  of 
continuing  the  war  for  particular  purposes. 

Tuesday,  June  4.  I  received  another 
packet  from  Mr.  Hartley.  It  consisted  of  du 
plicates  of  the  former  letters  and  papers  al 
ready  inserted,  and  contained  nothing  new, 
but  the  following  letter  from  colonel  Hartley, 
his  brother.* 

Wednesday,  June  the  5th.  Mr.  Oswald 
called  again  to  acquaint  me,  .that  lord  Corn- 
wallis,  being  very  anxious  to  be  discharged 
from  his  parole  as  soon  as  possible,  had  sent 
a  major  Ross  hitherto  to  solicit  it,  supposing 

*  This  paper  is  missing. 


504 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


Mr.  Laurens  might  be  here  with  me.  Mr. 
Oswald  told  me  what  I  did  not  hear  before, 
that  Mr.  Laurens  while  prisoner  in  the  Tower, 
had  proposed  obtaining  the  discharge  of  lord 
Cornwallis  in  exchange  for  himself  and  had 
promised  to  use  his  utmost  endeavours  to  that 
purpose,  in  case  he  was  set  at  liberty,  not 
doubting  of  his  success.  I  communicated  to 
Mr.  Oswald  what  had  already  passed  between 
Mr.  Laurens  and  me,  respecting  lord  Corn 
wallis,  which  appears  in  the  preceding  let 
ters,  and  told  him  I  should  have  made  less 
difficulty  about  the  discharge  of  his  parole,  if 
Mr.  Laurens  had  informed  me  of  his  being 
set  at  liberty,  in  consequence  of  such  an  offer 
and  promise;  and  I  wished  him  to  state  this 
in  a  letter  to  me,  that  it  might  appear  for  my 
justification,  in  what  I  might  with  Mr.  Laurens 
do  in  the  affair ;  and  that  he  would  procure 
for  me,  from  major  Ross,  a  copy  of  the.  parole, 
that  I  might  be  better  acquainted  with  the 
nature  of  it.  He  accordingly  in  the  after 
noon  sent  me  the  following  letter,*  to  which 
I  wrote  this  answer.* 

Friday,  June  7.  Major  Ross  called  on 
me,  and  thanked  me  for  the  favourable  in 
tention  I  had  expressed  in  my  letter  to  Mr. 
Oswald  respecting  lord  Cornwallis,  and  to 
assure  me  his  lordship  would  for  ever  re 
member  it  with  gratitude,  &c.  I  told  him  it 
was  our  duty  to  alleviate  as  much  as  we 
could  the  calamities  of  war ;  that  I  expected 
letters  from  Mr.  Laurens,  relating  to  the 
affair,  after  the  receipt  of  which  I  would  im 
mediately  complete  it;  or  if  I  did  not  hear 
from  Mr.  L.  I  would  speak  to  the  marquis  de 
la  Fayette,  get  his  approbation,  and  finish  it 
without  further  waiting. 

Saturday,  June  8.  I  received  some  news 
papers  from  England,  in  one  of  which  is  the 
following  paragraph  : 

Extract  from  the  London  Evening  Post  of 
May  30,  1782. 

"  IF  reports  on  the  spot  speak  truth,  Mr. 
Grenville  in  his  first  visit  to  Doctor  Franklin, 
gained  a  considerable  point  of  information  as 
to  the  powers  America  had  retained  for  treat 
ing  separately  with  Great  Britain,  in  case  her 
claims  or  demands  were  granted. 

"The  treaty  of  February  6,  1778,  was 
made  the  basis  of  this  conversation,  and  by 
the  spirit  and  meaning  of  this  treaty,  there  is 
no  obligation  on  America  not  to  treat  sepa 
rately  for  peace,  after  she  is  assured  England 
will  grant  her  independence  and  a  free  com 
merce  with  all  the  world. 

"  The  first  article  of  that  treaty  engages 
America  and  France  to  be  bound  to  each 
other,  as  long  as  circumstances  may  require ; 
therefore  the  granting  America  all  that  she 
asks  of  England,  is  breaking  the  bond  by 

*  These  papers  are  missing. 


which  the  circumstances  may  bind  America 
to  France. 

"The  second  article  says,  the  meaning 
and  direct  end  of  the  alliance  is,  to  ensure 
the  freedom  and  independence  of  America. 
Surely  then,  when  freedom  and  independence 
is  allowed  by  Britain,  America  may,  or  may 
not,  as  she  chooses,  put  an  end  to  the  present 
war  between  England  and  America,  and  leave 
France  to  war  on  through  all  her  mad  pro 
jects  of  reducing  the  power  and  greatness  of 
England,  while  America  feels  herself  pos 
sessed  of  what  she  wishes. 

"  By  the  8th  article  of  the  treaty,  neither 
France  nor  America  can  conclude  peace 
without  the  assent  of  the  other,  and  they  en 
gage  not  to  lay  down  their  arms,  until  the 
independence  of  America  is  acknowledged, 
but  this  article  does  not  exclude  America 
from  entering  into  a  separate  treaty  for  peace 
with  England,  and  evinces  more  strongly  than 
the  former  articles,  that  America  may  enter 
into  a  separate  treaty  with  England,  when  she 
is  convinced  that  England  has  insured  to  her 
all  that  she  can  reasonably  ask."  I  conjec 
ture  that  this  must  be  an  extract  from  a  let 
ter  of  Mr.  Grenville,  but  it  carries  an  appear 
ance  as  if  he  and  I  had  agreed  in  these  ima 
ginary  discourses  of  America's  being  at  liber 
ty  to  make  peace  without  France,  &c.  Where 
as  my  whole  discourse  in  the  strongest  terms 
declared  our  determinations  to  the  contrary, 
and  the  impossibility  of  our  acting  not  only 
contrary  to  the  treaty,  but  the  duties  of  grati 
tude  and  honour,  of  which  nothing  is  men 
tioned.  This  young  negotiator  seems  to  va 
lue  himself  on  having  obtained  from  me  a  copy 
of  the  treaty;  I  gave  it  to  him  freely  at  his 
request,  it  not  being  so  much  a  secret  as  he 
imagined,  having  been  printed  first  in  all  the 
American  papers  soon  after  it  was  made ; 
then  at  London  in  Almon's  Remembrancer, 
which  I  wonder  he  did  not  know ;  and  after 
wards  in  a  collection  of  the  American  Con 
stitutions  published  by  order  of  congress.  As? 
such  imperfect  accounts  of  our  conversations 
find  their  way  into  the  English  papers,  I  must 
speak  to  this  gentleman  of  its  impropriety. 

Sunday,  June  9.  Doctor  Bancroft  being 
intimately  acquainted  with  Mr.  Walpole,  1 
this  day  gave  him  lord  Shelburne's  letter  to 
Mr.  Oswald,  requesting  he  would  communicate 
it  to  that  gentleman.  Doctor  Bancroft  said 
it  was  believed  both  Russia  and  the  emperor 
wished  the  continuance  of  the  war,  and  aimed 
at  procuring  for  England  a  peace  with  Hol 
land,  that  England  might  be  better  able  to 
continue  it  against  France  and  Spain. 

The  marquis  de  la  Fayette  having  pro 
posed  to  call  on  me  to-day,  I  kept  back  the 
discharge  of  lord  Cornwallis,  which  was 
written  and  ready,  desiring  to  have  his  ap 
probation  to  it,  as  he  had  in  a  former  conver 
sation  advised  it.  He  did  not  come,  but  late 


JOURNAL  OF  NEGOTIATION  FOR  PEACE. 


505 


in  the  evening,  sent  me  a  note  acquainting  me 
that  he  had  been  prevented  from  accompany 
ing  the  grand  duke  (afterwards  the  emperor 
Paul,  then  at  Paris  under  the  title  of  the 
count  de  Nord,)  to  the  review,  but  would 
breakfast  with  me  to-morrow  morning. 

This  day  I  received  a  letter  from  Mr. 
frana,  dated  St.  Petersburg}),  April  29th,  in 
which  is  the  following  passage :  "  We  yes 
terday  received  the  news  that  the  states-ge 
neral  had  on  the  9th  of  this  month  (N.  S.)  ac 
knowledged  the  independence  of  the  United 
States ;  this  event  gave  a  shock  here,  and 
is  not  well  received,  as  they  at  least  profess 
to  have  flattered  themselves,  that  the  media 
tion  would  have  prevented  it,  and  otherwise 
brought  on  a  partial  peace  between  Britain 
and  Holland.  This  resentment,  I  believe, 
will  not  be  productive  of  any  ill  consequences 
to  the  Dutch  republic." 

It  is  true,  that  while  the  war  continues, 
Russia  feels  a  greater  demand  for  the  naval 
stores,  and  sells  perhaps  at  a  higher  price. 
But  is  it  possible,  that  for  such  petty  interests, 
mankind  can  wish  to  see  their  neighbours  de 
stroy  each  other,  or  has  the  project  lately 
talked  of  some  foundation,  that  Russia  and 
the  emperor  intend  driving  the  Turks  out  of 
Europe ;  and  do  they  therefore  wish  to  see 
France  and  England  so  weakened,  as  to  be 
unable  to  assist  those  people  ? 

Monday,  June  10,  the  marquis  de  la  Fay- 
<9tte  did  not  come  till  between  eleven  and 
twelve.  He  brought  with  him  major  Ross. 
After  breakfast  he  told  me,  (major  Ross  being 
gone  into  another  room)  that  he  had  seen  Mr. 
Grenville  lately,  who  asked  him  when  he 
should  go  to  America :  that  he  had  answer 
ed,  I  have  staid  here  longer  than  I  would  other 
wise  have  done,  that  I  might  see  whether 
we  should  have  peace  or  war,  but  as  I  see 
that  the  expectation  of  peace  is  a  joke,  and 
that  you  only  amuse  us  without  any  real  in 
tention  of  treating,  I  think  to  stay  no  longer, 
but  set  out  in  a  few  days.  On  which  Mr. 
Grenville  assured  him,  that  it  was  no  joke, 
that  they  were  very  sincere  in  their  proposal 
of  treating,  and  that  four  or  five  days  would 
convince  the  marquis  of  it.  The  marquis 
then  spoke  to  me  about  a  request  of  major 
Ross's  in  behalf  of  himself,  lord  Chewton,  a 
lieutenant-colonel,  and  lieutenant  Haldane, 
who  were  aid-de-camps  to  lord  Cornwallis, 
that  they  too  might  be  set  at  liberty  with  him. 
I  told  the  marquis  he  was  better  acquainted 
with  the  custom  in  such  cases  than  I,  and 
being  himself  one  of  the  generals  to  whom 
their  parole  had  been  given,  he  had  more 
right  to  discharge  it  than  I  had,  and  that  if 
he  judged  it  a  thing  proper  to  be  done,  I  wish 
ed  him  to  do  it;  he  went  into  the  bureau,  say 
ing,  he  would  write  something,  which  he  ac 
cordingly  did ;  but  it  was  not  as  I  expected, 
a  discharge  that  he  was  to  sign,  it  was  for  me 

VOL.  L. . .  3  S  43 


to  sign.  And  the  major  not  liking  that  which 
I  had  drawn  for  lord  Cornwallis,  because 
there  was  a  clause  in  it  reserving  to  congress 
the  approbation  or  disallowance  of  my  act, 
went  away  without  taking  it.  Upon  which  L 
the  next  morning,  wrote  the  following : 

«  Mr.  Oswald. 

-PA-HY,  Jiinc  11,  1782. 

"  SIR, — I  did  intend  to  have  waited  on  you 
this  morning  to  inquire  after  your  health,  and 
deliver  the  enclosed  paper,  relating  to  the  pa 
role  of  lord  Cornwallis,  but  being  obliged  to 
go  to  Versailles,  I  must  postpone  my  visit  till 
to-inorrow.  I  do  not  conceive  that  I  have  any 
authority  in  virtue  of  my  office  here,  to  ab 
solve  that  parole  in  any  degree.  I  have  there 
fore  endeavoured  to  found  it  as  well  as  I  could, 
on  the  express  power  given  me  by  congress  to 
exchange  general  Burgoyne  for  Mr.  Laurens. 
A  reservation  is  made  of  confirmation  or  dis 
approbation  by  congress,  not  from  any  desire 
in  me  to  restrain  the  entire  liberty  of  that  ge 
neral  ;  but  because  I  think  it  decent,  and  my 
duty  to  make  such  reservation,  and  that  I 
might  not  otherwise  be  blamed  as  assuming  a 
power  not  given  me,  if  T  undertook  to  dis 
charge  absolutely  a  parole  given  to  congress 
without  anv  authority  from  them  for  so  doin<>'. 
"B.  FRANKLIN."^ 

I  have  received  no  answer  from  Mr.  Lau- 
rens. 

The  following  is  the  paper  mentioned  in 
the  above  letters : 

"  I  did  not  well  comprehend  the  major's 
conduct  in  refusing  this  paper.  He  was  come 
express  from  London  to  solicit  a  discharge  of 
lord  Cornwallis's  parole.  He  had  said  that 
his  lordship  was  very  anxious  to  obtain  that 
discharge,  being  unhappy  in  his  present  situ 
ation.  One  of  his  objections  to  it  was,  that 
his  lordship,  with  such  a  limited  discharge  of 
his  parole,  could  not  enter  into  foreign  ser 
vice.  He  declared  that  it  was  not  his  lord 
ship's  intention  to  return  to  America,  yet  he 
would  not  accept  the  paper,  unless  the  reser 
vation  was  omitted.  I  did  not  choose  to  make 
the  alteration,  and  so  he  left  it  not  well  pleas 
ed  with  me." 

This  day,  Tuesday,  June  llth,  I  was  at 
Versailles,  and  had  a  good  deal  of  conversa 
tion  with  M.  de  Rayneval,  secretary  to  the 
council.  I  showed  him  the  letter  I  had  re 
ceived,  by  Mr.  Oswald,  from  lord  Shelburne, 
and  related  all  the  consequent  conversation 
I  had  with  Mr.  Oswald.  I  related  to  him  also 
the  conversation  I  had  with  Mr.  Grenville. 
We  concluded  that  the  reason  of  his  courier's 
not  being  returned,  might  be  the  formalities 
occasioning  delay  in  passing  the  enabling  bill. 
I  went  down  with  him  to  the  cabinet  of  M. 
de  Vergennes,  where  nil  was  repeated  and 
explained.  That  minister  seemed  now  to  be 


506 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


almost  persuaded,  that  the  English  court  was 
sincere  in  its  declarations  of  being  desirous 
of  peace.  We  spoke  of  all  its  attempts  to 
separate  us,  and  of  the  prudence  of  our  being 
together  and  treating  in  concert.  I  made  one 
remark,  that  as  they  had  shown  so  strong  a 
desire  of  disuniting  us,  by  large  offers  to  each 
particular  power,  plainly  in  the  view  of  deal 
ing  more  advantageously  with  the  rest,  and 
had  reluctantly  agreed  to  make  a  general 
treaty,  it  was  possible  that,  after  making  a 
peace  with  all,  they  might  pick  out  one  of  us 
to  make  war  with  separately.  Against  which 
project  I  thought  it  would  not  be  amiss  if, 
before  the  treaties  of  peace  were  signed,  we 
who  were  at  war  against  England  should  en 
ter  into  another  treaty,  engaging  ourselves, 
that  in  such  case  we  should  again  make  it  a 
common  cause,  and  renew  the  general  war, 
which  he  seemed  to  approve  of.  He  read 
lord  Shelburne's  letter,  relating  to  Mr.  Wai- 
pole,  said  that  gentleman  had  attempted  to 
open  a  negotiation  through  the  marquis  de 
Castries,  who  had  told  him  he  was  come  to  the 
wrong  house,  and  should  go  to  M.  de  Vergen- 
nes ;  but  he  never  appeared.  That  he  was  an 
intriguer,  knew  many  people  about  the  court, 
and  was  accustomed  to  manage  his  affairs  by 
hidden,  round-about  ways;  but,  says  he,  when 
people  have  any  thing  to  propose,  that  relates 
to  my  employment,  I  think  they  should  come 
directly  to  me  ;  my  cabinet  is  the  place  where 
such  affairs  are  to  be  treated  of.  On  the 
whole,  he  seemed  rather  pleased  that  Mr. 
Walpole  had  not  come  to  him,  appearing  not 
to  like  him.  I  learnt  that  Mr.  Jay  had  taken 
leave  the  7th  passed,  of  the  Spanish  ministers, 
in  order  to  come  hither,  so  that  he  may  be 
daily  expected ;  but  I  hear  nothing  of  Mr. 
Laurens  or  Mr.  Adams. 

Wednesday,  June  12.  I  visited  Mr.  Os 
wald  this  morning,  he  said  he  had  received 
the  paper  I  had  sent  him,  relating  to  the  pa 
role  of  lord  Cornwallis,  and  had,  by  convers 
ing  with  major  Ross,  convinced  him  of  his  er 
ror  in  refusing  it.  That  he  saw  I  had  done 
every  tiling  that  could  be  fairly  desired  of 
me,  and  said  every  thing  in  the  paper  that 
could  give  weight  to  the  temporary  discharge, 
and  tend  to  prevail  with  the  congress  to  con 
firm  and  complete  it.  Major  Ross  coming  in 
made  an  apology  for  not  having  accepted  it  at 
first,  declared  his  perfect  satisfaction  with  it, 
and  said  he  was  sure  lord  Cornwallis  would 
be  very  sensible  of  the  favour.  He  then  men 
tioned  the  custom  among  military  people, 
that  in  discharging  the  parole  of  a  general, 
that  of  his  aids  was  discharged  at  the  same 
time.  I  answered,  that  I  was  a  stranger  to 
the  customs  of  the  army ;  that  I  had  made  the 
most  of  the  authority  I  had  for  exchanging 
general  Burgoyne,  by  extending  it  as  a  founda 
tion  for  the  exchange  of  lord  Conwallis ;  but 
that  I  had  no  shadow  of  authority  for  going 


farther ;  that  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette  hav 
ing  been  present  when  the  parole  was  given, 
and  one  of  the  generals  who  received  it,  was 
I  thought  more  competent  to  the  discharge  of 
it  than  myself,  and  I  could  do  nothing  in  it. 
He  went  then  to  the  marquis,  who  in  the  af 
ternoon  sent  me  the  draft  of  a  limited  dis 
charge  which  he  should  sign,  but  requested 
my  approbation  of  it.  I  made  no  difficulty, 
though  I  observed  he  had  put  into  it,  that 
it  was  by  my  advice.  He  appears  very  pru 
dently  cautious  of  doing  any  thing  that  may 
seem  assuming  a  power  that  he  is  not  vested 
with. 

Friday  the  14th.  Mr.  Boeris  called  again, 
wishing  to  know  if  Mr.  Grenville's  courier 
was  returned,  and  whether  the  treaty  was 
likely  to  go  on.  I  could  give  him  no  inform 
ation.  He  told  me  that  it  was  intended  in 
Holland,  in  answer  to  the  last  Russian  memo 
rial,  to  say  that  they  could  not  now  enter  in 
to  a  particular  treaty  with  England :  that  they 
thought  it  more  glorious  for  her  imperial  ma 
jesty  to  be  the  mediatrix  in  a  general  treaty, 
and  wished  her  to  name  the  place.  I  said  to 
him,  as  you  tell  me  that  their  high  mighti 
nesses  are  not  well  satisfied  with  Russia, 
and  had  rather  avoid  her  mediation,  would  it 
not  be  better  to  omit  the  proposition,  at  least, 
of  her  naming  the  place,  especially  as  France, 
and  England,  and  America,  have  already 
agreed  to  treat  at  Paris.  He  replied,  it 
might  be  better ;  but,  says  he,  we  have  no 
politicians  among  us.  I  advised  him  then  to 
write,  and  get  that  omitted,  as  I  understood 
it  would  be  a  week  before  the  answer  was 
concluded  on.  He  did  not  seem  to  think  his 
writing  would  be  of  mnch  importance.  I 
have  observed  that  his  colleague,  Mr.  Van- 
derpiene,  has  a  greater  opinion,  by  far,  of  his 
own  influence  and  consequence. 

Saturday,  15th  instant,  Mr.  Oswald  came 
out  to  breakfast  with  me.  We  afterwards 
took  a  walk  in  the  garden,  when  he  told  me 
that  Mr.  Grenville's  courier  returned  last 
night,  that  he  received  by  him  a  letter  from 
Mrs.  Oswald,  but  not  a  line  from  the  minis 
try  ;  nor  had  he  heard  a  word  from  them  since 
his  arrival,  nor  had  he  heard  of  any  news 
brought  by  the  courier.  That  he  should 
have  gone  to  see  Mr.  Grenville  this  morning1, 
but  had  omitted  it,  that  gentleman  being  sub 
ject  to  morning  head-aches,  which  prevented 
his  rising  so  early.  I  said  I  supposed  he 
would  go  to  Versailles,  and  call  on  me  on  hig 
return.  We  had  a  little  farther  discourse, 
having  no  new  subject. 

Mr.  Oswald  left  me  about  noon  ;  and  soon 
after  Mr.  Grenville  came,  and  acquainted 
me  with  the  return  of  his  courier,  and  that 
he  had  brought  the  full  powers :  that  he,  Mr. 
G.  had  been  at  Versailles,  and  left  a  copy 
with  M.  de  Vergennes :  that  the  instrument 
was  in  the  same  terms  with  the  former,  ex- 


JOURNAL  OF  NEGOTIATION  FOR  PEACE. 


507 


cept  that  after  the  power  to  treat  with  the 
king-  of  France,  or  his  ministers,  there  was  an 
addition  of  words,  importing  a  power  to  treat 
with  the   ministers  of  any  other  prince  or 
state,  whom  it  might  concern:  that  M.  de 
Vergennes  had  at  first  objected  to  these  ge 
neral  words,  as  not  being  particular  enough ; 
but  said,  he  would  lay  it  before  the  king,  and 
communicate  it  to  the  ministers  of  the  belli 
gerent  powers,  and  that  Mr.  Grenville  should 
hear  from  him  on  Monday.     Mr.  Grenville 
added,  that  he  had  further  informed  M.  de 
Vergennes  of  his  being  now  instructed  to 
make  a  proposition,  as  a  basis  for  the  intend 
ed  treaty,  to  wit,  the  peace  of  1763.     That 
the  proposition  intended  to  be  made,  under 
his  first  powers,  not  being  then  received,  was 
now  changed  ;  and  instead  of  proposing  to  al 
low  the  independence  of  America,  on  condition 
of  England's  being  put  in  the  situation  she 
was  in  at  the  peace  of  1763,  he  was  now  au 
thorized  to  declare  the  independence  of  Ame 
rica,  previous  to  the  treaty,  as  a  voluntary 
act,  and  to  propose  separately  as  a  basis,  the 
treaty  of  '63.     This  also  M.  de  Vergennes 
undertook  to  lay  before  the  king,  and  commu 
nicate  to  me.     Mr.  Grenville  then  said  to  me, 
he  hoped  all  difficulties  were  now  removed, 
and  that  we  might  proceed  in  the  good  work. 
I  asked  him  if  the  enabling  bill  was  passed. 
He  said  no;  it  had  passed  the  commons,  and 
had  been  once  read  in  the  house  of  lords,  but 
was  not  yet  completed.     I  remarked,  that  the 
usual  time  approached  for  prorogation  of  par 
liament,  and  possibly  this  business  might  be 
omitted.     He  said,  that  there  was  no  danger 
of  that,  the  parliament  would  not  rise   this 
year  till  the  middle  of  July.     The  India  af 
fairs  had  put  back  other  business  which  must 
be  done,  and  would  require  a  prolongation  of 
the  session  until  that  time.     I  then  ^observed 
to  him,  that  though  we  Americans  considered 
ourselves  as  a  distinct  independent  power  or 
state ;  yet  as  the  British  government  had  al 
ways  hitherto  affected  to  consider  us  only  as 
rebellious  subjects,  and  as  the  enabling  act  was 
not  yet  passed,  I  did  not  think  it  could  be 
fairly  supposed  that  his  court  intended,  by  the 
general  words,  any  other  province  or  state, 
to  include  a  people  whom  they  did  not  allow 
to  be  a  state ;  and  that  therefore  I  doubted 
the   sufficiency  of  his  power  as  to  treating 
with  America,  though  it  might  be  good  as  to 
Spain  and  Holland.     He  replied,  that  he  him 
self  had  no  doubt  of  the  sufficiency  of  his 
power,  and  was  willing  to  act  upon  it.     I 
then  desired  to  have  a  copy  of  the  power, 
which   he  accordingly  promised   me.      He 
would  have  entered  into  conversation  on  the 
topic  of  reconciliation ;  but  I  chose  still  to 
wave   it  till  I  should  find  the   negotiation 
more  certainly  commenced:    and  I  showed 
him  the  London  paper,  containing  the  article 
above  transcribed,  that  he  might  see  how  our 


conversations  were  misrepresented,  and  how 
hazardous  it  must  be  for  me  to  make  any  propo 
sitions  of  the  kind  at  present.  He  seemed  to 
treat  the  newspaper  lightly,  as  of  no  conse 
quence.  But  I  observed,  that  when  he  had 
finished  the  reading  of  the  article,  he  turned 
to  the  beginning  of  the  paper  to  see  the  date, 
which  made  me  suspect  that  he  doubted  whe 
ther  it  might  not  have  taken  its  rise  from 
some  of  his  letters.  When  he  left  me,  I  went 
to  dine  with  M.  de  Chaumont,  who  had  in 
vited  me  to  meet  there  Mr.  Walpole  at  his 
request.  We  shook  hands ;  it  was  near  two 
years  since  we  had  seen  each  other.  Then 
stepping  aside,  he  thanked  me  for  having 
communicated  to  him  lord  Shelburne's  letter 
to  Mr.  Oswald ;  thought  it  odd  that  Mr.  O. 
himself  had  not  spoke  to  him  about  it;  gaid 
he  had  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Fox  upon 
the  affair  of  St.  Eustatia,  in  which  there  were 
some  general  words  expressing  a  desire  of 
peace ;  that  he  had  mentioned  this  to  M.  le 
marquis  de  Castries,  who  had  referred  him 
to  M.  de  Vergennes,  but  he  did  not  think 
it  a  sufficient  authority  for  him  to  go  to  that 
minister.  It  was  known  that  he  had  business 
with  the  minister  of  the  marine  on  the  other 
affair,  and  therefore  his  going  to  him  was  not 
taken  notice  of;  but  if  he  had  gone  to  M.  de 
Vergennes,  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  it  would 
have  occasioned  speculation,  and  much  dis 
course  ;  that  he  had  therefore  avoided  it  till 
he  should  be  authorized,  and  had  written  ac 
cordingly  to  Mr.  Fox;  but  that  in  the  mean 
time  Mr.  Oswald  had  been  chosen,  on  the  sup 
position  that  he  (Mr.  Walpole)  and  I  were  at 
variance.  He  spoke  of  Mr.  Oswald  as  an  odd 
kind  of  a  man ;  but  that  indeed  his  nation 
were  generally  odd  people,  &c.  We  dined 
pleasantly  together  with  the  family,  and  part 
ed  agreeably,  without  entering  into  any  par 
ticulars  of  the  business.  Count  D'Estaing 
was  at  this  dinner,  and  I  met  him  again  at 
Madame  Brillon's. 

There  is  at  present,  among  the  people, 
much  censure  of  count  de  Grasse's  conduct, 
and  a  general  wish  that  count  D'Estaing  had 
the  command  in  America.  I  avoided  med 
dling  or  even  speaking  on  the  subject,  as  im 
proper  for  me,  though  I  much  esteem  that 
commander. 

Sunday  16th.  I  heard  nothing  from  Ver 
sailles  ;  I  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Adams, 
acquainting  me  that  he  had  drawn  upon  me 
for  a  quarter's  salary,  which  he  hoped  would 
be  the  last,  as  he  now  found  himself  in  a  way 
of  getting  some  money  there,  though  not 
much.  But  he  says  not  a  word  in  answer  to 
my  late  letters  on  public  affairs,  nor  have  1 
had  any  line  from  Mr.  Laurens,  which  I  won 
der  at.  I  received  also  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Carmichael,  dated  June  5th,  at  Madrid.  He 
speaks  of  Mr.  Jay  being  on  his  journey,  and 
supposes  he  would  be  with  me  before  that 


508 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


letter,  so  that  I  may  expect  him  daily.     We 
have  taken  lodging-  for  him  at  Paris. 

Monday  17th.  I  received  a  letter  from 
Mr.  Hodgson,  acquainting  me  that  the  Ame 
rican  prisoners  at  Portsmouth,  to  the  number 
of  330,  were  all  embarked  on  board  the  trans 
ports  ;  that  each  had  received  twenty  shillings 
worth  o*f  necessaries  at  the  expense  of  go 
vernment,  and  went  on  board  in  good  humour. 
That  contrary  winds  have  prevented  the 
transports  arriving  in  time  at  Plymouth;  but ! 
that  the  whole  number  was  there,  of  our  own 
people,  amounting  to  700,  which  with  those 
arrived  from  Ireland,  would  soon  be  on  their 
way  home.  In  the  evening  the  marquis  de 
la  Fayette  came  to  see  me,  and  said  he  had 
seen  M.  de  Vergennes,  who  was  satisfied 
with  Mr.  Grenville's  powers.  He  asked  me 
what  I  thought  of  them,  and  I  told  him  what 
I  had  said  to  Mr.  Grenville  of  the  imperfec 
tion  with  respect  to  us.  He  agreed  in  opi 
nion  with  me :  I  let  him  know  that  I  propos 
ed  waiting  on  M.  de  Yergennes  to-morrow. 
He  said  he  had  signed  the  paper  relating  to 
major  Ross's  parole,  and  hoped  congress  would 
not  take  it  amiss ;  and  added,  that  in  conver 
sation  with  the  major,  he  had  asked  him  why 
England  was  so  backward  to  make  proposi 
tions  1  "  We  are  afraid,"  says  the  major,  "  of 
offering  you  more  than  you  expect  or  desire." 
I  find  myself  in  some  perplexity  with  regard 
to  these  two  negotiators.  Mr.  Oswald  ap 
pears  to  have  been  the  choice  of  lord  Shel- 
burne,  Mr.  Grenvilie  that  of  Mr.  secretary 
Fox.  Lord  Shelburne  is  said  to  have  lately 
acquired  much  of  the  king's  confidence :  Mr. 
Fox  calls  himself  the  minister  of  the  people ; 
and  it  is  certain,  that  his  popularity  is  lately 
much  increased.  Lord  Shelburne  seems  to 
wish  to  have  the  management  of  the  treaty  ; 
Mr.  Fox  seems  to  think  it  in  his  department.  I 
hear  that  the  understanding  between  these  mi 
nisters  is  not  quite  perfect.  Mr.  Grenville  is 
clear,  and  seems  to  feel  reason  as  readily  as  Mr. 
O.,  though  not  so  readily  to  own  it;  Mr.  Os 
wald  appears  quite  plain  and  sincere.  I  some 
times  a  little  doubt  Mr.  Grenville  and  Mr.  Os 
wald.  The  old  man  seems  to  have  now  no 
other  desire,  but  that  of  being  useful  in  doing 
good.  Mr.  Grenville,  a  young  man,  naturally 
desirous  of  acquiring  reputation,  seems  to  aim 
at  that  of  being  an  able  negotiator :  Oswald 
does  not  solicit  to  have  any  share  in  the  bu 
siness,  but  submitting  the  matter  to  lord  S. 
and  me,  expresses  only  his  willingness  to 
serve,  if  we  think  he  may  be  useful ;  and  is 
equally  willing  to  be  excused,  if  we  judge 
there  is  no  occasion  for  him.  Grenville 
seems  to  think  the  whole  negotiation  com 
mitted  to  him,  and  to  have  no  idea  of  Oswald's 
being  concerned  in  it ;  and  is  therefore  wil 
ling  to  extend  the  expressions  in  his  commis 
sion,  so  as  to  make  them  comprehend  Ame 
rica,  and  this  beyond  what  I  think  they  will 


bear.  I  imagine  we  might  go  on  very  well 
with  either  of  them,  though  I  should  rather 
prefer  Oswald,  but  I  apprehend  difficulties,  if 
they  are  both  employed,  especially  if  there  is 
any  misunderstanding  between  their  princi 
pals.  I  must,  however,  write  to  lord  S.,  pro 
posing  something,  in  consequence  of  his  offer 
of  vesting  Mr.  Oswald  with  any  commission 
that  gentleman  and  1  should  think  proper. 

Tuesday  the  18th.  I  found  myself  much  in 
disposed  with  a  sudden  and  violent  cold,  at 
tended  with  a  feverishness  and  head-ache.  I 
imagined  it  to  be  an  effect  of  the  influenza, 
a  disorder  now  raging  in  various  parts  of  Eu 
rope.  This  prevented  my  going  to  Versailles. 

Thursday  20th.  Weather  excessively  hot, 
and  my  disorder  continues,  but  is  lessened,  the 
head-ache  having  left  me.  I  am  however  yet 
able  to  go  to  Versailles. 

Friday  21st.  I  received  the  following- 
note: 

The  marquis  de  la  Fayette  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

li  VERSAILLES.  Thursday  morning,  June  20,  1782 
"Mv  DEAR  SIR, — Agreeable  to  your  de 
sire,  I  have  waited  on  count  de  Vergennes, 
and  said  to  him  what  I  had  in  command  from 
your  excellency.  He  intends  taking  the 
king's  orders  this  morning,  and  expects  he 
will  be  able  to  propose  Mr.  Grenville  a  meet 
ing  for  to-morrow ;  when  he  will  have  time 
to  explain  himself  respecting  France  and  he- 
allies,  that  he  may  make  an  official  commu 
nication  both  to  the  king  and  the  allied  mi 
nisters;  what  count  de  Vergennes  can  make 
out  of  this  conversation  will  be  communicat 
ed  by  him  to  your  excellency,  in  case  you 
are  able  to  come.  In  the  other  case  I  shall 
wait  upon  you  to-morrow  evening  with  every 
information  I  can  collect. 

"  LA  FAYETTE." 

In  the  evening,  the  marquis  called  on  me, 
and  acquainted  me,  that  Mr.  Grenville  had 
been  with  count  de  Vergennes,  but  could  not 
inform  me  what  had  passed. 

Saturday,  22d.  Messieurs  Oswald  and 
Whiteford  came  and  breakfasted  with  me. 
Mr.  O.  had  received  two  letters  or  instruc 
tions  :  I  told  him  I  would  write  to  lord  Shel 
burne  respecting  him,  and  call  on  him  on 
Monday  morning  to  breakfast,  and  show  him 
what  I  proposed  to  write,  that  it  might  re 
ceive  such  alterations  as  he  might  judge  pro 
per. 

Sunday  23d.  In  the  afternoon  Mr.  Jay  ar 
rived,  to  my  great  satisfaction.  I  proposed 
going  with  him  the  next  morning  to  Versailles, 
and  presenting  him  to  Vergennes.  He  in 
formed  me  that  the  Spanish  minister  had  been 
much  struck  with  the  news  from  England,  re 
specting  the  resolutions  of  parliament  to  dis 
continue  the  war  in  America,  &c.  and  that 
they  had  since  been  extremely  civil  to  him, 


JOURNAL  OF  NEGOTIATION  FOR  PEACE. 


and  he  understood  intended  to  send  instruc 
tions  to  their  ambassador  at  this  court  to  make 
the  long-talked-of  treaty  with  him  here. 

Monday  24th.  Wrote  a  note  of  excuse 
to  Mr.  Oswald,  promising  to  wait  on  him  on 
Wednesday,  and  went  with  Mr.  Jay  to  Ver 
sailles.  M.  de  Vergennes  acquainted  us,  that 
he  had  given  to  Mr.  Grenville  the  answer  to 
his  propositions,  who  had  immediately  des 
patched  it  to  his  court.  He  read  it  to  us,  and 
I  shall  endeavour  to  obtain  a  copy  of  it.  M. 
<le  Vergennes  informed  us  that  a  frigate  was 
about  to  be  despatched  for  America,  by  which 
we  might  write ;  and  that  the  courier,  who 
was  to  carry  down  the  despatches,  would  set 
off  on  Wednesday  morning.  We  concluded 
to  omit  coming  to  court  on  Tuesday,  in  order 
to  prepare  our  letters.  M.  de  Vergennes  ap 
peared  to  have  some  doubts  about  the  since 
rity  of  the  British  court,  and  the  bonfoi  of  Mr. 
Grenville ;  but  said  the  return  of  Mr.  J.'s  cou 
rier  might  give  light.  I  wrote  to  Mr.  secre 
tary  Livingston  and  Mr.  Morris. 

Wednesday,  26th.  I  sent  away  my  letters, 
and  went  to  see  Mr.  Oswald.  I  showed  him  the 
draft  of  a  letter  I  had  addressed  to  him,  instead 
of  lord  S.,  respecting  the  commission  or  public 
character  he  might  hereafter  be  vested  with. 
This  draft  was  founded  on  lord  Shelburne's 
memorandum,  which  Mr.  Oswald  had  shown 
to  me ;  and  his  letter  was  intended  to  be  com 
municated  by  him  to  lord  Shelburne.  Mr. 
Oswald  liked  the  mode,  but  rather  chose  that 
no  mention  should  be  made  of  his  having 
showed  me  lord  S.'s  memorandum,  though  he 
thought  they  were  given  him  for  that  purpose. 
I  struck  that  part  out,  and  new-modeled  the 
letter  which  I  sent  him  next  day  as  follows : 

"  R.  Oswald. 

"  PASSY,  June  — ,  1782. 

"  SIR, — The  opinion  I  have  of  your  candour, 
probity,  good  understanding,  and  good-will  to 
both  countries,  made  me  hope  that  you  would 
have  been  vested  with  the  character  of  pleni 
potentiary,  to  treat  with  those  from  America. 
When  Mr.  Grenville  produced  his  first  com 
mission,  which  was  only  to  treat  with  France, 
I  did  imagine  that  the  other,  to  treat  with  us, 
was  reserved  for  you,  and  kept  back  only  till 
the  enacting  clause  should  be  passed.  Mr. 
Grenville  has  demanded  a  second  commission, 
which,  as  he  informs  me,  has  additional  words, 
impowering  him  to  treat  with  the  ministers 
of  any  other  prince  or  state  whom  it  may  con 
cern — and  he  seems  to  understand  that  those 
general  words  comprehended  the  United 
States  of  America.  There  may  be  no  doubt 
that  they  comprehend  Spain  and'Holland ;  but 
as  there  exist  various  public  acts,  by  which 
the  government  of  Britain  denies  us  to  be 
states,  and  none  in  which  they  acknowledge 
us  to  be  such ;  it  seems  hardly  clear,  that  we 
should  be  intended  at  the  time  that  commis- 
43* 


sion  was  given,  the  enabling  act  not  being 
then  passed.  So  that  though  I  can  have  no 
objection  to  Mr.  Grenville,  nor  a  right  to  make 
it  if  I  had  any ;  yet,  as  your  long  residence  in 
America  has  given  you  a  knowledge  of  that 
country,  its  people,  circumstances,  &c.  which, 
added  to  your  experience  in  business,  may  be 
useful  to  both  sides  in  facilitating  and  expedi 
ting  the  negotiations,  I  cannot  but  hope  that 
it  is  still  intended  to  vest  you  with  the  cha 
racter  above-mentioned,  respecting  the  treaty 
with  America,  either  separately,  or  in  con 
junction  with  Mr.  Grenville,  as  to  the  wisdom 
of  your  ministers  may  seem  best.  Be  it  as  it 
may,  I  beg  you  to  accept  this  line  as  a  testi 
mony  of  the  sincere  esteem  and  respect  with 
which,  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

Friday,  28th  June,  M.  de  Rayneval  called 
on  me,  and  acquainted  me  that  the  ministers 
had  received  intelligence  from  England,  that 
besides  the  orders  given  to  general  Carleton, 
to  propose  terms  of  re-union  to  America,  art 
ful  emissaries*  were  sent  over  to  go  through 
the  country  and  stir  up  the  people  to  call  on 
the  congress  to  accept  those  terms,  they  be- 
ingsimilar  to  those  settling  with  Ireland.  That 
it  would  therefore  be  well  for  Mr.  Jay  and  me 
to  unite  and  caution  congress  against  these 
practices.  He  said  M.  de  Vergennes  wished 
to  know  what  I  had  written  respecting  the  ne 
gotiation,  as  it  would  be  well  for  us  to  hold 
pretty  near  the  same  language.  I  told  him  I 
did  not  apprehend  the  least  danger  that  such 
emissaries  would  meet  with  success,  or  that 
the  congress  would  make  any  treaty  with 
general  Carleton;  that  I  would,  however, 
write  as  he  desired,  and  Mr.  Jay  coming  in 
promised  the  same.  He  said  the  courier  would 
go  to-morrow.  I  accordingly  wrote  to  Mr. 
secretary  Livingston. 

M.  de  Rayneval  (who  is  secretary  to  the 
council  of  state)  calling  again  in  the  evening, 
I  gave  him  copies  of  the  three  preceding  let 
ters  to  peruse  and  show  to  M.  de  Vergennes, 
to  convince  him  we  had  no  underhand  deal 
ings  there.  I  own  I  had  at  the  same  time 
another  view  in  it,  which  was  that  they  should 
see  I  had  been  ordered  to  demand  further 
aids,  and  had  forborne  to  make  the  demand?, 
with  my  reasons,  hoping,  that  if  they  possibly 
could  help  us  to  some  money,  they  might  be 
induced  to  do  it.  I  had  never  made  any  visit 
to  the  count  d'Aranda,  the  Spanish  ambassa 
dor,  for  reasons  before  mentioned.  M.  de  Ray 
neval  told  Mr.  Jay  and  me  this  morning,  that, 
it  would  be  well  for  us  to  wait  on  him ;  and 
he  had  authority  to  assure  us  we  should  be 

*  It  appears  from  the  journal  of  Mr.  Jay,  that  the  af 
terwards  much  celebrated  sir  William  Jones  was  con 
sidered  as  engaged  by  the  British  government  to  pro 
ceed  to  America,  for  the  purposes  here  expressed ;  and 
had  proceeded  on  his  way  to  Paris,  where  he  tarried  a 
short  time :  but  was  recalled,  and  the  project  abandoned. 
—EDITOR. 


510 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


well  received.     We  accordingly  concluded  to 
wait  on  his  excellency  the  next  morning1. 

Saturday,  June  29th.  We  went  together 
to  the  Spanish  ambassador,  who  received  us 
with  civility  and  politeness.  He  spoke  with 
Mr.  Jay  on  the  subject  of  the  treaty  they  were 
to  make  together,  and  mentioned,  in  gene 
ral,  as  a  principle,  that  the  two  powers  should 
consider  each  other's  conveniency,  and  ac 
commodate  arid  compensate  each  other  as 
well  as  they  could.  That  an  exact  compen 
sation  might  perhaps  not  be  possible;  but 
should  be  approached  as  nearly  as  the  nature 
of  things  would  admit.  Thus,  says  "he,  "  if 
there  is  a  certain  thing  which  would  be  con 
venient  to  each  of  us,  but  more  convenient  to 
one  than  to  the  other,  it  should  be  given  to 
the  one  to  whom  it  would  be  the  most  con 
venient,  and  compensation  be  made  by  giving 
another  thing  to  the  other  for  the  same  rea 
son."  I  suppose  he  had  in  view  something  re 
lating  to  boundaries  or  territories,  because  he 
added,  "we  will  sit  down  together  with  maps 
in  our  hands,  and  by  that  means  shall  see  our 
way  more  clearly."  I  learnt  from  him,  that 
the  expedition  against  Providence  had  failed, 
but  no  advice  was  yet  received  of  its  success. 
At  our  going  out  he  took  pains  himself  to 
open  the  folding  doors  for  us,  which  is  a  high 
compliment  here,  and  told  us  he  would  return 
our  visit  (rendre  son  devoir}  and  then  fix  a 
day  with  us  for  dining  with  him.  I  dined  with 
Mr.  Jay  and  a  company  of  Americans  at  his 
lodgings. 

Sunday,  July  1.  Mr.  Grenville  called  on  me. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE    AND 
POLITICAL— continued. 


R.  R.  Livingston  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Jan.  3,  1783. 

"  SIR, — I  was  honoured  with  your  letter  by 
the  Danae.  I  congratulate  you  upon  the  pro 
mising  state  of  our  negotiations,  since  peace 
begins  to  be  no  less  desirable  here  than  else 
where. 

"  But  I  will  not  enter  into  that  subject  at 
present,  as  I  mean  to  write  very  fully,  both 
to  Mr.  Jay  and  to  you,  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  who 
will  sail  in  company  with  this  frigate,  in  the 
Romulus,  a  ship  of  forty-four  guns.  Lest, 
however,  any  accident  should  happen  to  pre 
vent  his  arriving  as  soon  as  the  Emerald,  I 
enclose  a  resolution  of  congress,  which  was 
suggested  by  the  proposition  you  mention  to 
have  been  made  to  Mr.  Oswald,  on  the  sub 
ject  of  commerce.  For  my  own  part,  I  pre 
sume  that  it  is  already  included  in  your  pro 
positions,  but  as  we  have  yet  been  favoured 
only  with  that  short  note  of  them,  which  has 
been  transmitted  by  you,  we  can  form  no  ac- 1 


curate  judgment  on  the  subject  You  can 
hardly  conceive  the  embarrassments  that  the 
want  of  more  minute  details  subjects  us  to. 

"  You  will  learn  from  the  count  Rochani- 
beau,  that  the  French  army  sailed  on  the  24th 
ult.  Perhaps  it  were  to  be  wished  they  had 
remained  here,  at  least  till  New  York  and 
Charleston  were  evacuated,  or  rather  till  the 
peace.  Congress  have,  however,  given  them 
a  good  word  at  parting,  as  you  will  see  by  the 
enclosed  resolves.  Not  being  consulted,  they 
could  interpose  no  objections  to  their  depart 
ure,  though  they  were  not  without  many 
reasons  for  wishing  to  detain  them. 

"Our  finances  are  still  in  great  distre^- 
If  the  war  continues,  a  foreign  loan,  in  addi 
tion  to  those  already  received,  will  be  essen 
tial.  A  plan  for  ascertaining  what  shall  be 
called  contingent  expenses,  is  under  the  con- 
side  ration  of  congress,  as  well  as  the  objec 
tions  you  have  stated  with  respect  to  the 
mode  of  paying  salaries,  which  will,  I  be 
lieve,  be  altered.  The  allowance  to  Mr. 
Franklin  has  been  confirmed,  and  your  mo 
deration  and  his  upon  this  point,  have  done 
you  both  honour  in  the  opinion  of  congress. 
«R.  R.  LIVINGSTON." 


The  same. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Jan.  C,  1?8:< 

"  SIR, — I  have  before  me  your  letters  of  the 
25th  and  29th  of  June,  12th  of  August,  &i 
and  26th  of  September,  and  14th  of  October- 
last.  Several  matters  contained  in  them 
have  already  been  answered,  and  some  others 
I  am  unable  to  reply  to,  till  congress  have 
decided  on  such  propositions  as  I  have  sub 
mitted  to  their  consideration. 

"  The  convention  relative  to  consuls  has 
been  objected  to  by  Mr.  Barclay,  on  account 
of  its  prohibiting  the  consuls  from  trading. 
As  the  funds  of  congress  leave  them  no 
means  of  affording  an  adequate  support  to  per 
sons  who  are  qualified,  they  fear  that  the  on 
ly  inducement  to  accept  the  appointment  will 
be  taken  away  by  this  prohibition.  Mr.  Bar 
clay's  letter  on  that  subject  is  under  consider 
ation. 

"I  see  the  force  of  your  objections  to  soli 
citing  the  additional  twelve  millions,  and  1 
feel  very  sensibly  the  weight  of  our  obliga 
tions  to  France ;  but  every  sentiment  of  this 
kind  must  give  way  to  our  necessities.  It  is 
not  for  the  interest  of  our  allies  to  lose  the 
benefit  of  all  they  have  done,  by  refusing  to 
make  a  small  addition  to  it,  or  at  least  to  see 
the  return  that  our  commerce  will  make  them 
suspended  by  new  convulsions  in  this  coun 
try.  The  army  have  chosen  committees ;  a 
very  respectable  one  is  now  witli  congress. 
They  demand  with  importunity  their  arrears 
of  pay.  The  treasury  is  empty,  and  inade 
quate  means  of  filling  it  presents  itself.  The 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL 


511 


people  pant  for  peace ;  should  contributions 
be  exacted,  as  they  have  heretofore  been,  at 
the  point  of  the  sword,  the  consequences  may 
be  more  dreadful  than  is  at  present  appre 
hended.  I  do  not  pretend  to  justify  the  neg 
ligence  of  the  states  in  not  providing  great 
er  supplies.  Some  of  them  might  do  more 
than  they  have  done  ;  none  of  them  all  that 
is  required.  It  is  my  duty  to  confide  to  you, 
that  if  the  war  is  continued  in  this  country,  it 
must  be  in  a  great  measure  at  the  expense  of 
France.  If  peace  is  made,  a  loan  will  be 
absolutely  necessary  to  enable  us  to  discharge 
the  army,  that  will  not  easily  separate  with 
out  pay.  I  am  sorry  that  neither  Mr.  Jay  nor 
you  sent  the  propositions  at  large,  as  you 
have  made  them,  since  we  differ  in  opinion 
about  the  construction  to  be  put  on  your  com 
mercial  article,  as  you  will  find  by  a  resolu 
tion  enclosed  in  my  letter. 

"  I  wish  the  concession  made  of  our  trade, 
may  be  on  conditions  of  similar  privileges  on 
the  part  of  Great  Britain.  You  will  see  that 
without  this  precaution,  every  ally  that  we 
have,  that  is  to  be  treated  as  the  most  favour 
ed  nation,  may  be  entitled  to  the  same  privi 
leges,  even  though  they  do  not  purchase  them 
by  reciprocal  grants. 

"  As  to  confiscated  property,  it  is  at  present 
in  such  a  state,  that  the  restoration  of  it  is 
impossible.  English  debts  have  not,  that  I 
know  of,  been  forfeited,  unless  it  be  in  one 
state  ;  and  I  should  be  extremely  sorry  to  see 
so  little  integrity  in  my  countrymen,  as  to 
render  the  idea  of  withholding  them  a  general 
one;  however,  it  would  be  well  to  "say  no 
thing  about  them  if  it  can  be  conveniently 
done. 

"  I  am  more  and  more  convinced,  that  eve 
ry  means  in  your  power  must  be  used  to  se 
cure  the  fisheries.  They  are  essential  to 
some  states,  and  we  cannot  but  hate  the  nation 
that  keeps  us  from  using  this  common  favour 
of  Providence.  It  was  one  of  the  direct  ob 
jects  for  carrying  on  the  war.  While  I  am 
upon  this  subject,  I  cannot  but  express  my 
hope,  that  every  means  will  be  used  to  guard 
against  any  mistrusts  or  jealousies  between 
you  and  France.  The  United  States  have 
shown  their  confidence  in  her  by  their  in 
structions.  She  has  repeatedly  promised  to 
procure  for  us  all  we  ash,  as  far  as  it  lies  in 
her  power.  Let  our  conduct  leave  her  with 
out  apology,  if  she  acts  otherwise,  which  I 
am  far  from  suspecting. 

"  With  respect  to  the  seamen  you  mention, 
1  wish,  if  any  further  order  is  necessary  than 
that  which  Mr.  Barclay  already  has,  that  you 
would  give  it,  so  far  as  to  enable  him  to  state 
their  accounts,  and  transfer  them  to  Mr.  Mor 
ris.  As  the  treaty  with  Holland  is  conclud 
ed,  I  hope  you  have  made  some  progress  in 
that  with  Sweden,  a  plan  of  which  has  been 
transmitted  ;  another  copy  will  go  by  Mr.  Jef 
ferson. 


"  I  am  glad  to  find  you  have  some  prospect 
of  obtaining  what  is  due  on  the  Bonhomme 
Richard's  prize  money.  That  matter  has  been 
much  spoken  of,  and  occasioned  some  reflec 
tion,  as  it  is  alleged  that  M.  Chaumont  was 
imposed  on  the  officers  as  their  agent  by  the 
court,  and  of  course  that  they  should  be  an 
swerable  for  his  conduct,  which  has  certainly 
been  very  exceptionable. 

"  Congress  has  come  to  no  determination 
as  to  the  size  or  expense  of  the  pillar  they 
propose  to  erect  at  Yorktown.  What  I  wish 
ed  of  you  was,  to  send  me  one  or  two  plans, 
with  the  estimates  of  expense,  in  order  to 
take  their  sense  thereon. 

"  As  to  the  designs  of  Spain,  they  are  pret 
ty  well  known;  and  Mr.  Jay  and  congress 
concur  so  exactly  in  sentiment,  with  respect 
to  them,  that  I  hope  we  have  nothing  to  fear 
from  that  quarter. 

".Congress  have  it  now  under  considera 
tion,  to  determine  what  should  be  allowed  as 
contingent  expenses.  I  believe  house-rent 
will  not  be  allowed  as  such.  I  mentioned  in 
my  last  what  respected  your  grandson,  to 
which  I  have  nothing  to  add.  I  agree  with 
you  in  sentiment,  that  your  salaries  should 
not  depend  on  the  fluctuations  of  the  ex 
change,  and  have  submitted  that  part  of  your 
letter  to  congress.  I  believe  they  will  direct 
a  stated  sum  to  be  paid.  Waiting  for  this  de 
termination,  I  am  prevented  from  drawing 
bills  at  this  time.  As  to  the  money  received 
from  me,  you  will  be  pleased  to  replace  with 
it  the  two  quarters  you  had  drawn  before  it 
came  to  hand.  You  will  have  bills  for  a  third 
quarter,  which  have  been  sent  on.  some  time 
since. 

"Several  important  political  events  have 
taken  place  here  lately.  The  evacuation  of 
Charleston,  the  sailing  of  the  French  fleet, 
and  the  army,  the  decision  of  the  great  cause 
between  Connecticut  and  Pennsylvania,  in 
favour  of  the  latter,  the  state  of  the  army,  &c. ; 
all  of  which  I  should  enlarge  upon,  if  this 
was  not  to  be  delivered  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  who 
will  be  able  to  inform  you  fully  on  those 
points,  and  many  others  that  you  will  deem 
important  to  a  right  knowledge  of  the  present 
state  of  this  country.  [Mr.  Jefferson  did  not 
goat  this  time.] 

1 1  enclose  a  state  of  the  trade  between 
these  States  and  the  West  Indies,  as  brought 
in  by  a  committee  of  congress,  and  referred 
to  me.  It  may  possibly  afford  you  some  hints, 
and  will  serve  to  show  how  earnestly  we  wish 
to  have  this  market  opened  to  us. 

"R.  R.  LIVINGSTON." 


"Richard  Oswald. 

"PASSY,  January  14,  1783. 

«  SIR, — I  am  much  obliged  by  your  inform 
ation  of  your  intended  trip  to  England;  I 
heartily  wish  you  a  good  journey,  and  a  speedy 


512 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


return,  and  request  your  kind  care  of  a  pack 
et  for  Mr.  Hodgson. 

"  I  enclose  two  papers,  that  were  read  at 
different  times  by  me  to  the  commissioners ; 
they  may  serve  to  show,  if  you  should  have 
occasion,  what  was  urged  on  the  part  of 
America  on  certain  points;  or  may  help  to 
refresh  your  memory.  I  send  you  also  an 
other  paper  which  I  once  read  to  you  sepa 
rately.  It  contains  a  proposition  for  improv 
ing  the  law  of  nations,  by  prohibiting  the 
plundering  of  unarmed  and  usefully  employ 
ed  people.  I  rather  wish  than  expect,  that  it 
will  be  adopted.  But  I  think  it  may  be  of 
fered  with  a  better  grace  by  a  country  that  is 
likely  to  suffer  least,  and  gain  most  by  con 
tinuing  the  ancient  practice;  which  is  our 
case,  as  the  American  ships,  laden  only  with 
the  gross  productions  of  the  earth,  cannot  be 
so  valuable  as  yours,  filled  with  sugars  or  with 
manufactures.  It  has  not  yet  been  consider 
ed  by  my  colleagues ;  but  if  you  should  think 
or  find  that  it  might  be  acceptable  on  your 
side,  I  would  try  to  get  it  inserted  in  the  ge 
neral  treaty.  I  think  it  will  do  honour  to  the 
nations  that  establish  it. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


Propositions  relative  to  Privateering, 
communicated  to  Mr.  Oswald. 

IT  is  for  the  interest  of  humanity  in  gene 
ral,  that  the  occasions  of  war,  and  the  induce 
ments  to  it  should  be  diminished. 

If  rapine  is  abolished,  one  of  the  encou 
ragements  to  war  is  taken  away,  and  peace 
therefore  more  likely  to  continue  and  be  last 
ing. 

The  practice  of  robbing  merchants  on  the 
high  seas,  a  remnant  of  the  ancient  piracy 
though  it  may  be  accidentally  beneficial  to 
particular  persons,  is  far  from  being  profitable 
to  all  engaged  in  it,  or  to  the  nation  that  au 
thorizes  it.  In  the  beginning  of  a  war,  some 
rich  ships,  not  upon  their  guard,  are  surprised 
and  taken.  This  encourages  the  first  adven 
turers  to  fit  out  more  armed  vessels,  and 
many  others  to  do  the  same.  But  the  enemy 
at  the  same  time  become  more  careful,  arm 
their  merchant  ships  better,  and  render  them 
not  so  easy  to  be  taken ;  they  go  also  more 
under  protection  of  convoys  :  thus  while  the 
privateers  to  take  them  are  multiplied,  the 
vessels  subject  to  be  taken,  and  the  chances 
of  profit  are  diminished,  so  that  many  cruises 
are  made  wherein  the  expenses  overgo  the 
gains ;  and  as  is  the  case  in  other  lotteries, 
though  particulars  have  got  prizes,  the  mass 
of  adventurers  are  losers,  the  whole  expense 
of  fitting  out  all  the  privateers,  during  a  war, 
being  much  greater  than  the  whole  amount 
of  goods  taken.  Then  there  is  the  national 
loss  of  all  the  labour  of  so  many  men  during 
the  time  they  have  been  employed  in  robbing; 


who  besides  spend  what  they  get  in  riot, 
drunkenness,  and  debauchery,  lose  their  ha 
bits  of  industry,  are  rarely  fit  for  any  sober 
business  after  peace,  and  serve  only  to  in 
crease  the  number  of  highwaymen  and  house 
breakers.  Even  the  undertakers  who  have 
been  fortunate,  are  by  sudden  wealth  led  into 
expensive  living,  the  habit  of  which  conti 
nues,  when  the  means  of  supporting  it  ceases, 
and  finally  ruins  them.  A  just  punishment 
for  their  having  wantonly  and  unfeelingly 
ruined  many  honest,  innocent  traders  and 
their  families,  whose  subsistence  was  employ 
ed  in  serving  the  common  interests  of  man 
kind. 

Should  it  be  agreed,  and  become  a  part  of 
the  law  of  nations,  that  the  cultivators  of  the 
earth  are  not  to  be  molested  or  interrupted  in 
their  peaceable  and  useful  employment,  the 
inhabitants  of  the  sugar  islands  would  per 
haps  come  under  the  protection  of  such  a  re 
gulation,  which  would  be  a  great  advantage 
to  the  nations  who  at  present  hold  those  is 
lands,  since  the  cost  of  sugar  to  the  consumer 
in  those  nations,  consists  not  merely  in  the 
price  he  pays  for  it  by  the  pound,  but  in  the 
accumulated  charge  of  all  the  taxes  he  pays 
in  every  war,  to  fit  out  fleets  and  maintain 
troops  for  the  defence  of  the  islands  that  raise 
the  sugar,  and  the  ships  that  bring  it  home. 
But  the  expense  of  treasure  is  not  all.  A 
celebrated  philosophical  writer  remarks,  that 
when  he  considered  the  wars  made  in  Africa, 
for  prisoners  to  raise  sugars  in  America,  th? 
numbers  slain  in  those  wars,  the  numbers  that, 
being  crowded  in  ships,  perish  in  the  trans 
portation,  and  the  numbers  that  die  under  the 
severities  of  slavery,  he  could  scarce  look  on 
a  morsel  of  sugar  without  conceiving  it  spot 
ted  with  human  blood.  If  he  had  considered 
also  the  blood  of  one  another,  which  the  white 
nations  shed  in  fighting  for  those  islands,  he 
would  have  imagined  his  sugar  not  as  spotted 
only,  but  as  thoroughly  dyed  red.  On  these 
accounts  I  am  persuaded  that  the  subjects  of 
the  emperor  of  Germany,  and  the  empress  of 
Russia,  who  have  no  sugar  islands,  consume 
sugar  cheaper  at  Vienna  and  Moscow,  with 
all  the  charge  of  transporting  it  after  its  ar 
rival  in  Europe,  than  the  citizens  of  London 
or  of  Paris.  And  I  sincerely  believe  that, 
if  France  and  England  were  to  decide,  by 
throwing  dice,  which  should  have  the  whole 
of  their  sugar  islands,  the  loser  in  the  throw 
would  be  the  gainer.  The  future  expense 
of  defending  them  would  be  saved :  the  su 
gars  would  be  bought  cheaper  by  all  Europe, 
if  the  inhabitants  might  make  it  without  in 
terruption,  and  whoever  imported  the  sugar, 
the  same  revenue  might  be  raised  by  duties 
at  the  customhouses  of  the  nation  that  con 
sumed  it.  And  on  the  whole  I  conceive  it 
would  be  better  for  the  nations  now  possess 
ing  sugar  colonies  to  give  up  their  claim  to 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


513 


them,  let  them  govern  themselves,  and  put  1 
them  under  the  protection  of  all  the  powers 
of  Europe  as  neutral  countries,  open  to  the 
commerce  of  all ;  the  profits  of  the  present 
monopolies  being  by  no  means  equivalent  to 
the  expense  of  maintaining  them. 

Count  de  Vergennes  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  VERSAILLES,  Saturday  evening,  Jan.  18,  1783. 

"  IT  is  essential,  sir,  that  I  should  have  the 
honour  of  conferring  with  yourself,  with  Mr. 
Adams,  and  those  of  your  colleagues  who 
may  be  in  Paris.  I  have  therefore  to  request, 
sir,  that  you  will  be  pleased  to  invite  those 
gentlemen  to  come  to  Versailles,  with  you, 
on  Monday,  before  ten  o'clock  in  the  morn 
ing.  It  will  be  well,  sir,  to  bring  with  you 
your  grandson,  as  it  will  be  necessary  to 
translate  some  English  into  French,  and  also 
to  write.  The  subject  I  have  to  converse 
with  you  upon  is  very  interesting  to  the  U. 
States,  your  masters. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  with  pro 
found  consideration/your  most  obedient  hum 
ble  servant,  DE  VERGENNES." 


"M.  le  Compte  de  Vergennes. 

"  PASSY,  Jan.  18,  1783,  at  ten  P.  M. 

"  SIR,— Agreeable  to  the  notice  just  received 
from  your  excellency,  I  shall  acquaint  Mr. 
Adams  with  your  desire  to  see  us  on  Monday 
before  ten  o'clock  at  Versailles,  and  we  shall 
endeavour  to  be  punctual.  My  other  col 
leagues  are  absent,  Mr.  Laurens  being  gone 
to  Bath  in  England,  to  recover  his  health,  and 
Mr.  Jay  into  Normandy. — With  great  re 
spect,  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  your  ex 
cellency's,  «fec.  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  I  shall  bring  my  grandson,  as  you  desire." 


about  Gibraltar,  arrived  after  the  subject  as  I 
understand  was  canvassed,  and  when  it  of 
course  must  have  appeared  impolitic  eagerly 
and  immediately  to  revive  it. 

"  You  reproved  me,  or  rather  reproved  a 
political  scheme  yesterday,  of  which  I  have 
heard  more  said  favourably  by  your  friends 
at  Paris,  than  by  any  persons  whatever  in 
London.  But  do  you,  my  dear  sir,  make  this 
peace,  and  trust  our  common  sense  respect 
ing  another  war.  England,  said  a  man  of 
sense  to  me  the  other  day,  will  come  out  of 
the  war  like  a  convalescent  out  of  a  disease, 
and  must  be  re-established  by  some  physic 
and  much  regimen.  I  cannot  easily  tell  in 
what  shape  a  bankruptcy  would  come  upon 
England,  and  still  less  easily  in  what  mode 
and  degree  it  would  affect  us ;  but  if  your 
confederacy  mean  to  bankrupt  us  now,  1  am 
sure  we  shall  lose  the  great  fear  that  would 
deter  us  from  another  war.  Your  allies, 
therefore,  for  policy,  and  for  humanity's  sake, 
will  I  hope  stop  short  of  this  extremity ;  es 
pecially  as  we  should  do  some  mischief  first 
to  others,  as  well  as  to  ourselves. 

"  B.  VAUGHAN." 


"  To  John  Adams. 

"  PASSY,  Jan.  19,  1783- 

"  SIR, — Late  last  night  I  received  a  note 
i  from  M.  de  Vergennes,  acquainting  me  that, 
it  is  very  essential  he  should  have  a  confer- 
|  ence  with  us,  and  requesting  I  would  inform 
|  my  colleagues.     He  desires  that  we  may  be 
i  with  him  before  ten  on  Monday  morning.    If 
it  will  suit  you  to  call  here,  we  may  go  to 
gether  in  my  carriage. — With  great  regard, 
I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  your  most  obe 
dient  and  most  humble  servant, 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


B.  Vaughan  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"PARIS,  January  18,  1783. 

"  MY  DEAREST  SIR, — I  cannot  but  in  the 
most  earnest  manner,  and  from  recent  cir- , 
cumstances,  press  your  going  early  to  Ver 
sailles  to-morrow ;  and  I  have  considerable 
reason  to  think,  that  your  appearance  there 
will  not  displease  the  person  whom  you  ad 
dress.  I  am  of  opinion,  that  it  is  very  likely 
that  you  will  have  the  glory  of  having  con 
cluded  the  peace,  by  this  visit ;  at  least  I  am 
sure,  if  the  deliberations  of  to-morrow  eve 
ning  end  unfavourably,  that  there  is  the 
strongest  appearance  of  war ;  and  if  they  end 
favourably,  perhaps  little  difficulty  may  attend 
the  rest 

"  After  all,  the  peace  will  have  as  much 
that  is  conceded  in  it,  as  England  can  in  any  ' 
shape  be  made  just  now  to  relish ;  owing  to 
the  stubborn  demands,  principally  of  Spain, 
who  would  not,  I  believe,  upon  any  motive 
recede  from  her  conquests.  What  I  wrote 

VOL.  I. ...  3  T 


Copy  of  Mr.  FitzherberC  s  Commission  to 

treat  with  France. 

GEORGIUS  Tertius,  Dei  Gratia,  Magnae 
Britanniae  Francise  et  Hiberniae  Rex,  Fidei 
Defensor,  Dux  Brunsvicensis  et  Lunebergen- 
sis,  Sacri  Romani  Imperii  Archithesaurius  et 
Princeps  Elector,  etc.  Omnibus  et  Singulis 
ad  quos  prsesentes  hse  Litterae  pervenerint, 
Salutem.  Cum  Belli  Incendio  jam  nimis  diu 
diversis  orbis  Terrarum  Partibus  flagrante, 
in  id  quam  maxime  incumbamus,  ut  Tran- 
quillitas  publica,  tot  Litibus  controversiisque 
rite  compositis,  reduci  et  stabiliri  possit. 
Cumque  e£  de  causa  Virum  quemdam  tanto 
negotio  parem,  ad  bonum  Fratrem  nostrum 
Regem  Christianissimum  mittere  decrevi- 
mus,  sciatis  igitur,  quod  nos,  Fide,  Industria, 
Ingenio,  Perspicacia,  et  rerum  usu  fidelis  et 
dilecti  nobis  Alleini  Fitzherbert,  Armigeri, 
plurimum  confisi,  eundem  nominavimus,  fe- 
cimus  et  constituimu?.  sicut  per  prsesentes, 


514 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


nominamus,  facimus  et  constituimus,  nostrum 
verum,  certum  et  indubitatum  Commissar! 
urn,  Procuratorem  et  Plenipotentiarium,  dan- 
tes  et  concedentes  eidem  omnem  et  omnimo- 
dam  Potestatem,  Facultatem  Authoritatem- 
que,  necnon  mandatum,  generate  pariter  ac 
speciale  (ita  tamen  ut  generate  special!  non 
deroget  nee  e  contra)  pro  nobis  et  nostro  no 
mine,  una  cum  Ministro  Ministrisve  preedicti 
boni  Fratris  nostri  Regis  Christianissimi,  suf 
ficient!  authoritate  instructo  vel  instructis, 
cumque  legatis,  Commissariis,  Deputatis,  et 
Plenipotentiariis  aliorum  Principum  et 
tuum  quorum  interesse  poterit,  sufficient! 
itidem  authoritate  instructis,  tarn  singulatim 
ac  diversim,  quam  aggregatim  ac  conjunctim, 
congrediendi  et  colloquendi,  atque  cum  ipsis 
de  pace  firma  et  stabili,  sinceraque  Amicitia 
et  Concordia  quantotius  restituendis,  conve- 
niendi,  tractandi,  consulendi  et  concludendi, 
eaque  omnia  quse  ita  conventa  et  conclusa 
fuerint  pro  nobis  et  Nostro  Nomine,  subsig- 
nandi,  superque  conclusis  Tractatum  Tracta- 
tusve,  vel  alia  Instrumenta  quotquot  et  qua- 
lia  necessaria  fuerint.  conficiendi  mutuoque 
tradendi,  recipiendique,  omniaque  alia  qure  ad 
opus  supra  dictum  feliciter  exequendum  per 
tinent  transigendi,  tarn  amplis  modo  et  forma, 
ac  vi  EfFectuque  par!,  ac  nos,  si  interessemus, 
facere  et  prsestare  possemus;  spondentes  et 
in  Verbo  Regio  promittentes,  Nos  omnia 
quaecumque  a  die  to  nostro  Plenipotentiary 
transigi  et  concludi  contigerint,  grata,  rata  et 
accepta  omni  meliori  modo  habituros,  neque 
passuros  unquam  ut  in  toto  vel  in  parte  a 
quopiam  violentur,  aut  ut  iis  in  contrarium 
eatur.  In  quorum  omnium  majorem  Fidem 
et  Robur,  proesentibus  manu  nostra  regia  sig- 
natis,  magnum  nostrum  Magnse  Britanniee 
Sigillum  append!  fecimus.  Quse  dabantur  in 
Palatio  nostro  Divi  Jacobi,  Die  vicesimo 
quarto  Mensis  Julii,  anno  Domini  millesimo 
Septingentesimo  Octogesimo  secundo,  Reg- 
nique  nostri  Vicesimo  secundo. 

A  true  copy  examined  by 
(Signed)    ALLEYNE  FITZHERBERT. 

".R.  R.  Livingston. 

"  PASSY,  Jan.  21,  1783. 

"  SIR, — I  have  just  received  your  letters  of 
Nov.  9  and  Dec.  3.  This  is  to  inform  you,  and 
to  request  you  to  inform  the  congress,  that  the 
preliminaries  of  peace  between  France,  Spain, 
and  England,  were  yesterday  signed,  and  a 
cessation  of  arms  agreed  to  by  the  minis 
ters  of  those  powers,  and  by  us  in  behalf  of 
the  United  States ;  of  which  act,  so  far  as 
relates  to  us,  I  enclose  a  copy.  I  have  not 
yet  obtained  a  copy  of  the  preliminaries 
agreed  to  by  the  three  crowns,  but  hear  in 
general  that  they  are  very  advantageous  to 
France  and  Spain.  I  shall  be  able  in  a  day  or 
two  to  write  more  fully  and  perfectly.  Holland 
was  not  ready  to  sign  preliminaries,  but  their 


principal  points  are  settled.  Mr.  Laurens  is 
absent  at  Bath,  and  Mr.  Jay  in  Normandy,  for 
their  healths,  but  will  both  be  here  to  assist  in 
forming  the  definitive  treaty.  I  congratulate 
you  and  our  country  on  the  happy  prospects 
afforded  us  by  the  finishing  speedily  this  glo 
rious  revolution.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


Commission  of  the  United  States  of  Ameri 
ca,  to  John  Adams,  Benjamin  Franklin, 
John  Jay,  Henry  Laurens,  and  Thomas 
Jefferson,  Esquires,  dated  June  15,  1781. 

THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA,  IN  CONGRESS 
ASSEMBLED. 

To  all  whom  these  presents  shall  come : 
SEND  GREETING  : 

WHEREAS  these  United  States,  from  a  sin 
cere  desire  of  putting  an  end  to  the  hostili 
ties  between  his  most  Christian  majesty  and 
these  United  States  on  the  one  part,  and  his 
Britannic  majesty  on  the  other,  and  of  ter 
minating  the  same  by  a  peace  founded  on 
such  solid  and  equitable  principles,  as  reason 
ably  to  promise  a  permanency  of  the  bless 
ings  of  tranquillity,  did  heretofore  appoint 
the  honourable  John  Adams,  late  a  commis 
sioner  of  the  United  States  of  America  at  the 
court  of  Versailles,  late  a  delegate  in  con 
gress  from  the  state  of  Massachusetts,  and 
chief  justice  of  the  said  state,  their  minister 
plenipotentiary,  with  full  powers,  general  and 
special,  to  act  in  that  quality,  to  confer,  treat, 
agree,  and  conclude,  with  the  ambassadors  or 
plenipotentiaries  of  his  most  Christian  ma 
jesty,  and  of  his  Britannic  majesty,  and  those 
of  any  other  princes  or  states  whom  it  might 
concern,  relating  to  the  re-establishment  of 
peace  and  friendship :  and  whereas  the  flames 
of  war  have  since  that  time  been  extended, 
and  other  nations  and  states  are  involved 
therein :  Now  know  ye,  that  we,  still  conti 
nuing  earnestly  desirous,  so  far  as  depends 
upon  us,  to  put  a  stop  to  the  effusion  of  blood, 
and  to  convince  the  powers  of  Europe,  thai, 
we  wish  for  nothing  more  ardently  than  to 
terminate  the  war  by  a  safe  and  honourable 
peace,  have  thought  proper  to  renew  the 
powers  formerly  given  to  the  said  John 
Adams,  and  to  join  four  other  persons  in 
commission  with  him ;  and  having  full  confi 
dence  in  the  integrity,  prudence,  and  ability 
of  the  honourable  Benjamin  Franklin,  our 
minister  plenipotentiary  at  the  court  of  Ver 
sailles;  and  the  honourable  John  Jay,  late 
^resident  of  congress,  and  chief  justice  of  the 
state  of  New  York,  and  our  minister  pleni- 
x>tentiary  at  the  court  of  Madrid ;  and  the 
lonourable  Henry  Laurens,  formerly  presi 
dent  of  congress,  and  commissioned  and  sent 
as  our  agent  to  the  United  Provinces  of  the 
Low  Countries ;  and  the  honourable  Thomas 
Tefferson,  governor  of  the  commonwealth  of 
Virginia;  have  nominated,  constituted,  and 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


515 


appointed,  and  by  these  presents  do  nominate, 
constitute,  and  appoint  the  said  Benjamin 
Franklin,  John  Jay,  Henry  Laurens,  and 
Thomas  Jefferson,  in  addition  to  the  said  John 
Adams,  giving  and  granting  to  them,  the  said 
John  Adams,  Benjamin  Franklin,  John  Jay, 
Henry  Laurens,  Thomas  Jefferson,  or  the 
majority  of  them,  or  such  of  them  as  may  as 
semble  ;  or,  in  case  of  the  death,  absence,  in 
disposition,  or  other  impediment  of  the  others, 
to  any  one  of  them,  full  power  and  authority, 
general  and  special,  conjunctly  and  separate 
ly,  and  general  and  special  command,  to  re 
pair  to  such  place  as  may  be  fixed  upon  for 
opening  negotiations  for  peace,  and  there  for 
us,  and  in  our  name,  to  confer,  treat,  agree, 
and  conclude,  with  the  ambassadors,  commis 
sioners,  and  plenipotentiaries  of  the  princes 
and  states  whom  it  may  concern,  vested  with 
equal  powers  relating  to  the  establishment 
of  peace :  And  whatsoever  shall  be  agreed 
and  concluded  for  us,  and  in  our  name,  to 
sign,  and  thereupon  make  a  treaty,  or  trea 
ties,  and  to  transact  every  thing  that  may 
be  necessary  for  completing,  securing,  and 
strengthening  the  great  work  of  pacification, 
in  as  ample  form,  and  with  the  same  effect, 
as  if  we  were  personally  present  and  acted 
therein,  hereby  promising  in  good  faith,  that 
we  will  accept,  ratify,  fulfil,  and  execute 
whatever  shall  be  agreed,  concluded,  and 
signed  by  our  said  ministers  plenipotentiary, 
or  a  majority  of  them,  or  of  such  of  them  as 
may  assemble,  or  in  the  case  of  the  death, 
absence,  indisposition,  or  other  impediment 
of  the  others,  by  any  one  of  them,  and  that 
we  will  never  act,  nor  suffer  any  person  to 
act,  contrary  to  the  same,  in  whole,  or  in  any 
part. 

In  witness  whereof  we  have  caused  these 
presents  to  be  signed  by  our  president, 
and  sealed  with  his  seal. 
Done  at  Philadelphia  the  15th  day  of  June,  in 

the  year  of  our  Lord,  one  thousand  seven 

hundred  and  eighty-one,  and  in  the  fifth 

year  of  our  independence. 
By  the  U.  States,  in  Congress  assembled. 

SAM.  (L.S.)  HUNTINGDON,  President. 

Attest,    CHARLES  THOMSON,  Sec'y. 


John  Jay  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  PARIS,  Jan.  26, 1783. 

SIR, — It  having  been  suspected  that  I 
concurred  in  the  appointment  of  your  grand 
son  to  the  place  of  secretary  to  the  Ameri 
can  commission  for  peace,  at  your  instance, 
I  think  it  right,  thus  unsolicited,  to  put  it 
in  your  power  to  correct  the  mistake. 

"Your  general  character,  the  opinion  I 
have  long  entertained  of  your  services  to 
your  country,  and  the  friendly  attention  and 
aid  with  which  you  have  constantly  favoured 
me  after  my  arrival  in  Spain,  impressed  me 


with  a  desire  of  manifesting  both  my  esteem 
and  rny  attachment  by  stronger  evidence 
than  professions.  That  desire  extended  my 
regard  for  you  to  your  grandson.  He  was 
then,  indeed,  a  stranger  to  me,  but  the  terms 
in  which  you  expressed  to  congress  your  opi 
nion  of  his  being  qualified  for  another  place 
of  equal  importance,  were  so  full  and  satis 
factory,  as  to  leave  me  no  room  for  doubt  of 
his  being  qualified  for  the  one  above  mention 
ed.  I  was  therefore  happy  to  assure  you,  in 
one  of  the  first  letters  I  afterwards  wrote  you 
from  Spain,  that  in  case  a  secretary  to  our 
commission  for  peace  should  become  neces 
sary,  and  the  appointment  be  left  to  us,  I 
should  take  that  opportunity  of  evincing  my 
regard  for  you,  by  nominating  him,  or  words 
to  that  effect.  What  1  then  wrote  was  the 
spontaneous  suggestion  of  my  own  mind,  un 
solicited,  and  I  believe  unexpected  by  you. 

"  When  I  came  here  on  the  business  of  that 
commission,  I  brought  with  me  the  same  in 
tentions,  and  should  always  have  considered 
myself  engaged  by  honour,  as  well  as  incli 
nation,  to  fulfil  them,  unless  I  had  found  my 
self  mistaken  in  the  opinion  I  had  imbibed  of 
that  young  gentleman's  character  and  qualhi- 
cations ;  but  that  not  being  the  case,  I  found 
myself  at  liberty  to  indulge  my  wishes  and  be 
as  good  as  my  word.  For  I  expressly  declare 
that  your  grandson  is,  in  my  opinion,  qualifi 
ed  for  the  place  in  question,  and  that  if  he  had 
not  been,  no  consideration  would  have  pre 
vailed  upon  me  to  propose  or  join  in  his  ap 
pointment. 

"  This  implicit  and  unreserved  statement 
of  facts  is  due  to  you,  to  him,  and  to  justice, 
and  you  have  my  consent  to  make  any  use  of 
it  that  you  may  think  proper. 

"JOHN  JAY." 


"  Mrs.  Hewson* 

"  PASSY,  January  27,  1783. 

"THE  departure  of  my  dearest  friend,f 
which  I  learn  from  your  last  letter,  greatly 
affects  me.  To  meet  with  her  once  more  in 
this  life  was  one  of  the  principal  motives  of 
my  proposing  to  visit  England  again  before 
my  return  to  America.  The  last  year  carried 
off  my  friends  Dr.  Pringle  and  Dr.  Fothergill, 
and  lord  Kaimes  and  lord  Le  Despencer ;  this 
has  begun  to  take  away  the  rest,  and  strikes 
the  hardest.  Thus  the  ties  I  had  to  that 
country,  and  indeed  to  the  world  in  general, 
are  loosened  one  by  one  ;  and  I  shall  soon  have 
no  attachment  left  to  make  me  unwilling  to 
follow. 

"  I  intended  writing  when  I  sent  the  eleven 
books,  but  lost  the  time  in  looking  for  the 

*  Widow  of  the  eminent  anatomist  of  that  name,  and 
formerly  Miss  Stevenson,  to  whom  several  of  Dr.  Frank 
lin's  letters  on  philosophical  subjects  are  addressed. 
t  Refers  to  Mrs.  Hewson's  mother. 


516 


MEMOIRS  OP  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


first.  I  wrote  with  that ;  and  hope  it  came 
to  hand.  I  therein  asked  your  counsel  about 
my  coming  to  England  :  on  reflection  I  think 
I  can  from  my  knowledge  of  your  prudence 
foresee  what  it  will  be ;  viz.  not  to  come  too 
soon,  lest  it  should  seem  braving  and  insult 
ing  some  who  ought  to  be  respected.  I  shall 
therefore  omit  that  journey  till  I  am  near 
going  to  America,  and  then  just  step  over  to 
take  leave  of  my  friends,  and  spend  a  few  days 
with  you.  I  purpose  bringing  Ben*  with  me, 
and  perhaps  may  leave  him  under  your  care. 

"  At  length  we  are  in  peace,  God  be  prais 
ed;  and  long,  very  long  may  it  continue.  All 
wars  are  follies,  very  expensive  and  very  mis 
chievous  ones :  when  will  mankind  be  con 
vinced  of  this,  and  agree  to  settle  their  differ 
ences  by  arbitration  ?  were  they  to  do  it  even 
by  the  cast  of  a  die,  it  would  be  better  than 
by  fighting  and  destroying  each  other. 

"  Spring  is  coming  on,  when  travelling  will 
be  delightful.  Can  you  not,  when  your  chil 
dren  are  all  at  school,  make  a  little  party  and 
take  a  trip  hither  1  I  have  now  a  large  house, 
delightfully  situated,  in  which  I  could  accom 
modate  you  and  two  or  three  friends ;  and  I 
am  but  half  an  hour's  drive  from  Paris. 

"  In  looking  forward,  twenty -five  years 
seems  a  long  period;  but  in  looking  back, 
how  short !  could  you  imagine  that  'tis  now 
full  a  quarter  of  a  century  since  we  were  first 
acquainted!  it  was  in  1757.  During  the 
greatest  part  of  the  time  I  lived  in  the  same 
house  with  my  dear  deceased  friend  your 
mother ;  of  course  you  and  I  saw  and  con 
versed  with  each  other  much  and  often.  It  is 
to  all  our  honours,  that  in  all  that  time  we 
never  had  among  us  the  smallest  misunder 
standing.  Our  friendship  has  been  all  clear 
sunshine,  without  any  the  least  cloud  in  its 
hemisphere.  Let  me  conclude  by  say  ing  to  you 
what  I  have  had  too  frequent  occasions  to  say 
to  my  other  remaining  old  friends,  the  fewer 
we  become,  the  more  let  us  love  one  another. 
"B.  FRANKLIN." 


By  the  king,  a  proclamation,  declaring  the 
cessation  of  arms,  as  well  by  sea  as  land. 

"  GEORGE  R. 

•*  WHEREAS  provisional  articles  were  sign 
ed  at  Paris,  on  the  thirtieth  day  of  Novem 
ber  last,  between  our  commissioner  for  treat 
ing  of  peace  with  the  commissioners  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  and  the  commis 
sioners  of  the  said  states,  to  be  inserted  in  and 
to  constitute  the  treaty  of  peace  proposed  to 
be  concluded,  between  us  and  the  said  Unit 
ed  States,  when  terms  of  peace  should  be 
agreed  upon  between  us  and  his  most  Chris 
tian  majesty :  And  whereas  preliminaries  for 

*  Benjamin  Franklin  Bache,  a  grandson  of  Dr.  Frank 
lin,  by  his  daughter  Sarah  ;  he  was  the  first  editor  of 
me  AURORA  at  Philadelphia:  died  of  yellow  fever  in 
September,  1798. 


restoring  peace  between  us  and  his  most 
Christian  majesty,  were  signed  at  Versailles 
on  the  twentieth  day  of  January  last,  by  the 
I  ministers  of  us  and  the  most  Christian  king  : 
And  whereas  preliminaries  for  restoring  peace 
between  us  and  the  king  of  Spain,  were  also 
I  signed  at  Versailles,  on  the  twentieth  day  of 
1  January  last,  between  the  ministers  of  us  and 
the  king  of  Spain  :  And  whereas,  for  putting 
an  end  to  the  calamity  of  war  as  soon  and  as 
far  as  may  be  possible,  it  hath  been  agreed  be 
tween  us,  his  most  Christian  majesty,  and  the 
king  of  Spain,  the  states-general  of  the  Unit 
ed  Provinces,  and  the  United  States  of  Ame 
rica,  as  follows  ;  that  is  to  say, 

"  That  such  vessels  and  effects,  as  should 
be  taken  in  the  Channel  and  in  the  North 
Seas  after  the  space  of  twelve  days,  to  be 
computed  from  the  ratification  of  the  said 
preliminary  articles,  should  be  restored  on  all 
sides;  that  the  term  should  be  one  month 
from  the  Channel  and  the  North  Seas  as  far 
as  the  Canary  islands  inclusively,  whether  in 
the  ocean  or  in  the  Mediterranean;  two 
months  from  the  said  Canary  islands  as  far  as 
the  equinoctial  line  or  equator;  and,  lastly, 
five  months  in  all  other  parts  of  the  world, 
without  any  exception,  or  any  other  more  par 
ticular  description  of  time  or  place:  And 
whereas  the  ratifications  of  the  said  prelimina 
ry  articles  between  us  and  the  most  Christian 
king,  in  due  form,  were  exchanged  by  the  mi 
nisters  of  us  and  of  the  most  Christian  king,  on 
the  third  day  of  the  instant  February ;  and  the 
ratification  of  the  said  preliminary  articles  be 
tween  us  and  the  king  of  Spain  were  exchang 
ed  between  the  ministers  of  us,  and  of  the 
king  of  Spain,  on  the  ninth  day  of  this  instant 
February  ;  from  which  days  respectively  the 
several  terms  above  mentioned,  of  twelve 
days,  of  one  month,  of  two  months,  and  of  five 
months,  are  to  be  computed :  And  whereas  it 
is  our  royal  will  and  pleasure  that  the  cessa 
tion  of  hostilities  between  us  and  the  states- 
general  of  the  United  Provinces,  and  the  Unit 
ed  States  of  America,  should  be  agreeable  to 
the  epochs  fixed  between  us  and  the  most 
Christian  king :  We  have  thought  fit,  by  ami 
with  the  advice  of  our  privy  council,  to  notify 
the  same  to  all  our  loving  subjects ;  and  we 
do  declare,  that  our  royal  will  and  pleasure  is 
and  we  do  hereby  strictly  charge  and  com 
mand  all  our  officers,  both  at  sea  and  land, 
and  all  other  our  subjects  whatsoever,  to  for 
bear  all  acts  of  hostility,  either  by  sea  or  land, 
against  his  most  Christian  majesty  the  king 
of  Spain,  the  states-general  of  the  United 
Provinces,  and  the  United  States  of  America, 
their  vassals  or  subjects,  from  and  after  the 
respective  terms  above  mentioned,  and  under 
the  penalty  of  incurring  our  highest  displea 
sure. 

Given  at  our  court  at  St.  James's  the  four 
teenth  day  of  February,   in  the  twenty- 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


517 


third  year  of  our  reign,  and  in  the  year  o 
our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  anc 
eighty-three. 


"  M  Dumas. 

-PASSY,  F.;l).  17,  1MI. 

«*  DEAR  SIR, — It  is  a  long  time  since  I  have 
had  the  pleasure  of  hearing  from  you.  I  hope 
however  that  you  and  yours  continue  well. 

"The  bearers,  Mr.  President  Wheelock 
and  his  brother,  go  to  Holland  on  a  public 
spirited  design,  which  you  will  find  recom 
mended  by  many  eminent  persons  in  Ame 
rica. 

"  I  beg  leave  to  request  for  these  gentle 
men,  your  civilities  and  best  counsels,  as  they 
will  be  entire  strangers  in  your  country. 
"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  the  Ministers  Plenipotentiary  of  the 
United  Stales  of  America. 

"  PARIS,  Feb.  18,  1763. 

"  GENTLEMEN, — I  have  the  honour  to  trans 
mit  to  you  herewith  a  packet  containing  one 
hundred  passports  for  American  vessels, 
;vhich  I  have  this  moment  received  by  a  cou 
rier  from  England. 

"  I  take  this  opportunity  of  acquainting  you 
that  a  prdclamation  was  issued  out  in  the 
king's  name  on  the  14th  instant,  making- 
known  the  cessation  of  hostilities  which  has 
been  agreed  upon  between  the  several  belli 
gerent  powers,  and  declaring  further  that  the 
several  epoclms  at  which  the  said  armistice 
is  to  commence  between  his  Majesty  and  the 
United  States  of  North  America,  are  to  be 
computed  from  the  third  day  of  this  instant 
February,  being  the  day  on  which  the  ratifi 
cations  of  the  preliminaries  were  exchanged 
between  his  Majesty  and  the  most  Christian 
King.  I  must  add  that  his  Majesty  was  in 
duced  to  take  this  step  under  the  firm  and  just 
expectation  that  you,  gentlemen,  will  corres 
pond  to  it  on  your  parts,  by  adopting  the  same 
measure  reciprocally  in  the  name  of  the 
States  your  masters. — I  have  the  honour  to  be 
with  great  regard  and  esteem,  gentlemen, 
yours,  &.c. 

"  ALLEYNE  FITZHERBERT." 


Hy  the  Ministers  Plenipotentiary  of  the 
United  States  of  America  for  making 
tirace  loith  Great  Britain.  A  declaration 
of  the  cessation  of  arms,  as  well  by  sea  as 
land,  agreed  upon  between  his  Majesty 
the  King  of  Great  Britain,  and  the  Unit 
ed  States  of  America. 

"  WHEREAS  preliminary  articles  were  sign 
ed  at  Paris,  on  the  thirtieth  day  of  November 
44 


last,  between  the  plenipotentiaries  of  his  said 
majesty,  the  king  of  Great  Britain,  and  of  the 
said  states,  to  be  inserted  in,  and  to  constitute 
the  treaty  of  peace,  to  be  concluded  between 
his  said  majesty  and  the  said  United  States, 
when  terms  of  peace  should  be  agreed  upon 
between  his  said  majesty  and  hi?  most  Chris 
tian  majesty:  And  whereas  preliminaries  tor 
restoring  peace  between  his  said  majesty  the 
king  of  Great  Britain  and  his  most  Christian 
majesty  were  signed  at  Versailles,  on  the 
twentieth  day  of  January  last,  by  the  respect 
ive  ministers  of  their  said  majesties:  And 
whereas  preliminaries  for  restoring  peace  be 
tween  his  said  majesty  the  king  of  Great  Bri 
tain  and  his  maiesty  the  king  of  Spain  \vc-ro 
also  signed  at  Versailles  on  the  twentieth  day 
of  January  last,  by  their  respective  ministers: 
And  whereas  for  putting  an  end  to  the  cala 
mity  of  war,  as  soon  and  as  far  as  possible,  it 
hath  been  agreed  between  the  king  of  Great 
Britain,  his  most  Christian  majesty,  the  king 
of  Spain,  the  States  General  of  the  United 
Provinces,  and  the  United  States  of  America, 
as  follow,  that  is  to  say :  That  such  vessels 
and  effects,  as  should  be  taken  in  the  Channel 
and  in  the  North  Seas,  after  the  space  of  twelve 
days,  to  be  computed  from  the  ratification  of 
the  said  preliminary  articles,  should  be  restor 
ed  on  all  sides ;  that  the  term  should  be  one 
month  from  the  Channel  and  the  North  Seas 
as  far  as  the  Canary  islands  inclusively,  whe 
ther  in  the  ocean  or  the  Mediterranean  ;  two 
months  from  the  said  Canary  islands,  as  far 
as  the  equinoctial  line  or  equator,  and  lastly 
five  months  in  all  parts  of  the  world,  without 
any  exception,  or  any  other  more  particular 
description  of  time  or  place. 

"  And  whereas  the  ratifications  of  the  said 
3reliminary  articles  between  his  said  majesty 
lie  king  of  Great  Britain,  and  his  most  Chris 
tian  majesty,  in  due  form,  were  exchanged  by 
;heir  ministers  on  the  third  day  of  this  instant 
February,  from  which  day  the  several  terms 
above  mentioned,  of  twelve  days,  of  one 
month,  of  two  months,  and  of  five  months,  are 
to  be  computed,  relative  to  all  British  and 
American  vessels  and  effects. 

"  Now,  therefore,  we,  the  ministers  pleni 
potentiary  from  the  United  States  of  Ameri 
ca  for  making  peace  with  Great  Britain,  do 
lotify  to  the  people  and  citizens  of  the  said 
United  States  of  America,  that  hostilities  on 
heir  part  against  his  Britannic  majesty,  both 
by  sea  and  land,  are  to  cease,  at  the  expira- 
ion  of  the  terms  herein  before  specified 
herefor,  and.  which  terms  are  to  be  computed 
from  the  third  day  of  February  instant :  And 
we  do,  in  the  name  and  by  the  authority  of 
he  said  United  States,  accordingly  warn  and 
3njoin  all  their  officers  and  citizens  to  forbear 
ill  acts  of  hostility  whatever,  either  by  land 
r  by  sea,  against  his  said  majesty  the  king 
f  Great  Britain,  or  his  subjects,  under  the  pe- 


518 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


nalty  of  incurring  the  highest  displeasure  of 
the  said  United  States. 

"  Given  at  Paris  the  twentieth  day  of 
February,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one 
thousand  seven  hundred  and  eighty  - 
three. 

"  JOHN  ADAMS,  (L.  s.) 
B.  FRANKLIN,  (L.  s.) 
JOHN  JAY."  (L.  s.) 


M.  Roseneroni,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs 
in  Denmark,  to  M.  Wattersdorjfi 

"COPENHAGEN,  Feb,  22,  1783. 

"  SIR, — As  I  know  you  are  on  the  point  of 
making  a  tour  to  France,  I  cannot  omit  warm 
ly  recommending  to  you  to  endeavour,  during 
S)ur  stay  in  Paris,  to  gain  as  much  as  possi- 
e  the  confidence  and  esteem  of  Mr.  Frank 
lin. 

"  You  will  recollect,  sir,  what  I  said  to  you 
in  our  conversations,  of  the  high  respect 
which  all  the  king's  ministry  have  for  that 
minister.  You  have  witnessed  the  satisfaction 
with  which  we  have  learned  the  glorious  is 
sue  of  this  war  for  the  United  States  of  Ame 
rica,  and  how  fully  we  are  persuaded,  that  it 
will  be  for  the  general  interest  of  the  new 
states,  to  form,  as  soon  as  possible,  reciprocal 
connexions  of  friendship  and  commerce.  No 
thing  would  certainly  be  more  agreeable  to  us 
than  to  learn  by  your  letters,  that  you  find  the 
same  dispositions  in  Mr.  Franklin,  and  in  that 
case  it  seems  to  me  the  shortest  way  of  acce 
lerating  their  new  connexions,  would  be  to 
take  the  treaty  between  congress  and  the 
States  General  for  the  basis,  and  that  Mr.  i 
Franklin  should  communicate  to  us  his  ideas  ! 
on  the  changes  or  additions,  which  he  might  j 
think  reciprocally  useful,  in  the  treaty  of  com-  i 
merce  which  congress  might  conclude  with 
us. 

"  We  should  eagerly  and  frankly  reply  to 
such  overtures ;  and,  as  soon  as  the  changes 
thus,  agreed  on  should  have  met  the  approba 
tion  of  congress,  one  of  the  persons  commis 
sioned  by  that  body,  then  in  Europe,  might,  in 
order  to  gain  time,  come  here  with  full  powers 
to  conclude,  leaving  on  both  sides  the  most 
particular  stipulations  for  the  negotiations  of 
the  ministers  which  those  states  shall  in  the 
sequel  send  to  reside  with  each  other. 

"ROSENERONI." 


al.  The  English  court  is  in  confusion  by  an 
other  change  of  ministry,  lord  Shelburne  and 
his  friends  have  resigned ;  but  it  is  not  yet  cer 
tainly  known  who  will  succeed,  though  lord 
North  and  Mr.  Fox  are  talked  of  as  two,  they 
being  reconciled  ! ! !  B.  FRANKLIN  " 


"  R.  R.  Livingston. 

"  PASSY,  March  7,  1783. 

"  SIR, — I  but  this  moment  hear  of  this  op 
portunity  by  which  I  can  only  send  you  a  line 
to  acquaint  you  that  I  have  concluded  the 
treaty  with  Sweden,  which  was  signed  on 
Wednesday  last.  You  will  have  a  copy  by 
the  first  good  opportunity.  It  differs  very  lit 
tle  from  the  plan  sent  me,  in  nothing  materi- 


David  Hartley  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  March  12,  1783. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — It  is  a  long  while 
since  I  have  heard  from  you,  or  indeed  since  I 
writ  to  you.  I  heartily  congratulate  you  on 
those  pacific  events  which  have  already  hap 
pened,  and  I  wish  to  see  all  other  final  steps 
of  conciliation  succeed  speedily.  I  send  you 
copies  of  two  papers,  which  I  have  already 
communicated  to  Mr.  Laurens ;  the  one  called 
Conciliatory  Propositions,  in  March,  1783  ; 
the  other,  A  Sketch  of  a  provisional  Treaty  of 
Commerce  for  opening  the  ports  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  of  Ame 
rica,  without  delay ;  to  each  of  which  is  pre 
fixed  a  short  state  of  the  argument  on  each 
head. 

"  As  for  the  news  of  this  country,  you  have 
doubtless  heard,  that  lord  Shelburne's  admi 
nistration  has  for  some  time  been  considered 
as  at  an  end  ;  although  no  other  has  been  as 
yet  substituted  in  the  place  of  it.  It  was  un 
derstood  yesterday,  and  I  believe  with  good 
foundation,  that  what  is  now  called  the  Port 
land  party  have  been  applied  to,  and  they  are 
now  considered  as  the  party  most  likely  to 
succeed.  As  far  as  my  wishes  go,  such  an 
event  would  be  most  satisfactory  to  me.  I 
have  known  the  duke  of  Portland  for  many 
years,  and  by  experience  I  know  him  to  be  a 
nobleman  of  the  strictest  honour  and  of  the 
soundest  whig  principles,  sincere  and  explicit 
in  every  thought  and  transaction,  manly  in 
his  judgment,  and  firm  in  his  conduct.  The 
kingdom  of  Ireland,  of  which  he  was  lately 
lord-lieutenant,  bears  unanimous  testimony  to 
this  character  of  him.  The  Cavendish  family 
(a  good  whig  name)  Mr.  Fox,  lord  Fitzwilliam, 
&c,  &c.,  form  the  core  of  his  system  and  con 
nexions.  I  most  earnestly  wish  to  see  a  firm 
administration  upon  a  whig  foundation,  which 
I  should  consider  as  a  solid  basis  on  the  part 
of  this  country,  for  a  perpetual  correspondence 
of  amity  and  conciliation  with  America.  I 
am  very  anxious  to  hear  of  your  health.  God 
bless  you.  I).  HARTLEY." 


Conciliatory  Propositions,  March,  1783. 

"  TERMS  of  peace  having  been  agreed  upon 
between  Great  Britain  and  France,  on  the 
20th  January,  1783,  there  need  not  be  any 
farther  delay  in  proceeding  to  conclude  the 
proposed  treaty  between  Great  Britain  and 
the  United  States  of  America,  upon  the  basis 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL 


519 


of  the  provisional  articles  of  the  30th  of  Nov. 
1782. 

"  It  is  to  be  observed  that  none  of  the  arti 
cles  of  the  provisional  treaty  are  to  take  effect, 
until  the  conclusion  of  the  definitive  treaty 
with  America,  at  which  time  likewise  all 
places  in  the  American  States,  in  possession 
of  the  British  arms,  are  to  be  evacuated,  and 
the  British  army  withdrawn  from  the  United 
States  (by  article  7.)  If  therefore  it  should 
be  wished  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  to 
bring  forward  the  fifth  article  respecting'  the 
loyalists,  before  the  conclusion  of  the  definitive 
treaty  with  America,  the  bayonet  should  be 
withdrawn  from  the  American  breast  by  the 
voluntary  removal  of  the  British  troops  with 
all  convenient  despatch.  This  condition  of 
the  removal  of  the  troops  is  likewise  neces 
sary  before  any  provisional  terms  of  commerce 
with  America  can  take  place. 

"  By  the  6th  article  of  the  provisional  treaty, 
all  future  confiscations  in  America  are  pre 
cluded,  although  the  prosecutions  at  present 
subsisting  are  not  to  be  stopped  before  the 
definitive  treaty.  But  if  the  substantial  pledge 
of  returning  amity  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain, 
viz.,  the  removal  of  the  troops,  should  be  vo 
luntarily  anticipated,  it  would  be  but  reasona 
ble  that  all  prosecutions  should  be  immedi 
ately  abated  on  the  part  of  America ;  and  to 
facilitate  the  removal  of  the  troops,  the  loyal 
ists  may  be  permitted  to  remain  in  safety  and 
unmolested  (if  they  choose  to  remain)  from 
the  period  of  removing  the  troops  until  twelve 
months  after  the  definitive  treaty. 

"There  is  another  article  of  the  provisional 
treaty,  the  delay  of  which  is  much  to  be  la 
mented,  viz.,  the  mutual  release  of  prisoners 
of  war  on  both  sides.  As  this  is  an  article  of 
reciprocity,  both  sides,  from  principles  of  hu 
manity,  are  equally  interested  to  bring  it  for 
ward  into  effect  speedily ;  that  those  unhappy 
captives  may  not  alone  suffer  the  miseries  of 
war  in  the  time  of  peace. 

"  Upon  these  considerations  the  following 
supplemental  terms  of  treaty  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  are  proposed  : 

"  1.  That  the  British  troops  shall  be  with 
drawn  with  all  convenient  speed. 

"  2.  That  the  commissioners  on  both  sides 
do  proceed  to  the  conclusion  of  the  definitive 
treaty. 

"3.  That  the  commissioners  do  speedily 
negotiate  a  provisional  convention  of  com 
merce  (hereunto  annexed)  to  take  place  im 
mediately.  The  terms  of  this  temporary  con 
vention  not  to  be  pleaded  on  either  side  in  the 
negotiation  of  a  final  and  perpetual  treaty  of 
commerce  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States. 

"  4.  That  the  commissioners  do  negotiate  a 
perpetual  treaty  of  commerce. 

"  5.  That  all  prosecutions  of  the  loyalists  in 
America  be  immediately  abated,  and  that  they 


be  permitted  to  remain  until  twelve  month.* 
after  the  definitive  treaty,  unmolested  in  their 
endeavours  to  obtain  restitution  of  their  es- 
states. 

"  6.  That  all  prisoners  on  both  sides  be  im 
mediately  released. 

"  7.  That  intercourse  of  amity  and  com 
merce  do  immediately  take  place  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  of  Ame- 


Sketck  of  a  Provisional  Treaty  of  Com 
merce. 

"  As  soon  as  preliminaries  of  peace  are 
signed  with  any  independent  states,  such  aa 
Spam,  France,  and  Holland,  the  course  of 
mutual  commerce  emerges  upon  the  same 
terms  and  conditions  as  were  existing  ante 
cedent  to  the  war,  the  new  duties  imposed 
during  the  war  excepted.  The  case  between 
Great  Britain  and  America  is  different,  be 
cause  America,  from  a  dependent  nation  be 
fore  the  war,  emerges  an  independent  nation 
after  the  war.  The  basis  therefore  of  provi 
sional  treaty  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States  would  be  simply  to  arrange 
su'ch  points  as  would  emerge  after  the  war, 
impracticable  and  discordant  to  the  newly 
established  independence  of  the  American 
States,  and  to  leave  all  others,  as  much  as 
possible,  untouched :  For  instance,  that  all  in 
strumental  regulations,  such  as  papers,  bonds, 
certificates,  oaths,  and  all  other  documents 
should  be  between  Great  Britain  and  the  Unit 
ed  States  upon  the  same  footing,  and  no  other 
than  as  between  Great  Britain  and  any  other 
independent  nation,  but  that  all  duties]  draw 
backs,  bounties,  rights,  privileges,  and  all  pe 
cuniary  considerations  should  emerge  into  ac 
tion  and  effect  as  before.  I  say  emerge  as  be 
fore,  not  stipulated  for  any  fixed  term,  because 
I  am  speaking  of  a  provisional  treaty,  not  of  a 
provisional  bill  of  commerce  for  a  specified 
period.  By  this  means  all  difficulties,  which 
otherwise  would  be  accumulated,  and  obstruct 
a  temporary  and  provisional  act,  are  avoided 
in  limine.  The  ports  will  be  immediately 
opened  upon  specified  and  known  conditions. 
If  the  legislature  of  either  country  think  pro 
per  to  introduce  on  its  own  part  any  new  con 
ditions  or  regulations,  even  previous  to  the 
intended  treaty  of  commerce,  that  will  not 
shut  the  ports  again  generally,  but  only  ope 
rate  pro  tanto  according  to  the  case ;  on  which 
side  soever  any  novel  condition  should  aris ••. 
the  other  will  likewise  be  at  liberty  to  make 
any  corresponding  regulations  as  between  in 
dependent  nations.  The  great  object  is  to 
open  the  ports  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States  immediately  on  the  signature 
of  preliminaries  of  peace,  as  between  France 
and  Great  Britain.  By  the  proposition  above 
stated,  Great  Britain  and  France,  and  Great 


520 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


Britain  and  the  United  States  respectively, 
on  the  subject  of  intercourse  of  commerce, 
would  emerge  again  after  the  war,  into  situ 
ations  relatively  similar  to  their  situation  be 
fore  the  war. 

"  The  crown  of  Great  Britain  is  enabled  by 
the  conciliatory  act  of  1782  to  repeal,  annul, 
make  void,  or  suspend,  for  any  time  or  times, 
the  operation  and  effect  of  any  act  of  parlia 
ment,  or  any  clause,  provision,  matter  or  thing 
therein  contained,  relating  to  the  colonies  or 
plantations  now  become  the  United  States  of 
America ;  and  therefore  the  crown  is  not  on 
ly  competent  to  conclude,  but  likewise  to 
carry  into  effect  any  provisional  treaty  of  com 
merce  with  America.  The  first  foundation 
must  be  laid  in  the  total  repeal  of  the  prohi 
bitory  act  of  December,  1775,  not  only  as  j 
prohibiting  commerce  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  United  States,  but  as  the  corner 
stone  of  the  war ;  by  giving  up  universally 
all  American  property  at  sea  to  military 
plunder,  without  any  redress  to  be  obtained 
by  law  in  any  British  court  of  admiralty. 
After  this  all  obstructions  from  the  act  of  na 
vigation,  and  other  acts  regulating  the  com 
merce  of  the  States  of  America  (formerly  de 
pendent  upon  Great  Britain,)  may  be  remov 
ed.  Instructions  may  be  sent  to  the  commis 
sioners  of  the  customs  to  dispense  with  bonds, 
certificates,  &c.,  which  by  the  old  laws  are  re 
quired  to  be  discharged  or  attested  by  suppos 
ed  governors,  naval  or  customhouse  officers  in 
America.  The  questions  of  drawbacks,  boun 
ties,  &c.,  after  opening  the  ports,  may  remain 
free  points  of  discussion  and  regulation,  as 
between  states  having  no  commercial  treaty 
subsisting  between  them.  As  the  crown  is 
competent  to  open  an  intercourse  of  commerce 
with  America  by  treaty,  this  mode  is  prefer 
able  to  any  act  of  parliament,  which  may  be 
only  a  jealous  and  suspicious  convention  ex 
parte.  This  mode  by  treaty  avoids  the  accu 
mulated  difficulties  which  might  otherwise 
obstruct  the  first  opening  of  the  ports  by  act 
of  parliament,  and  above  all  it  secures  an  al 
ternate  binding  part  of  the  bargain,  which  no 
act  of  ^irliament  can  do. 

"  Breviate  of  the  treaty,  viz.,  Provisional 
for  intercourse  and  commerce  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  of  America. 

"  1.  That  all  ports  shall  be  mutually  open 
for  intercourse  and  commerce. 

"  2.  And  therefore  the  king  of  Great  Bri 
tain  agrees,  for  the  repeal  of  the  prohibitory  j 
acts,  viz.,  16  Geo.  3,  chap  5,  &c.     The  king 
of  Great  Britain  likewise  agrees  by  instruc 
tions,  according  to  the  laws  of  Great  Britain, 
to  his  commissioners  of  customs  and  other  offi 
cers,  to  remove  all  obstructions  to  American 
ships,  either  entering  inwards  or  clearing  out 
wards,  which  may  arise  from  any  acts  of  par- 1 
liament  heretofore  regulating  the  commerce  j 
of  the  American  states,  under  the  description 


of  British  colonies  or  plantations,  so  as  to  ac- 
commdoate  every  circumstance  to  the  recep 
tion  of  their  ships,  as  the  ships  of  independent 
states. 

"  3.  All  duties,  drawbacks,  bounties,  rights, 
privileges,  and  all  other  money  considerations 
shall  remain,  respecting  the  United  States  of 
America,  upon  the  same  footing  as  they  now 
remain,  respecting  the  province  of  Nova  Sco 
tia  in  America,  or  as  if  the  aforesaid  states 
had  remained  dependent  upon  Great  Britain. 
All  this  subject  to  regulations  or  alterations 
by  any  future  acts  of  the  parliament  of  Great 
Britain. 

"  4.  On  the  part  of  the  states  of  America,  it 
is  agreed  that  all  laws  prohibiting  the  com 
merce  with  Great  Britain  shall  be  repealed. 

"5.  Agreed  upon  the  same  part,  that  all 
ships  and  merchandise  of  the  British  domi 
nions  shall  be  admitted  upon  the  same  terms 
as  before  the  war,  except  any  imposts  laid 
during  the  war.  All  this  subject  to  future 
regulations  or  alterations  by  the  legislatures 
of  American  states  respectively. 

"  6.  The  principles  and  spirit  of  this  treaty 
to  be  supported  on  either  side  by  any  neces 
sary  supplemental  arrangements.  No  tacit 
compliance  on  the  part  of  America  in  any  su 
bordinate  points  to  be  argued  at  any  time 
hereafter  to  the  prejudice  of  their  independ 
ence," 


"  To  the  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph. 

"  PASSY,  March  17, 1783. 

"  I  RECEIVED  with  great  pleasure  my  dear 
and  respected  friend's  letter  of  the  fifth  in 
stant,  as  it  informed  me  of  the  welfare  of  a 
family  I  so  much  esteem  and  love. 

"  The  clamour  against  the  peace  in  your 
parliament,  would  alarm  me  for  its  duration, 
if  I  were  not  of  opinion  with  you,  that  the  at 
tack  is  rather  against  the  minister.  I  am  con 
fident  none  of  the  opposition  would  have 
made  a  better  peace  for  England,  if  they  had 
been  in  his  place ;  at  least  I  am  sure  that 
lord  Stormont,  who  seems  loudest  in  railing 
at  it,  is  not  the  man  that  could  have  mended 
it.  My  reasons  I  will  give  you,  when  I  have, 
what  I  hope  to  have,  the  great  happiness  of 
seeing  you  once  more  and  conversing  with 
you.  They  talk  much  of  there  being  no  re 
ciprocity  in  our  treaty ;  they  think  nothing- 
then  of  our  passing  over  in  silence  the  atro 
cities  committed  by  their  troops,  and  demand 
ing  no  satisfaction  for  their  wanton  burnings 
and  devastations  of  our  fair  towns  and  coun 
tries.  They  have  heretofore  confest  the  war 
to  be  unjust,  and  nothing  is  plainer  hi  rea 
soning,  than  that  the  mischiefs  done  in  an  un 
just  war  should  be  repaired.  Can  English 
men  be  so  partial  to  themselves,  as  to  ima 
gine  they  have  a  right  to  plunder  and  destroy 
as  much  as  they  please,  and  then,  without 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


521 


satisfying  for  the  injuries  they  have  done,  to 
have  peace  on  equal  terms  ?  We  were  fa 
vourable,  and  did  not  demand  what  justice 
entitled  us  to.  We  shall  probably  be  blamed 
for  it  by  our  constituents :  and  I  still  think 
it  would  be  the  interest  of  England  voluntari 
ly  to  offer  reparation  of  those  injuries,  and 
effect  it  as  much  as  may  be  in  her  power. 
But  this  is  an  interest  she  will  never  see. 

"  Let  us  now  forgive  and  forget.  Let  each 
country  seek  its  advancement  in  its  own  in 
ternal  advantages  of  arts  and  agriculture,  not 
in  retarding  or  preventing  the  prosperity  of 
the  other.  America  will,  with  God's  bless 
ing,  become  a  great  and  happy  country ;  and 
England,  if  she  has  at  length  gained  wisdom, 
will  have  gained  something  more  valuable, 
and  more  essential  to  her  prosperity,  than  all 
she  has  lost ;  and  will  still  be  a  great  and  re 
spectable  nation.  Her  great  disease  at  pre 
sent,  is  the  number  and  enormous  salaries  and 
emoluments  of  office.  Avarice  and  ambition 
are  strong  passions,  and  separately  act  with 
great  force  on  the  human  mind ;  but  when 
both  are  united  and  may  be  gratified  in  the 
same  object,  their  violence  is  almost  irresisti 
ble,  and  they  hurry  men  headlong  into  fac 
tions,  and  contentions,  destructive  of  all  good 
government.  As  long  therefore  as  these  great 
emoluments  subsist,  your  parliament  will  be 
a  stormy  sea,  and  your  public  councils  con 
founded  by  private  interests.  But  it  requires 
much  public  spirit  and  virtue  to  abolish  them ; 
more  perhaps  than  can  now  be  found  in  a  na 
tion  so  long  corrupted. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  The  Earl  of  Buchan. 

"  PASSY,  March  17,  1783. 

"  MY  LORD, — I  received  the  letter  your 
lordship  did  me  the  honour  of  writing  to  me, 
and  am  obliged,  by  your  kind  congratulations 
on  the  return  of  peace,  which  I  hope  will  be 
lasting. 

"  With  regard  to  the  terms  on  which  lands 
may  be  acquired  in  America,  and  the  manner 
of  beginning  new  settlements  on  them,  I  can 
not  give  better  information  than  may  be  found 
in  a  book  lately  printed  in  London,  under 
some  such  title  as  Letters  from  a  Pennsylva- 
nian  Farmer,  by  Hector  St.  John.  The  only 
encouragements  we  hold  out  to  strangers  are, 
a  good  climate,  fertile  soil,  wholesome  air 
and  water,  plenty  of  provisions  and  fuel, 
good  pay  for  labour,  kind  neighbours,  good 
laws,  liberty,  and  a  hearty  welcome :  the  rest 
depends  on  a  man's  own  industry  and  virtue. 
Lands  are  cheap,  but  they  must  be  bought. 
All  settlements  are  undertaken  at  private  ex 
pense:  the  public  contributes  nothing  but 
defence  and  justice.  I  should  not  however 
expect  much  emigration  from  a  country  so 

VOL.  I. ...  3  U  44* 


drained  of  men  as  yours  (Scotland)  must  have 
been  by  the  late  war ;  since  the  more  have 
left  it,  the  more  room,  and  the  more  encou 
ragement  remains  for  those  who  staid  at  home. 
But  this  you  can  best  judge  of;  and  I  have 
long  observed  of  your  people,  that  their  sobrie 
ty,  frugality,  industry,  and  honesty,  seldom 
fail  of  success  in  America,  and  of  procuring 
them  a  good  establishment  among  us. 

"  I  do  not  recollect  the  circumstance  you 
are  pleased  to  mention,  of  my  having  saved  a 
citizen  at  St.  Andrew,  by  giving  a  turn  to  his 
disorder ;  and  I  am  curious  to  know  what  the 
disorder  was,  and  what  the  advice  I  gave  which 
proved  so  salutary.* 

"  With  great  regard  1  have  the  honour  to 
be,  my  lord,  your  lordship's  most  obedient 
and  most  humble  servant. 

»B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  David  Hartley. 

••PASSY,  March  23, 1783. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  the  letter  you  did 
me  the  honour  of  writing  to  me,  requesting 
a  recommendation  to  America  of  Mr.  Joshua 
Grigby.  I  have  accordingly  written  one  ;  and 
having  an  opportunity  the  other  day,  I  sent  it 
under  cover  to  Mr.  Benjamin  Vaughan.  The 
general  proclamations  you  wished  for  suspend 
ing,  or  rather  putting  an  end  to  hostilities, 
are  now  published ;  so  that  your  '  heart  is  at 
rest,'  and  mine  with  it.  You  may  depend  on 
my  joining  my  hearty  endeavours  with  yours, 
"in  cultivating  conciliatory  principles  be 
tween  our  two  countries ;'  and  I  may  venture 
to  assure  you,  that  if  your  bill  for  a  provisional 
establishment  of  the  commerce  had  passed, 
as  at  first  proposed,  a  stipulation  on  our  part 
in  the  definitive  treaty,  to  allow  reciprocal 
and  equal  advantages  and  privileges  to  your 
subjects,  would  have  been  readily  agreed  to. 
»B.  FRANKLIN." 


R.  R.  Livingston  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  March  26, 1783 

"  SIR, — I  need  hardly  tell  you  that  the  in 
telligence  brought  by  the  Washington  diffus 
ed  great  pleasure.  We  had  long  been  in  sus 
pense  with  respect  to  the  negotiations,  and 
had  received  no  other  lights  on  that  subject, 
than  those  of  the  speech  of  his  Britannic  ma 
jesty  and  Mr.  Townshend's  letters  threw  upon 
it.  These  were  by  no  means  sufficient  to 
dissipate  all  our  apprehensions. 

"  The  terms  you  have  obtained  for  us  com 
prise  most  of  the  objects  we  wish  for.  I  ani 
sorry,  however,  that  you  found  it  necessary 

*  It  was  a  fever  in  which  the  earl  of  Buchan,  then 
lord  Cadross,  lay  sick  at  St.  Andrew's;  and  the  advice 
was,  not  to  blister,  according  to  the  old  practice,  and 
the  opinion  of  the  learned  Dr.  Simson,  brother  of  the 
celebrated  geometrician  at  Glasgow. 


522 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


to  act  with  reserve,  and  to  conceal  your  mea 
sures  from  the  court  of  France.  I  am  fearful 
that  you  will  not  be  able  to  produce  such  facts 
as  will  justify  this  conduct  to  the  world,  or 
free  from  the  charge  of  ingratitude  to  a  friend 
who  has  treated  us  not  only  justly  but  gener 
ously. 

"  But  this  is  a  disagreeable  subject,  and  I 
refer  you  for  my  sentiments  and  those  of  con 
gress,  to  my  letter  in  answer  to  the  joint  let 
ter  from  our  ministers.  I  am  sorry  that  the 
commercial  article  is  stricken  out ;  it  would 
have  been  very  important  to  us  to  have  got 
footing  at  least  in  the  British  West  Indies,  as 
a  means  of  compelling  France  to  pursue  her 
true  interests  and  ours,  by  opening  her  ports 
also  to  us. 

"We  have  just  learned,  by  a  vessel  from 
Cadiz,  that  the  preliminary  articles  for  a  ge 
neral  peace  were  signed  the  *20th.  The  ab 
stract  of  the  treaty  sent  me  by  the  marquis  de 
la  Fayette  does  the  highest  honour  to  the  wis 
dom  and  moderation  of  France.  Never  has 
she  terminated  a  war  with  more  glory,  and 
in  gaining  nothing  but  that  trophy  of  victory 
Tobago,  she  has  established  a  character  which 
confirms  her  friends,  disarms  her  enemies, 
and  obtains  a  reputation  that  is  of  more  value 
than  any  territorial  acquisitions  she  could 
make. 

"  We  have  been  in  great  distress  with  res 
pect  to  our  army.  Pains  were  taken  to  influ 
ence  their  minds,  and  make  them  uneasy  at  the 
idea  of  a  peace  which  left  them  without  sup 
port.  Inflammatory  papers  were  dispersed  in 
camp,  calling  them  together  to  determine  up 
on  some  mad  action.  The  general  interposed, 
postponed  the  meeting  to  a  future  day,  on 
which  he  met  them,  and  made  them  an  ad 
dress,  that  will  do  him  more  honour  than  his 
victories.  After  which  they  passed  several 
resolves,  becoming  a  patriot  army.  Congress 
are  sincerely  engaged  in  endeavouring  to  do 
them  justice.  I  am  in  great  hopes,  that  we 
shall  shortly  be  brought  back  to  such  a  situa 
tion  as  to  be  enabled  to  enjoy  the  blessings 
you  have  laid  the  foundation  of. 

"  I  received  from  Mr.  Franklin  the  papers 
relative  to  the  Portuguese  vessel,  which  I 
have  caused  to  be  laid  before  the  Court  of  Ap 
peals,  where  the  cause  is  now  depending. — 
The  cargo  having  been  condemned,  and  the 
yatch  acquitted  at  Boston,  I  doubt  not  that 
full  justice  will  be  done  to  the  proprietors 
on  the  rehearing.  You  know  so  much  of  our 
constitution,  as  to  see,  that  it  is  impossible  to 
interfere  further  in  these  matters,  than  by  put 
ting  the  evidence  in  a  proper  train  to  be  exa 
mined.  I  have  had  the  proceedings  in  the  case 
of  the  brig  Providentia  transmitted  to  me 
from  Boston,  with  a  full  state  of  the  evidence, 
which  I  have  examined.  The  cargo  is  con 
demned  and  the  vessel  acquitted,  an  allow 
ance  for  freight  having  been  made  by  the 


court  The  evidence  does  not  admit  a  doubt 
of  the  justice  of  this  decree.  Should  the 
court  of  Denmark  not  be  satisfied  with  this 
account,  I  will  cause  a  copy  of  the  proceed 
ings  to  be  transmitted  to  you  for  their  satis 
faction.  I  hope  this  mark  of  attention  to  them 
will  induce  them  to  acknowledge  the  injustice 
that  they  have  done  us  in  the  detention  cf  our 
prizes.  This  object  should  not  be  lost  sight 
of. 

"  I  thank  you  for  the  present  of  M.  d'Au- 
bertaviFs  essay,  and  shall  dispose  of  the  copies 
he  has  sent  in  the  way  you  recommend.  I 
would  have  hardly  believed  it  possible,  that 
so  many  errors  and  falsehoods,  that  would 
shock  the  strongest  faith  on  this  side  of  the 
water,  could  be  received  as  orthodox  on  the 
other. 

"  I  remit  bills  for  the  salaries  of  our  ministers. 
It  is  impossible  that  I  can  adjust  their  amounts 
here;  you  must  settle  with  them,  and  they 
repay  you  out  of  the  drafts  I  have  made  in 
their  favour,  when  they  have  been  overpaid. 
Congress  have,  in  pursuance  of  your  sentiment 
in  your  letter  of  October,  passed  the  follow 
ing  resolutions. 

'  March  7.  1783.  Resolved  that  the  salaries  of  the 
ministers  and  other  officers  of  the  United  States  in  Eu 
rope,  be  estimated  in  future  in  dollars  at  the  rate  of  four 
shillings  and  sixpence  sterling  per  dollar. 

'  That  they  be  paid  in  bills  of  exchange  upon  France 
or  Holland,  at  the  rate  of  five  livres  five  sous  tournojs 
per  dollar,  without  regard  to  the  variations  which  may 
be  occasioned  by  the  course  of  exchange.' 

"  So  that  on  the  quarter's  salary  due  in 
April  there  will  be  a  deduction  of  all  you 
gained  by  the  course  of  exchange ;  and  the 
payments  will  be  reduced  to  par,  at  which 
rate  they  will  always  be  paid  in  future.  This 
deduction  amounts  on  your  salary  to  eight  thou  - 
sand  three  hundred  and  thirty-six  livres,  as  will 
appear  from  the  account  that  will  be  stated 
by  Mr.  Morris.  I  shall  pay  your  bills  into  the 
hands  of  Mr.  Robert  Morris,  whom  you  have 
constituted  your  agent.  The  bills  for  tlu 
other  gentlemen,  who  may  not  be  with  you, 
are  committed  to  your  care.  As  the  bills  arc 
drawn  in  their  favour  they  can  only  be  paid 
on  their  endorsement. 

"  Congress  will  I  believe  agree  very  reluct 
antly  to  let  you  quit  their  service.  The  pro 
ject,  together  with  Mr.  Laurens  and  Mr. 
Adams's  resignation,  is  under  the  considera 
tion  of  a  committee.  If  they  report  before  this 
vessel  sails  you  shall  know  their  determina 
tion. 

"  On  the  arrival  of  the  Triumph  from  Ca 
diz,  which  brought  orders  for  recalling  the 
cruisers  of  his  Britannic  majesty,  congress 
passed  the  enclosed  resolution,  which  I  trans 
mitted  with  the  intelligence  we  had  received, 
to  Carleton  and  Digby.  I  sent  my  secretary 
with  my  letters,  and  expect  him  back  this 
evening.  I  am  anxious  to  know  how  the  first 
messenger  of  peace  has  been  received  by 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


them,  as  well  as  to  discover  through  him  what 
steps  they  propose  to  take  for  the  evacuation. 
"  I  ought  to  thank  you  for  your  Journal  be 
fore  I  conclude.  The  perusal  of  it  afforded 
me  great  pleasure.  I  must  pray  you  to  conti 
nue  it.  I  much  wish  to  have  every  step  which 
led  to  so  interesting1  an  event  as  the  treaty 
which  established  our  independence.  And 
though  both  Mr.  Jay  and  Mr.  Adams  are  mi 
nute  in  their  journals,  for  which  I  am  much 
obliged  to  them,  yet  new  light  may  be  thrown 
on  the  subject  by  you,  who  having  been  long 
er  acquainted  with  the  courts  of  London  and 
Versailles,  have  the  means  of  more  informa 
tion  relative  to  their  principles  and  measures. 
"  R.  R.  LIVINGSTON." 


"  The  City  of  Hamburg  to  Congress. 

'•  March  -29, 1783. 

"  RIGHT  NOBLE,  HIGH,  MIGHTY,  MOST  HO 
NOURABLE  LORDS  ! — Since,  by  the  preliminary 
articles  of  peace  concluded  lately  between  the 
high  belligerent  powers,  the  illustrious  United 
States  of  America  have  been  acknowledged 
free,  sovereign  and  independent,  and  now  since 
European  powers  are  courting  in  rivalry  the 
friendship  of  your  high  mightinesses, 

"We,  impressed  with  the  most  lively  sen 
sations  on  the  illustrious  event,  the  wonder 
of  this  and  the  most  remote  future  ages,  and 
desirous  fully  to  testify  the  part  which  we 
take  therein,  do  hereby  offer  your  high  mighti 
nesses  our  service  and  attachment  to  the  same 
cause. 

"  And  in  the  most  sincere  disposition  of 
heart  we  take  the  honour  to  wish,  so,  from  the 
omnipotent  Providence  we  do  pray,  that  the 
most  illlustrious  republic  of  the  United  States 
of  America  may,  during  the  remotest  centu 
ries,  enjoy  all  imaginable  advantages  to  be  de 
rived  from  that  sovereignty,  which  they  gain 
ed  by  prudence  and  courage. 

"  That  by  the  wisdom  and  active  patriotism 
of  your  illustrious  congress,  it  may  for  ever 
flourish  and  increase,  and  that  the  high  and 
mighty  regents  of  those  free  states  may,  with 
ease  and  in  abundance,  enjoy  all  manner  of  tem 
poral  happiness ;  and  at  the  same  time  we  most 
obsequiously  recommend  our  city  to  a  perpetu 
al  friendly  intelligence,  and  her  trade  and  navi 
gation  in  matters  reciprocally  advantageous 
to  your  favour  and  countenance. 

"  In  order  to  show  that  such  mutual  com 
merce  with  the  merchant  houses  of  this  place 
may  undoubtedly  be  of  common  benefit,  your 
high  mightinesses  will  be  pleased  to  give  us 
leave  to  mark  out  some  trading  advantages  of 
this  trading  city. 

"  Here  reigns  a  free  unrestrained  republi 
can  commerce,  charged  with  but  few  duties. 

"  Hamburg's  situation  upon  the  river  Elbe 
is,  as  it  were  in  the  centre  of  the  Baltic  and 


North  seas,  and  as  canals  are  cut  from  the  ri 
ver  through  the  city,  goods  may  be  brought 
in  ships  to  the  magazines  of  the  town,  and 
from  thence  again  to  all  parts  of  the  world. 

"  Hamburg  carries  on  its  trade  with  econo- 
nomy.  It  is  the  mart  of  goods  of  all  countries 
where  they  can  be  purchased,  not  only  of 
good  quality,  but  sometimes  cheaper  than  at 
tirst  hand. 

"  Here  linen,  woollen  goods,  calicoes,  glass, 
copper,  and  all  other  numerous  produce  of 
manufactured  wares  of  the  whole  German 
empire,  are  bought  by  the  Portuguese,  Spa 
niards,  the  English,  Dutch,  French  and  other 
nations,  and  from  hence  further  transported. 
In  exchange  whereof  considerable  quantities 
of  North  American  goods,  much  wanted  in 
Germany,  may  be  taken. 

"  Mr.  Penet,  who  in  your  country  is  honour 
ed  with  several  offices,  lias  sojourned  here  for 
some  time,  and  with  all  who  had  the  honour 
of  his  acquaintance,  borne  the  character  of  an 
intelligent,  skilful,  and  for  reciprocally  advan 
tageous  commerce,  a  zealous  and  well  dispos 
ed  man,  will  certainly  have  the  complaisanco 
to  give  your  high  mightinesses  further  expla 
nation  of  the  advantages  of  this  trading  place, 
which  we  have  but  briefly  touched  upon. 

"  We  now  intercessionally  and  most  obse 
quiously  request  your  high  mightinesses  to  fa 
vour  and  countenance  the  trade  of  our  mer 
chants,  and  to  suffer  them  to  enjoy  all  such 
rights  and  liberties  as  you  allow  to  merchants 
of  nations  in  amity ;  which  in  gratitude  and 
with  zeal  we  will  in  our  place  endeavour  to  re- 
tribute,  not  doubting  that  such  mutual  inter 
course  may  be  effected,  since  a  good  begin 
ning  thereof  is  already  made  on  both  sides  by 
the  friendly  reception  of  the  vessels  that  have 
arrived  in  either  country. 

"  In  farther  testimony  of  our  most  attentive 
obsequiousness  and  sincere  attachment,  we 
have  deputed  our  citizen  John  Abraham  Van 
Boor,  who  is  charged  with  the  concerns  of  a 
considerable  merchant-house,  which,  like  seve 
ral  other  merchant-houses  of  good  report  in  this 
city,  is  desirous  of  entering  with  merchants 
of  your  country  into  reciprocal  commerce. — 
He  is  to  have  the  honour  to  present  to  your 
high  mightinesses  this  our  most  obsequious 
missive ;  wherefore  we  most  earnestly  recom 
mend  him  to  your  favourable  reception.  He 
las  it  from  us  in  express  charge,  most  respect 
fully  to  give  your  high  mightinesses  if  requir- 
d,  such  upright  and  accurate  accounts  of  our 
situation  and  constitutions,  as  may  be  depend 
ed  upon,  and  at  the  same  time  hi  person  to 
testify  the  assurance  of  the  most  perfect  res 
pect  and  attachment  with  which  attentively 
we  remain,  right  noble,  high,  mighty,  and 
most  honourable  lords,  your  most  obsequious 
and  devoted  bourgomaster  and  senate  of  the 
mperial  free  city  of  Hamburg. — Given  under 
our  city  seal,  the  29th  March  1783." 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


David  Hartley  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  March  31,  1783. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  send  you  a  paper 
entitled  Supplemental  Treaty,  the  substance 
of  which  I  sent  you  some  time  ago,  as  I  read 
it,  in  part  of  a  speech  in  the  house  of  com 
mons.  I  have  given  a  copy  of  it  to  Mr.  L., 
as  the  grounds  upon  which  my  friend  the  duke 
of  Portland  would  have  wished  that  any  ad 
ministration  in  which  he  might  have  taken  a 
part  should  have  treated  with  the  American 
ministers.  All  negotiations  for  the  formation 
of  a  ministry,  in  concert  with  the  duke  of  Port 
land,  are  at  end. 

"  The  10th  article,  which  is  supposed  to  be 
referred  to  the  definitive  treaty,  is  a  renewal 
of  the  same  proposition  which  I  moved  in  par 
liament  some  years  ago,  viz.  on  the  9th  of 
April,  1778.  I  see  nothing  inconsistent  with 
that  proposition,  either  in  the  declaration  of 
independence  or  in  the  treaty  with  France. 
Let  it  therefore  remain  and  emerge  after  the 
war,  as  a  point  untouched  by  the  war.  I  as 
sure  you  my  consent  should  not  be  wanting 
to  extend  this  principle  between  all  the  na 
tions  upon  earth.  I  know  full  well,  that 
those  nations  to  which  you  and  I  are  bound 
by  birth  and  consanguinity  would  reap  the 
earliest  fruits  from  it;  owing  no  man  hate, 
and  envying  no  man's  happiness,  I  should  re 
joice  in  the  lot  of  my  own  country,  and  on  her 
part  say  to  America,  Nos  duo  turba  sumus. 
I  send  you,  likewise,  enclosed  with  this,  some 
.sentiments  respecting  the  principles  of  some 
late  negotiations,  drawn  up  in  the  shape  of 
parliamentary  motions  by  my  brother,  who 
joins  with  me  in  the  sincerest  good  wishes  to 
you  for  health  and  happiness,  and  for  the  peace 
of  our  respective  countries,  and  of  mankind. 
"  DAVID  HARTLEY." 


Supplemental  Treaty  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  United  States  of  North  America. 
"  1.  THAT  the  British  troops  be  withdrawn 
from  the  United  States  with  all  convenient 


"  2.  That  all  farther  prosecutions  of  loyalists 
in  America  be  immediately  abated,  and  that 
they  be  permitted  to  remain  until  twelve 
months  after  the  definitive  treaty  with  Ame 
rica  in  safety  and  unmolested,  in  their  endea 
vours  to  obtain  restitution  of  their  estates. 

"  3.  That  all  ports  shall  be  mutually  open 
ed  for  intercourse  and  commerce  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States. 

"  4.  Agreed  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain, 
that  all  prohibitory  acts  shall  be  repealed,  and 
that  all  obstructions  to  American  ships,  either 
entering  inwards  or  clearing  outwards,  shall 
be  removed,  which  may  arise  from  any  acts 
of  parliament,  heretofore  regulating  the  com 
merce  of  the  American  States,  under  the  de 


scription  of  British  colonies  and  plantations, 
so  as  to  accommodate  every  circumstance  to 
the  reception  of  their  ships,  as  the  ships  of  in 
dependent  states. 

"  5.  Agreed  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain, 
that  all  duties,  rights,  privileges,  and  all  pe 
cuniary  considerations  shall  remain,  respect 
ing  the  United  States  of  America,  upon  the 
same  footing  as  they  now  remain  respecting 
the  province  of  Nova  Scotia,  or  as  if  the  said 
States  had  remained  dependent  upon  Great 
Britain.  All  this  subject  to  regulations  and 
alterations  by  any  future  acts  of  the  parliament 
of  Great  Britain. 

"  6.  On  the  part  of  the  American  States,  it 
is  agreed,  that  all  laws  prohibiting  commerce 
with  Great  Britain  shall  be  repealed. 

"  7.  Agreed  on  the  part  of  the  American 
States,  that  all  ships  and  merchandise  of  the 
British  dominions  shall  be  admitted  upon  the 
same  terms  as  before  the  war.  All  this  sub 
ject  to  future  regulations  or  alterations  by  the 
legislatures  of  the  American  States  respect 
ively. 

"  8.  That  all  prisoners  on  both  sides  be  im 
mediately  released. 

"9.  The  spirit  and  principles  of  this  treaty 
to  be  supported  on  either  side  by  any  neces 
sary  supplemental  arrangements.  No  tacit 
compliance  on  the  part  of  the  American  States 
in  any  subordinate  points  to  be  urged  at  any 
time  hereafter  in  derogation  of  their  inde 
pendence." 

Separate  article  to  be  referred  to  the  defini 
tive  treaty. 

"  10.  Neither  shall  the  independence  of  the 
United  States  be  construed  any  farther  than 
as  independence,  absolute  and  unlimited  in 
matters  of  government  as  well  as  commerce. 
Not  into  alienation,  and  therefore  the  subjects 
of  his  Britannic  majesty  and  the  citizens  of 
the  United  States  shall  mutually  be  consider 
ed  as  natural  born  subjects,  and  enjoy  all  rights 
and  privileges  as  such  in  the  respective  domi 
nions  and  territories,  in  the  manner  heteto- 
fore  accustomed. 


Paper  mentioned  in  the  close  of  Mr.  Hart' 
ley's  Letter  of  March  21, 1783. 

"  1.  THAT  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  house, 
that  whenever  Great  Britain  thought  proper 
to  acknowledge  the  independence  of  Ame 
rica,  the  mode  of  putting  it  into  effect  most 
honourably  for  this  country,  would  have  been, 
to  have  made  the  declaration  of  independence 
previous  to  the  commencement  of  any  treaty 
with  any  other  power. 

"  2.  That  a  deviation  from  that  line  of  con 
duct,  has  the  effect  of  appearing  to  grant  the 
independence  of  America  solely  to  the  de 
mands  of  the  house  of  Bourbon,  and  not,  as 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


685 


was  the  real  state  of  the  case,  from  a  change 
in  the  sentiments  of  this  country,  as  to  the 
object  and  continuance  of  the  American  war. 

"3.  That  when  this  house  by  its  vote 
against  the  farther  prosecution  of  offensive 
war  in  America,  had  given  up  the  point  of 
contest,  and  adopted  a  conciliatory  disposition, 
the  pursuing  those  principles  by  an  immedi 
ate  and  liberal  negotiation  upon  the  basis  of 
independence,  at  the  same  time  expressing  a 
readiness  to  conclude  a  general  peace  with 
the  allies  of  America  upon  honourable  terms, 
would  have  been  the  most  likely  way  to  pro 
mote  a  mutual  and  beneficial  intercourse  be 
tween  the  two  countries ;  to  establish  peace 
upon  a  firm  foundation ;  and  would  have  pre 
vented  the  house  of  Bourbon  from  having  a 
right  to  claim  any  farther  obligations  from 
America,  as  the  assertors  of  their  independ 
ence. 

"  4.  That  the  minister  who  advised  the  late 
negotiations  for  peace,  has  neglected  to  make 
use  of  those  advantages  which  the  determi 
nation  of  the  house  put  him  in  possession  of: 
that,  by  his  delay  in  authorizing  persons  pro 
perly  to  negotiate  with  the  American  com 
missioners,  he  has  shown  a  reluctance  to  act 
ing  upon  the  liberal  principles  of  granting  in 
dependence  to  America,  as  the  determination 
of  Great  Britain  upon  mature  consideration  of 
the  question :  and  has  by  such  methods  given 
advantage  to  the  enemies  of  this  country  to 
promote  and  confirm  that  commerce  and  con 
nexion  between  the  United  States  of  Ame 
rica  and  themselves,  which  during  the  con 
test  have  been  turned  from  their  natural 
channel  with  this  country,  and  which  this 
peace  so  concluded  has  not  yet  contributed  to 
restore." 


M.  Salva  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

-  ALGIERS,  April  1, 1783. 

"  SIR, — The  imminent  danger  to  which  the 
vessels  of  your  nation  were  exposed,  which 
sailed  in  March  last  from  Marseilles,  and 
which  owed  their  safety  to  the  god  of  the  seas 
alone,  emboldens  me  to  call  your  attention  to 
this  point. 

"  Some  secret  enemies  (whom  I  know)  hav 
ing  given  information  to  this  regency  oftheir 
departure,  nine  armed  ships  immediately  sail 
ed  to  wait  for  them  at  cape  Palos.  It  is  to  be 
presumed  that  the  Americans  had  already 
passed  the  straits. 

"  Algiers  has  many  ships,  and  the  politics 
of  certain  European  powers  do  not  refrain 
them  from  paying  tribute  to  enjoy  peace; 
they  make  use  of  these  human  harpies  as  a 
terror  to  the  belligerent  nations,  whose  com 
merce  they  chain  to  the  car  of  Algerine  pira 
cy.  We  saw  an  example  of  this  when  his 
imperial  majesty  to  protect  his  flag  made  use 
of  the  firman  of  the  Sublime  Porte.  It  was 


attacked,  and  five  prizes  were  brought  into 
this  port  in  17*1.  four  of  which  with  ballast 
were  restored  in  February  17*2,  at  the  claim 
of  a  Capapigi  Bashaw  of  the  porte,  and  of  M. 
Fiinone,  the  imperial  agent  who  was  expel 
led,  and  whose  correspondent  I  am,  having 
been  his  secretary  on  this  occasion,  and  hav 
ing  revealed  to  his  highness  prince  Kaunitz 
Rietberg,  minister  at  the  court  of  Vienna,  hor 
rors  and  crimes  which  would  have  remained 
unpunished  but  for  my  pen. 

"  Humanity  alone,  sir,  has  engaged  me  to 
give  you  this"  advice.  I  request  you  will  be 
pleased  to  keep  it  secret ;  your  prudence  will 
effect  what  may  be  necessary  on  this  occa 
sion. 

"•I  have  the  honour  to  offer  you  every  in 
formation  respecting  this  port,  and  flatter  my 
self  that  I  shall  succeed  therein.  I  think  to 
depart  from  this  in  May  or  June  next  for  Mar 
seilles,  and  to  leave  these  barbarian  pirates. 
"SALVA." 


••  The  Grand  Master  of  Malta. 

"  PASSY,  April  6,  1783. 

"  MY  LORD, — I  have  the  honour  to  address 
to  your  eminent  highness  the  medal  which  I 
have  lately  had  struck.  It  is  an  homage  of 
gratitude,  my  lord,  which  is  due  to  the  inte 
rest  you  have  taken  in  our  cause,  and  we  no 
less  owe  it  to  your  virtues,  and  to  your  emi 
nent  highness's  wise  administration  of  govern 
ment. 

"  Permit  me,  my  lord,  to  demand  your  pro 
tection  for  such  of  our  citizens  as  circumstan 
ces  may  lead  to  your  ports.  I  hope  that  your 
eminent  highness  will  be  pleased  to  grant  it 
to  them,  and  kindly  receive  the  assurances  of 
the  profound  respect,  &c. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Af.  Roseneroni. 


,  April  13,  1783- 

"  SIR,  —  M.  Waltersdorff  has  communicated 
to  me  a  letter  from  your  excellency,  which 
affords  me  great  pleasure,  as  it  expresses  in 
clear  and  strong  terms  the  good  disposition  of 
your  court  (Denmark)  to  form  connexions  of 
friendship  and  commerce  with  the  United 
States  of  America.  I  am  confident  that  the 
same  good  disposition  will  be  found  in  the 
congress;  and  having  acquainted  that  respec 
table  body  with  the  purport  of  your  letter,  I 
expect  a  commission  will  soon  be  sent,  ap 
pointing  some  person  in  Europe  to  enter  into 
a  treaty  with  his  majesty  the  king  of  Den 
mark  for  the  purposes  desired. 

"  In  the  mean  time,  to  prepare  and  forward 
the  business  as  mucli  as  may  be,  I  send,  for 
your  excellency's  consideration,  such  a  sketch 
as  you  mention,  formed  on  the  basis  of  our 
treaty  with  Holland,  on  which  I  shall  be  glad 


5*26 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


to  receive  your  excellency's  sentiments.  And 
I  hope  that  this  transaction,  when  completed, 
may  be  the  means  of  producing  and  securing  a 
long  and  happy  friendship  between  our  two 
nations. 

"  To  smooth  the  way  for  obtaining  this  de 
sirable  end,  as  well  as  to  comply  with  my 
duty,  it  becomes  necessary  for  me  on  this  oc 
casion  to  mention  to  your  excellency  the  af 
fair  of  our  three  prizes,  which,  having  during 
the  war  entered  Bergen  as  a  neutral  and 
friendly  port,  where  they  might  repair  the 
damages  they  had  suffered,  and  procure  pro 
visions,  were,  by  an  order  of  your  predecessor 
in  the  office  you  so  honourably  fill,  violently 
seized  and  delivered  to  our  enemies.  I  am 
inclined  to  think  it  was  a  party  act,  procured 
by  the  importunities  and  misrepresentations 
of  the  British  minister,  and  that  your  govern 
ment  would  not,  on  reflection,  approve  of  it. 
But  the  injury  was  done,  and  I  flatter  myself 
your  excellency  will  think  with  me,  that  it 
ought  to  be  repaired.  The  means  and  man 
ner  I  beg  leave  to  recommend  to  your  consi 
deration,  and  am,  &c. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Robert  R.  Livingston. 

"  PASSY,  April  15, 1783. 

"  SIR, — You  complain  sometimes  of  not 
hearing  from  us ;  it  is  now  near  three  months 
since  any  of  us  have  heard  from  America.  I 
think  our  last  letters  came  with  general  Ro- 
chambeau.  There  is  now  a  project  under 
consideration  for  establishing  monthly  packet 
boats  between  France  and  New  York,  which 
I  hope  will  be  carried  into  execution ;  our  cor 
respondence  then  may  be  more  regular  and 
frequent. 

"  I  send  herewith  another  copy  of  the  treaty 
concluded  with  Sweden.  I  hope,  however, 
that  you  will  have  received  the  former,  and 
that  the  ratification  is  forwarded.  The  king, 
as  the  ambassador  informs  me,  is  now  employ 
ed  in  examining  the  duties  payable  in  his 
ports,  with  a  view  to  lowering  them  in  favour 
of  America,  and  thereby  encouraging  and  fa 
cilitating  our  mutual  commerce. 

"  M.  Waltersdorff,  chamberlain  of  the  king 
of  Denmark,  formerly  chief  justice  of  the  Da 
nish  West  India  islands,  was  last  year  at  Pa 
ris,  where  I  had  some  acquaintance  with  him ; 
he  is  now  returned  hither.  The  newspapers 
have  mentioned  him  as  intended  to  be  sent 
minister  from  his  court  to  congress,  but  he 
tells  me  no  such  appointment  has  been  yet 
made.  He  assures  me,  however,  that  the  king 
lias  a  strong  desire  to  have  a  treaty  of  friend 
ship  and  commerce  with  the  United  States, 
and  he  has  communicated  to  me  a  letter  which 
he  received  from  M.  Roseverone,  the  minister 
lor  foreign  affairs,  expressing  that  disposi 


tion.  I  enclose  a  copy  of  the  letter,  and  if 
congress  shall  approve  of  entering  into  such 
a  treaty  with  the  king  of  Denmark,  of  which 
I  told  M.  Waltersdorff  I  had  no  doubt,  they 
will  send  to  me,  or  whom  else  they  shall 
think  proper,  the  necessary  instructions  and 
full  powers  for  that  purpose.  In  the  mean 
time,  to  keep  the  business  in  train,  I  have  sent 
to  that  minister  for  his  consideration  a  trans 
lation  of  the  plan,  mutatis  mutandis,  which 
I  received  from  congress  for  a  treaty  with 
Sweden,  accompanied  by  a  letter,  of  which 
likewise  I  enclose  a  copy.  I  think  it  would 
be  well  to  make  it  one  of  the  instructions  to 
whoever  is  commissioned  for  the  treaty,  that 
he  previously  procure  satisfaction  for  the 
prizes  mentioned  in  my  letter. 

"  The  definitive  treaties  have  met  with 
great  delays,  partly  by  the  tardiness  of  the 
Dutch,  but  principally  from  the  distractions 
of  the  court  of  England,  where  for  six  or  seven 
weeks  there  was  properly  no  ministry  nor 
any  business  effected.  They  have  at  last  set 
tled  a  ministry,  but  of  such  a  composition  as 
does  not  promise  to  be  lasting.  The  papers 
will  inform  you  who  they  are.  It  is  now  said 
that  Mr.  Oswald,  who  signed  the  prelimina 
ries,  is  not  to  return  here,  but  that  Mr.  David 
Hartley  comes  in  his  stead  to  settle  the  defi 
nitive.  A  congress  is  also  talked  of,  and  that 
some  use  is  to  be  made  therein  of  the  media 
tion  formerly  proposed  of  the  Imperial  courts, 
Mr.  Hartley  is  an  old  friend  of  mine,  and  a 
strong  lover  of  peace,  so  that  I  hope  we  shal  I 
not  have  much  difficult  discussion  with  him  : 
but  I  could  have  been  content  to  have  finish 
ed  with  Mr.  Oswald,  whom  we  always  found 
very  reasonable. 

"  Mr.  Laurens  having  left  Bath,  mended  in 
his  health,  is  daily  expected  at  Paris,  where 
Messrs.  Jay  and  Adams  still  continue.  Mr. 
Jefferson  has  not  yet  arrived,  nor  the  Romu 
lus,  in  which  ship  I  am  told  he  was  to  have 
taken  his  passage.  I  have  been  the  more  im 
patient  of  this  delay  from  the  expectation  giv 
en  me  of  full  letters  by  him.  It  is  extraordi 
nary  that  we  should  be  so  long  without  any 
arrivals  from  America  in  any  part  of  Europe. 
We  have  as  yet  heard  nothing  of  the  recep 
tion  of  the  preliminary  articles  in  America, 
though  it  is  now  nearly  five  months  since  they 
were  signed.  Barney  did  not  indeed  get 
away  from  hence  before  the  middle  of  Janu 
ary,  but  copies  went  by  other  ships  long  be 
fore  him ;  he  waited  so'me  time  for  the  money 
he  carried,  and  afterwards  was  detained  by 
violent  contrary  winds.  He  had  a  passport 
from  England,  and  I  hope  arrived  safe ;  though 
we  have  been  in  some  pain  for  him  on  ac 
count  of  a  storm  soon  after  he  sailed. 

"  The  English  merchants  have  shown  great 
eagerness  to  resume  their  commerce  with 
America,  but  apprehending  that  our  laws  pro 
hibiting  that  commerce  would  not  be  repeal- 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


527 


r.l  till  England  had  set  the  example  by  repeal 
ing  theirs,  a  number  of  vessels  they  have 
ioaded  with  goods  have  been  detained  in  port 
while  the  parliament  has  been  debating  on 
the  repealing  bill,  which  has  been  altered  two 
or  three  times,  and  is  not  agreed  upon  yet. — 
i  t.  was  at  first  proposed  to  give  us  equal  pri 
vileges  in  trade  with  their  own  subjects,  re 
pealing  thereby,  with  respect  to  us,  so  much 
of  their  navigation  act,  as  regards  foreign 
nations.  But  the  plan  seems  to  be  laid  aside, 
and  what  will  finally  be  done  in  the  affair  is 
•;ncertain.  There  is  not  a  port  in  France 
and  few  in  Europe,  from  which  I  have  not 
"d  several  applications  of  persons  de 
siring  to  be  appointed  consuls  for  America. 
They  generally  offer  to  execute  the  office  for 
the  honour  of  it,  without  salary.  I  suppose 
the  congress  will  wait  to  see  what  course 
commerce  will  take,  and  in  what  places  it 
will  fix  itself,  in  order  to  find  where  consuls 
will  be  necessary,  before  any  appointments 
are  made,  and  perhaps  it  will  then  be  thought 
best  to  send  some  of  our  own  people.  If  they 
are  not  allowed  to  trade,  and  are  Americans, 
the  fortunes  they  make  will  mostly  settle  in 
our  own  country  at  last.  The  agreement  I 
was  to  make  here  respecting  consuls  has  not 
been  concluded.  The  article  of  trading  is 
important.  I  think  it  would  be  well  to  re 
consider  it. 

"  I  have  caused  to  be  struck  here  the  me 
dal  which  I  formerly  mentioned  to  you,  the  de 
sign  of  which  you  seemed  to  approve.  I  en 
close  one  of  them  in  silver  for  the  President  of 
Congress,  and  one  in  copper  for  yourself;  the 
impression  on  copper  is  thought  to  appear  best, 
and  you  will  soon  receive  a  number  for  the 
members.  I  have  presented  one  to  the  King 
and  another  to  the  Queen,  both  in  gold,  one 
in  silver  to  each  of  the  ministers,  as  a  monu 
mental  acknowledgment,  which  may  go  down 
to  future  ages,  of  the  obligations  we  are  under 
to  this  nation.  It  is  mighty  well  received, 
and  gives  general  pleasure.  If  the  congress 
approve  of  it,  as  I  hope  they  will,  I  may  add 
something  on  the  die  (for  those  to  be  struck 
hereafter)  to  show  that  it  was  done  by  their 
order,  which  I  would  not  venture  to  do  till  I 
had  authority  for  it. 

"  A  multitude  of  people  are  continually  ap 
plying  to  me  personally,  and  by  letters,  for 
information  respecting  the  means  of  transport 
ing  themselves,  families,  and  fortunes  to  Ame 
rica.  I  give  no  encouragement  to  the  king's 
subjects,  as  I  think  it  would  not  be  right  in 
me  to  do  it.  without  their  sovereign's  appro 
bation  ;  and  indeed  few  offer  from  France  but 
persons  of  irregular  conduct  and  desperate 
circumstances,  whom  we  had  better  be  with 
out;  but  I  think  there  will  be  great  emigra 
tions  from  England,  Ireland,  and  Germany. 
There  is  a  great  contest  among  the  ports, 


which  of  them  shall  be  of  those  to  be  declared 
free  for  the  American  trade.  Many  applica 
tions  are  made  to  me  to  interest  myself  in  be 
half  of  all  of  them,  but  having  no  instructions 
on  that  head,  and  thinking  it  a  matter  more  pro 
perly  belonging  to  the  consul,  I  have  done 
nothing  in  it. 

"  I  have  continued  to  send  you  the  English 
papers.  You  will  often  see  falsehoods  in  them 
respecting  what  I  say  and  do,  &c.  You  know 
those  papers  too  well  to  make  any  contradic 
tion  of  such  stuff  necessary  for  me. 

"  Mr.  Barclay  is  often  ill,  and  I  am  afraid 
the  settlement  of  our  accounts  will  be,  in  his 
hands,  a  long  operation.  I  shall  be  impatient  at 
being  detained  here  on  that  score  after  the  ar 
rival  of  my  successor.  Would  it  not  be  well 
to  join  Mr.  Ridley  with  Mr.  Barclay  for  that 
service  1  He  resides  in  Paris,  and  seems  ac 
tive  in  business.  I  know  not  indeed  whether 
he  would  undertake  it,  but  wish  he  may. 

"  The  finances  here  are  embarrassed,  and  a 
new  loan  is  proposed  by  way  of  lottery,  in 
which  it  is  said  by  some  calculators,  the  king 
will  pay  at  the  rate  of  seven  per  cent.,  and  of 
his  concern  for  our  credit,  in  saving  by  that 
sum  the  honour  of  Mr.  Morris's  bills,  while 
those  drawn  by  his  own  officers  abroad  have 
their  payments  suspended  for  a  year  after  they 
become  due.  You  have  been  told  that  France 
might  help  us  more  liberally  if  she  would. — 
This  last  transaction  is  a  demonstration  to  the 
contrary. 

"  Please  to  show  these  last  paragraphs  to 
Mr.  Morris,  to  whom  I  cannot  now  write,  the 
notice  of  this  ship  being  short ;  but  it  is  less 
necessary,  as  Mr.  Grand  writes  him  fully. 
«  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  P.  S.  Mr.  Laurens  lias  just  arrived." 


Charles  James  Fox,  Secretary  of  State,  to 
B.  Franklin. 

"  ST.  JAMES'S,  April  19,  1783. 

"  SIR, — Although  it  is  unnecessary  for  rne 
to  introduce  to  your  acquaintance  a  gentle 
man  so  well  known  to  you  as  Mr.  Hartley, 
who  will  have  the  honour  of  delivering  to  you 
this  letter,  yet  it  may  be  proper  for  me  to  in 
form  you,  that  he  has  the  full  and  entire  con 
fidence  of  his  majesty's  ministers  upon  the 
subject  of  his  mission. 

"  Permit  me,  sir,  to  take  this  opportunity 
of  assuring  you,  how  happy  I  should  esteem 
myself,  if  it  were  to  prove  my  lot  to  be  the 
instrument  of  completing  a  real  and  substan 
tial  reconciliation  between  two  countries, 
formed  by  nature  to  be  in  a  state  of  friendship 
one  with  the  other,  and  thereby  to  put  the 
finishing  hand  to  a  building,  in  laying  the 
first  stone  of  which  I  may  fairly  boast  that  I 
had  some  share.  C.  J.  FOX." 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


"  R.  R.  Livingston. 

"  PASSY,  April  27, 1783. 

"  SIR,— The  count  de  Verorne,  an  Italian 
nobleman  of  great  distinction,  does  me  the  ho 
nour  to  be  the  bearer  of  this.  I  have  not  the 
satisfaction  to  be  personally  acquainted  witl 
this  gentleman,  but  am  much  solicited  by  some 
of  my  particular  friends,  to  whom  his  merits 
and  character  are  known,  to  afford  him  this 
introduction  to  you.  He  is,  I  understand, 
great  traveller,  and  his  view  in  going  to  Ame 
rica  is  merely  to  see  the  country  and  its  great 
men.  I  pray  you  will  show  him  every  civili 
ty,  and  afford  him  that  counsel  which  as  a 
stranger  he  may  stand  in  need  of. 

^;        "  B.  FRANKLIN.' 


Three  Articles  proposed  by  the  American 
Ministers,  and  delivered  to  David  Hartley, 
Esq.  the  British  Envoy. 

"  April  29,  1783. 

"  ART.  1.  It  is  agreed  that  so  soon  as  his 
Britannic  Majesty  shall  have  withdrawn  all 
his  armies,  garrisons,  and  fleets  from  the  Unit 
ed  States  of  America,  and  from  every  port, 
post,  place,  and  harbour  within  the  same,  as 
stipulated  by  the  7th  article  of  the  provisional 
treaty  of  30th  of  November,  1782,  then  and 

thenceforth,  for  and  during  the  term  of 

years,  all  rivers,  harbours,  lakes,  ports,  and 
places,  belonging  to  the  United  States,  or  any 
of  them,  shall  be  open  and  free  to  the  mer 
chants  and  other  subjects  of  the  crown  of 
Great  Britain,  and  his  trading  vessels ;  who 
shall  be  received,  treated,  and  protected,  like 
the  merchant  and  trading  vessels  of  the  state 
in  which  they  may  be,  liable  to  no  other 
charges  or  duties. 

"  And  reciprocally  all  rivers,  harbours, 
lakes,  ports,  and  places,  under  the  dominion 
of  his  Britannic  Majesty,  shall  thenceforth  be 
open  and  free  to  the  merchants  and  trading 
vessels  of  the  said  United  States,  and  of  each 
and  every  of  them  who  shall  be  received, 
treated,  and  protected  like  the  merchants  and 
trading  vessels  of  Great  Britain,  and  be  liable 
to  no  other  charges  or  duties:  saving  always 
to  the  chartered  trading  companies  of  Great 
Britain,  such  exclusive  use  and  trade  of  their 
respective  ports  and  establishments,  as  neither 
the  other  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  nor  any 
of  the  most  favoured  nation,  participate  in. 

*'  Art.  2.  It  is  agreed  that  such  persons  as 
may  be  in  confinement  in  the  United  States 
•>t"  America  for  or  by  reason  of  the  part  which 
they  may  have  taken  in  the  late  war,  shall  be 
set  at  liberty  immediately  on  the  evacuation 
of  the  said  states  by  the  troops  and  fleets  of 
his  Britannic  Majesty. 

"  And  it  is  likewise  agreed  that  all  such 
persons  who  may  be  in  confinement  in  any 
parts  under  the  dominion  of  his  Britannic  Ma 


jesty,  for  or  by  reason  of  the  part  which  they 
may  have  taken  in  the  late  war,  shall  at  the 
same  time  be  also  immediately  set  at  liberty. 
"  Art.  3.  The  prisoners  made  respective 
ly  by  the  arms  of  his  Britannic  Majesty,  and 
those  of  the  United  States  of  America  both  by 
land  and  sea,  shall  be  immediately  set  at  li 
berty  without  any  ransom,  on  paying  the  debts 
they  may  have  contracted  during  their  capti 
vity:  and  each  contracting  party  shall  re 
spectively  reimburse  the  sums  which  shall 
have  been  advanced  for  the  subsistence  and 
maintenance  of  their  prisoners  by  the  sove 
reign  of  the  country  where  they  shall  have 
been  detained  according  to  the  receipts  and 
attested  accounts,  and  other  authentic  titles 
which  shall  be  produced  on  each  side." 

The  Count  de  Vergennes  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  VERSAILLES,  May  5,  1783. 

"  SIR, — I  have  received  the  two  letters  of 
yesterday  and  to-day,  which  you  have  done  me 
the  honour  to  write  to  me,  and  a  copy  of  the 
three  articles  discussed  between  the  commis 
sioners  of  the  United  States  and  Mr.  Hartley. 
You  are  aware  that  I  shall  want  a  sufficient 
time  to  examine  them,  before  submitting  to 
men  the  observations  which  may  relate  to  our 
reciprocal  interests.  Receive  in  the  mean 
time  my  sincere  thanks  for  this  communica 
tion. 

I  hope  to  have  the  honour  of  seeing  you 
lorrow  at  Versailles.  I  trust  you  will  be 
able  to  be  present  with  the  foreign  ministers. 
tt  is  observed  that  the  commissioners  of  the 
United  States  rarely  show  themselves  here, 
ind  inferences  are  drawn  from  it,  which  I 
am  sure  their  constituents  would  disallow,  if 
they  had  a  knowledge  of  them. 

"  DE  VERGENNES." 

"  Count  de  Vergennes. 

"  PASSY,  May  5,  1783. 

"  SIR, — It  was  my  intention  to  pay  my  de- 
•oirs  at  Versailles  to-morrow.  I  thank  your 
excellency  nevertheless  for  your  kind  admo- 
lition.  I  omitted  two  of  the  last  three  days, 
rom  a  mistaken  apprehension,  that  being  ho- 
idays  there  would  be  no  court.  Mr.  Laurens 
and  Mr.  Jay  are  both  invalids ;  and  since  my 
ast  severe  fit  of  the  gout,  my  legs  have  con- 
inued  so  weak,  that  I  am  hardly  able  to  keep 
)ace  with  the  ministers  who  walk  fast,  espe 
cially  in  going  up  and  down  stairs. 

"  I  beg^you  to  be  assured,  that  whatever 
eficiency  there  may  be  of  strength  there  is 
lone  of  respect.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


to-morrow  at 


"  To  David  Hartley. 

"PASSY,  May8,  1783. 

"  BEAR  FRIEND, — I  send  you  enclosed  the 
opies  you  desired  of  the  papers  I  read  to  you 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


529 


yesterday.*  I  should  be  happy  if  I  could  sec, 
before  I  die,  the  proposed  improvement  of  the 
law  of  nations  established.  The  miseries  of 
mankind  would  be  diminished  by  it,  and  the 
happiness  of  millions  secured  and  promoted. 
.If  the  practice  of  privateering  could  be  pro 
fitable  to  any  civilized  nation,  it  might  be  so 
to  us  Americans,  since  we  are  so  situated  on 
the  globe,  as  that  the  rich  commerce  of  Eu 
rope  with  tha  West  Indies,  consisting  of  ma 
nufactures,  sugars,  &c.  is  obliged  to  pass  be 
fore  our  doors,  which  enables  us  to  make  short 
and  cheap  cruises,  while  our  own  commerce 
is  in  such  bulky  low-priced  articles,  as  that 
4en  of  our  ship.-?  taken  by  you  are  not  equal 
in  value  to  one  of  yours,  and  you  must  come 


m- 
may 


pers,  and  how  far  they  think  the  persons  i 
terested  may  hope  to  obtain  relief,  that  I  mi 
acquaint  them  therewith." 

To  the  Right  Hon.  William,  Earl  of  ,SAr/- 
hurne,  fyc.  (me  of  his  Majesty's  principal 
Secretaries  of  iStt//> . 

•'  THE  Memorial  of  the  subscribing  merchants 
trading  to  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  in 
behalf  of  themselves-and  others. 
'•  Most  humbly  showeth, — That  in  the  year 
1770,  the  Cherokee  Indians,  being  considera 
bly  indebted  to   the  traders,    who   supplied 
them  with  goods,  and  findin 
from  the  decreased  number 


it  impossible 
to  pay 


their  debts  as  usual  with  skins,  proposed  to 


far  from  home  at.  a  groat  expense  to  look  for    their  ^  traderg  lhe  cegskm  of  a     -     k 
them    I  hope,  therefore,  that  this  proposition,  j  ^    of  knd  daimed  b    that  nation  ag  their 

.   •-     .-./..          .1         i  -e^- 


:t  made  by  us,  will  appear  in  its  true  light,  as 
having  humanity  only  for  its  motive.  I  do 
not  wish  to  see  anewBarbary  rising  in  Ame 
rica,  and  our  long  extended  coast  occupied  by 
piratical  states.  I  fear  lest  our  privateering 
success  in  the  two  last  wars,  should  already 
have  given  our  people  too  strong  a  relish  for 
that  most  mischievous  kind  of  gaming,  mixed 
blood  ;  and  if  a  stop  is  not  now  put  to  the 
practice,  mankind  may  hereafter  be  more 
plagued  with  American  corsairs  than  they 
have  been  and  are  with  the  Turkish.  Try, 
my  friend,  what  you  can  do,  in  procuring  for 
your  nation  the  glory  of  being,  though  the 
greatest  naval  power,  the  first  who  volunta 
rily  relinquished  the  advantage  that  power 
'-•eems  to  give  them,  of  plundering  others,  and 
thereby  impeding  the  mutual  communications 
among  men  of  the  gifts  of  God,  and  render 
ing  miserable  multitudes  of  merchants  and 
their  families,  artizans,  and  cultivators  of  the 
parth,  the  most  peaceable  and  innocent  part 
of  the  human  species. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


jTlie  following  .Papers  were  delivered  to  ih<- 
Commissioners  by  David  Hartley,  Ks«i-  the  l">tli  of 
May.  1783.] 

Extract  of  a  Letter  from  the  Mm.  C.  J.  For 
to  David  Hartley,  Esq. 

'•MAY  ;>,  n.-:!. 

*'  I  SEND  you  enclosed  the  copy  of  a  memo 
rial  I  have  received  from  the  merchants  trad 
ing  to  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  as  also  the 
duplicate  of  one  presented  by  them  to  lord 
Shelburne  in  May  1782.  ^  lam  to  desire  you 
will  endeavour  to  obtain  for  them  of  the  mi 
nisters  plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  such  representations  of  their  case, 
as  it  appears  on  the  consideration  of  it  justly 
to  deserve,  and  I  shall  be  much  obliged  to  you, 
if  you  will  inform  me,  as  soon  as  you  can,  of 
the  manner  in  which  they  receive  these  pa- 

*  See  the  Proposition  about  Piivateerinc,  annexed 
?o  letter  to  R.  Oswald,  January  14, 1783. 

VOL.  L  ...  3  X  45 


property,  and  situated  to  the  southward  of  the 
river  Savannah,  such  cession  to  be  taken  by 
the  traders  as  a  full  payment  of  all  debts  and 
claims  whatever  against  the  Cherokee?. 

"  That  the  traders  having  agreed  to  the  pro 
posed  cession,  the  Indians  by  some  of  their 
headmen,  authorized  for  that  purpose,  formal 
ly  executed  the  necessary  deeds. 

"  That  sir  James  Wright,  governor  of  the 
province  of  Georgia,  in  which  province  the 
lands  so  ceded  were  situated,  and  the  late 
John  Stuart,  Esq.  the  superintendent  of  Indian 
affairs  for  the  south  district  of  America,  disap 
proved  of  the  conduct  of  the  said  traders  in 
accepting  the  said  cession,  as  being  contrary, 
not  only  "to  his  Majesty's  instructions,  but  lo 
the  several  provincial  laws  which  strictly  pro 
hibit  private  persons  from  making-  any  pur 
chase  of  lands  from  Indians. 

That  in  consequence  of  such  disapproba 
tion,  the  Indians  persisting  in  their  resolution 
of  ceding  the  lands  in  question,  and  being 
thereby  released  from  their  debt,  offered  to 
make  the  cession  to  governor  Wright  for  that 
purpose,  and  named  a  day  for  running  lines ; 
but  he  declining  their  offer,  desired  they  would 
defer  their  intentions  until  his  Majesty's  plea 
sure  should  be  known  on  them. 

"  That  the  ensuing  year,  sir  James  Wright 
being  then  in  England,  stated  the  several 
matters  above  mentioned  in  a  memorial  totho 
earl  of  Hillsborough,  and  proposed  certain 
measures  by  which  the  cession  of  the  said 
lands,  if  approved  by  his  Majesty,  might  be 
the  means  not  only  of  answering  the  proposed 
end  of  the  Indians,  and  the  traders,  but  of 
bringing  in  a  number  of  valuable  settlers  to 
the  great  advantage  of  the  province,  and  con 
sequently  of  the  mother  country. 

"  That  the  said  Memorial  having  been  re 
ferred  to  the  consideration  of  the  lords  of 
trade,  they  in  a  representation,  dated  Nov.  9, 
1772,  advised  his  Majesty  to  accept  of  th» 
proposed  cession  for  the  intended  purpose  of 
paying  the  debts  due  to  the  traders  from  the 


530 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


Indians  by  the  sale  of  the  lands,  ceded  at  the 
same  time,  proposing  that  the  crown  should 
not  stand  pledged  either  to  the  Indians  or  the 
traders  for  the  payment  of  any  part  of  the 
debts,  that  the  debts  should  be  fairly  liquidated 
and  confined  to  those  contracted  within  cer 
tain  periods,  and  that  all  monies  arising  from 
the  sale  of  the  lands  so  ceded  should  be  placed 
in  the  hands  of  a  receiver  to  be  appointed  by 
the  governor,  arid  after  payment  of  the  debts 
so  to  be  liquidated,  together  with  the  ex 
penses  of  survey  and  means  of  protection  to 
the  persons  settling  ;  the  same  be  subject  to 
such  payments  upon  warrant  of  the  governor 
for  the  service  of  the  province  as  his  Majesty 
should  approve  and  direct. 

"  That  in  consequence  of  the  above  repre 
sentation,  his  Majesty  was  graciously  pleased 
to  give  conformable  instructions  to  sir  James 
Wright,  who  arrived  in  Georgia  for  the  pur 
pose  of  putting  them  in  execution  in  March 
1773. 

"  That  it  appearing  the  Creek  Indians  had 
a  claim  upon  the  lands  proposed  to  be  ceded 
by  the  Cherokees  as  aforesaid,  alleging  that 
their  ancestors  had  heretofore  conquered  those 
lands  from  that  nation,  that  the  Cherokees 
had  acknowledged  that  right  of  conquest  by 
abandoning  the  possession  to  them,  and  which 
possession  they  had  uniformly  held,  and  it 
also  appearing  that  the  Creeks  being  also 
considerably  indebted  to  their  traders  were 
inclined  to  join  in  the  cession  upon  being  freed 
from  their  debts,  a  congress  was  appointed  to 
be  held  at  Augusta  with  both  nations  in  the 
month  of  May  following,  for  finally  adjusting 
the  terms,  and  formally  accepting  the  cession 
of  the  express  purpose  upon  which  it  was  to  be 
made ;  namely,  the  discharge  of  the  debts  due 
from  the  Cherokees  and  Creeks  to  their  re 
spective  traders. 

"  That  a  congress  was  accordingly  held  at 
Augusta  in  May  1773,  by  sir  James  Wright 
and  the  superintendent  on  the  part  of  the 
crown,  at  which  a  very  considerable  number 
of  the  headmen  of  both  nations  attended,  who, 
after  having  previously  deliberated  upon  the 
matter  between  themselves,  joined  in  a  solemn 
and  formal  cession  of  the  lands  in  question  to 
his  Majesty,  for  the  purpose  of  paying  the 
debts  due  from  their  respective  nations  to 
their  traders,  and  the  said  traders  appearing 
by  themselves  or  their  attornies  did  at  the 
same  time  release  and  discharge  their  several 
debtors  of  both  nations  from  all  debts,  claims 
and  demands  whatever. 

"  That  it  must  be  supposed  such  consider 
able  debts  being  due  from  the  Indians  to  their 
traders,  the  latter  must  have  been  proportion- 
ably  indebted  to  the  merchants  who  supplied 
them  with  goods ;  this  in  fact  was  the  case, 
and  the  merchants  were  obliged  to  take  as 
signments  from  the  traders  of  their  claims, 
and  the  debts  to  be  liquidated  in  payment  of 


their  several  demands,  and   to  give  them  a 
full  discharge  of  their  respective  debts. 

"  That  after  the  lands  had  been  ceded  as 
aforesaid,  steps  were  taken  by  sir  James  Wright 
for  surveying  the  said  lands,  settling  them 
in  distinct  allotments  for  protecting  the  pur 
chases,  settling  the  same,  and  particularly  for 
adjusting  the  liquidating  the  debts  claimed 
within  certain  fixed  periods  agreeable  to  his 
Majesty's  instructions. 

"  That  in  consequence  of  these  necessary 
measures,  a  progress'  was  made  in  the  liquida 
tion  of  the  debts,  and  certificates  of  the  sums 
allowed  were  given  to  the  claimants,  when 
the  disturbances  in  America,  and  particularly 
in  Georgia,  prevented  any  further  proceedings 
being  taken  therein,  and  your  memorialists 
are  either  on  their  own  accounts  or  their  cor 
respondents  interested  in  those  claims  either 
liquidated  or  to  be  liquidated  to  a  very  consi 
derable  amount,  and  without  any  dependence 
for  reimbursement,  but  on  the  produce  of  the 
lands  so  ceded. 

"Your  memorialists  further  beg  leave  to 
represent  to  your  lordship,  that  prior  to  the 
unhappy  disputes  in  America,  several  allot 
ments  of  the  said  ceded  lands  were  sold,  but 
as  they  were  given  to  understand,  the  charge 
of  surveying,  the  raising  and  maintaining  a 
troop  of  rangers  and  other  expenses,  whether 
necessary  or  not  your  memorialists  will  not 
take  upon  themselves  to  determine,  have 
amounted  to  more  than  the  sums  received,  no 
part  of  the  sums  due  to  your  memorialists  or 
their  correspondents  upon  such  of  their  claims 
as  have  been  settled,  liquidated,  and  certified 
as  aforesaid  have  been  paid. 

"  Having  thus  fully  stated  to  your  lordship 
the  circumstances  that  attended  the  cession  of 
the  lands  in  question,  the  actual  ground  upon 
which  that  cession  was  made,  the  motives  and 
conditions  upon  which  his  Majesty  was  gra 
ciously  pleased  to  accept  the  same,  and  upon 
which  instructions  were  given  to  sir  James 
Wright,  it  remains  for  your  memorialists 
humbly  to  submit  to  your  lordship's  consi 
deration  : 

"  That  although  the  cession  of  those  lands 
was  expressly  made  to  the  crown  by  the 
Cherokee  and  Creek  nations,  yet  that  it  was 
for  a  particular  and  declared  purpose,  not  only 
clearly  acknowledged  in  the  act  of  cession 
itself,  but  in  his  Majesty's  instructions  to  his 
governor  ;  and  that  the  crown  in  this  instance 
stands  in  fact  in  trust  for  the  several  creditors 
of  those  nations  whose  debts  have  been  or 
may  be  fairly  liquidated  and  certified  by  them 
or  their  assigns.  The  lands  therefore  so  ceded 
in  trust,  cannot  be  deemed  the  property  of 
the  crown,  unless  it  is  at  the  same  time  ac 
knowledged  that  they  must  stand  charged  with 
and  liable  to  the  several  uncertified  claims  of 
your  memorialists  and  their  correspondents. 

"  That  the  present  situation  of  affairs  affords 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


531 


your  memorialists  reason  to  presume  that 
some  accommodation  may  soon  take  place 
with  the  revolted  colonies ;  upon  this  suppo 
sition,  they  have  taken  the  liberty  to  trouble 
your  lordship  with  this  full  state  of  their  situ 
ation,  and  they  beg  leave  to  assure  your 
lordship  of  their  entire  reliance  upon  your 
attention  to  it ;  and  they  are  persuaded  that 
in  every  event  of  negotiation  which  may  hap 
pen,  the  circumstances  attending  the  cession 
made  by  the  Cherokee  and  Creek  Indians  to 
his  Majesty  at  the  Congress  of  Augusta  in 
May  1773,  of  the  lands  to  the  southward  of  the 
river  Savannah,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  pay 
ing  the  debts  due  from  their  respective  na 
tions  to  the  British  traders,  will  be  duly  at 
tended  to,  and  that  those  lands  will  be  deemed 
as  charged  with  and  made  liable  to  the  pay 
ment  of  those  debts,  or  that  some  other  mode 
of  payment  will  be  adopted  to  the  satisfaction 
of  your  memorialists  and  correspondents." 


"  LONDON,  May  3,  1782. 

"  To  the  Right  honourable  Charles   James 
Fox,  one  of  his  Majesty'1 s  principal  Secre 
taries  of  State,  <$fc.  fyc. 
"  The  Memorial  of  the  subscribing  merchants, 
trading  to  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  in 
behalf  of  themselves  and  others. 
"  THAT  on  the  third  day  of  May  last  your 
memorialists  had  the  honour  to  present  to  the 
earl  of  Shelburne,  then  one  of  his  Majesty's 
principal  secretaries  of  state,  a  memorial,  of 
which  the  annexed  is  a  copy. 

"  That  your  memorialists  having  as  they 
humbly  apprehend  clearly  demonstrated  there 
in,  that  certain  lands  on  the  western  frontiers 
of  the  province  of  Georgia,  were  vested  in  the 
crown  by  cession  from  the  Creek  and  Chero 
kee  Indians  in  trust  for  the  payment  of  their 
debts,  which  debts  have  been  assigned  to  your 
memorialists  and  their  correspondents,  they 
had  entertained  the1  most  sanguine  hopes  and 
expectations  that  those  lands  would  have,  by 
the  preliminary  articles  lately  concluded  be 
tween  the  commissioners  of  his  Majesty  and 
those  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  of  Ame 
rica,  been  deemed  subject  and  bound  to  the 
payment  of  the  several  demands  and  claims  of 
your  memorialists,  but  to  their  great  surprise 
they  find  no  notice  take  therein  of  the  con 
ditions  upon  which  those  lands  were  vested  in 
the  crown. 

"  Your  memorialists,  as  the  crown  at  the 
time  of  the  cession,  did  not  stand  pledged 
either  to  the  Indians  or  their  creditors  for'the 
payment  of  the  debts,  upon  which  condition 
the  cession  was  made,  could  not  expect  or 
claim  any  right  of  receiving  payment  from 
the  crown,  while  lands  ceded  to  his  Majesty 
for  that  purpose  were  liable  to  the  said  pay 
ment  ;  they  humbly  presume  to  say,  that  the 
independency  of  the  United  States  of  America 


being  now  acknowledged,  and  the  boundaries 
of  those  states  ascertained,  all  lands  heretofore 
vested  in  the  crown  within  those  boundaries, 
and  which  the  different  Indian  nations  do  not 
claim  as  their  property,  must  be  deemed  as 
vested  in  the  respective  states  within  whose 
limits  they  are  situated  :  and  as  the  Indians 
have  formally  ceded  the  lands  in  question  to 
his  Majesty,  and  thereby  renounced  all  right 
thereto,  and  property  therein,  they  are  to  all 
intents  and  purposes  a  part  of  the  state  of 
Georgia,  without  any  condition  or  being  bound 
to  make  good  any  payment,  for  the  purpose 
of  which  alone  they  were  ceded  to  and  vested 
in  his  Majesty ;  and  your  memorialists  are 
thereby  effectually  barred  from  any  claim  or 
expectation  of  being  paid  their  several  de 
mands,  to  which  payment  those  lands  while 
vested  in  his  Majesty  were  liable. 

"  Your  memorialists  humbly  conceive  that 
his  Majesty  having  conceded  to  the  state  of 
Georgia  the  lands  in  question,  without  any 
stipulation  in  favour  of  your  memorialists,  that 
they  are  fully  warranted  in  their  humble  ex 
pectations  that  some  mode  of  payment  will 
be  adopted  or  other  expedient  proposed  for 
their  relief.  And  they  therefore  earnestly 
request,  that  taking  the  merit  of  their  case 
into  consideration,  you  will  be  pleased  to  lay 
this  their  humble  representation  before  his 
Majesty  for  his  gracious  pleasure  therein. 
"GREENWOOD  &  HIGGINSON. 

JOHN  BULT. 

GRAHAM  SIMPSON. 

CLARK  &  MILLIGAN. 

JAMES  JACKSON. 
"  London,  April  11,  1783." 

R.  R.  Livingston  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  May  9,  1783. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — We  have  yet  had  no  informa 
tion  from  you  subsequent  to  the  signature  of 
the  preliminary  articles  by  France,  Spain,  and 
Great  Britain  ;  though  we  have  seen  a  decla 
ration  for  the  cessation  of  hostilities  signed  by 
you,  Mr.  Adams,  and  Mr.  Jay. 

"  We  grow  every  day  more  anxious  for  the 
definitive  treaty,  since  we  have  as  yet  disco 
vered  no  inclination  in  the  enemy  to  evacuate 
our  ports ;  and  in  sending  off  the  slaves,  they 
have  directly  infringed  the  provisional  treaty, 
though  we  on  our  part  have  paid  the  strictest 
regard  to  it.  This  will  be  more  fully  explained 
by  the  enclosed  copy  of  a  letter  from  general 
Washington,  containing  a  relation  of  what 
passed  between  him  and  general  Carletoa 
at  a  late  interview.  Let  me  again  entreat 
that  no  doubt  may  be  left  in  the  treaty  relative 
to  the  time  and  manner  of  evacuating  their 
ports  here.  Without  more  precision  and  ac 
curacy  in  this  than  we  find  in  the  provisional 
articles  we  shall  soon  be  involved  in  new  dis 
putes  with  Great  Britain. 


532 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


"  Our  finances  are  still  greatly  embarrasssd. : 
You  may  in  part  see  our  distress,  and  the  | 
means  congress  are  using  to  relieve  them-j 
selves,  by  the  enclosed  pamphlet,  which  I 
wish  you  and  your  colleagues  to  read  but  not 
to  publish. 

"  The  enclosed  resolution  imposes  a  new 
task  upon  you.  I  hope  you  will  find  no  great 
difficulty  in  procuring  the  small  augment 
ation  to  the  loan  which  it  requires.  Be  as 
sured  that  it  is  extremely  necessary  to  set 
us  down  in  peace. 

"  None  of  the  states,  though  frequently  j 
called  upon,  have  sent  me  the  estimates  of 
their  losses  by  the  ravages  of  the  British,  ex 
cept  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island,  and  their 
accounts  are  extremely  imperfect.  Such  as 
they  are,  I  enclose  them.  For  my  own  part 
I  have  no  great  expectation  that  any  compen 
sation  for  their  losses  will  be  procured ;  how 
ever,  if  possible,  it  should  be  attempted.  Com 
missioners  will  be  appointed  to  ascertain  them 
here. 

"  Great  part  of  the  prisoners  are  on  their 
way  to  New  York,  and  the  whole  will  be  sent  | 
in  a  fe\v  days.  They  will  amount  to  about  six 
thousand  men. 

"  Our  ports  begin  to  be  crowded  with  ves-  j 
sels.     There  is  reason  to  fear  that  a  supera-  i 
bundance  of  foreign  articles  will,  in  the  end, ' 
produce  as  much  distress  as  the  want  of  them 
has  heretofore  occasioned. 

"  R.  R.  LIVINGSTON." 


"  LONDON,  April  11,  1783. 

"  Commission  of  D.  Hartley,  Esq.  presented 
to  the  American  Plenipotentiaries,  May  19, 

"  GEORGE  R. 

"  George  the  third,  by  the  Grace  of  God, 
King  of  Great  Britain,  'France  and  Ireland, 
defender  of  the  Faith,  Duke  of  Brunswick  and 
Lunenburg,  Arch-treasurer  and  Prince  Elector 
of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire,  &c.  To  all  to 
whom  these  Presents  shall  come  greeting. 

"  Whereas  for  the  perfecting  and  establish 
ing  the  peace  and  friendship  and  good  under 
standing  so  happily  commenced  by  the  pro 
visional  articles  signed  at  Paris  the  thirtieth 
day  of  November  last,  by  the  commissioners 
of  us  and  our  good  friends  the  United  States , 
of  America,  viz.  New  Hampshire,  Massa- 
chusetts  Bay,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  ' 
York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  the  three 
lower  counties  on  Delaware,  Maryland,  Vir 
ginia,  North  Carolina.  South  Carolina  and  j 
Georgia  in  North  America,  and  for  opening  | 
promoting,  and  rendering  perpetual  the  mutual ; 
intercourse  of  trade  and  commerce  between 
our  kingdoms  and  the  dominions  of  the  said 


United.  States,  we  have  thought  proper  to  in 
vest  some  fit  person  with  full  powers  on  our 
part  to  meet  and  confer  with  the  ministers  of 
the  said  United  States  now  residing  at  Paris, 
duly  authorized  for  the  accomplishing  of  such 
laudable  and  salutary  purposes.  Now  know 
ye,  that  we  reposing  special  trust  and  confi 
dence  in  the  wisdom,  loyalty,  diligence  and 
circumspection  of  our  trusty  and  well  beloved 
David  Hartley,  Esq.  on  whom  we  have  there 
fore  conferred  the  rank  of  our  minister  pleni 
potentiary,  have  nominated,  constituted  and 
appointed,  and  by  these  presents  do  nomi 
nate,  constitute  and  appoint  him  our  true,  cer 
tain  and  undoubted  commissioner,  procurator 
and  plenipotentiary  ;  giving  and  granting  to 
him  all  and  all  manner  of  faculty,  power  and 
authority,  together  with  general  as  well  as 
special  order  (so  as  the  general  do  not  dero 
gate  from  the  special,  nor  on  the  contrary)  for 
us  and  in  our  name,  to  meet,  confer,  treat  and 
conclude  with  the  minister  or  ministers  fur 
nished  with  sufficient  powers  on  the  part  of 
our  said  good  friends  the  United  States  of 
America,  of  and  concerning  all  such  matters 
and  things  as  may  be  requisite  and  necessary 
for  accomplishing  and  completing  the  several 
ends  and  purposes  hereinbefore  mentioned, 
and  also  for  us  and  in  our  name  to  sign  such 
treaty  or  treaties,  convention  or  conventions, 
or  other  instruments  whatsoever,  as  may  be 
agreed  upon  in  the  premises,  and  mutually  to 
deliver  and  receive  the  same  in  exchange,  and 
to  do  and  perform  all  such  other  acts,  matters 
and  things  as  may  be  any  ways  proper  and 
conducive  to  the  purposes  above  mentioned,  in 
as  full  and  ample  form  and  manner  and  with 
the  like  validity  and  effect,  as  we  ourself,  if 
we  were  present,  could  do  and  perform  the 
same :  engaging  and  promising,  on  our  royal 
word,  that  we  will  accept,  ratify  and  confirm 
in  the  most  effectual  manner  all  such  acts, 
matters  and  things,  as  shall  be  so  transacted 
and  concluded  by  our  aforesaid  commissioner, 
procurator  and  plenipotentiary,  and  that  w -.: 
will  never  suffer  any  person  to  violate  the 
same,  in  the  M'hole  or  in  part,  or  to  act  con 
trary  thereto.  In  testimony  and  confirmation 
of  all  which,  we  have  caused  our  great  seal 
of  Great  Britain  to  be  affixed  to  these  presents 
signed  with  our  royal  hand. 

"  Given  at  our  palace  at  St.  James's  four 
teenth  day  of  May  in  year  of  our  LorJ 
one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  eighty- 
three,  and  in  the  twenty-third  year  of 
our  reign. 

"  I  David  Hartley  the  minister  above  named 
certify  the  foregoing  to  be  a  true  copy 
from  my  original  commission,  delivered 
to  the  American  ministers,  this  19th  day 
of  May,  1783. 

(Signed)        »  D.  HARTLEY." 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


533 


Order  in  Council,  May  14, 1783,  read  to  and 
left  with  the  American  Ministers  this 
twenty-first  day  of  May,  1733,  by  D. 
Hartley,  Esq. 

"  At  the  COURT  AT  ST.  JAMES'S,  May  14.  17^:5. 

"  Present,  the  King's  most  excellent  Ma 
jesty  in  Council. 

"  WHEREAS  by  an  act  of  parliament  passed 
this  session,  intituled,  '  An  Act  for  prevent 
ing  certain  instruments  from  being  required 
from  ships  belonging  to  the  United  States  of 
America,  and  to  give  to  his  Majesty,  for  a  li 
mited  time,  certain  powers,  for  the  better 
carrying  on  trade  and  commerce  between 
the  subjects  of  his  Majesty's  dominions  and 
the  inhabitants  of  the  said  United  States,'  it 
is  among  other  things  enacted  that  during  the 
continuance  of  the  said  act,  it  shall  and  may 
be  lawful  for  his  Majesty  in  council,  by  order 
or  orders  to  be  issued  and  published  from  time 
to  time,  to  give  such  directions,  and  to  make 
such  regulations  with  respect  to  duties,  draw 
backs  or  otherwise,  for  carrying  on  the  trade 
and  commerce  between  the  people  and  terri 
tories  belonging  to  the  crown  of  Great  Bri 
tain,  and  the  people  and  territories  of  the  said 
United  States,  as  to  his  Majesty  in  council 
shall  appear  most  expedient  and  salutary ;  any 
law,  usage  or  custom  to  the  contrary  notwith 
standing  ;  his  Majesty  doth,  therefore,  by  and 
with  the  advice  of  his  privy  council,  hereby 
order  and  direct,  that  any  oil  or  any  unmanu 
factured  goods  or  merchandises,  being  the 
growth  or  production  of  any  of  the  territories 
of  the  said  United  States  of  America,  may 
(until  further  order)  be  imported  directly  from 
thence  into  any  of  the  ports  of  this  kingdom, 
either  in  British  or  American  ships,  by  British 
subjects,  or  by  any  of  the  people  inhabiting  in 
and  belonging  to  the  said  United  States,  or 
any  of  them,  and  such  goods  or  merchandise, 
shall  and  may  be  entered  and  landed  in  any 
port  in  this  kingdom,  upon  payment  of  the 
same  duties  as  the  like  sort  of  goods  are  or 
may  bo  subject  and  liable  to,  if  imported  by 
British  subjects  in  British  ships  from  any  Bri 
tish  island  or  plantation  in  America,  and  no 
other,  notwithstanding  such  goods  or  mer 
chandises,  or  the  ships  in  which  the  same  may 
be  brought,  may  not  be  accompanied  with  the 
certificates  or  other  documents  heretofore  re 
quired  by  law ;  and  it  is  further  ordered  and 
directed  that  there  shall  be  the  same  draw 
backs,  exemptions,  and  bounties  on  merchan 
dises,  and  goods  exported  from  Great  Britain 
into  the  territories  of  the  said  United  States 
of  America  or  any  of  them,  as  are  allowed  up 
on  the  exportation  of  the  like  goods  or  mer 
chandise,  to  any  of  the  islands,  plantations  or 
colonies  belonging  to  the  crown  of  Great 
Britain  in  America ;  and  it  is  hereby  farther 
ordered  and  directed,  that  all  American  ships 
and  vessels  which  shall  have  voluntarily  come 
45* 


into  any  port  of  Great  Britain  since  20th  of 
January,  1783,  shall  be  admitted  to  any  entry 
made,  shall  be  entitled,  together  with  the 
goods  and  merchandises  on  board  the  same 
ships  and  vessels,  to  the  full  benefit  of  this 
order;  and  the  right  honourable  the  lords 
commissioners  of  his  Majesty's  treasury  and 
the  lords  commissioners  of  the  admiralty, 
are  to  give  the  necessary  directions  herein,  as 
to  them  may  respectively  appertain. 

"  WM.  FAWKNER." 


Mr.  Hartley's  Observations  and  Propositions, 
left  with  the  American  Ministers  the  2lst 
May,  1783. 

"  A  PROPOSITION  having  been  offered  by  the 
American  ministers,  for  the  consideration  of 
his  Britannic  Majesty's  ministers,  and  of  the 
British  nation  for  an  entire  and  reciprocal 
freedom  of  intercourse  and  commerce  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  American  United  States, 
in  the  following  words,  viz. 

"  That  all  rivers,  harbours,  lakes,  ports  and 
places  belonging  to  the  United  States,  or  any 
of  them,  shall  be  open  and  free  to  the  mer 
chants  and  other  subjects  of  the  crown  of 
Great  Britain,  and  their  trading  vessels,  who 
shall  be  received,  treated  and  protected,  like 
the  merchants  and  trading  vessels  of  the  state 
in  which  they  may  be,  and  be  liable  to  no 
other  charges  or  duties. 

"And  reciprocally  that  all  rivers,  harbours, 
lakes,  ports,  and  places  under  the  dominion 
of  his  Britannic  Majesty,  shall  be  open  and 
free  to  the  merchant  and  trading  vessels  of 
the  said  United  States,  and  of  each  and  every 
of  them,  who  shall  be  received,  treated  and 
protected,  like  the  merchants  and  trading 
vessels  of  Great  Britain,  and  be  liable  to  no 
other  charges  and  duties,  saving  always  to  the 
chartered  companies  of  Great  Britain,  and 
such  exclusive  use  and  trade  of  their  respect 
ive  ports  and  establishments,  as  neither  the 
other  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  or  any  of  the 
most  favoured  nation  participate  in. 

"  It  is  to  be  observed  that  this  proposition 
implies  a  more  ample  participation  of  British 
commerce  than  the  American  States  possess 
ed  even  under  their  former  connexion  of  de 
pendence  upon  Great  Britain,  sons  to  amount 
to  an  entire  abolition  of  the  British  Act  of  Na 
vigation  with  respect  to  the  thirteen  United 
States  of  America  ;  and  although  proceeding 
on  their  part  from  the  most  conciliatory  and 
liberal  principles  of  amity  and  reciprocity, 
nevertheless  it  comes  from  them  as  newly 
established  states,  and  who,  in  consequence 
of  their  former  condition  of  dependence,  have 
never  yet  had  any  established  system  of  na 
tional  commercial  laws,  or  of  commercial  con 
nexions  by  treaties  with  other  nations,  free 
and  unembarrassed  of  many  weighty  consi 
derations,  which  require  the  most  scrupulous 


534 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


attention  and  investigation  on  the  part  o 
Great  Britain,  whose  ancient  system  of  na 
tional  and  commercial  policy  is  thus  suddenly 
called  upon  to  take  a  new  principle  for  it; 
foundation,  and  whose  commercial  engage 
ments  with  other  ancient  states,  may  be 
most  materially  affected  thereby.  For  the 
purpose,  therefore,  of  giving  sufficient  time  for 
the  consideration  and  discussion  of  so  import 
ant  a  proposition,  respecting  the  present  es 
tablished  system  of  the  commercial  policy  and 
laws  of  Great  Britain,  and  their  subsisting 
commercial  engagements  with  sovereign 
powers,  it  is  proposed  that  a  temporary  inter- 
coarse  of  commerce  shall  be  established  be 
tween  Great  Britain  and  the  American  States 
previously  to  the  conclusion  of  any  final  anc 
perpetual  compact.  In  this  intervening  pe 
riod,  as  tiie  strict  line  and  measure  of  reci 
procity  from  various  circumstances  cannot  be 
absolutely  and  completely  adhered  to,  it  may 
be  agreed  that  the  commerce  between  the 
two  countries  shall  revive,  as  nearly  as  can 
be,  upon  the  same  footing  and  terms  as  former 
ly  subsisted  between  them  ;  provided  always, 
that  no  concession  on  either  side  in  the  pro 
posed  temporary  convention,  shall  be  argued 
hereafter  in  support  of  any  future  demand  or 
claim.  In  the  mean  time  the  proposition 
above  stated  may  be  transmitted  to  London, 
requesting  (with  his  Majesty's  consent)  that 
it  may  be  laid  before  parliament  for  their 
consideration. 

"  It  is  proposed,  therefore,  that  the  unma 
nufactured  produce  of  the  United  States 
should  be  admitted  into  Great  Britain  without 
any  other  duties  (those  imposed  during  the 
war  excepted)  than  those  to  which  they  were 
formerly  liable.  And  it  is  expected  in  return, 
that  the  produce  and  manufactures  of  Great 
Britain  should  be  admitted  into  the  United 
States  in  like  manner. 

"  If  there  should  appear  any  want  of  reci 
procity  in  this  proposal,  upon  the  grounds  of 
asking  admission  for  British  manufactures 
into  America,  while  no  such  indulgence  is 
given  to  American  manufactures  in  Great 
Britain ;  the  answer  is  obvious,  that  the  ad 
mission  of  British  manufactures  into  America 
is  an  object  of  great  importance,  and  equally 
productive  of  advantage  to  both  countries; 
while  on  the  other  hand,  the  introduction  of 
American  manufactures  into  Great  Britain, 
can  oe  of  no  service  to  either,  and  may  be 
productive  of  innumerable  frauds,  by  enabling 
persons  so  disposed,  to  pass  foreign  European 
goods,  either  prohibited  or  liable  to  great 
duties  by  the  British  laws,  for  American 
manufactures. 

"  With  regard  to  the  West  Indies,  there  is 
no  objection  to  the  most  free  intercourse  be 
tween  them  and  the  United  States.  The 
only  restriction  proposed  to  be  laid  upon  that 
intercourse,  is  prohibiting  American  ships 


carrying  to  those  colonies  any  other  merchan 
dise  than  the  produce  of  their  own  country. 
The  same  observation  may  be  made  upon  this 
restriction  as  upon  the  former.  It  is  not 
meant  to  affect  the  interest  of  the  United 
States,  but  it  is  highly  necessary,  lest  foreign 
ships  should  make  use  of  the  American  flag 
to  carry  on  a  trade  with  the  British  West 
Indian  islands. 

"  It  is  also  proposed  upon  the  same  principle 
to  restrain  the  ships  that  may  trade  to  Great 
Britain  from  America,  from  bringing  foreign 
merchandise  into  Great  Britain ;  the  necessity 
of  this  restriction  is  likewise  evident,  unless 
Great  Britain  meant  to  give  up  her  whole 
navigation  act.  There  is  no  necessity  of  any 
similar  restrictions  on  the  part  of  the  Ame*- 
rican  States,  those  states  not  having  as  yet 
any  Acts  of  Navigation." 


Proposed  Agreement, 

"  WHEREAS  it  is  highly  necessary  that  ai; 
intercourse  of  trade  and  commerce  should  be 
opened  between  the  people  and  territories 
belonging  to  the  crown  of  Great  Britain  and 
the  people  and  territories  of  the  United  States 
of  America.  And  whereas  it  is  highly  expe 
dient  that  the  intercourse  between  Great  Bri 
tain  and  the  said  United  States  should  be  es 
tablished  on  the  most  enlarged  principles  of 
reciprocal  benefit  to  both  countries;  but,  from 
the  distance  between  Great  Britain  and  Ame 
rica,  it  must  be  a  considerable  time  before  any 
convention  or  treaty  for  establishing  and  re 
gulating  the  trade  and  intercourse  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  said  United  States  of 
America,  upon  a  permanent  foundation,  can 

concluded.     Now,  for  the  purpose  of  ma 
king  a  temporary  regulation  of  the  commerce 
and  intercourse  between  Great  Britain  and  the 
said  United  States  of  America,  it  is  agreed 
that  all  citizens  of  the  United  States  of  Ame 
rica  shall  be  permitted  to  import  into,  and  ex 
port  from  any  part  of  his  Britannic  Majesty's 
dominions,   in  American   ships,  any  goods, 
wares,  and  merchandise,  which  have  been  so 
raported  or  exported  by  the  inhabitants  of 
he   British  American   colonies,   before   the 
commencement  of  the  war,  upon  payment  of 
;he  same  duties  and  charges,  as  the  like  sort. 
)f  goods  or  merchandise  are  now  or  may  be 
subject  and  liable  to,  if  imported  by  British 
subjects,   in  British  ships,  from  any  British 
sland  or  plantation  in  America:   and  that  all 
he  subjects  of  his  Britannic  Majesty  shall  be 
permitted  to  import  from  any  part  of  the  territo- 
ies  of  the  thirteen  United  States  of  America, 
n  British  ships,  any  goods,  wares,  and  mer- 
handise  which  might  have  been  so  imported 
•r  exported  by  the  subjects  of  his  Britannic 
Majesty,  before  the  commencement  of  the  war, 
pon  payment  of  the  same  duties  and  charges 
as  the  like  sort  of  goods,  wares,  and  merchan- 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


535 


discs  are  now,  or  may  be  subject  and  liable 
to,  if  imported  in  American  ships  by  any  of 
the  citizens  of  the  United  States  of  America. 
"  This  agreement  to  continue  in  force  until 
—  Provided  always,  that  nothing  contain 
ed  in  this  agreement  shall  at  any  time  here 
after  be  argued  on  either  side  in  support  of 
any  future  demand  or  claim." 


W.  Temple  Franklin  to  David  Hartley. 
'PARIS,  May  21, 1783. 

*'  SIR, — The  American  ministers  direct  me 
to  present  you  their  compliments,  and  to  de 
sire  to  be  informed,  whether  the  proposition 
you  made  them  this  evening  is  such  as  you 
can  agree  to  and  subscribe,  without  further 
instructions  or  information  from  your  court * 
— I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

"  W.  T.  FRANKLIN." 


R.  R.  Livingston  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  May  31,  1783.. 

"SiR, — I  informed  you  some  time  since 
that  I  had  written  to  the  Court  of  Appeals  on 
the  subject  of  the  Nossa  Senhora  de  Soledado 
san  Miguel  e  almas,  and  laid  before  them  the 
papers  you  sent  me.  The  cause  has  since 
been  determined  in  such  a  way  as  will  I  hope 
be  satisfactory  to  his  Portuguese  majesty.  I 
enclose  the  copy  of  a  letter  from  the  first 
judge  of  the  Court  of  Appeals  on  that  subject. 

"  Nothing  has  yet  been  done  as  to  the  ac 
ceptance  of  your  resignation,  nor  will,  as  I  be 
lieve,  any  thing  be  done  very  hastily.  Many 
think  your  task  will  not  be  very  burdensome 
now,  and  that  you  may  enjoy  in  peace  the 
fruit  of  your  past  labours. 

"As  this  will  probably  be  the  last  letter 
which  T  shall  have  the  pleasure  of  writing  to 
you  in  my  public  character,  I  beg  leave  to  re 
mind  you  of  the  affairs  of  the  Alliance  and 
the  Bonhomme  Richard,  which  are  still  un 
settled.  I  must  also  pray  you  not  to  lose  sight 
of  the  vessels  detained  by'his  Danish  majesty. 
This  will  be  a  favourable  opportunity  to  press 
for  their  restitution.  I  do  not  see  how  they 
can  decently  refuse  to  pay  for  them.  Great 
Britain  is  bound  in  honour  to  make  them 
whole  again. 

"  Preparations  for  the  evacuation  of  New 
York  still  go  on  very  slowly,  while  the  dis 
tress  of  our  finances  has  compelled  us  to  grant 
furloughs  to  the  greater  part  of  the  army.  If 
it  were  possible  to  procure  any  addition  to  the 
last  six  millions,  it  would  be  extremely  useful 
to  us  at  present. 

"  An  entire  new  arrangement  with  respect 
to  our  foreign  department  is  under  considera 
tion,  what  its  fate  will  be  I  know  not. 

"R.R  LIVINGSTON." 


1  "  To  the  Commissioners  Plenipotentiary  of 

the  United  States,  tpc. 
"  DOVER,  Tuesday  morn.  4  o'clock,  June  10,  l?^) 
"GENTLEMEN, — This  moment  landed, — aa 
a  boat  is  going  over  to  Calais,  the  enclosed  pro 
clamation  may  possibly  arrive  new  to  you. 
To  me  it  wears  the  aspect  of  one  part  of  a 
commercial  treaty.  I  shall  not  wonder  should 
I  see  our  friend  D.  Hartley  in  London  this 
week.  I  purpose  lodging  there  to-night. 
There  and  every  where  I  shall  be  as  I  am, 
your  faithful  however  feeble  aid,  and  obedi 
ent  servant,  HENRY  LAURENS." 

'•  At  the  COURT  AT  ST.  JAMES'S,  June  6,  1783. 

"  Present — the  King's  most  excellent  Ma 
jesty  in  Council. 

"  WHEREAS  by  an  act  of  parliament  pass 
ed  this  session,  intituled,  '  An  Act  for  pre 
venting  certain  instruments  from  being  re 
quired  from  ships  belonging  to  the  United 
States  of  America,  and  to  give  to  his  Majes 
ty,  for  a  limited  time,  certain  powers  for  the 
better  carrying  on  trade  and  commerce  be 
tween  the  subjects  of  his  Majesty's  dominions 
and  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  United  States/ 
it  is,  among  other  things,  enacted,  that  during 
the  continuance  of  the  said  act,  it  shall  and 
may  be  lawful  for  his  Majesty  in  council, 
by  order  or  orders  to  be  issued  and  published 
from  time  to  time,  to  give  such  directions  and 
to  make  such  regulations  with  respect  to  du 
ties,  drawbacks,  or  otherwise,  for  carrying  on 
the  trade  and  commerce  between  the  people 
and  territories  belonging  to  the  crown  of 
Great  Britain,  and  the  people  and  territories  of 
the  said  United  States,  as  to  his  Majesty  in 
council  shall  appear  most  expedient  and  salu 
tary,  any  law,  usage,  or  custom,  to  the  contrary 
notwithstanding.  His  Majesty  doth  therefore, 
by  and  with  the  advice  of  his  privy  council, 
hereby  order  and  direct,  that  pitch,  tar,  tur 
pentine,  indigo,  masts,  yards,  and  bowsprits, 
being  the  growth  or  production  of  any  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  may  (until  further 
order)  be  imported  directly  from  thence  into 
any  ports  of  this  kingdom,  either  in  British 
or  American  ships,  by  British  subjects,  or  by 
any  of  the  people  inhabiting  in,  and  belong 
ing  to  the  said  United  States,  or  any  of  them ; 
and  that  the  articles  above  recited  shall  and 
may  be  entered  and  landed  in  any  port  of 
this  kingdom  upon  payment  of  the  same  du 
ties,  as  the  same  are  or  may  be  subject  and 
liable  to,  if  imported  by  British  subjects  in 
British  ships  from  any  British  island  or  plan 
tation,  in  America,  and  no  other,  notwith 
standing  such  pitch,  tar,  turpentine,  indigo, 
masts,  yards,  and  bowsprits,  or  the  ships  in 
which  the  same  may  be  brought,  may  not  be 
accompanied  with  the  certificates  or  other 
documents  heretofore  required  by  law ;  and 
his  Majesty  is  hereby  further  pleased,  by  and 


536 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


with  the  advice  aforesaid,  to  order  and  direct 
that  any  tobacco,  being  the  growth  or  pro 
duction  of  any  of  the  territories  of  the  said 
United  States  of  America,  may  likewise  (un 
til  further  order)  be  imported  directly  from 
thence,  in  manner  above-mentioned,  and  may 
be  landed  in  this  kingdom,  and  upon  the  im 
porter  paying  down  in  ready  money  the  duty 
commonly  called  the  old  subsidy,  such  to 
bacco  may  be  warehoused  under  his  Majes 
ty's  locks,  upon  the  importer's  own  bond,  for 
payment  of  all  the  farther  duties  due  for  such 
tobacco,  within  the  time  limited  by  law,  ac 
cording  to  the  nett  weight  and  quantity  of 
such  tobacco,  at  the  time  it  shall  be  so  land 
ed,  with  the  same  allowances  for  the  pay 
ment,  or  such  farther  duties,  and  under  the 
like  restrictions  and  regulations  in  all  other 
respects,  not  altered  by  this  order,  as  such  to 
bacco  is  and  may  be  warehoused  by  virtue  of 
any  act  or  acts  of  parliament  in  force.  And 
the  right  honourable  the  lords  commissioners 
of  his  Majesty's  treasury,  and  the  lords  com 
missioners  of  the  admiralty,  are  to  give  the 
necessary  directions  herein,  as  to  them  may 
respectively  appertain. 

»  STEPH.  COTTREL." 


"R.  R.  Livingston. 

"  PASSY,  June  12, 1763. 

"  SIR, — I  wrote  to  you  fully  by  a  vessel 
from  Nantes,  which  I  hope  will  reach  you  be 
fore  this.  If  not,  this  may  inform  you  that  the 
ratification  of  the  treaty  with  Sweden  is  come, 
and  ready  to  be  exchanged,  when  I  shall  re 
ceive  that  from  congress;  that  the  treaty 
with  Denmark  is  going  on,  and  will  probably 
be  ready  before  the  commission  for  signing  it 
arrives  from  congress.  It  is  on  the  plan  of  that 
proposed  by  congress  for  Sweden. 

"  Portugal  has  likewise  proposed  to  treat 
with  us,  and  the  ambassador  has  earnestly 
urged  me  to  give  him  a  plan  for  the  consider 
ation  of  his  court ;  which  I  have  accordingly 
done,  and  he  has  forwarded  it.  The  congress 
will  send  commissions  and  instructions  for 
concluding  these  treaties  to  whom  they  may 
think  proper ;  it  is  only  upon  the  old  authori 
ty,  given  by  a  resolution  to  myself  with 
Messrs.  Deane  and  Lee,  to  treat  with  any  Eu 
ropean  power,  that  I  have  ventured  to  begin 
these  treaties  in  consequence  of  overtures 
from  those  crowns. 

"  The  definitive  treaty  with  England  is  not 
yet  concluded,  their  ministry  being  unsettled 
in  their  minds  as  to  the  terms  of  the  commer 
cial  part ;  nor  is  any  other  definitive  treaty 
completed  here ;  nor  even  the  preliminaries 
signed  of  one  between  England  and  Holland. 
It  is  now  five  months  since  we  have  had  a 
line  from  you,  the  last  being  dated  the  13th 
January ;  of  course  we  know  nothing  of  the 
reception  of  the  preliminary  articles,  or  the 


opinion  of  congressx  respecting  them.  We  hoped 
to  receive  before  this  time  such  instructions 
as  might  have  been  thought  proper  to  be  sent 
to  us  for  rendering  more  perfect  the  defini 
tive  treaty.  We  know  nothing  of  what  has 
been  approved  or  disapproved.  We  are  total 
ly  in  the  dark,  and  therefore  less  pressing  to 
conclude,  being  still  (as  we  have  long  been) 
in  daily  expectation  of  hearing  from  you.  By 
chance  only  we  have  learned  that  Barney  is 
arrived,  by  whom  went  the  despatches  of  the 
commissioners  and  a  considerable  sum  of  mo 
ney.  No  acknowledgment  of  the  receipt  of 
that  money  is  yet  come  to  hand,  either  to  me 
or  Mr.  Gerard.  I  make  no  doubt  that  both 
you  and  Mr.  Morris  have  written,  and  I  can 
not  imagine  what  has  become  of  your  letters. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  P.  S.  I  beg  leave  to  recommend  to  your 
civilities  the  bearer  of  this  Dr.  Bancroft, 
whom  you  will  find  to  be  a  very  intelligent, 
sensible  man,  well  acquainted  with  the  state 
of  affairs  here,  and  who  has  heretofore  been 
employed  in  the  service  of  congress.  I  have 
long  known  him,  and  esteem  him  highly." 

Baron  de  Stael,  Swedish  Minister,  to  Dr. 
Franklin. 

"  PARIS,  June  13,  1783. 

"  SIR, — I  have  just  received  his  majesty's 
ratification  of  the  treaty  of  commerce  conclud 
ed  with  the  U.  States,  which  I  will  have  the 
honour  to  send  you  as  soon  as  it  can  be  ex 
changed  for  the  one  from  congress. 

"  Permit  me,  sir,  on  this  occasion,  to  repeat 
the  request  which  the  ambassador  has  made 
you  respecting  Mr.  Franklin,  your  grandson, 
He  had  the  honour  to  tell  you  that  it  would 
afford  the  kino-  a  pleasure  to  have  a  person  re 
siding  with  him,  in  the  capacity  of  minister 
from  congress,  who  bears  your  name  in  con 
junction  with  such  estimable  qualifications  as 
young  Mr.  Franklin  possesses.  He  charged 
me,  before  he  departed,  to  repeat  to  you  the 
same  assurances,  and  you  will  allow  me  to  add 
on  my  part,  my  best  wishes  for  the  success  of 
this  matter. 

"  LE  BARON  DE  STAEL." 


David  Hartley  to  the  American  Ministers. 
"  PARIS,  June  14,  1783. 

"  PERMIT  me  to  address  the  enclosed  memo 
rial  to  your  excellencies,  and  to  explain  to  you 
my  reasons  for  so  doing.  It  is  because  many 
consequences  now  at  great  distance,  and  un 
foreseen  by  us,  may  arise  between  our  two 
countries,  perhaps  from  very  minute  and  in 
cidental  transactions  which,  in  the  beginning, 
may  be  imperceptible  and  unsuspected  as  to 
their  future  effects.  Our  respective  territo 
ries  are  in  vicinity,  and  therefore  we  must  be 
inseparable.  Great  Britain,  with  the  British 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL 


537 


power  in  America,  is  the  only  nation  with 
whom  by  absolute  necessity  you  must  have 
the  most  intimate  concerns,  either  of  friend 
ship  or  hostility.  All  other  nations  are  3000 
miles  distant  from  you.  You  may  have  poli 
tical  connexions  with  any  of  these  distant  na 
tions,  but  with  regard  to  Great  Britain  it  must 
be  so.  Political  intercourse  and  interests 
will  obtrude  themselves  between  our  two 
countries,  because  they  are  the  two  great  pow 
ers  dividing  the  continent  of  North  America. 
These  matters  are  not  to  come  into  discus 


sion  between  us  now. 
importance   either   to 


They  are  of  too  much 
be  involved  or  even 


glanced  at,  in  any  present  transaction. 

"  Let  every  eventual  principle  be  kept  un 
touched,  until  the  two  nations  shall  have  re 
covered  from  the  animosities  of  the  war.  Let 
them  have  a  pacific  interval  to  consider  de 
liberately  of  their  mutual  and  combined  in 
terests,  and  of  their  engagements  with  other 
nations.  Let  us  not  at  the  outset  of  a  tempo 
rary  convention,  adopt  the  severe  principle  of 
reducing  every  transaction  between  the  two 
countries  to  the  footing  of  exact  reciprocity 
alone.  Such  a  principle  would  cast  a  gloom 
upon  conciliatory  projects.  America  is  not 
restrained  from  any  conciliation  with  Great 
Britain,  by  any  treaty  with  any  other  power. 
The  principles  of  conciliation  would  be  most 


tides,  which  have  been  usually  considered  as 
manufactures.  He  has  likewise  provided  for 
the  convenience  of  American  merchants,  who 
may  wish  to  land  tobacco  in  Great  Britain  for 
re-exportation  upon  the  same  principle.  Mr. 
Fox,  the  secretary  of  state  corresponding 
with  America,  has  moved  for  and  received 
the  leave  of  the  house  of  commons,  (mm. 
con.}  to  bring  in  a  bill,  that  any  American 
merchants  importing  rice  into  Great  Britain, 
may,  upon  re-exportation,  draw  back  the 
whole  duty  paid  on  its  first  importation.  All 


these  circumstances  put  together,  undoubtedly 
form  the  most  indisputable  evidence  of  the 
disposition  which  prevails  in  the  British  coun 
cils  to  give  every  facility  to  the  re-establish 
ment  of  that  intercourse  which  must  be  so 
beneficial  to  both  nations. 

"  I  am  ordered  to  inform  you,  that  his  majes 
ty  entirely  approves  of  the  plan  of  making  a 
temporary  convention  for  the  purpose  of  re 
storing  immediate  intercourse  and  commerce, 
and  more  particularly  for  the  purpose  of  put 
ting  oft* for  a  time,  the  decision  of  that  import 
ant  question  how  far  the  British  acts  of  na 
vigation  ought  to  be  sacrificed  to  commercial 
considerations,  drawn  from  the  particular  cir 
cumstances  of  the  present  crisis ;  a  question 
which  will  require  much  deliberation  and  very 
much  inquiry  before  it  can  be  determined.  I 

desirable  between  Great  Britain  and  America ;  i  am  sure,  gentlemen,  you  will  see  and  admit 
and  forbearance  is  the  road  to  conciliation,    the  reasonableness  of  our  proceeding  in  such 

a  case  with  deliberation  and  discretion,  more 


There  are  all  reasonable  appearances  of  con- 
ciliatory  dispositions  on  all  sides,  which  may 
be  perfected  in  time.  Let  us  not,  therefore, 
at  such  a  moment  as  this,  and  without  the 
most  urgent  necessity,  establish  a  morose 
principle  between  us.  If  it  were  a  decided 
point  against  amity  and  conciliation,  it  would 
be  time  enough  to  talk  of  partition  and  strict 
reciprocity.  To  presume  in  favour  of  con 
ciliation,  may  help  it  forward;  to  presume 
against  it,  may  destroy  that  conciliation  which 
might  otherwise  have  taken  place. 

"  But  in  the  present  case  there  is  more  than 
reason  to  presume  conciliation.  I  think  my 
self  happy  that  I  have  it  in  my  power  to 
assure  you  from  authority,  that  it  is  the 
fundamental  principle  of  the  British  councils 
to  establish  amity  and  confidence  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  American  States,  as  a 
succedaneum  for  the  relation  in  which  they 
formerly  stood  one  to  the  other.  The  proof 
of  this  consists  not  in  words  but  in  substantial 
facts.  His  Britannic  Majesty  has  been  gra- 


especially  when  these  acts  of  prudence  do 
not  proceed  from  any  motives  of  coolness  or 
reserve  towards  you.  In  the  mean  time  the 
temporary  convention  may  proceed,  upon  prin 
ciples  of  real  and  accommodating  reciprocity. 
For  instance,  we  agree  to  put  you  upon  a 
more  favourable  footing  than  any  other  nation. 
We  do  not  ask  a  rigid  reciprocity  for  this, 
because  we  know  by  your  present  subsisting 
treaties,  it  is  not  in  your  power  to  give  it  to 
us.  We  desire  only  to  be  put  upon  the  foot 
ing  of  other  nations  with  you,  and  yet  we 
consent  that  you  shall  be  upon  a  better  foot 
ing  with  us  than  any  other  nation. 

"  Thus  far  we  must  be  allowed  to  be  giving 
something  more  than  reciprocity,  and  this  we 
do,  as  I  said  before,  because  we  are  unwilling 
to  ask  what  you  are  unable  to  give.  Surely 
it  is  not  unreasonable,  nor  more  than  from 
principles  of  reciprocity  we  have  a  right  to 
expect,  that  you  should  imitate  our  conduct 
in  this  particular,  and  that  you  should  abstain 


ciously  pleased   to   send  orders  to  his  com- !  from  asking  things  under  the  title  of  exact 


manders  in  North  America  for  the  speedy  and 
complete  evacuation  of  all  the  territories  of 
the  United  States.  His  majesty  has  given 
orders  in  council  on  the  14th  of  the  last  month, 
for  the  admission  of  American  ships  and  car 
goes  into  Great  Britain ;  and  on  the  6th  in 
stant  he  has  given  further  orders,  permitting 
the  importation  from  America,  of  several  ar- 
VOL.  I. ...  3  Y 


and  literal  reciprocity,  which,  upon  the  con 
sideration  of  our  cause,  you  must  know  that 
we  cannot  give ;  virtual  and  substantial  reci 
procity,  we  are  willing  to  give,  literal  recipro 
city  is  impossible,  as  much  from  your  engage 
ments  as  from  our  system  of  navigation. 

"  If  we  can  agree  upon  an  article  of  inter 
course  and  commerce,  in  the  nature  of  a  tern- 


538 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


porary  convention,  on  the  basis  of  the  memo 
rial  which  I  had  the  honour  of  giving  lately 
to  you,  bearing  date  19th  of  May,  1783,*  no 
time  need  be  lost  in  finishing  this  business ; 
but  with  this  explanation,  that  although  it  is 
proposed  that  the  commerce  between  the 
United  States  and  the  British  West  Indies 
should  be  free  with  regard  to  their  respective 
productions,  yet  that  we  are  not  bound  to  ad 
mit  the  importation  of  West  Indian  commo 
dities  into  Great  Britain,  in  American  vessels. 
Believe  me,  gentlemen,  that  this  restriction 
does  not  proceed  from  any  invidious  disposi 
tion  towards  the  American  States.  It  is  im 
posed  by  indispensable  prudence  and  necessi 
ty  upon  the  British  ministers,  who,  in  the  pre 
sent  state  of  things,  could  not  be  justified  to 
their  own  country  to  go  hastily  to  a  larger  ex 
tent  of  concession.  This  point  is  not  to  be 
looked  upon  merely  as  commercial,  but  as  af 
fecting  fundamentally  the  great  political  sys 
tem  of  British  navigation ;  and  you  are  to 
consider  that  the  principle  upon  which  the 
whole  of  our  proposed  temporary  convention 
is  to  stand,  is,  that  the  commerce  between  the 
two  countries  is  to  be  revived,  nearly  upon  the 
old  footing ;  but  that  each  nation  is  to  keep  in 
its  own  hands,  the  power  of  making  such  re 
gulations  respecting  navigation,  as  shall  seem 
fit.  I  assure  you  that  this  point  has  been  dis 
cussed  by  the  ministers  of  the  British  cabinet, 
with  infinite  candour,  and  with  every  possi 
ble  disposition  of  amity  and  favour  towards 
your  country ;  but  the  more  they  have  inquir 
ed  upon  this  subject,  the  more  they  are  over 
borne  by  conviction,  that  the  prejudices  upon 
this  matter,  (if  that  be  the  name  these  opi 
nions  deserve)  are  so  strong,  that  such  a  mea 
sure  as  a  relaxation  of  the  Act  of  Navigation 
in  this  instance  never  can  be  taken,  but  upon 
such  a  full  and  solemn  parliamentary  inquiry 
as  it  is  impossible  to  go  into  at  this  time  of 
the  year,  and  in  this  stage  of  the  sessions.  I 
cannot,  therefore,  gentlemen,  help  flattering 
myself,  that  you,  who  are  so  well  acquainted 
with  the  difficulties  which  must  embarrass  an 
English  administration,  in  a  business  of  this 
sort,  will  rather  endeavour  to  remove  them, 
than  to  increase  them ;  and  I  am  sure  that 
such  a  plan  on  your  part  would  ultimately  be 
most  conducive,  to  your  own  objects.  When 
an  amicable  intercourse  is  once  opened,  and 
when  conciliatory  confidence  comes  to  take 
place  of  those  jealousies  which  have  lately 
subsisted,  you  may  easily  conceive  in  how  dif 
ferent  a  manner  the  whole  of  this  matter  will 
be  considered.  I  am  confident  that  this  will 
be  the  case,  but  if  it  is  not,  the  provisions  be 
ing  only  temporary,  it  will  be  in  the  power 
of  the  United  States  to  take  up  any  hostile 

*  Supposed  to  allude  to  his  Observations  and  Propo 
sitions  delivered  to  the  American  Commissioners  the 
4!Jst  May,  1783. 


mode  of  proceeding,  by  restraints  and  prohibi 
tions,  &c.  whenever  they  may  think  fit. 

"  I  have  made  use  above  of  the  word  pre 
judices  in  speaking  of  the  principles  of  the 
British  Act  of  Navigation.  I  hope  you  will 
accept  that  term  from  me,  as  proceeding  so 
far  in  compliance  towards  the  future  consider 
ation  of  the  points  now  between  us,  as  to  keep 
the  question  open  and  free  for  discussion.  If 
Great  Britain  should,  in  any  case,  throw  down 
the  barriers  of  her  Act  of  Navigation  towards 
America,  she  should  be  very  secure  against 
the  possible  case  of  future  enmity  or  alliance 
against  her.  Such  considerations  as  these 
lead  to  objects  far  beyond  our  present  scope  or 
powers.  But  I  must  still  add  one  word  more 
upon  this  article  of  prejudices.  Such  preju 
dices  (if  they  are  so)  are  not  confined  to  Great 
Britain.  By  your  commercial  treaty  with 
France,  article  4th,  you  are  only  entitled  to 
an  European  trade  with  that  kingdom ;  and 
not  even  by  that  treaty,  to  any  direct  com 
merce  between  their  West  Indian  islands  and 
the  ports  of  American  States,  much  less  to  the 
immediate  communication  between  the  French 
islands  and  the  dominions  of  the  crown  of 
France  in  Europe. 

"  Every  public  proceeding  in  England  since 
the  commencement  of  our  present  negotia 
tion,  for  opening  intercourse  and  commerce 
between  our  two  countries  will,  I  am  sure,  sup 
port  me  in  saying,  that  we  have  very  liberally 
taken  the  lead,  that  we  have  not  waited  for 
any  assurance  of  reciprocity,  but  have  given 
orders  for  almost  an  universal  admission  of 
American  articles  before  we  even  know  that 
any  vessel  of  Great  Britain  will  find  admis 
sion  into  American  ports.  What  do  we  ask 
in  return  ?  No  more  than  this :  that  while  we, 
gratuitously  and  without  stipulation,  give  ad 
vantages  and  favours  to  the  American  States, 
which  we  deny  to  all  other  nations,  they 
would  so  far  justify  our  liberal  way  of  pro 
ceeding,  as  to  receive  us  in  the  same  manner 
as  other  nations,  which  are  foreign,  and  to 
permit  us  to  carry  to  North  America  what  it 
is  evidently  for  their  interest  that  we  should 
carry  thither. 

"  I  need  hardly  add,  that  it  is  of  infinite  im 
portance  that  some  temporary  convention 
should  be  finished  without  loss  of  time.  I 
hope  and  trust  we  shall  not  find  much  more 
difficulty  in  this  business.  You  must  see  the 
advantage  of  an  immediate  renewal  of  inter 
course,  and  from  the  candour  of  your  dispo 
sitions  I  am  sure  you  must  likewise  be  con 
vinced,  that  to  give  us  some  facility  in  the 
outset,  is  the  sure  road  to  such  an  equitable 
arrangement  for  the  future,  as  you  must  have 
at  heart.  The  reasons  which  I  have  given 
in  the  memorial  dated  the  first  of  June  in 
stant,  appear  to  me  to  be  cogent  and  con 
vincing  upon  the  natural  alliance  between  our 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


539 


two  countries,  and  when  the  intercourse  has 
once  begun,  every  thing- will  go  in  its  natural 
road.  It  is  therefore  of  infinite  consequence 
to  begin  that  intercourse.  Great  Britain,  by 
all  public  proceedings  of  repeals,  proclama 
tions,  &c.  &c.  has  made  the  first  advances 
with  warmth  and  confidence,  and  therefore  I 
conclude,  with  the  fullest  assurance*  that  you 
will  meet  those  advances  with  cordial  re 
ciprocity. 

"  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  gentlemen,  with 
the  greatest  respect  and  consideration,  your 
most  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

"  D.  HARTLEY." 


Memorial,  June  1,  1783. 

"  THE  proposition  which  has  been  made 
for  an  universal  and  unlimited  reciprocity  of 
intercourse  and  commerce  between  Great 
!  Britain  and  the  American  United  States,  re 
quires  a  very  serious  consideration  on  the  part 
of  Great  Britain,  for  the  reasons  already  stated 
in  a  memorial  dated  May  19,  1783,  and  for 
many  other  reasons  which,  in  the  future  dis 
cussion  of  the  proposition,  will  appear.  To 
the  American  States  likewise  it  is  a  matter 
of  the  deepest  importance,  not  only  as  a  pro 
position  of  commercial  intercourse,  which  is 
the  least  part,  but  most  principally  as  a  poli 
tical  basis  and  guarantee  for  their  newly  es 
tablished  constitutions.  The  introduction  of 
British  interests  into  a  communion  of  inter 
course,  will  bring  forward  an  universal  gua 
rantee  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  in  the  fu 
ture  progress  of  political  events,  which  may 
affect  the  United  States  of  America  in  their 
national  capacity.  The  proposition  is  fertile 
in  future  prospects  to  Great  Britain,  and  Ame 
rica  also  may  wisely  see  in  it  a  solid  founda 
tion  for  herself. 

"All  circumstances  are  most  fortunately 
disposed  between  Great  Britain  and  the  Ame 
rican  States,  to  render  them  useful  friends 
and  allies  to  each  other,  with  a  higher  degree 
of  suitableness  between  themselves  than  any 
other  nations  can  pretend  to.  France  cannot 
interchange  reciprocities,  with  the  American 
States,  by  reason  of  numberless  impediments 
in  her  system  of  government,  in  her  monopo 
lies,  and  in  her  system  of  commerce.  France 
has  the  great  disability  of  difference  in  lan 
guage  to  contend  with,  and  the  institution  of 
the  present  French  manufactures  has  never 
at  any  time  heretofore  been  trained  or  adapt 
ed  to  American  commerce.  The  only  parti 
cular  and  specific  facility  which  France  ever 
possessed  for  American  intercourse  has,  for 
many  years,  been  transferred  into  the  British 
scale  by  the  cession  of  Canada  to  Great  Bri 
tain.  The  future  commerce  between  France 
and  America  will  chiefly  be  regulated  by 
*uch  conveniences  as  France  can  draw  to 
herself  from  America,  without  much  aptitude 


on  the  part  of  France  to  accommodate  her 
manufactures  and  commerce  to  American  de 
mands.  In  short,  an  interchange  of  recipro 
cities  between  France  and  America  would 
run  against  the  stream  on  both  sides,  and  all 
established  habits,  manners,  language,  toge 
ther  with  principles  of  government  and  com 
merce,  wouid  militate  against  such  a  system. 

"  Conformably  to  this  reasoning,  it  appears 
that  France  has  not  at  at  any  time  entertain 
ed  any  systematical  design  of  forming  any 
union  or  consolidation  of  interests  with  Ame 
rica.  She  took  up  the  American  cause,  as  in 
strumental  to  her  political  views  in  Europe. 
America  likewise  accepted  the  alliance  with 
France  for  her  separate  views,  viz.  for  the  es 
tablishment  of  her  independence.  The  alli 
ance,  therefore,  is  completed  and  terminated, 
without  leaving  behind  it  any  political  prin 
ciple  of  the  future  permanent  connexion  be 
tween  them.  Occasional  circumstances  pro 
duce  a  temporary  alliance.  Similar  circum 
stances  may  on  any  future  occasion  produc^- 
a  similar  event  of  a  temporary  compact  Dis 
similar  circumstances,  arising  from  any  fu 
ture  political  views  of  the  court  of  France  in 
Europe,  may  without  any  inconsistency  * 
principle  throw  the  power  of  that  kingdom 
into  a  scale  adverse  to  the  future  interests  of 
the  American  States.  In  such  case,  therefore, 
where  there  cannot  exist  any  permanent  poli 
tical  connexion  between  France  and  Ame 
rica,  and  where  the  commercial  attachments 
can  be  but  feeble,  it  would  be  vain  to  expect 
in  the  French  nation  any  such  ally,  as  newly 
established  states  ought  to  look  out  for,  to 
give  maturity  and  firmness  to  their  constitu 
tion. 

"  As  to  Spain,  every  argument  which  has 
been  stated,  respecting  diversity  of  language, 
manners,  government,  monopolies,  and  sys 
tem  of  commerce,  from  those  which  prevail 
in  the  United  States  of  America,  obtains  in  a 
superior  degree.  And  much  more  to  add  be 
sides;  for  Spain  is  not  only  incompetent  to 
interchange  reciprocities  with  the  American 
States,  but  likewise  her  own  situation  in 
America  will  at  all  times  render  her  extreme 
ly  jealous  of  her  neighbours.  The  only  acti 
vity  which  Spain  has  exerted  in  the  war,  has 
been  to  procure  a  barrier  against  the  Ame 
rican  States,  by  annexing  West  Florida  to 
her  former  acquisition  of  New  Orleans ;  there 
by  embracing  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  by  means  of  that  river  jointly  with  her 
landed  possessions,  establishing  a  strong  and 
jealous  boundary  against  any  future  progress 
of  the  American  States  in  those  parts.  Spain 
therefore  cannot  be  looked  upon  by  the  Ame 
rican  States  as  a  suitable  object  of  their  elec 
tion  to  become  a  permament  ally  and  friend  to 
them.  Portugal  likewise  labours  under  all 
the  disabilities  of  language,  manners,  mono 
polies,  government,  and  system  of  commerce. 


*  4>J<T 


540 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMTN  FRANKLIN- 


Her  national  power  and  importance  would  be 
likewise  insufficient  to  constitute  a  strong 
and  permanent  ally  to  the  American  States. 
All  these  nations  will  undoubtedly  be  found 
to  have  many  commodious  qualities  for  parti 
cipation  in  commerce,  but  the  pre-eminent  fa 
culties  necessary  to  constitute  a  firm  and  per 
manent  ally  to  the  American  States  will  be 
found  deficient  in  them. 

"As  to  the  Italian  States,  or  any  other 
powers  in  the  Mediterranean,  they  are  cer 
tainly  not  adequate  to  any  competition  of  po 
litical  alliance  with  the  rising  States  of  Ame 
rica.  They  will  also  form  very  commodious 
links  and  connexions  in  the  general  circuit  of 
commerce,  but  beyond  these  considerations 
they  have  no  share  in  the  present  question. 
The  several  States  of  the  Germanic  body  are 
in  the  same  predicament. 

"  As  to  the  Northern  powers,  viz.  those  in 
the  Baltb,  they  are  not  favoured  either  by 
vicinity  or  climate,  for  a  frequent  or  facile  in 
tercourse  of  commerce  with  America.  And 
c  /en  respecting  several  material  articles  of 
commerce,  jealousies  and  competitions  might 
arise.  As  to  political  alliances,  there  are  no  such 
in  prospect  from  them  to  the  American  States, 
even  if  there  were  any  superfluity  of  force  in 
any  of  them,  beyond  the  necessities  of  their 
respective  domestic  situations.  The  extreme 
distance  would  be  conclusive  against  any  pos 
sible  application  of  such  power  as  a  political 
alliance  favourable  to  the  establishment  and 
confirmation  of  the  American  States. 

"  The  only  maritime  state  on  the  conti 
nent  of  Europe  remaining  to  be  discussed  as 
a  competent  candidate  for  commerce  or  con 
nexion  with  America,  is  the  republic  of  the 
United  Netherlands,  commonly  called  Hol 
land.  In  respect  to  American  commerce,  the 
Dutch  have  among  themselves  every  facility 
combined,  which  the  separate  states  of  Eu 
rope  possess  distinctively  in  their  own  con 
cerns,  or  nearly.  Their  industry,  frugality, 
and  habits  of  commerce  may  even  carry  them 
so  far  as  to  make  them  rivals  to  the  Americans 
themselves,  in  the  transportation  of  European 
merchandise  to  America.  These  faculties  of 
commerce  would  have  been  of  infinite  import 
ance  to  the  American  States,  if  the  war  had 
continued  between  Great  Britain  and  them. 
But  upon  the  event  of  peace,  it  becomes  a 
natter  of  the  most  perfect  indifference  to 
America,  whether  each  European  state  navi 
gates  its  own  commerce  into  the  ports  of 
America,  which  will  be  open  to  all,  or  whe 
ther  the  commercial  faculties  of  Holland  ena- 
Me  her  to  exceed  in  rivalship  her  European 
neighbours,  and  thereby  to  navigate  Euro 
pean  goods  to  America  beyond  the  proportion 
of  her  national  share.  The  faculties  of  a  na 
tion  of  carriers  may  be  fortunate  for  the  ma- 
i  ine  Jf  that  nation,*  but  considered  in  them 
selves,  and  with  respect  to  other  nations,  they 


are  but  secondaries  in  commerce.  They 
give  no  ground  of  reciprocities,  or  participa 
tion.  That  one  nation  should  say  to  another, 
You  shall  navigate  all  our  rivers,  harbours, 
lakes,  ports,  and  places,  if  we  may,do  the  same 
in  yours,  is  a  proposition  of  reciprocity,  but 
that  Hollapd  should  say  to  America,  We  will 
bring  European  goods  to  you,  or  you  may  be 
your  own  carriers,  is  neither  concession  nor 
reciprocity.  Holland  is  not  a  nation  of  rivers, 
harbours,  lakes,  ports,  and  places,  for  the  dis 
tribution  of  goods  and  manufactures,  for  inter 
nal  consumption,  and  therefore  her  reciproci 
ties  must  be  very  scanty.  Holland  is  the 
market  place  of  Europe,  and  the  Dutch  sea 
men  are  the  carriers  appertaining  to  that 
market  place.  The  admission  of  American 
ships  to  that  market  place,  freely  to  import  and 
to  export,  is  undoubtedly  an  act  of  reciprocity 
on  the  part  of  Holland,  as  far  as  it  goes,  but  in 
no  degree  adequate  to  the  unlimited  partici 
pation  of  American  commerce,  throughout  all 
the  rivers,  harbours,  lakes,  ports,  and  places 
of  that  vast  continent.  The  commercial  re 
ciprocities  of  Holland  therefore  being  inferior 
on  her  part  towards  America,  the  next  point 
of  view,  in  which  Holland  is  to  be  considered, 
as  relevant  to  this  question,  is  as  a  nation  of 
power,  capable  of  becoming  an  effectual  and 
permanent  ally  and  guarantee  to  the  Ameri 
can  States ;  for  that  is  the  great  object,  whicli 
America,  as  a  wise  nation,  recently  arisen  in 
to  independence,  ought  to  keep  in  view.  Hol 
land  has  certainly  been  a  nation  of  great  and 
celebrated  naval  force.  She  remains  so  still, 
but  having  for  many  years  suspended  her  ex 
ertions  of  force,  and  having  directed  the  fa 
culties  of  her  people  into  the  commercial  line, 
she  seems  not  to  have  any  superfluity  of  force 
beyond  the  necessity  of  providing  for  her  own 
security,  and  certainly  no  such  redundance  of 
power  as  to  extend  to  the  protection  of  dis 
tant  nations  as  allies,  or  guarantees.  It  ap 
pears  therefore  upon  the  whole  of  this  argu 
ment,  that  Holland,  although  a  commercial 
nation,  cannot  even  interchange  commercial 
reciprocities  with  America,  upon  an  equal 
footing,  and  that  her  faculties  of  force  are  in 
adequate  to  those  which  America  ought  to 
expect  in  the  permanent  allies  and  guaran 
tees  of  her  country. 

"  The  independence  of  the  American  States 
being  established,  their  first  consideration 
ought  to  be,  to  determine  with  what  friend 
ships  and  alliances  they  will  enter  into  the 
new  world  of  nations.  They  will  look  round 
them,  and  cast  about  for  some  natural  perma 
nent  and  powerful  ally,  with  whom  they  may 
interchange  all  cementing  reciprocities,  both 
commercial  and  political.  If  such  an  ally  be 
to  be  found  any  where  for  them,  it  is  still  in 
Great  Britain ;  at  least  it  is  certain  that,  in 
looking  round  Europe,  no  other  is  to  be  found. 
There  is  no  inherent  impossibility  to  prevent 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


541 


such  a  connexion  from  taking  place,  it  must 
depend  upon  the  freewill  and  common  inter 
est  of  the  parties.  There  are  all  possible  fa 
culties  on  both  sides  to  give  and  to  receive  all 
adequate  and  beneficial  reciprocities,  which 
are  practicable,  and  more  likely  to  be  perma 
nent  between  independent  parties,  than  be 
tween  two  parties  of  which  one  is  dependent 
on  the  other.  Great  Britain  is  undoubtedly 
the  first  of  European  nations  in  riches,  credit, 
faculties,  industry,  commerce,  manufactures, 
internal  consumption  and  foreign  export,  to 
gether  with  civil  liberty,  which  is  the  source 
of  all,  and  naval  power,  which  is  the  support 
of  all.  The  dominions  appertaining  to  the 
crown  of  Great  Britain  are  large  and  fertile, 
its  colonies  still  extensive  and  in  close  vicinity 
to  the  American  States ;  Great  Britain  being 
an  American  as  well  as  an  European  power, 
and  all  her  empire  connected  by  her  naval 
force. 

"  The  territories  of  the  American  States, 
from  the  Atlantic  ocean  to  the  Mississippi, 
contain  an  inexhaustible  source  of  riches,  in 
dustry,  and  future  power.  These  will  be  the 
foundation  of  great  events  in  the  new  page  of 
life.  Infinite  good  or  infinite  evil  may  arise 
according  to  the  principles  upon  which  the 
intercourse  between  Great  Britain  and  Ame 
rica  shall  bo  arranged  in  its  foundation. 
Great  Britain  and  America  must  be  still  in 
separable,  either  as  friends  or  foes.  This  is  an 
awful  and  important  truth.  These  are  con 
siderations  not  to  be  thought  of  slightly,  not 
to  be  prejudged  in  passion,  nor  the  arrange 
ments  of  them  to  be  hastily  foreclosed.  Time 
given  for  consideration  may  have  excellent 
effects  on  both  sides.  The  pause  of  peace, 
with  friendly  intercourse,  returning  affection 
and  dispassionate  inquiry,  can  alone  decide 
these  important  events,  or  do  justice  to  the 
anxious  expectations  of  Great  Britain  and 
America." 

Henry  Lauren*  to  American  Ministers. 

"  LONDON,  June  17,  1783. 

"  GENTLEMEN, — I  had  the  honour  of  ad 
dressing  you  the  10th,  immediately  after  my 
landing  at  Dover.  As  early  as  possible  after 
my  arrival  here  I  obtained  an  interview  with 
Mr.  secretary  Fox,  who  was  pleased  to  read 
to  rne  part  of  his  latest  despatches  to  Mr. 
Hartley,  which  he  supposed  would  reach  Pa 
ris  on  the  14th  ;  'tis  probable  therefore  that 
before  this  time,  as  much  of  the  contents  as  is 
proper  for  your  knowledge  has  been  commu 
nicated. 

" '  Reciprocity'  since  the  10th  of  April  has 
undergone  a  certain  degree  of  refinement; 
the  definition  of  that  term  appears  now  to  be 
possession  of  advantages  on  one  side,  and  re 
strictions  on  the  other.  The  Navigation  Act 
is  the  vital  of  Great  Britain  •"  too  delicate  to 

46 


bear  a  touch.'  The  sudden  and  unexpected, 
perhaps  illicit  arrival  of  ships  and  cargoes 
from  America,  may  have  caused  this  change 
of  tone.  But  you  have  heard  in  detail,  and  are 
more  competent  tojudge. 

"  From  a  desire  of  forming  an  opinion,  I 
asked  Mr.  Fox  whether  he  thought  1  might 
venture  for  a  few  days  to  take  the  benefit  of 
Bath,  and  yet  be  time  enough  at  Paris  for  the 
intended  commercial  agreement !  He  replied, 
4 1  rather  think  you  may.'  One  need  not  be 
a  conjurer  to  d'raw  an  inference  :  you  will 
either  have  finished  the  business  before  I 
could  travel  to  Paris,  or  without  being  missed 
there,  I  may  go  to  Bath  and  repair  rny 
nerves. 

"  In  this  state  of  uncertainty,  when  'tis  easy 
to  perceive  affections  are  not  as  we  could  wish 
them,  nor  quite  so  warm  as  we  had  been 
taught  to  believe,  it  would  not  be  wise  to  com 
mit  the  United  States,  wherefore  I  shall  rest 
the  business  till  I  hear  from  you,  or  until  a 
more  favourable  prospect,  flattering  myself 
with  hopes  of  your  surmounting  the  late 
seeming  difficulties ;  an  inconvenience  on 
your  side  is  preferable  to  the  hazard  of  a  dis 
grace. — I  am  with  great  regard  and  re 
spect,  &c.  H.  LAURENS." 


Henry  Laurens,  Esq.  to  the  American  Mi 
nisters. 

»  "  LONDON,  June '20,  IT-  . 

"  GENTLEMEN, — Permit  me  to  refer  to  what 
I  had  the  honour  of  writing  to  you  the  17th. 
You  will  recollect  my  suggestions,  as  soon  as 
we  perceived  the  falling  off  from  those  warm 
assurances  which  had  been  pressed  in  March 
and  April — they  were  not  ill  founded ;  I  de 
layed  a  week  in  hopes  of  intelligence,  and  left 
you  with  reluctance;  the  temper  of  the  times 
forbids  even  an  essay.  What  a  happy  country 
is  this,  where  every  thing  pertaining  to  the 
public,  is  rendered  to  them  in  public  news 
papers;  see  the  enclosed,  containing  nearly 
as  accurate  an  account  of  certain  recent  oc 
currences,  as  if  it  had  been  penned  by  one  of 
the  parties.  It  might  indeed  have  been  made 
a  little  stronger.  Modest  men  are  sometimes 
restrained  from  attempting  a  public  good,  from 
a  dread  of  the  effects  of  envy,  of  being  held  up 
in  an  invidious  light.  It  would  be  cruel  to  dis 
turb  them.  I  have  learned  nothing  from  Ame 
rica,  save  what  you  may  have  read  in  the  prints. 
To-morrow  I  shall  proceed  to  Bath,  and  be 
waiting  for  intelligence  as  well  from  your 
selves  as  from  congress.  Some  consolation 
arises  from  reflecting,  that  while  I  am  endea 
vouring  to  mend  my  health,  you  suffer  no  in 
convenience  from  my  absence.  With  sincere 
regard  and  respect,  I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
gentlemen,  your  obedient  and  most  humble 
servant,  HENRY  LAURENS." 


542 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


Mr.  Hartley's  Six  Propositions. 
"  1.  THAT  lands  belonging  to  persons  of  an_, 
description  which  have  not  actually  been  sold 
shall  be  restored  to  the  old  possessors  withou 
price. 

"  2.  That  an  equal  and  free  participation 
of  the  different  carrying  places,  and  the  na 
vigation  of  all  the  lakes  and  rivers  of  tha 
country,  through  which  the  water  line  of  di 
vision  passes  between  Canada  and  the  Unitec 
States  shall  be  enjoyed  fully  and  uninterrupt 
edly  by  both  parties. 

"  3.  That  in  any  such  places  within  the 
boundaries  assigned  generally  to  the  Ameri 
can  States,  as  are  adjoining  to  the  water  line 
of  division,  and  which  are  not  specifically 
under  the  dominion  of  any  one  state,  all  per 
sons  at  present  resident,  or  having  possessions 
or  occupations  as  merchants  or  otherwise,  may 
remain  in  peaceable  enjoyment  of  all  civil 
rights  and  in  pursuit  of  their  respective  oc 
cupations. 

"4.  That  in  all  such  places  adjoining  to 
the  water  line  of  division,  as  may  be  under 
the  specific  dominion  of  any  particular  state, 
all  persons  at  present  resident  or  having  pos 
sessions  or  occupations  as  merchants  or  other 
wise,  may  remain  in  the  peaceable  enjoyment 
of  all  civil  rights  and  in  pursuit  of  their  oc 
cupations,  until  they  shall  receive  notice  of 
removal  from  the  state  to  which  any  such 
place  may  appertain,  and  that  upon  any  such 
notice  of  removal,  a  term  of  three  yeaie  shall 
be  allowed  for  selling  or  withdrawing  their 
valuable  effects,  and  for  settling  their  affairs. 
"  5.  That  his  Britannic  Majesty's  forces  not 

exceeding in  number  may  continue  in 

the  ports  now  occupied  by  them  contiguous  to 
the  water  line,  for  the  term  of  three  years,  for 
the  purpose  of  securing  the  lives,  property  and 
peace  of  any  persons  settled  in  that  country, 
against  the  invasion  of  ravages  of  the  neigh 
bouring  Indian  nations  who  may  be  suspected 
of  retaining  resentments  in  consequence  of 
the  late  war. 

"  6.  That  no  tax  or  impost  whatsoever  shall 
be  laid  on  any  articles  of  commerce  passing 
or  repassing  through  the  country,  but  that  the 
trade  may  be  left  entirely  open  for  the  benefit 
of  all  parties  interested  therein.'' 


Answers  to  Mr.  Hartley's  Six  Propositions 
for  the  definitive  Treaty. 

•'  To  the  1st.  This  matter  has  been  already 
regulated  in  the  5th  and  6th  articles  of  the 
provisional  treaty  to  the  utmost  extent  of  our 
powers :  the  rest  must  be  left  to  the  several 
states. 

"  2.  All  the  lakes,  rivers  and  waters  divid 
ed  by  the  boundary  line  or  lines,  between  the 
United  States  and  his  Britannic  Majesty's  ter 
ritories,  shall  be  freely  used  and  navigated  by 
both  parties  during  the  whole  extent  of  such 


division.  Regulations  concerning  roads,  car 
rying  places  and  any  land  communications  be 
tween  said  waters,  whether  within  the  line  of 
the  United  States  or  that  of  his  Majesty,  toge 
ther  with  the  navigation  of  all  waters  and  rivers 
in  America  belonging  to  either  party,  may  be 
made  in  a  negotiation  of  a  treaty  of  commerce. 

"3.  That  in  all  places  belonging  to  the 
United  States  in  the  country,  adjoining  to  the 
water  line  of  division,  and  which  during  the 
war  were  in  his  Majesty's  possession,  all  per 
sons  at  present  resident,  or  having  possessions 
or  occupations,  as  merchants  or  otherwise, 
may  remain  in  the  peaceable  enjoyment  of  all 
civil  rights,  and  in  pursuit  of  their  occupations 
until  they  shall  receive  notice  of  removal  from 
congress,  or  the  state  to  which  any  such  place 
may  appertain,  and  that  upon  any  such  notice 
of  removal,  a  term  of  two  years  shall  be  al 
lowed  for  selling  or  withdrawing  their  effects 
and  for  settling  their  affairs. 

"  4.  That  his  Britannic  Majesty's  forces  not 

exceeding in  number,  may  continue  in 

the  posts  now  occupied  by  them,  contiguous 
to  the  water  line,  until  congress  shall  give  no 
tice  to  evacuate  the  said  posts,  and  garrisons 
of  their  own  shall  arrive  at  said  posts  for  the 
purpose  of  securing  the  lives,  property  and 
peace  of  any  persons  settled  in  that  country, 
igainst  the  invasion  or  ravages  of  the  neigh 
bouring  Indian  nations,  who  may  be  suspected 
of  retaining  resentments  in  consequence  of  the 
"ate  war. 

"  5.  The  consideration  of  this  proposition 
may  be  left  to  the  treaty  of  commerce. 


The  Grand-Master  of  Malta  to  Dr.  Franklin. 
"  MALTA,  June  21,  1783. 

'SiR, — I  received,  with  the  most  lively 
sensibility,  the  medal  which  your  excellency 
sent  me,  and  the  value  I  set  upon  this  acqui 
sition  leaves  my  gratitude  unbounded.  This 
monument  of  American  liberty  has  a  distin 
guished  place  in  my  cabinet. 

'  Whenever  chance  or  commerce  shall 
ead  any  of  your  fellow-citizens  or  their  ves 
sels  into  the  ports  of  my  island,  I  shall  receive 
hem  with  the  greatest  welcome.  They  shall 
xperience  from  me  every  assistance  they 
may  claim,  and  I  shall  observe  with  infinite 
leasure  any  growing  connexion  between  that 
nteresting  nation  and  my  subjects,  especially 
f  it  will  tend  to  convince  your  excellency  ' 
lie  distinguished  sentiments  with  which  I 
he  grand-master.  ROHAN.' 


of 
am 


"  Henry  Laurens. 

"  PASSY,  July  6,  1783. 

"  DEAR  SIR,— We  have  been  honoured  with 
several  of  your  letters,  and  we  have  talked  of' 
writing  to  you,  but  it  has  been  delayed.  I 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


543 


will  therefore  write  a  few  lines  in  my  private 
capacity. 

"  Our  negotiations  go  on  slowly,  every  pro 
position  being  sent  to  England,  and  answers 
not  returning  very  speedily. 

"  Captain  Barney  arrived  here  last  Wed 
nesday,  and  brought  despatches  for  us  as  late 
as  the  first  of  June.  The  preliminary  articles 
are  ratified.  But  general  Carleton,  in  viola 
tion  of  those  articles,  has  sent  away  a  great 
number  of  negroes,  alleging,  that  freedom 
having  been  promised  them  by  a  proclamation, 
the  honour  of  the  nation  was  concerned,  &c. 
Probably  another  reason  may  be,  that  if  they 
had  been  restored  to  their  masters,  Britain 
could  not  have  hoped  any  thing  from  such  an 
other  proclamation  hereafter. 

"  Mr.  Hartley  called  yesterday  to  tell  us, 
that  he  had  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Fox, 
assuring  him  that  our  suspicions  of  affected 
delays  or  change  of  system  on  their  side  were 
groundless ;  and  that  they  were  sincerely  de 
sirous  to  finish  as  soon  as  possible.  If  this  be 
go,  and  your  health  will  permit  the  journey, 
J  could  wish  your  return  as  soon  as  possible. 
I  want  you  here  on  many  accounts,  and  should 
be  glad  of  your  assistance  in  considering  and 
answering  our  public  letters.  There  are 
matters  in  them  of  which  I  cannot  conveni 
ently  give  you  an  account  at  present. 

"  Nothing  could  be  more  seasonable  than 
success  in  the  project  you  proposed,  but  we 
have  now  very  little  expectation. 

"  Please  to  give  my  love  to  your  valuable 
and  amiable  son  and  daughter,  and  believe  me 
with  sincere  esteem,  &c. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


M.  Roseneroni  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  COPENHAGEN,  July  8,  1783. 

"  SIR, — It  was  with  the  greatest  alacrity 
that  I  laid  before  his  majesty  the  letter  you 
did  me  the  honour  to  write  to  me,  as  also  the 
project  of  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce 
that  accompanied  it.  The  king  observed,  with 
the  greatest  satisfaction,  the  assurances  con 
tained  in  that  letter,  of  the  good  disposition  of 
congress  to  form  connexions  of  amity  and 
commerce  with  his  kingdoms,  such  connex 
ions  being  equally  conformably  to  the  inte 
rests  of  the  two  states,  and  to  his  majesty's 
sincere  desire  to  cement,  by  every  possible 
means,  that  harmony,  union,  and  confidence, 
which  he  wishes  to  establish  for  ever  between 
his  crown  and  the  United  States. 

"  The  enveloped  counter  project  differs  in 
nothing  essential  from  the  project  sent  by  you, 
being  drawn  up  entirely  conformable  to  the 
same  principles,  which  you  will  be  certainly 
convinced  of,  sir,  by  the  note  explaining  the 
reasons  for  adding  some  articles,  and  only  giv 
ing  a  different  turn  to  others,  so  that  I  flatter 


myself  that  I  shall  soon  hear  that  you  are  per 
fectly  satisfied  with  them,  having  observed 
the  most  perfect  reciprocity  carefully  esta 
blished  throughout. 

"  As  to  the  object  mentioned  in  the  letter 
with  which  you  have  honoured  me,  you  al 
ready  know,  sir,  his  majesty's  generous  inten 
tions  towards  the  individuals  in  question,  and 
his  majesty  is  the  more  induced  to  avail  him 
self  of  the  first  opportunity  to  manifest  those 
intentions,  as  he  thinks  he  may  reasonably 
hope  that  congress  also  will  consider  them  as 
a  distinguished  proof  of  his  friendship  and  es 
teem  for  that  respectable  body. 

"  There  remains  nothing  further  for  me  to 
add,  but  that  the  king  will  adopt  with  plea 
sure  the  most  proper  means  to  accelerate  the 
conclusion  of  the  treaty  which  we  have  begun. 
For  myself  it  will  be  the  most  agreeable  part 
of  my  office,  sir,  to  assist  in  perfecting  such 
happy  connexions  with  a  minister  of  such 
universal  reputation  as  yourself. 

"ROSENERONI." 


Giacomo  F.  Croccoto  Dr.  Franklin. 

"CADIZ,  July  15,  1783. 

"  SIR, — His  imperial  majesty  the  emperor 
of  Morocco,  did  me  the  honour  to  appoint  me 
to  be  the  bearer  of  his  answer  to  the  United 
Provinces  of  North  America,  with  which  he 
ia  willing  to  sign  a  treaty  of  peace  and  com 
merce,  and  in  consequence  has  already  given 
orders  to  his  captains  of  men  of  war  not  to  mo 
lest  on  the  open  seas  the  American  vessels, 
which  agreeable  news  I  have  already  given  to 
Mr.  Richard  Harrison.  According  to  my  in 
structions,  I  am  to  accompany  to  the  court  of 
Morocco  the  ambassador  that  may  be  appoint 
ed  to  concl  ude  the  treaty  of  peace.  I  presume 
that  your  excellency  is  already  acquainted, 
that  the  travelling  expenses  and  other  charges 
of  ambassadors,  or  envoys  sent  to  Europe  by 
the  emperor  of  Morocco,  are  to  be  paid  by  the 
court  or  republic  that  demands  his  friendship. 
In  a  few  days  I  intend  to  set  out  for  Madrid, 
where  I  will  remain  till  I  receive  your  excel 
lency's  answer  to  this  letter,  directed  to  Wil 
liam  Carmichael,  the  United  States  charge  de 
affaires,  at  the  court  of  Spain,  who  I  make  no 
doubt  will  receive  orders  to  supply  me  with 
the  money  I  may  want  on  the  occasion. 

"  As  soon  as  I  arrive  at  Paris  I  shall  have 
the  satisfaction  to  entertain  at  large  your  ex 
cellency  on  the  present  negotiation,  not  doubt 
ing  it  will  soon  be  concluded  to  the  advan 
tage  of  both  courts. — Meanwhile,  I  am,&c. 

"  GIACOMO  FRANCISCO  CROCCO." 

"  P.  S.  I  was  obliged  to  call  on  a  friend  to 
write  you  this  letter  in  English,  otherwise  I 
could  only  do  it  in  the  Italian  language. 
«G.  F.C." 


544 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


The  American  Ministers  to  D.  Hartley. 

"PASSY,  July  17,  1783. 

"Sia, — We  have  the  honour  to  inform  you 
that  we  have  just  received  from  congress 
their  ratification  in  due  form,  of  the  provisional 
articles  of  the  30th  Nov.  1782,  and  we  are 
ready  to  exchange  ratifications  with  his  Bri 
tannic  Majesty's  ministers  as  soon  as  may  be. 

"By  the  same  articles  it  is  stipulated,  that 
his  Britannic  Majesty  shall  with  all  conve 
nient  speed,  and  without  causing-  any  de 
struction,  or  carrying  away  any  negroes  or 
other  property  of  the  American  inhabitants, 
withdraw  all  his  armies,  garrisons  and  fleets 
from  the  United  States,  and  from  every  post, 
place  and  harbour  within  the  same.  But  by 
intelligence  lately  received  from  America, 
and  by  the  enclosed  copies  of  letters  and  con 
ferences  between  general  Washington  and 
sir  Guy  Carleton,  it  appears  that  a  consider 
able  number  of  negroes  belonging  to  the  citi 
zens  of  the  United  States,  have  been  carried 
off  from  New  York,  contrary  to  the  express 
stipulation  contained  in  the  said  article.  We 
have  received  from  congress,  their  instruc 
tions  to  represent  this  matter  to  you,  and  to 
request  that  speedy  and  effectual  measures  be 
taken  to  render  that  justice  to  the  parties  in 
terested,  which  the  true  intent  and  meaning 
of  the  article  in  question  plainly  dictates. 

"  We  are  also  instructed  to  represent  to 
you,  that  many  of  the  British  debtors  in  Ame 
rica  have  in  the  course  of  the  war  sustained 
such  considerable  and  heavy  losses  by  the 
operation  of  the  British  arms  in  that  country, 
that  a  great  number  of  them  have  been  ren 
dered  incapable  of  immediately  satisfying 
those  debts.  We  refer  it  to  the  justice  and 
equity  of  Great  Britain,  so  far  to  amend  the 
article  on  that  subject,  as  that  no  execution 
shall  be  issued  on  a  judgment  to  be  obtained 
in  any  such  case,  but  after  the  expiration  of 
three  years  from  the  date  of  the  definitive 
treaty  of  peace.  Congress  also  think  it  rea 
sonable  that  such  part  of  the  interest  which 
may  have  accrued  on  such  debts  during  the 
war  shall  not  be  payable,  because  all  inter 
course  between  the  two  countries,  had  dur 
ing  that  period  become  impracticable  as  well 
as  improper;  it  does  not  appear  just  that  in 
dividuals  in  America  should  pay  for  delays  in 
payment  which  were  occasioned  by  the  "civil 
and  military  measures  of  Great  Britain.  In 
our  opinion  the  interest  of  the  creditors  as 
well  as  the  debtors,  requires  that  some  ten 
derness  be  shown  to  the  latter,  and  that  they 
should  be  allowed  a  little  time  to  acquire  the 
means  of  discharging  debts,  which  in  many 
instances  exceed  the  whole  amount  of  thei'r 
property. 

"  As  it  is  necessary  to  ascertain  an  epocha 
for  the  restitution  and  evacuations  to  be  made, 
we  propose  that  it  be  agreed,  that  his  Britan 


nic  Majesty  shall  cause  to  be  evacuated  the 
posts  of  New  York,  Penobscot  and  their  de 
pendencies,  with  all  other  posts  and  places  in 
possession  of  his  Majesty's  arms,  within  the 
United  States,  in  the  space  of  three  months 
after  the  signature  of  the  definitive  treaty,  or 
sooner  if  possible,  excepting  those  posts  conti 
guous  to  the  water  line  mentioned  in  the  4th 
proposition,  and  tiiose  shall  be  evacuated,  when 
congress  shall  give  the  notice  therein  men 
tioned. 

"  We  do  ourselves  the  honour  of  making 
these  communications  to  you,  sir,  that  you 
may  transmit  them  and  the  papers  accompa 
nying  them  to  your  court,  and  inform  us  of 
their  answer. 

"  We  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  your  most 
obedient  and  most  humble  servants. 

"JOHN  ADAMS 
B.  FRANKLIN. 
JOHN  JAY." 


"  R.  R.  Livingston,  Esq. 

"  July,  1783. 

"  SIR, — We  have  had  the  honour  of  receiv 
ing  by  captain  Barney  your  two  letters  of  the 
25th  of  March  and  21st  of  April,  with  the  pa 
pers  referred  to  in  them. 

"  We  are  happy  to  find  that  the  provisional 
articles  have  bee"n  approved  and  ratified  by 
congress,  and  we  regret  that  the  manner  in 
which  that  business  was  conducted,  does  not 
coincide  with  your  ideas  of  propriety.  We 
are  persuaded,  however,  that  this  is  principally 
owing  to  your  being  necessarily  unacquainted 
with  a  number  of  circumstances,  known  to  UK 
who  were  on  the  spot,  and  which  will  be  par 
ticularly  explained  to  you  hereafter,  and  we 
trust  to  your  satisfaction,  and  that  of  the  con 
gress. 

"  Your  doubts  respecting  the  separate  ar 
ticle,  we  think  are  capable  of  being  removed, 
but  as  a  full  statement  of  the  reasons  and  cir 
cumstances  which  prompted  that  measure 
would  be  very  prolix,  we  shall  content  our 
selves  with  giving  you  the  general  outlines. 

"Mr.  Oswald  was  desirous  to  cover  as 
much  of  the  eastern  shores  of  the  Mississippi 
with  British  claims  as  possible,  and  for  this 
purpose  we  were  told  a  great  deal  about  the 
ancient  bounds  of  Canada  and  Louisiana,  &c. 
&c.  &c. ;  the  British  court  who  had  probably 
not  yet  adopted  the  idea  of  relinquishing  the 
Floridas,  seemed  desirous  of  annexing  as 
much  territory  to  them  as  possible,  even  up  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Ohio.  Mr.  Oswald  adhered 
strongly  to  that  object,  as  well  as  to  render 
the  British  countries  thereof  sufficient  extent 
to  be  (as  he  expressed  it)  worth  keeping  and 
protecting ;  as  to  afford  a  convenient  retreat 
to  the  tories,  for  whom  it  would  be  difficult 
otherwise  to  provide.  And  among  other  ar- 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL 


545 


guments  he  finally  urged  his  being  willing  to 
yield  to  our  demands  to  the  east,  north,  and 
west,  as  a  further  reason  for  our  gratifying 
him  on  the  point  in  question.  He  also  pro 
duced  the  commission  of  governor  Johnson, 
extending  the  bounds  of  his  government  of 
W.  Florida  up  to  the  river  Yassous,  and  con 
tended  for  that  extent  as  a  matter  of  right 
upon  various  principles ;  which,  however,  we 
did  not  admit ;  the  king  not  being  authorized 
in  our  opinion  to  extend  or  contract  the  bounds 
of  the  colonies  at  pleasure. 

"  We  were  of  opinion  that  the  country  in 
contest  was  of  great  value,  both  on  account 
of  its  natural  fertility  and  of  its  position ;  it 
being  in  our  opinion  the  interest  of  America 
to  extend  as  far  down  towards  the  mouth  of 
the  Mississippi  as  she  possibly  could.  We 
also  thought  it  advisable  to  impress  Britain 
with  a  strong  sense  of  the  importance  of  the 
navigation  of  that  river,  to  their  future  com 
merce  on  the  interior  waters  from  the  mouth 
of  the  St.  Laurence  to  that  of  the  Mississippi; 
and  thereby  render  that  court  averse  to  any 
stipulations  with  Spain  to  relinquish  it.  These 
two  objects  militated  against  each  other  ;  be 
cause  to  enhance  the  value  of  the  naviga 
tion  was  also  to  enhance  the  value  of  the 
countries  contiguous  to  it,  and  thereby  disin 
cline  Britain  to  the  dereliction  of  them.  We 
thought,  therefore,  that  the  surest  way  to  re 
concile  and  obtain  both  objects  would  be  by  a 
composition  beneficial  to  both  parties.  We 
therefore  proposed  that  Britain  should  with 
draw  her  pretensions  to  all  the  country  above 
the  Yassous ;  and  that  we  would  cede  all  be 
low  it  to  her,  in  case  she  should  have  the  Flo 
ridas  at  the  end  of  the  war ;  and  at  all  events 
that  she  should  have  a  right  to  navigate  the 
river  throughout  its  whole  extent.  This  pro 
position  was  accepted,  and  we  agreed  to  in 
sert  the  contingent  part  of  it  in  a  separate  ar 
ticle,  for  the  express  purpose  of  keeping  it  se 
cret  for  the  present.  That  article  ought  not 
therefore  to  be  considered  as  a  mere  matter  of 
favour  to  Britain,  but  as  the  result  of  a  bar 
gain  in  which  that  article  was  a  '  quid  pro 
quo.' 

"  It  was  in  our  opinion  both  necessary  and 
Justifiable  to  keep  this  article  secret.  The 
negotiations  between  Spain,  France,  and  Bri 
tain  were  then  in  full  vigour,  and  embarrassed 
by  a  variety  of  clashing  demands.  The  pub 
lication  of  this  article  would  have  irritated 
Spain,  and  retarded,  if  not  have  prevented, 
her  coming  to  an  agreement  with  Britain. 

"  Had  we  mentioned  it  to  the  French  mi 
nister,  he  must  have  not  only  informed  Spain 
of  it,  but  also  been  obliged  to  act  a  part  re 
specting  it  that  would  probably  have  been  dis 
agreeable  to  America ;  and  he  certainly  has 
reason  to  rejoice  that  our  silence  saved  him 
that  delicate  and  disagreeable  task. 

"  This  was  an  article  in  which  France  had 
VOL.  I. ...  3  Z  46* 


not  the  smallest  interest,  nor  is  there  any  thing 
in  her  treaty  with  us,  that  restrains  us  from 
making  what  bargain  we  pleased  with  Britain 
about  those  or  any  other  lands,  without  ren 
dering  account  of  such  transaction  to  her  or 
any  other  power  whatever.  The  same  ob 
servation  applies  with  still  greater  force  to 
Spain,  and  neither  justice  nor  honour  forbid 
us  to  dispose  as  we  pleased  of  our  own  lands, 
without  her  knowledge  or  consent.  Spain  at 
that  very  time  extended  her  pretensions  and 
claims  of  dominion  not  only  over  the  tract  in 
question,  but  over  the  vast  region  lying  be 
tween  the  Floridas  and  Lake  Superior  ;  and 
this  court  was  also  at  that  very  time  soothing 
and  nursing  of  those  pretensions  by  a  proposed 
conciliatory  line  for  splitting  the  difference. 
Suppose  therefore  we  had  offered  this  tract  to 
Spain  in  case  she  retained  the  Floridas,  should 
we  even  have  had  thanks  for  it  7  or  would  it 
have  abated  the  chagrin  she  experienced 
from  being  disappointed  in  her  extravagant 
and  improper  designs  on  that  whole  country  ? 
— we  think  not. 

"We  perfectly  concur  with  you  in  senti 
ment,  sir,  '  that  honesty  is  the  best  policy, 
but  until  it  be  shown  that  we  have  trespassed 
on  the  rights  of  any  man  or  body  of  men,  you 
must  excuse  our  thinking  that  this  remark, 
as  applied  to  our  proceedings,  was  unnecessary. 

"Should  any  explanations  either  with 
France  or  Spain  become  necessary  on  this 
subject ;  we  hope  and  expect  to  meet  with 
no  embarrassments.  We  shall  neither  amuse 
them  nor  perplex  ourselves  with  ostensible 
and  flimsy  excuses,  but  tell  them  plainly  that 
as  it  was  not  our  duty  to  give  them  the  inform 
ation  ;  we  considered  ourselves  at  liberty  to 
withhold  it :  and  we  shall  remind  the  French 
minister  that  lie  has  more  reason  to  be  pleas 
ed  than  displeased  with  our  silence.  Since 
we  have  assumed  a  place  in  the  political  sys 
tem  of  the  world,  let  us  move  like  a  primary 
and  not  like  a  secondary  planet. 

"  We  are  persuaded,  sir,  that  your  remarks 
on  these  subjects  resulted  from  real  opinion, 
and  were  made  with  candour  and  sincerity. 
The  best  men  will  view  objects  of  this  kind 
in  different  lights  even  when  standing  on  the 
same  ground,  and  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at 
that  we  who  are  on  the  spot,  and  have  the 
whole  transaction  under  our  eyes,  should  see 
many  parts  of  it  in  a  stronger  point  of  light, 
than  persons  at  a  distance,  who  can  only  view 
it  through  the  dull  medium  of  representation. 

"  It  would  give  us  great  pain  if  any  thing 
we  have  written  or  now  write  respecting  this 
court,  should  be  construed  to  impeach  the 
friendship  of  the  king  and  nation  for  us.  We 
also  believe  that  the  minister  is  so  far  our 
friend,  and  is  disposed  so  far  to  do  us  good 
offices,  as  may  correspond  with  and  be  dictat 
ed  by  his  system  of  policy  for  promoting  the 
power,  riches,  and  glory  of  France.  God 


546 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


forbid  that  we  should  ever  sacrifice  our  faith, 
our  gratitude,  or  our  honour  to  any  considera 
tions  of  convenience  ;  and  may  he  also  for 
bid  that  we  should  ever  be  unmindful  of  the 
dignity  and  independent  spirit  which  should 
always  characterize  a  free  and  generous  peo 
ple. 

"  We  shall  immediately  propose  an  article 
to  be  inserted  in  the  definitive  treaty  for  post 
poning  the  payment  of  British  debts  for  the 
time  mentioned  by  congress. 

"  There  are  no  doubt  certain  ambiguities 
in  our  articles,  but  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at. 
when  it  is  considered  how  exceedingly  averse 
Britain  was  to  expressions  which  explicitly 
wounded  the  tories :  and  how  disinclined  we 
were  to  use  any  that  should  amount  to  ab 
solute  stipulations  in  their  favour. 

"  The  words  for  restoring  the  property  of 
real  British  subjects,  were  well  understood 
and  explained  between  us  not  to  mean  or 
comprehend  American  refugees.  Mr.  Os 
wald  and  Mr.  Fitzherbert  know  this  to  have 
been  the  case,  and  will  readily  confess  and 
admit  it.  This  mode  of  expression  was  pre 
ferred  by  them  as  a  more  delicate  mode  of  ex 
cluding  those  refugees,  and  of  making  a  pro 
per  distinction  between  them  and  the  subjects 
of  Britain,  whose  only  particular  interest  in 
America  consisted  in  holding  lands  or  proper 
ty  there. 

"The  6th article,  viz.  where  it  declares  that 
no  future  confiscations  shall  be  made,  &c., 
ought  to  have  fixed  the  time  witn  greater  ac 
curacy.  We  think  the  most  fair  and  true 
construction  is,  that  it  relates  to  the  date  of 
the  cessation  of  hostilities :  that  is  the  time 
when  peace  in  fact  took  place,  in  consequence 
of  prior  unformal  though  binding  contracts  to 
terminate  the  war.  We  consider  the  defini 
tive  treaties  as  only  giving  the  dress  of  form 
to  those  contracts,  and  not  as  constituting 
the  obligation  of  them.  Had  the  cessation  of 
hostilities  been  the  effect  of  a  truce,  and  con 
sequently  not  more  than  a  temporary  suspen 
sion  of  war,  another  construction  would  have 
been  the  true  one. 

"  We  are  officially  assured  by  Mr.  Hartley, 
that  positive  orders  for  the  evacuation  of  New 
York  have  been  despatched,  and  that  no  avoid 
able  delay  will  retard  that  event.  Had  we 
proposed  to  fix  a  time  for  it,  the  British  com 
missioner  would  have  contended  that  it  should 
be  a  time  posterior  to  the  date  of  the  definitive 
treaty,  and  that  would  have  been  probably 
more  disadvantageous  to  us  than  as  that  ar 
ticle  now  stands. 

"  We  are  surprised  to  hear  that  any  doubts 
have  arisen  in  America  respecting  the  time 
when  the  cessation  of  hostilities  took  place 
there.  It  most  certainly  took  place  at  the  ex 
piration  of  one  month  after  the  date  of  that  de 
claration  in  all  parts  of  the  world,  whether 


land  or  sea,  that  lay  north  of  the  latitude  of 
the  Canaries. 

"  The  ships  afterwards  taken  from  us  in  the 
more  northerly  latitudes  ought  to  be  reclaim 
ed  and  given  up.     We  shall  apply  to  Mr. 
Hartley  on  this  subject,  and  also  on  that  of 
the  transportation  of  negroes  from  New  York, 
contrary  to  the  words  and  intention  of  the  pro 
visional  articles.     We  have  the  honour  to  be, 
"  J.  ADAMS. 
B.  FRANKLIN. 
J.  JAY. 
H.  LAUREN'S." 


"  R.  R.  Livingston. 

"  PASSY,  July  22.  178i 

"  You  have  complained  sometimes  with 
reason  of  not  hearing  often  from  your  foreign 
ministers ;  we  have  had  cause  to  make  the 
same  complaints ;  six  full  months  having  in 
tervened  between  the  latest  date  of  your  pre 
ceding  letters  and  the  receipt  of  those  per 
captain  Barney.  During  all  this  time  we 
were  ignorant  of  the  reception  of  the  provi 
sional  treaty,  and  the  sentiments  of  congress 
upon  it,  which,  if  we  had  received  sooner, 
might  have  forwarded  the  proceedings  on  the 
definitive  treaty,  and  perhaps  brought  it  to  & 
conclusion  at  a  time  more  favourable  than 
the  present.  But  these  occasional  interrup 
tions  of  correspondence  are  the  inevitable 
consequences  of  a  state  of  war,  and  of  such 
remote  situations. 

"  Barney  had  a  short  passage,  and  arrived 
some  days  before  colonel  Ogden,  who  also 
brought  despatches  from  you ;  all  of  which 
are  come  safe  to  hand. 

"  We  the  commissioners  have  in  our  joint 
capacity  written  a  letter  to  you,  which  you 
will  receive  with  this.  I  shall  now  answer 
yours  of  March  26,  May  9,  and  May  31. 

"  It  gave  me  great  pleasure  to  learn  by  the 
first,  that  the  news  of  the  peace  diffused  ge 
neral  satisfaction.  I  will  not  now  take  upon 
me  to  justify  the  apparent  reserve  respecting 
this  court  at  the  signature,  which  you  disap 
prove.  We  have  touched  upon  it  in  our  ge 
neral  letter.  I  do  not  see,  however,  that  they 
have  much  reason  to  complain  of  that  trans 
action.  Nothing  was  stipulated  to  their  pre 
judice,  and  none  of  the  stipulations  were  to 
have  force  but  by  a  subsequent  act  of  theij 
own.  I  suppose,  indeed,  that  they  have  not 
complained  of  it,  or  you  would  have  sent  me 
a  copy  of  the  complaint,  that  we  might  have 
answered  it.  I  long  since  satisfied  count  de 
Vergennes  about  it  here.  We  did  what  ap 
peared  to  all  of  us  best  at  the  time,  and  if 
we  have  done  wrong,  the  congress  will  do 
right,  after  hearing  us,  to  censure  us.  Their 
nomination  of  five  persons  to  the  service, 
seems  to  mark  that  they  had  some  depend- 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


547 


ence  on  our  joint  judgment,  since  one  alone 
could  have  made  a  treaty  by  direction  of  the 
French  ministry  as  well  as  twenty.  I  will 
only  add,  that  with  respect  to  myself,  neither 
the  letter  from  Mr.  Marbois,  handed  to  us 
through  the  British  negotiators,  (a  suspicious 
channel)  nor  the  conversations  respecting 
the  fishery,  the  boundaries,  the  royalists,  &c. 
recommending  moderation  in  our  demands, 
are  of  weight  sufficient  in  my  mind,  to  fix 
an  opinion  that  this  court  wished  to  restrain 
as  in  obtaining  any  degree  of  advantage  we 
could  prevail  on  our  enemies  to  accord ;  since 
those  discourses  are  fairly  resolvable,  by  sup 
posing  a  very  natural  apprehension,  that  we, 
relying  too  much  on  the  ability  of  France  to 
continue  the  war  in  our  favour,  and  supply 
us  constantly  with  money,  might  insist  on 
more  advantages  than  the  English  would  be 
willing  to  grant,  and  thereby  lose  the  oppor 
tunity  of  making  peace,  so  necessary  to  all 
our  friends. 

"  I  ought  not,  however,  to  conceal  from 
you,  that  one  of  my  colleagues  is  of  a  very 
different  opinion  from  me  in  these  matters. 
He  thinks  the  French  minister  one  of  the 
greatest  enemies  of  our  country ;  that  he 
would  have  straitened  our  boundaries,  to  pre 
vent  the  growth  of  our  people ;  contracted 
our  fishery,  to  obstruct  the  increase  of  our 
seamen;  and  retained  the  royalists  among 
us,  to  keep  us  divided;  that  he  privately  op 
poses  all  our  negotiations  with  foreign  courts, 
and  afforded  us,  during  the  war,  the  assist 
ance  we  received,  only  to  keep  it  alive,  that 
we  might  be  so  much  the  more  weakened  by 
it;  that  to  think  of  gratitude  to  France  is  the 
greatest  of  follies,  and  that  to  be  influenced 
by  it  would  ruin  us.  He  makes -no  secret  of 
his  having  these  opinions,  expresses  them 
publicly,  sometimes  in  presence  of  the  Eng 
lish  ministers,  and  speaks  of  hundreds  of  in 
stances  which  he  could  produce  of  them. 
None,  however,  have  yet  appeared  to  me, 
unless  the  conversations  and  letter  above- 
mentioned  are  such. 

"  If  I  were  not  convinced  of  the  real  ina 
bility  of  this  court  to  furnish  the  farther  sup 
plies  asked,  I  should  suspect  these  discourses 
of  a  person  in  his  station  might  have  influ 
enced  the  refusal,  but  I  think  they  have  gone 
no  farther  than  to  confirm  a  suspicion,  that  we 
have  a  considerable  party  of  anti-Gallicans  in 
America,  who  are  not  tories,  and  conse 
quently  to  produce  some  doubts  of  the  conti 
nuance  of  our  friendship.  As  such  doubts 
may  hereafter  have  a  bad  effect,  I  think  we 
cannot  take  too  much  care  to  remove  them  ; 
and  it  is  therefore  I  write  this,  to  put  you  on 
your  guard,  (believing  it  my  duty,  though  I 
know  that  I  hazard  by  it  a  mortal  enmity,)  and 
to  caution  you  respecting  the  insinuations  of 
this  gentleman  against  this  court,  and  the  in 
stances  he  supposes  of  their  ill  will  to  us, 


which  I  take  to  be  imaginary,  as  I  know  his 
fancies  to  be,  that  count  de  Vergennes  and 
myself  are  continually  plotting  against  him, 
and  employing  the  newswriters  of  Europe  to 
depreciate  his  character,  &c.  But  as  ShakK- 
peare  says,  '  trifles  light  as  air,'  &c.  I  am 
persuaded,  however,  that  he  means  well  for 
his  country,  is  always  an  honest  man,  often  a 
wise  one,  but  sometimes,  and  in  some  things, 
absolutely  out  of  his  senses. 

"  When  the  commercial  article  mentioned 
in  yours  of  the  26th  was  struck  out  of  our 
proposed  preliminaries,  by  the  then  British 
ministry,  the  reason  given  was,  that  sundry 
acts  of  parliament  still  in  force  were  against 
it,  and  must  be  first  repealed,  which  I  believe 
was  actually  their  intention;  and  sundry  bills 
were  accordingly  brought  in  for  that  purpose. 
But  new  ministers  with  different  principles 
succeeding,  a  commercial  proclamation  to 
tally  different  from  those  bills  has  lately  ap 
peared.  I  send  enclosed  a  copy  of  it.  We 
shall  try  what  can  be  done  in  the  definitive 
treaty,  towards  setting  aside  that  proclama 
tion;  but  if  it  should  be  persisted  in,  it  will 
then  be  a  matter  worthy  the  attentive  discus 
sion  of  congress,  whether  it  will  be  most  pru 
dent  to  retort,  with  a  similar  regulation,  in 
order  to  force  its  repeal,  which  may  possibly 
tend  to  bring  on  another  quarrel,  or  to  let  it 
pass  without  notice,  and  leave  it  to  its  own 
inconvenience  or  rather  impracticability  m 
the  execution,  and  to  the  complaints  of  the 
West  India  planters,  who  must  all  pay  much 
dearer  for  our  produce  under  those  restric 
tions.  I  am  not  enough  master  of  the  course 
of  our  commerce,  to  give  an  opinion  on  this 
particular  question;  and  it  does  not  behove 
me  to  do  it;  yet  I  have  seen  so  much  em 
barrassment,  and  so  little  advantage,  in  all 
the  restraining  and  compulsive  systems,  that 
1  feel  myself  strongly  inclined  to  believe  that 
a  state,  which  leaves  all  her  ports  open  to  all 
the  world  upon  equal  terms,  will  by  that  means 
have  foreign  commodities  cheaper,  and  sell 
its  own  productions  dearer,  and  be  on  the 
whole  most  prosperous.  I  have  heard  some 
merchants  say,  that  there  is  ten  per  cent, 
difference  between  Will  you  buy  /  and  Will 
you  sell  ?  When  foreigners  bring  us  their 
goods,  they  want  to  part  with  them  speedily, 
that  they 'may  purchase  their  cargoes  and 
despatch  their  ships,  which  are  at  constant 
charges  in  our  ports.  We  have  then  the  ad 
vantage  of  their,  Will  you  buy  ?  and  when 
they  demand  our  produce,  we  have  the  ad 
vantage  of  their,  Will  you  sell  ?  and  the  con 
curring  demands  of  a  number  also  contribute 
to  raise  our  prices.  Thus  both  these  ques 
tions  are  in  our  favour  at  home ;  against  us 
abroad.  The  employing,  however,  of  our 
own  ships,  and  raising  a  breed  of  seamen 
among  us,  though  it  should  not  be  a  matter 
of  so  much  private  profit  as  some  imagine,  is 


548 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


nevertheless  of  political  importance,  and  must 
have  weight  in  considering  this  subject. 

"  The  judgment  you  make  of  the  conduct 
of  France  in  the  peace,  and  the  greater  glory 
acquired  by  her  moderation  than  even  by  her 
arms,  appears  to  me  perfectly  just.  The  cha 
racter  of  this  court  and  nation  seems  of  late 
years  to  be  considerably  changed.  The  ideas 
of  aggrandizement  by  conquest,  are  out  of 
fashion;  and  those  of  commerce  are  more  en 
lightened,  and  more  generous  than  hereto 
fore.  We  shall  soon,  I  believe,  feel  some 
thing  of  this,  in  our  being  admitted  to  greater 
freedom  of  trade  with  their  islands.  The 
wise  here  think  France  great  enough,  and 
its  ambition  at  present  seems  to  be  only  that 
of  justice  and  magnanimity  towards  other 
nations,  fidelity  and  utility  to  its  allies. 

"  I  have  received  no  answer  yet  from  con 
gress,  to  my  request  of  being  dismissed  from 
this  service.  They  should  methinks  reflect, 
that  if  they  continue  me  here,  the  faults  I 
may  henceforth  commit  through  the  infirm 
ities  of  age,  will  be  rather  theirs  than  mine. 

"  I  am  glad  my  Journal  afforded  you  any 
pleasure.  I  will,  as  you  desire,  endeavour  to 
continue  it. 

"  I  am  sorry  to  find  that  you  have  thoughts 
of  quitting  the  service.  I  do  not  think  your 
place  can  be  easily  well  supplied.  You  men 
tion  that  an  entire  new  arrangement  with 
respect  to  foreign  affairs  is  under  considera 
tion  :  I  wish  to  know  whether  any  notice  is 
likely  to  be  taken  in  it  of  my  grandson.  He 
has  now  gone  through  an  apprenticeship  of 
near  seven  years  in  the  ministerial  business, 
and  is  very  capable  of  serving  the  States  in 
that  line,  as  possessing  all  the  requisites  of 
knowledge,  zeal,  activity,  language,  and  ad 
dress.  He  is  liked  here,  and  count  de  Ver- 
gennes  has  expressed  to  me  in  warm  terms 
his  very  good  opinion  of  him.  The  late 
Swedish  ambassador,  count  de  Creutz,  who 
is  gone  home  to  be  prime  minister,  desired  I 
would  endeavour  to  procure  his  being  sent  to 
Sweden  with  a  public  character,  assuring  me 
that  he  should  be  glad  to  receive  him  there 
as  our  minister,  and  that  he  knew  it  would 
be  pleasing  to  the  king.  The  present  Swed 
ish  ambassador  *  has  also  proposed  the  same 
thing  to  me,  as  you  will  see  by  a  letter  of  his 
which  I  enclose.  One  of  the  Danish  minis 
ters,  M.  Waltersdorff,  (who  will  probably  be 
sent  in  a  public  character  to  congress)  has 
also  expressed  his  wish  that  my  grandson 
may  be  sent  to  Denmark.  But  it  is  not  my 
custom  to  solicit  employments  for  myself  or 
any  of  my  family,  and  I  shall  not  do  it  in  this 
case.  I  only  hope  that  if  he  is  not  to  be  em 
ployed  in  your  new  arrangement,  I  may  be 
informed  of  it  as  soon  as  possible,  that  while 
I  have  strength  left  for  it,  I  may  accompany 

*  Baron  de  Stael. 


him  in  a  tour  to  Italy,  returning  through  Ger 
many,  which  I  think  he  may  make  to  more 
advantage  with  me  than  alone,  and  which  I 
have  long  promised  to  afford  him,  as  a  reward 
for  his  faithful  service,  and  his  tender  filial 
attachment  to  me.* 

"  Our  people  who  were  prisoners  in  Eng 
land,  are  now  all  discharged.  During  the 
whole  war,  those  who  were  in  Fortpn  prison, 
near  Portsmouth,  were  much  befriended  by 
the  constant  charitable  care  of  Mr.  Wren,  a 
Presbyterian  minister  there ;  who  spared  no 
pains  to  assist  them  in  their  sickness  and  dis 
tress,  by  procuring  and  distributing  among 
them  the  contributions  of  good  Christians, 
and  prudently  dispensing  the  allowance  I 
made  them,  which  gave  him  a  deal  of  trou 
ble  ;  but  he  went  through  it  cheerfully.  I 
think  some  particular  notice  should  be  taken 
of  this  good  man.  I  wish  the  congress  would 
enable  me  to  make  him  a  present,  and  that 
some  of  our  universities  would  confer  upon 
him  the  degree  of  doctor. 

"  The  duke  of  Manchester,  who  has  always 
been  our  friend  in  the  house  of  lords,  is  now 
here  ambassador  from  England.  I  dine  with 
him  to-day  (26th)  and  if  anything  of  import 
ance  occurs,  I  will  add  it  in  a  postscript. 

"  Be  pleased  to  present  my  dutiful  respects 
to  the  congress,  assure  them  of  my  most  faith 
ful  services,  and  believe  me  to  be,  with  great 
and  sincere  esteem,  sir,  &c. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  R.  R.  Livingston. 

"  PASSY,  July  27, 1783 

"  SIR, — The  definitive  treaties  between  the 
late  belligerent  powers  are  none  of  them  yet 
completed.  Ours  has  gone  on  slowly,  owing 
partly  to  the  necessity  Mr.  Hartley  (succes 
sor  of  Mr.  Oswald)  thinks  himself  under  of 
sending  every  proposition,  either  his  own  or 
ours,  to  his  court  for  their  approbation,  and 
their  delay  in  answering,  through  negligence 
perhaps,  since  they  have  heard  our  ports  are 
open,  or  through  indecision  occasioned  by  ig 
norance  of  the  subject,  or  through  want  of 
union  among  the  ministers.  We  send  you 
herewith  copies  of  several  papers  that  have 

*  Repeated  inquiries  having  been  made  relative  to 
the  result  of  this  very  natural  and  just  request  of  Dr. 
Franklin  ;  it  is  fit  to  remark,  that  no  notice  was  ever 
taken  of  it  by  congress ;  nor  of  a  former  application  to 
the  same  effect,  backed  by  the  strong  and  affecting  re 
commendation  of  another  of  its  most  able  and  respect 
able  ministers — John  Jay,  Esq.  Neither  were  the  long, 
faithful,  arduous,  and  eminent  services  of  Dr.  Franklin 
ever  publicly  acknowledged,  or  adequately  remuner 
ated,  by  the  government  of  the  United  States ;  except 
the  testimony  of  its  going  into  mourning  on  his  de 
cease.  It  has  been  the  practice  to  cast  the  reproach  of 
ingratitude  on  republics,  whereby  the  authors  of  a  pub 
lie  dishonour,  spread  the  odium  over  so  large  a  surface 
as  to  escape  themselves.  But  the  talents  of  Franklin 
had  excited  the  jealousy  of  some  of  his  colleagues,  so 
as  to  repeatedly  put  in  jeopardy  the  cause  he  had  in 
charge.  The  hostility  to  Franklin  did  not  cease  at  his 
death. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


549 


passed  between  us.  Mr.  Hartley  has  for  some 
time  assured  us  that  he  is  in  hourly  expecta 
tion  of  answers,  but  they  do  not  arrive.  The 
British  proclamation  respecting  the  commerce 
appears  to  vex  him  a  good  deal.  We  enclose 
a  copy.  And  we  are  of  opinion,  that  finally 
we  shall  find  it  best  to  drop  all  commercial 
articles  in  our  definitive  treaty;  and  leave 
every  thing  of  that  kind  to  a  future  special 
treaty  to  be  made  either  in  America  or  in 
Europe,  as  congress  shall  think  fit  to  order. 
Perhaps  it  may  be  best  to  give  powers  for 
that  purpose  to  the  minister  that  probably 
will  be  sent  to  London.  The  opinion  here 
is,  that  it  will  be  becoming  in  us  to  take  the 
first  step  towards  the  mutual  exchange  of 
ministers ;  and  we  have  been  assured  by  the 
English  minister  who  treats  with  us  here, 
that  ours  will  be  well  received. 

"  The  Dutch  preliminaries  are  not  yet 
agreed  on,  and  it  seems  to  be  settled  that  we 
are  to  sign  all  together,  in  the  presence  of 
the  ministers  of  the  two  imperial  courts  who 
are  to  be  complimented  with  the  opportunity 
of  signing  as  mediators,  though  they  have  not 
yet,  and  perhaps  will  not  be  consulted  in  the 
negotiations.  Mr.  Adams  is  gone  to  Holland 
for  three  weeks,  but  will  return  sooner  if 
wanted.  The  propositions  you  mention  as 
made  to  us  from  that  state,  we  suppose  he 
has  given  you  an  account  of.  Nothing  was 
or  is  likely  to  be  done  upon  them  here,  and 
therefore  it  was  less  necessary  to  say  any 
thing  concerning  them.  A  minister  from 
that  country  has  been  gone  some  time  to  con 
gress,  and  if  he  has  those  propositions  in 
charge,  they  will  best  be  considered  there. 
With  great  esteem  we  have  the  honour  to  ! 
be,  sir,  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN, 

J  JAY, 
H.  LAURENS." 


kind  have  acquired,  if  the  money  spent  in 
wars  had  been  employed  in  works  of  public 
utility.  What  an  extension  of  agriculture 
even  to  the  tops  of  our  mountains  ;  what  ri 
vers  rendered  navigable,  or  joined  by  canals  ; 
what  bridges,  aqueducts,  new  roads,  and  other 
public  works,  edifices  and  improvements,  ren 
dering  England  a  complete  paradise,  might 
not  have  been  obtained,  by  spending  those 
millions  in  doing  good  which  in  the  last  war 
have  been  spent  in  doing  mischief;  in  bring 
ing  misery  into  thousands  of  families,  and 
destroying  the  lives  of  so  many  thousands  of 
working  people,  who  might  have  performed 
the  useful  labour ! 

"  I  am  pleased  with  the  late  astronomical 
discoveries  made  by  our  society.  Furnished 
as  all  Europe  now  is  with  academies  of 
science,  with  nice  instruments  and  the  spirit 
of  experiment,  the  progress  of  human  know 
ledge  will  be  rapid,  and  discoveries  made  of 
which  we  have  at  present  no  conception.  I 
begin  to  be  almost  sorry  I  was  born  so  soon, 
since  I  cannot  have  the  happiness  of  knowing 
what  will  be  known  one  hundred  years  hence. 

"  I  wish  continued  success  to  the  labours 
of  the  Royal  Society,  and  that  you  may  long 
adorn  their  chair ;  being  with  the  highest  es 


teem,  dear  sir,  &c. 


B.  FRANKLIN. 


"  Dr.  Blagden  will  acquaint  you  with  the 
experiment  of  a  vast  globe  sent  up  into  the 
air,  much  talked  of  here,  and  which,  if  prose 
cuted,  may  furnish  means  of  new  knowledge." 


"  Sir  Joseph  Banks. 

"  P\SSY,  July  27,  1783. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  very  kind 
letter  by  Dr.  Blagden,  and  esteem  myself 
much  honoured  by  your  friendly  remem 
brance.  I  have  been  too  much  and  too  closely 
engaged  in  public  affairs  since  his  being  here, 
to  enjoy  all  the  benefit  of  his  conversation 
you  were  so  good  as  to  intend  me.  I  hope 
coon  to  have  more  leisure,  and  to  spend  a  part 
of  it  in  those  studies  that  are  much  more 
agreeable  to  me  than  political  operations. 

"  I  join  with  you  most  cordially  in  rejoic 
ing  at  the  return  of  peace.  I  hope  it  will  be 
lasting,  and  that  mankind  will  at  length,  as 
they  call  themselves  reasonable  creatures, 
have  reason  and  sense  enough  to  settle  their 
differences  without  cutting  throats :  for  in  my 
opinion  there  never  was  a  good  war  nor  a 
bad  peace.  What  vast  additions  to  the  con- 


The  Pope's  Nuncio  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"THE  apostolical  nuncio  has  the  honour  to 
I  send  Mr.  Franklin  the  enclosed  note,  which 
I  he  requests  he  will  be  pleased  to  forward  to 
I  the  congress  of  the  United  States  of  North 
America,  and  support  it  with  his  credit" 

"  July  28, 1783. 

"  Note. — Before  the  revolution  which  has 
just  been  completed  in  N.  America,  the  ca 
tholics  and  missionaries  of  those  provinces 
depended,  as  to  their  spiritual  concerns,  on 
the  apostolical  vicar  resident  in  London.  It 
is  well  known  that  this  arrangement  can  no 
longer  exist ;  but  as  it  is  essential  that  the 
catholic  subjects  of  the  United  States  should 
have  ecclesiastics  to  govern  them  in  their  re 
ligious  concerns,  the  congregation  de  propa 
ganda  fide  existing  at  Rome  for  the  esta 
blishment  and  conservation  of  missions,  has 
come  to  the  determination  of  proposing  to 
congress,  to  establish  in  some  city  of  the  U. 
States  of  N.  America,  one  of  their  catholic 
subjects,  with  the  powers  of  apostolical  vicar, 
and  in  the  character  of  bishop,  or  simply  in 
quality  of  apostolical  prefect. 

"  The  establishment  of  an  apostolical  vicar 
bishop  appears  the  most  eligible,  the  more  so 


veniences  and  comforts  of  living  might  man-  '  ^  the  catholic  subjects  of  the  United  States 


550 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


would  find  themselves  in  a  situation  to  re 
ceive  confirmation  and  orders  in  their  own 
country,  without  being  obliged  to  go  for  that 
purpose  to  the  country  of  a  foreign  power. 
And  as  it  might  sometimes  happen,  that 
amongst  the  subjects  of  the  United  States, 
there  might  be  no  person  in  a  situation  to  be 
charged  with  the  spiritual  government,  either 
as  bishop  or  apostolical  prefect,  it  would  be 
necessary  in  such  circumstances,  that  con 
gress  should  consent  to  choose  him  from 
among  the  subjects  of  .a  foreign  nation  the 
most  friendly  with  the  United  States." 


David  Hartley  to  American  Ministers. 
"  PARIS,  August  12, 1783. 

"GENTLEMEN, — I  have  the  honour  of  trans 
mitting  to  you  a  copy  of  a  letter  which  I 
have  received  from  Mr.  Fox,  containing  an 
account  of  the  queen  having  been  delivered 
of  a  princess,  and  that  her  majesty  and  the 
young  princess  are  as  well  as  can  be  ex 
pected. 

"  Since  the  reconciliation  which  has  hap 
pily  taken  place  between  our  two  countries, 
I  am  happy  in  the  opportunity  of  communi 
cating  to  you  snch  an  occasion  of  our  joint 
congratulations,  as  to  the  first  token  of  that 
satisfaction  which  your  country  (and  you,  as 
the  ministers  of  it  in  the  present  case)  will 
receive  from  this,  and  from  every  event  which 
may  contribute  to  the  happiness  and  honour 
of  the  king,  the  queen,  and  all  the  royal  fami 
ly  of  Great  Britain.  I  am,  gentlemen,  with 
the  greatest  respect  and  consideration,  your 
most  obedient  servant,  D.  HARTLEY." 


"  To  David  Hartley,  Esq. 
"  SIR, — We  have  received  the  letter  which 
you  did  us  the  honour  to  write  on  the  12th 
instant,  and  shall  take  the  first  opportunity  of 
conveying  to  congress  the  agreeable  inform 
ation  contained  in  it. 

"  The  sentiments  and  sensations  which  the 
re-establishment  of  peace  between  our  two 
countries,  ought  to  diffuse  through  both,  lead 
us  to  participate  in  the  pleasure  which  the 
birth  of  a  princess  must  naturally  give  to  the 
royal  family  and  people  of  Great  Britain ;  and 
we  sincerely  congratulate  their  majesties  on 
that  addition  to  their  domestic  happiness.  We 
have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  regard  and 
esteem,  sir,  your  most  obedient  and  very 
humble  servants,  J.  ADAMS. 

B.  FRANKLIN. 

J.  JAY." 


David  Hartley  to  American  Ministers. 
"  PARIS,  Aug.  29,  1783. 

"  GENTLEMEN, — As  the  day  is  now  fixed  for 
the  signatures  of  the  definitive  treaties  be 


tween  Great  Britain,  France,  and  Spain,  I 
beg  leave  to  inform  your  excellencies,  that  I 
am  ready  to  sign  the  definitive  treaty  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  of  Ame 
rica,  whenever  it  shall  be  convenient  to  you. 
I  beg  the  favour  therefore  of  you  to  fix  the 
day.  My  instructions  confine  me  to  Paris  as 
the  place  appointed  to  me  for  the  exercise  of 
my  functions,  and  therefore  whatever  day  you 
may  fix  upon  for  the  signature,  I  shall  hope 
to  receive  the  honour  of  your  company  at  the 
Hotel  d'  York.  I  am,  gentlemen,  with  the 
greatest  respect  and  consideration,  your  most 
obedient  servant,  D.  HARTLEY." 

"  P.  S.  The  American  ministers  plenipo 
tentiaries  for  making  peace  with  Great  Bri 
tain,  present  their  compliments  to  Mr.  Hart 
ley.  They  regret  that  Mr.  Hartley's  instruc 
tions  will  not  permit  him  to  sign  the  defini 
tive  treaty  of  peace  with  America  at  the  place 
appointed  for  the  signature  of  the  others. 
They  will  nevertheless  have  the  honour  of 
waiting  upon  Mr.  Hartley  at  his  lodgings  at 
Paris,  for  the  purpose  of  signing  the  treaty 
in  question,  on  Wednesday  morning  at  8 
o'clock. 

"  Passy,  Aug.  30,  1783." 


M.  De  Rayneval,  Undersecretary  of  State 
for  Foreign  Affairs,  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  VERSAILLES,  29th  Aug.  1783. 

"I  HAVE  informed  the  count  of  Vergennes, 
sir,  of  the  difficulty  which  Mr.  Hartley  has 
made  to  signing  at  Versailles ;  and  this  mi 
nister  has  directed  me  to  say,  that  nothing- 
ought  to  prevent  your  signing  at  Paris,  on 
Wednesday  next,  the  day  proposed  for  the 
signature  of  the  other  treaties :  but  I  request 
you  to  fix  the  hour  with  Mr.  Hartley  at  9 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  to  send  here  an 
express  immediately  after  your  signature  is 
completed.  M.  de  Vergennes  is  desirous  of 
being  informed  of  the  completion  of  your  la 
bours  at  the  same  time  with  his  own.  You 
receive  for  Wednesday  a  note  of  invitation, 
as  well  as  for  your  colleagues  and  Mr.  Hart 


ley;  I  presume  that  thejatter  _will__make  no 
difficulty. 


DE  RAYNEVAL.' 


"  The  President  of  Congress. 

"  PASSY,  Aug.  31,  1783. 

"  SIR, — After  a  continued  course  of  treaty 
for  nine  months,  the  English  ministry  have  at 
length  come  to  a  resolution  to  lay  aside,  for 
the  present,  all  the  new  propositions  that  have 
been  made  and  agreed  to,  their  own  as  well  as 
ours ;  and  they  offer  to  sign  again  as  a  de 
finitive  treaty,  the  articles  of  Nov.  30,  1782, 
the  ratifications  of  which  have  been  already 
exchanged.  We  have  agreed  to  this,  and 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


551 


on  Wednesday  next,  the  third  of  September, 
it  will  be  signed  with  all  the  definitive  trea 
ties,  establishing  a  general  peace,  which  may 
God  long  continue.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


The  Definitive  Treaty  between  Great  Bri 
tain  and  the  United  States  of  America, 
signed  at  Paris,  the  third  day  of  Septem 
ber,  1783. 

"  In  the  Name  of  the  most  Holy  and  undi 
vided  Trinity. 

"  It  having  pleased  the  Divine  Providence  to 
dispose  the  hearts  of  the  serene  and  most  po 
tent  Prince  George  the  Third,  by  the  Grace 
of  God,  King  of  Great  Britain,  France,  and 
Ireland,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  Duke  of 
Brunswick  and  Lunenbourg,  Arch-Treasu 
rer  and  Prince  Elector  of  the  Holy  Roman 
Empire,  &c.  and  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  to  forget  all  past  misunderstandings 
and  differences  that  have  unhappily  interrupt 
ed  the  good  correspondence  and  friendship 
which  they  mutually  wish  to  restore,  and  to 
establish  such  a  beneficial  and  satisfactory 
intercourse  between  the  two  countries  upon 
the  ground  of  reciprocal  advantages  and  mu 
tual  convenience,  as  may  promote  and  secure 
to  both  perpetual  peace  and  harmony ;  and 
having  for  this  desirable  end  already  laid  the 
foundation  of  peace  and  reconciliation  by 
provisional  articles  signed  at  Paris  on  the 
30th  of  November,  1782,  by  the  commission 
ers  impowered  on  each  part,  which  articles 
were  agreed  to  be  inserted  in  and  to  consti 
tute  the  treaty  of  peace  proposed  to  be  con 
cluded  between  the  crown  of  Great  Britain 
and  the  said  United  States,  but  which  treaty 
was  not  to  be  concluded  until  terms  of  peace 
should  be  agreed  upon  between  Great  Bri 
tain  and  France,  and  his  Britannic  Majesty 
should  be  ready  to  conclude  such  treaty  ac 
cordingly  ;  and  the  treaty  between  Great 
Britain  and  France  having  since  been  con 
cluded  ;  his  Britannic  Majesty  and  the  United 
States  of  America,  in  order  to  carry  into  full 
effect  the  provisional  articles  above  mentioned, 
according  to  the  tenor  thereof,  have  constitu 
ted  and  appointed,  that  is  to  say  his  Britannic 
Majesty  on  his  part  David  Hartley,  Esq.,  a 
in  ember  of  the  parliament  of  Great  Britain : 
and  the  said  United  States  on  their  part,  John 
Adams,  Esq.  late  a  commissioner  of  the  Uni 
ted  States  of  America  at  the  court  of  Ver 
sailles,  late  delegate  in  congress  from  the 
state  of  Massachusetts,  and  chief  justice  of 
said  state,  and  minister  plenipotentiary  of 
the  said  United  States,  to  their  high  mighti 
nesses  the  States-General  from  the  United 
Netherlands;  Benjamin  Franklin,  Esq.  late 
delegate  in  congress  from  the  state  of 
Pennsylvania,  president  of  the  convention 


of  the  said  state,  and  minister  plenipoten 
tiary  from  the  United  States  of  America  at 
the  court  of  Versailles ;  John  Jay,  Esq.  late 
president  of  congress,  and  chief  justice  of 
the  state  of  New  York,  and  minister  pleni 
potentiary  from  the  said  United  States  at  the 
court  of  Madrid,  to  be  plenipotentiaries  for 
the  concluding  and  signing  the  present  de 
finitive  treaty ;  who  after  having  reciprocally 
communicated  their  respective  full  powers, 
have  agreed  upon,  and  confirmed  the  follow 
ing  articles : 

"  N.  B.  The  nine  first  articles  were  the 
same  as  the  Preliminary  Articles  signed  with 
Mr.  Oswald,  Nov.  30,  1782." 

Article  X. 

"  The  solemn  ratification  of  the  present  trea 
ty,  expedited  in  good  and  due  form,  shall  be 
exchanged  between  the  contracting  parties 
in  the  space  of  six  months,  or  sooner  if  possi 
ble,  to  be  computed  from  the  day  of  the  sig 
nature  of  the  present  treaty.     In   witness 
whereof  we  the  undersigned,  their  ministers 
plenipotentiary,  have  in  their  name  and  vir 
tue  of  our  full  powers,  signed,  with  our  hanJ-, 
the  present  definitive  treaty,  and  caused  the 
seals  of  our  arms  to  be  affixed  thereto. 
"  Done  at  Paris  this  third  day  of  September, 
in  the   year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  eighty-three. 

(Signed)  "  JOHN  ADAMS.  (L.  s.) 

B.  FRANKLIN.  (L.  s.) 

JOHN  JAY.  (L.  s.) 

DAVID  HARTLEY."  (L.  s.) 

At  the  end  of  this  treaty  were  added  Mr. 
Hartley's  and  the  American  ministers'  com 
missions,  and  certified  thus ; 

"  We  certify  the  foregoing  copies  of  the 
respective  full  powers,  to  be  authentic. 

(Signed)     "  GEORGE  HAMMOND, 
"  Secretary  to  the  British  commission. 

"WM.  TEMPLE  FRANKLIN, 
"  Secretary  to  the  American  commission.''' 


David  Hartley  to  American  Ministers. 

"  PASSY,  Sept.  4.  1783. 

"GENTLEMEN, — It  is  with  the  sincerest 
pleasure  that  I  congratulate  you  on  the  hap 
py  event  which  took  place  yesterday,  viz.  the 
signature  of  the  definitive  treaty  between  our 
two  countries.  I  consider  it  as  the  auspicious 
presage  of  returning  confidence,  and  of  the 
future  intercourse  of  all  good  offices  between 
us.  I  doubt  not  that  our  two  countries  will 
entertain  the  same  sentiments,  and  that  they 
will  behold  with  satisfaction  the  period  which 
terminates  the  memory  of  their  late  unhappy 
dissensions,  and  which  leads  to  the  renewal 


552 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


of  all  ancient  ties  of  amity  and  peace.  I  can 
assure  you  that  his  Britannic  Majesty,  and 
his  confidential  servants,  entertain  the  strong 
est  desire  of  a  cordial  good  understanding 
with  the  United  States  of  America.  And 
that  nothing  may  be  wanting  on  our  parts  to 
perfect  the  great  work  of  pacification,  I  shall 
propose  to  you  in  a  very  short  time,  to  renew 
the  discussion  of  those  points  of  amity  and 
intercourse,  which  have  been  lately  suspend 
ed  to  make  way  for  the  signature  of  the  trea 
ties  between  all  the  late  belligerent  powers, 
which  took  place  yesterday.  We  have  now 
the  fairest  prospects  before  us,  and  an  unem 
barrassed  field  for  the  exercise  of  every  be 
neficent  disposition,  and  for  the  accomplish 
ment  of  every  object  of  reciprocal  advan 
tage  between  us.  Let  us  then  join  our  hearts 
arid  hands  together  in  one  common  cause 
for  the  reunion  of  all  our  ancient  affections 
and  common  interests.  I  am,  gentlemen, 
with  the  greatest  respect  and  consideration, 
your  most  obedient  servant, 

"D.   HARTLEY." 


"  To  David  Hartley. 

"  PASSY,  Sept.  5,  1783. 

"  SIR, — We  have  received  the  letter  which 
you  did  us  the  honour  to  write  yesterday. 

"  Your  friendly  congratulations  on  the  sig 
nature  of  the  definitive  treaty,  meet  with  cor 
dial  returns  on  our  part ;  and  we  sincerely 
rejoice  with  you  in  that  event  by  which  the 
Ruler  of  nations  has  been  graciously  pleased 
to  give  peace  to  our  two  countries. 

"  We  are  no  less  ready  to  join  our  endea 
vours  than  our  wishes  with  yours,  to  concert 
such  measures  for  regulating  the  future  in 
tercourse  between  Great  Britain  and  the  Uni 
ted  States,  as  by  being  consistent  with  the 
honour  and  interest  of  both,  may  tend  to  in 
crease  and  perpetuate  mutual  confidence  and 
good  will.  We  must  nevertheless  candidly 
inform  you,  that  we  consider  our  commission 
as  terminated,  and  therefore  without  further 
authority  from  congress,  will  not  be  able  to 
sign  and  conclude.  All  we  can  at  present  do 
is  to  confer  with  you,  and  recommend  to  con 
gress  such  propositions  as  may  appear  to  us 
to  merit  their  assent.  And  we  shall  propose 
to  them  to  send  a  commission  to  Europe  with 
out  delay  for  these  important  purposes. 

"  The  unrestrained  course  already  given  by 
the  States  to  the  British  commerce  with  them, 
and  the  unconditional  liberation  of  prisoners, 
at  a  time  when  more  caution  would  not  have 
been  singular,  are  marks  of  liberality  and 
confidence,  which  we  flatter  ourselves  will  be 
equalled  by  the  magnanimity  of  his  majesty 
and  the  people  of  Great  Britain. 

"  We  have  communicated  to  congress  the 
warm  and  repeated  assurances  with  which  you 


have  officially  honoured  us  on  these  subjects, 
and  we  are  persuaded  that  the  period  of  their 
being  realized,  will  have  an  auspicious  and 
conciliating  influence  on  all  the  parties  in  the 
late  unhappy  dissensions. 

"  We  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  with  great 
respect  and  esteem,  your  most  obedient  and 
humble  servants,  JOHN  ADAMS. 

B.  FRANKLIN. 
JOHN  JAY." 


To  the  same. 

"  PASSY,  Sept.  6,1783. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — Enclosed  is  my  let 
ter  to  Mr.  Fox.  1  beg  you  would  assure  him 
that  my  expressions  of  esteem  for  him  are 
not  mere  professions.  I  really  think  him  a 
great  man  ;  and  I  would  not  think  so,  if  I 
did  not  believe  he  was  at  bottom,  and  would 
prove  himself  a  good  one.  Guard  him  against 
mistaken  notions  of  the  American  people. 
You  have  deceived  yourselves  too  long  with 
vain  expectations  of  reaping  advantage  from 
our  little  discontents.  We  are  more  thorough 
ly  an  enlightened  people,  with  respect  to  our 
political  interests,  than  perhaps  any  other 
under  the  heaven.  Every  man  among  us 
reads,  and  is  so  easy  in  his  circumstances  as 
to  have  leisure  for  conversations  of  improve 
ment,  and  for  acquiring  information.  Our 
domestic  misunderstandings,  when  we  have 
them,  are  of  small  extent,  though  monstrous 
ly  magnified  by  your  microscopic  newspa 
pers.  He  who  judges  from  them,  that  we  are 
on  the  point  of  falling  into  anarchy,  or  re 
turning  to  the  obedience  of  Britain,  is  like 
one  who  being  shown  some  spots  in  the  sun, 
should  fancy  that  the  whole  disk  would  soon 
be  overspread  with  them,  and  that  there 
would  be  an  end  of  daylight.  The  great 
body  of  intelligence  among  our  people,  sur 
rounds  and  overpowers  our  petty  dissensions, 
as  the  sun's  great  mass  of  fire  diminishes  and 
destroys  his  spots.  Do  not,  therefore,  any 
longer  delay  the  evacuation  of  New  York,  in 
the  vain  hope  of  a  new  revolution  in  your  fa 
vour,  if  such  a  hope  has  indeed  had  any  ef 
fect  in  occasioning  that  delay.  It  is  now  nine 
months  since  the  evacuations  were  promised. 
You  expect  with  reason  that  the  people  of 
New  York  should  do  your  merchants  justice 
in  the  payment  of  their  old  debts;  consider 
the  injustice  you  do  them  in  keeping  them 
so  long  out  of  their  habitations,  and  out  of 
their  business,  by  which  they  might  have  been 
enabled  to  make  payment. 

"  There  is  no  truth  more  clear  to  me  than 
this,  that  the  great  interest  of  our  two  coun 
tries  is,  a  thorough  reconciliation.  Restraints 
on  the  freedom  of  commerce  and  intercourse 
between  us,  can  afford  no  advantage  equiva 
lent  to  the  mischief  they  will  do  by  keeping 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


553 


up  ill  humour,  and  promoting  a  total  aliena 
tion.  Let  you  and  I,  my  dear  friend,  do  our 
best  towards  advancing  and  securing  that  re 
conciliation.  We  can  do  nothing  that  will 
in  a  dying  hour  afford  us  more  solid  satisfac 
tion. 

"  I  wish  you  a  prosperous  journey,  and  a 
happy  sight  of  your  friends.  Present  my  best 
respects  to  your  good  brother  and  sister,  and 
believe  me  ever,  with  sincere  esteem,  yours 
most  affectionately,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  David  Hartley. 

"  P  ASSY,  Sept.  7,1783. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — The  enclosed  letters 
to  you  and  to  Mr.  Fox,  were  written  before  I 
saw  you  yesterday. 

"  On  my  return  home  last  night  I  found  des 
patches  from  congress,  which  may  remove 
the  difficulties  we  were  entangled  with.  Mr. 
Adams  will  be  here  this  morning,  when  you 
will  hear  from  us.  I  am  ever,  yours  sin 
cerely,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


ENCLOSED  IN  THE  FOREGOING.) 

"  TV  the  Right  Hon.  C.  J.  Fox,  Esq. 

"P ASSY,  Sept.  5,  1783. 

"  SIR, — I  received  in  its  time  the  letter 
you  did  me  the  honour  of  writing  to  me  by 
Mr.  Hartley ;  and  I  cannot  let  him  depart 
without  expressing  my  satisfaction  in  his  con 
duct  towards  us,  and  applauding  the  prudence 
of  that  choice  which  sent  us  a  man  possessed 
of  such  a  spirit  of  conciliation,  and  of  all  that 
frankness,  sincerity,  and  candour,  which  natu 
rally  produce  confidence,  and  thereby  faci 
litate  the  most  difficult  negotiations.  Our 
countries  are  now  happily  at  peace,  on  whicli 
I  congratulate  you  most  cordially  ;  and  I  beg 
you  to  be  assured,  that  as  long  as  I  have  any 
concern  in  public  affairs,  I  shall  readily  and 
heartily  concur  with  you,  in  promoting  every 
measure  that  may  tend  to  promote  the  com 
mon  felicity. 

"  With  great  and  sincere  esteem  and  res 
pect,  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  your  most 
obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  David  Hartley. 

"  PASSY,  Sept.  7,  1763. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — Enclosed  I  send  you 
an  extract  of  a  letter  to  me  from  the  presi 
dent  of  congress,  in  which  you  will  observe 
the  moderate  disposition  of  that  body  towards 
the  loyalists,  with  the  causes  of  aggravation 
in  the  people's  resentments  against  them.  1 
am  always  invariably,  yours  most  sincerely, 
"  B.  FRANKLIN." 

VOL.  I. ...  4  A  47 


(ENCLOSED  IN  THE  FOREGOING.) 

E.I  tract  of  a  Letter  from  E.  Ikmdinot,  Esq. 

President  of  Congress,  to  B.  Franklin, 

dated  June  18,  17H3. 

"You  will  receive  herewith  a  number  of 
our  newspapers,  in  which  are  inserted  many 
resolves,  associations,  &c.  from  all  parts  of 
the  country,  which  I  earnestly  wish  had  not 
been  made ;  but  the  truth  is,  that  the  cruel 
ties,  ravages,  and  barbarities  of  the  refugees 
and  loyalists,  have  left  the  people  so  sore  that 
it  is  not  yet  time  for  them  to  exercise  their 
good  sense  and  cooler  judgment ;  and  this 
cannot  take  place  while  the  citizens  of  New 
York  are  kept  out  of  their  city  and  despoiled 
daily  of  their  property,  by  the  sending  off' 
their  negroes  by  hundreds  in  the  face  of 
the  treaty.  It  has  been  exceedingly  ill-judged 
in  the  British  to  retain  New  York  so  long, 
and  to  persist  in  sending  away  the  negroes, 
as  it  has  irritated  the  citizens  of  America  to 
an  alarming  degree.  I  am,  &c." 


"  To  David  Hartley,  Esq. 

"  PASSY,  Sept.  7, 1783. 

"  SIR, — We  have  the  honour  of  transmit 
ting  herewith  enclosed,  a  resolution  of  con 
gress  of  the  1st  of  May  last,  which  we  have 
just  received. 

"  You  will  perceive  from  it,  that  we  may 
daily  expect  a  commission  in  due  form  for  the 
purposes  mentioned  in  it,  and  we  assure  you 
of  our  readiness  to  enter  upon  the  business 
whenever  you  way  think  proper. 

"  We  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great 
respect  and  esteem,  sir,  your  most  obedient 
and  humble  servants,  J.  ADAMS. 

B.  FRANKLIN. 
J.  JAY." 


(ENCLOSED  IN  THE  FOREGOING.) 
By  the  U.  States  in  Congress  assembled. 

"  MAY  1,  1783. 

"  ON  the  report  of  a  committee  to  whom 
was  referred  a  letter  of  Feb.  5,  from  the  Hon. 
John  Adams  ; 

"  Ordered,  That  a  commission  be  prepared 
to  Messrs.  John  Adams,  Benjamin  Franklin, 
and  John  Jay,  authorizing  them,  or  either  of 
them  in  absence  of  the  others,  to  enter  into 
a  treaty  of  commerce  between  the  United 
States  of  America  and  Great  Britain,  subject 
to  the  revisal  of  the  contracting  parties,  pre 
vious  to  its  final  conclusion :  and  in  the  mean 
time  to  enter  into  a  commercial  convention  to 
continue  in  force  one  year. 

"  That  the  secretary  for  foreign  affairs  lay 
before  congress  without  delay  a  plan  of  a  trea 
ty  of  commerce,  and  instructions  relative  to 


554 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


the  same,  to  be  transmitted  to  the  said  com 
missioners. 

"CHARLES  THOMPSON, 


"  Elias  Boudinot,  President  of  Congress. 
(EXTRACT.) 

"  PASSY,  Sept.  10. 1783. 

"  ON  the  3d  instant,  definitive  treaties  of 
peace  were  concluded  between  all  the  late 
belligerent  powers  except  the  Dutch,  who 
the  day  before  settled  and  signed  preliminary 
articles  of  peace  with  Great  Britain. 

"  We  most  sincerely  and  cordially  con 
gratulate  congress  and  our  country  in  gener 
al  on  this  happy  event,  and  we  hope  that  the 
same  kind  Providence  which  has  led  us  through 
a  rigorous  war  to  an  honourable  peace,  will  en 
able  us  to  make  a  wise  and  moderate  use  of 
that  inestimable  blessing. 

"  The  definitive  treaty  being  in  the  terms 
of  the  provisional  articles,  and  not  compre 
hending  any  of  the  objects  of  our  subsequent 
negotiations,  it  is  proper  that  we  give  a  sum 
mary  account  of  them. 

"  When  Mr.  Hartley  arrived  here,  he 
brought  with  him  only  a  set  of  instructions 
signed  by  the  king.  We  objected  to  proceed 
ing  with  him  until  he  should  have  a  com 
mission  in  form.  This  occasioned  some  de 
lay.  A  proper  commission  was  however 
transmitted  to  him ;  a  copy  of  which  was 
shortly  after  sent  to  Mr.  Livingston. 

"  We  having  been  instructed  to  obtain,  if 
possible,  an  article  for  a  direct  trade  to  the 
West  Indies,  made  to  Mr.  Hartley  the  pro 
position  No.  1. 

"He  approved  of  it  greatly  and  recom 
mended  it  to  his  court,  but  they  declined  as 
senting  to  it. 

"  Mr.  Hartley  then  made  us  the  proposition 
No.  2.,  but  on  being  asked  whether  he  was 
authorized  to  sign  it,  in  case  we  agreed  to  it, 
he  answered  us  in  the  negative.  We  there 
fore  thought  it  improper  to  proceed  to  the 
consideration  of  it,  until  after  he  should  have 
obtained  the  consent  of  his  court  to  it.  We 
also  desired  to  be  informed  whether  his  court 
would  or  would  not  comprehend  Ireland  in 
these  stipulations  with  us. 

"  The  British  cabinet  would  not  adopt  Mr. 
Hartley's  propositions,  but  their  letters  to  him 
were  calculated  to  inspire  us  with  expecta 
tions,  that  as  nothing  but  particular  local  cir 
cumstances,  which  would  probably  not  be  of 
long  duration,  restrained  them  from  prefer 
ring  the  most  liberal  system  of  commerce 
with  us,  the  ministry  would  take  the  earliest 
opportunity  of  gratifying  their  own  wishes  as 
well  as  ours  on  that  subject. 

"  Mr.  Hartley  then  made  us  the  proposition 
No.  3. 

"  At  this  time  we  were  informed  that  letters 
for  us  had  arrived  in  France  from  Philadel 


phia.  We  expected  to  receive  instructions 
in  them,  and  told  Mr.  Hartley  that  this  ex 
pectation  induced  us  to  postpone  giving  him 
an  answer  for  a  few  days. 

"  The  vessel  by  which  we  expected  these 
letters,  it  seems,  had  not  brought  any  for  us. 
But  at  that  time  information  arrived  from 
America,  that  our  ports  were  all  opened  to 
British  vessels.  Mr.  Hartley  thereupon  did 
not  think  himself  at  liberty  to  proceed  until 
after  he  should  communicate  that  intelligence 
to  his  court,  and  receive  their  further  instruc 
tions. 

"Those  further  instructions  never  came, 
and  thus  our  endeavours  as  to  commercial 
regulations  proved  fruitless;  we  had  many 
conferences  and  received  long  memorials  from 
Mr.  Hartley  on  the  subject,  but  his  zeal  for 
systems  friendly  to  us  constantly  exceeded 
his  authority  to  concert  and  agree  to  them. 

"  During  the  long  interval  of  his  expecting 
instructions,  for  his  expectations  were  per 
mitted  to  exist  almost  to  the  last,  we  proceed 
ed  to  make  and  receive  propositions  for  per 
fecting  the  definitive  treaty.  Details  of  all 
the  amendments,  alterations,  objections,  ex 
ceptions,  &c.  which  occurred  in  the  course 
of  these  discussions  would  be  voluminous. 
We  finally  agreed  that  he  should  send  to  his 
court  the  project  or  draft  of  a  treaty.  He 
did  so,  but  after  much  time,  and  when  pressed 
by  France,  who  insisted  that  we  should  all 
conclude  together,  lie  was  instructed  to  sign 
a  definitive  treaty  in  the  terms  of  the  provi 
sional  articles. 

"  Whether  the  British  court  meant  to  avoid 
a  definitive  treaty  with  us,  through  a  vain  hope, 
from  the  exaggerated  accounts  of  divisions 
among  our  people,  and  want  of  authority  in 
congress,  that  some  revolution  might  soon 
happen  in  their  favour,  or  whether  their  di 
latory  conduct  was  caused  by  the  strife  of 
the  two  opposite  and  nearly  equal  parties  in 
the  cabinet,  is  hard  to  decide. 

"Your  excellency  will  observe  that  the 
treaty  was  signed  at  Paris,  and  not  at  Ver 
sailles.  Mr.  Hartley's  letter,  and  our  answer, 
will  explain  this.  His  objections,  and  indeed 
our  proceedings  in  general,  were  communi 
cated  to  the  French  minister,  who  was  con 
tent  that  we  should  acquiesce,  but  desired 
that  we  would  appoint  the  signing  early  in 
the  morning,  and  give  him  an  account  of  it 
at  Versailles  by  express ;  for  that  he  would 
not  proceed  to  sign  on  the  part  of  France, 
till  he  was  sure  that  our  business  was  done. 

"  The  day  after  the  signature  of  the  treaty, 
Mr.  Hartley  wrote  us  a  congratulatory  letter, 
to  which  we  returned  an  answer. 

"  He  is  gone  to  England,  and  expects  soon 
to  return:  which  for  our  parts  we  think  un 
certain.  We  have  taken  care  to  speak  to  him 
in  strong  terms  on  the  subject  of  the  evacu 
ation  of  New  York,  and  the  other  important 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


555 


subjects  proper  to  be  mentioned  to  him.  We 
think  we  may  rely  on  his  doing  every  thing 
in  his  power  to  influence  his  court  to  do  what 
they  ought  to  do,  but  it  does  not  appear  that 
they  have  as  yet  formed  any  solid  system  for 
their  conduct  relative  to  the  United  States. 
We  cannot  but  think  that  the  late  and  pre 
sent  aspect  of  affairs  in  America,  has  had  and 
continues  to  have  an  unfavourable  influence, 
not  only  in  Britain,  but  throughout  Europe. 

"  In  whatever  light  the  article  respecting 
the  tories  may  be  viewed  in  America,  it  is 
considered  in  Europe  as  very  humiliating 
to  Britain,  and  therefore  as  being  one  which 
we  ought  in  honour  to  perform  and  fulfil  with 
the  most  scrupulous  regard  to  good  faith,  and 
in  a  manner  least  offensive  to  the  feeling  of 
the  king  and  court  of  Great  Britain,  who 
upon  that  point  are  extremely  tender. 

"The  unseasonable  and  unnecessary  re 
solves  of  various  towns  on  this  subject,  the 
actual  expulsion  of  tories  from  some  places, 
and  the  avowed  implacability  of  almost  all 
who  have  published  their  sentiments  about 
the  matter,  are  circumstances  which  are  con 
strued  not  only  to  the  prejudice  of  our  na 
tional  magnanimity  and  good  faith,  but  also 
to  the  prejudice  of  our  governments. 

"  Popular  committees  are  considered  here 
as  with  us,  in  the  light  of  substitutes  to  con 
stitutional  government,  and  as  being  only 
necessary  in  the  interval  between  the  re 
moval  of  the  former,  and  the  establishment 
of  the  present. 

"  The  constitutions  of  the  different  states 
have  been  translated  and  published,  and  pains 
have  been  taken  to  lead  Europe  to  believe 
that  the  American  States  not  only  made  their 
own  laws,  but  obeyed  them.  But  the  con 
tinuance  of  popular  assemblies  convened  ex 
pressly  to  deliberate  on  matters  proper  only 
for  the  cognizance  of  the  different  legislatures 
and  officers  of  government,  arid  their  pro 
ceeding  not  only  to  ordain,  but  to  enforce 
their  resolutions,  has  exceedingly  lessened 
the  dignity  of  the  States  in  the  eyes  of  these 
nations. 

"  To  this  we  may  also  add  the  situation  of 
the  army,  the  reluctance  of  the  people  to  pay 
taxes,  and  the  circumstances  under  which 
congress  removed  from  Philadelphia,  have 
diminished  the  admiration  in  which  the  peo 
ple  of  America  were  held  among  the  nations 
of  Europe,  and  somewhat  abaled  their  ardour 
for  forming  connexions  with  us,  before  our 
affairs  acquire  a  greater  degree  of  order  and 
consistence. 

"Permit  us  to  observe,  that  in  our  opinion 
the  recommendation  of  congress  promised  in 
the  5th  article,  should  immediately  be  made 
in  the  terms  of  it  and  published,  and  that 
the  States  should  be  requested  to  take  it 
into  consideration  as  soon  as  the  evacuation 


by  the  enemy  shall  be  completed.  It  is  also 
much  to  be  wished  that  the  legislatures  may 
not  involve  all  the  tories  in  banishment  and 
ruin,  but  that  such  discriminations  may  be 
made  as  to  entitle  their  decisions  to  the  ap 
probation  of  disinterested  men,  and  dispassion 
ate  posterity. 

"On  the  7th  instant,  we  received  your 
excellency's  letter  of  the  16th  of  June  last, 
covering  a  resolution  of  congress  of  the  1st 
May,  directing  a  commission  to  us  for  making 
a  treaty  of  commerce,  &c.  with  Great  Bri 
tain.  This  intelligence  arrived  very  oppor 
tunely  to  prevent  the  anti- American  party  in 
England,  from  ascribing  any  delays  on  our 
part  to  motives  of  resentment  to  that  coun 
try.  Great  Britain  will  send  a  minister  to 
congress,  as  soon  as  congress  shall  send  a 
minister  to  Britain,  and  we  think  much  good 
might  result  from  that  measure. 

"  Much  we  think  will  depend  on  the  suc 
cess  of  our  negotiations  with  England.  If 
she  could  be  prevailed  upon  to  agree  to  a 
liberal  system  of  commerce,  France,  and  per 
haps  some  other  nations,  will  follow  her  ex 
ample:  but  if  she  should  prefer  an  exclu 
sive  monopolizing  plan,  it  is  probable  that  her 
neighbours  will  continue  to  adhere  to  their 
favourite  restrictions. 

"  Were  it  certain  that  the  United  States 
could  be  brought  to  act  as  a  nation,  and  would 
jointly  and  iairly  conduct  their  commerce  on 
principles  of  exact  reciprocity  with  all  nations, 
we  think  it  probable  that  Britain  would  make 
extensive  concessions.  But  on  the  contrary, 
while  the  prospect  of  disunion  in  our  councils, 
or  want  of  power  and  energy  in  our  executive 
departments  exist,  they  will  not  be  apprehen 
sive  of  retaliation,  and  consequently  lose  their 
principal  motive  to  liberality.  Unless  with 
regard  to  all  foreign  nations  and  transactions, 
we  uniformly  act  as  an  entire  united  nation, 
faithfully  executing  and  obeying  the  con 
stitutional  acts  of  congress  on  those  subjects, 
we  shall  soon  find  ourselves  in  a  situation  in 
which  all  Europe  wishes  to  see  us,  viz.  as  un 
important  consumers  of  her  manufactures  and 
productions,  and  as  useful  labourers  to  fur 
nish  her  with  raw  materials. 

"We  beg  leave  to  assure  congress  that 
we  shall  apply  our  best  endeavours  to  execute 
this  new  commission  to  their  satisfaction,  and 
shall  punctually  obey  such  instructions  as  they 
may  be  pleased  to  give  us  relative  to  it.  Un 
less  congress  should  have  nominated  a  secre 
tary  to  the  commission,  we  shall  consider  our 
selves  at  liberty  to  appoint  one,  and  as  we  are 
well  satisfied  with  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Temple 
Franklin,  the  secretary  to  our  late  commis 
sion,  we  purpose  to  appoint  him ;  leaving  to 
congress  to  make  such  compensation  for  his 
services  as  they  may  judge  proper. 

"  With  great  respect,  we  have  the  honour 


556 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


to  be,  sir,  your  excellency's  most  obedient 
and  humble  servants,       JOHN  ADAMS. 

B.  FRANKLIN. 

JOHN  JAY." 


"  To  John  Jay. 

"  PASSY,  September  10,  1783. 

"  SIR, — I  received  a  letter  from  a  very  res 
pectable  person  in  America,  containing  the 
following  words,  viz. — '  It  is  confidently  re 
ported,  propagated,   and   believed   by  some 
among  us,  that  the  court  of  France  was  at 
the  bottom  against  our  obtaining  the  fishery 
and  territory  in  that  great  extent,  in  which  i 
both  are  secured  to  us  by  the  treaty ;  that 
our  minister  at  that  court  favoured,  or  did  j 
not  oppose  this  design  against  us,  and  that  it  I 
was  entirely  owing  to  the  firmness,  sagacity,  j 
and   disinterestedness  of  Mr.  Adams,  vvithj 
whom  Mr.  Jay  united,  that  we  have  obtained  | 
these  important  advantages.' 

"  It  is  not  my  purpose  to  dispute  any  share 
of  the  honour  of  that  treaty,  which  the  friends 
of  my  colleagues  may  be  disposed  to  give 
them,  but  having  now  spent  fifty  years  of  my 
life  in  public  offices  and  trusts,  and  having 
still  one  ambition  left,  that  of  carrying  the 
character  of  fidelity  at  least  to  the  grave  with 
me,  I  cannot  allow  that  I  was  behind  any  of 
them  in  zeal  and  faithfulness.  I  therefore 
think,  that  I  ought  not  to  suffer  GR  accusa 
tion,  which  falls  little  short  of  treason  to  my 
country,  to  pass  without  notice,  when  the 
means  of  effectual  vindication  are  at  hand. 
You,  sir,  were  a  witness  of  my  conduct  in 
that  affair.  To  you  and  my  other  colleagues, 
I  appeal,  by  sending  to  each  a  similar  letter 
with  this,  and  I  have  no  doubt  of  your  readi 
ness  to  do  a  brother  commissioner  justice,  by 
certificates  that  will  entirely  destroy  the  ef 
fect  of  that  accusation.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


John  Jay  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  PASSY,  September  11,  1783. 

'  SIR, — I  have  been  favoured  with  your  let 
ter  of  yesterday,  and  will  answer  it  explicit 
ly.  I  have  no  reason  whatever  to  believe, 
that  you  were  averse  to  our  obtaining  the  full 
extent  of  boundary  and  fishery  secured  to  us 
by  the  treaty.  Your  conduct  respecting  them, 
throughout  the  negotiation,  indicated  a  strong, 
a  steady  attachment  to  both  those  objects,  j 
and  in  my  opinion  promoted  the  attainment 
of  them. 

"  I  remember  that  in  a  conversation  which 
M.  de  Rayneval,  the  first  secretary  of  count 
de  Vergennes,  had  with  you  and  me,  in  the 
summer  of  1782,  you  contended  for  our  full 
right  to  the  fishery,  and  argued  it  on  various 
principles. 

"  Your  letters  to  me  when  in  Spain,  con 
sidered  our  territory  as  extending  to  the  Mis 
sissippi,  and  expressed  your  opinion  against 


ceding  the  navigation  of  that  river,  in  very 
strong  and  pointed  terms. 

"  In  short,  sir,  I  do  not  recollect  the  least 
difference  in  sentiment  between  us  respect 
ing  the  boundaries  or  fisheries.  On  the  con 
trary,  we  were  unanimous  and  united  in  ad 
hering  to  and  insisting  on  them.  Nor  do  I 
perceive  the  least  disposition  in  either  of  us 
to  recede  from  our  claims,  or  be  satisfied  with 
less  than  we  obtained.  JOHN  JAY." 


John  Adams  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  PARIS,  September  13,  1783. 

"  SIR, — I  have  received  the  letter  which 
you  did  me  the  honour  to  write  me  on  the 
10th  of  this  month,  in  which  you  say  you 
have  received  a  letter  from  a  very  respectable 
person  in  America,  containing  the  following 
words,  viz.  '  It  is  confidently  reported,  pro 
pagated,  and  believed  by  some  among  us,  that 
the  court  of  France  was  at  the  bottom  against 
our  obtaining  the  fishery  and  territory  in  that 
great  extent,  in  which  both  are  secured  to  us 
by  the  treaty ;  that  our  minister  at  that  court 
favoured,  or  did  not  oppose  this  design  against 
us,  and  that  it  was  entirely  owing  to  the  firm 
ness,  sagacity,  and  disinterestedness  of  Mr. 
Adams,  with  whom  Mr.  Jay  united,  that  we 
have  obtained  those  important  advantages.' 

"  It  is  unnecessary  for  me  to  say  anything 
upon  this  subject,  more  than  to  ^uote  the 
words  which  I  wrote  in  the  evening  of  the 
30th  November,  1782,  and  which  have  been 
received  and  read  in  congress,  viz.  '  As  soon 
as  I  arrived  in  Paris,  I  waited  on  Mr.  Jay, 
and  learned  from  him  the  rise  and  progress 
of  the  negotiation.  Nothing  that  has  hap 
pened  since  the  beginning  of  the  controversy 
in  1761,  has  ever  struck  me  more  forcibly,  or 
affected  me  more  intimately,  than  that  entire 
coincidence  of  principles  and  opinion  between 
him  and  me.  In  about  three  days  I  went  out 
to  Passy,  and  spent  the  evening  with  Dr. 
Franklin,  and  entered  largely  into  conversa 
tion  with  him  upon  the  course  and  present 
state  of  our  foreign  affairs.  I  told  him  my 
opinion  without  reserve,  of  the  policy  of  this 
court,  and  of  the  principles,  wisdom  and  firm 
ness  which  Mr.  Jay  had  conducted  the  nego 
tiation  in  his  sickness  and  my  absence,  and 
that  I  was  determined  to  support  Mr.  Jay  to 
the  utmost  of  my  power  in  pursuit  of  the  same 
system.  The  doctor  heard  me  patiently,  and 
said  nothing. 

"  '  The  first  conference  we  had  afterwards 
with  Mr.  Oswald,  in  considering  one  point 
and  another,  Dr.  Franklin  turned  to  Mr.  Jay 
and  said,  "  I  am  of  your  opinion,  and  will  go 
on  with  these  gentlemen  without  consulting 
the  court."  He  has  accordingly  met  us  in 
most  of  our  conferences,  and  has  gone  on 
with  us  in  entire  harmony  and  unanimity 
throughout,  and  has  been  able  and  useful, 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


557 


both  by  his  sagacity  and  reputation,  in  the 
whole  negotiation.'        JOHN  ADAMS." 


"  The  President  of  Congress. 

"  PASSY,  Sept.  13,  1783. 

"SiR, — I  received  a  few  days  since,  the 
private  letter  your  excellency  did  me  the  ho 
nour  of  writing  to  me  of  the  13th  of  June.  I 
regret  with  you  the  resignation  of  the  late 
secretary.  Your  present  cares  are  increased 
by  it,  and  it  will  be  difficult  to  find  a  succes 
sor  of  equal  abilities. 

"We  found  no  difficulty  in  deciphering 
the  resolution  of  congress.  The  commission 
ers  have  taken  no  notice  of  it  in  our  public 
letter. 

"  I  am  happy  to  hear  that  both  the  device 
and  workmanship  of  the  medal  are  approved 
with  you,  as  they  have  the  good  fortune  to  be 
by  the  best  judges  on  this  side  of  the  water. 
It  has  been  esteemed  a  well  timed,  as  well 
as  a  well  merited  compliment  here,  and  has 
its  good  effects.  Since  the  two  first  which 
you  mention  as  received,  I  have  sent  by  dif 
ferent  opportunities  so  many,  as  that  every 
member  of  congress  might  have  one.  I  hope 
they  are  come  safe  to  hand  by  this  time. 

"  I  wrote  a  long  letter  to  Mr.  Livingston, 
by  Mr.  Barney,  to  which  I  beg  leave  to  refer, 
enclosing  a  copy. 

"We  had,  before  signing  the  definitive 
treaty,  received  the  ratification  of  the  pre 
liminary  articles  by  his  Britannic  Majesty, 
exchanged  with  us  by  Mr.  Hartley  for  that 
of  congress.  I  send  herewith  a  copy  of  the 
first  and  last  clauses. 

"  In  a  former  letter  I  mentioned  the  volun 
teer  proceedings  of  a  merchant  at  Alicant, 
towards  obtaining  a  treaty  between  us  and 
the  emperor  of  Morocco.  We  have  since  re 
ceived  a  letter  from  a  person  who  says,  as 
you  will  see  by  the  enclosed,  that  he  is  sent 
by  the  emperor  to  be  the  bearer  of  his  an 
swer  to  the  United  States,  and  that  he  is  ar 
rived  in  Spain  on  his  way  to  Paris.  He  has 
not  yet  appeared  here,  and  we  hardly  know 
what  answer  to  give  him.  I  hope  the  send 
ing  a  minister  to  that  court,  as  recommended 
in  my  last,  has  been  taken  into  consideration, 
or  at  least  that  some  instructions  respecting 
that  nation  have  been  sent  to  your  minister 
in  Spain,  who  is  better  situated  for  such  a 
negotiation  than  we  are. 

"  The  minister  from  Denmark  often  speaks 
to  me  about  the  proposed  treaty  of  which  a 
copy  was  sent  by  Mr.  Barney.  No  com 
mission  to  sign  it,  nor  any  instruction  from 
congress  relating  to  it  are  yet  arrived  ;  and 
though  pressed,  1  have  not  ventured  to  do  any 
thing  further  in  the  affair. 

"  I  forward  herewith  a  letter  to  congress 
47* 


from  the  city  of  Hamburg.  I  understand  that 
a  good  disposition  prevails  towards  us  there, 
which  may  be  well  to  encourage. 

"  No  answer  has  been  given  me  from  the 
court  of  Portugal,  respecting  the  plan  of  a 
treaty  connected  between  its  ambassador  here 
and  me.  He  has  been  unwell  and  much  in 
the  country,  so  that  I  have  not  seen  him  late 
ly.  I  suspect  that  the  false  or  exaggerated 
reports  of  the  distracted  situation  of  our  go 
vernment,  industriously  propagated  through 
out  Europe  by  our  enemies,  have  made  an 
impression  in  that  kingdom  to  our  disadvan 
tage,  and  inclined  them  to  hesitate  in  form 
ing  a  connexion  with  us.  Questions  asked 
me  and  observations  made  by  several  of  the 
foreign  ministers  here,  convince  me  that  the 
idle  stories  of  our  disunion,  contempt  of  au 
thority,  refusal  to  pay  taxes,  &c.  have  been 
too  much  credited,  and  been  very  injurious  to 
our  reputation. 

"  I  sent  before  a  copy  of  the  letter  I  wrote 
to  the  Grand-Master  of  Malta,  with  a  present 
of  our  medal.  With  this  you  will  have  a  copy 
of  his  answer.  I  send  also  a  copy  of  a  note  I 
received  from  the  pope's  nuncio.  He  is  very 
civil  on  all  occasions,  and  has  mentioned  the 
possibility  of  an  advantageous  trade  which 
America  might  have  with  the  eclesiastical 
state  which  he  says  has  two  good  ports,  Livit- 
ta  Vechia  and . 

"  This  court  continues  favourable  to  us. 
Count  de  Vergennes  was  resolute  in  refusing 
to  sign  the  definitive  treaty  with  England 
before  ours  was  signed.  The  English  minis 
ters  were  offended,  but  complied.  I  am  con 
vinced  that  court  will  never  cease  endea 
vouring  to  disunite  us.  We  shall  I  hope  be 
constantly  on  our  guard  against  those  machi 
nations,  for  our  safety  consists  in  a  steady  ad 
herence  to  our  friends,  and  our  reputation  in 
a  faithful  regard  to  treaties,  and  in  a  grateful 
conduct  towards  our  benefactors. 

"I  send  herewith  sundry  memorials  re 
commended  to  my  care  by  the  count  de 
Vergennes,  viz.  one  respecting  a  claim  of 
Messrs.  Fosters  of  Bordeaux,  one  of  Mr.  Pe- 
quet,  and  one  of  Mr.  Bayard.  The  congress 
will  take  figch  notice  of  them  as  they  shall 
think  proper.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Lewis  R.  Morris,  Secretary  in  Department 
of  Foreign  Ajfairs. 

"  PASSY,  Sept.  14.  1783 

"  SIR, — I  received  by  the  Washington  the 
bills  and  accounts  mentioned  in  yours  of  the 
5th  of  June,  and  shall  soon  send  you  an  ac 
count  of  the  disposition  of  the  money. 

"  My  account  as  stated  by  you  appears  to 
be  correct.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


553 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


"  David  Hartley. 

"  BATH,  Sept  24,  1783. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  am  at  present  at  Bath 
with  my  dearest  sister,  whom  I  have  found 
as  well  as  I  could  have  expected,  and  I  hope 
with  reasonable  prospect  of  recovery  in  time. 
I  have  seen  my  friends  in  the  ministry,  and 
hope  things  will  go  on  well ;  with  them  I  am 
sure  all  is  right  and  firm.  The  chief  part  of 
the  cabinet  ministers  are  out  of  town,  but 
there  will  be  a  full  cabinet  held  in  a  few  days, 
in  which  a  specific  proposition  in  the  nature 
of  a  temporary  convention  will  be  given  in 
instructions  to  me.  I  imagine,  nearly  upon 
the  ground  of  my  memorial  of  May  19, 1783, 
which  I  delivered  to  the  American  ministers ; 
viz.,  '  American  ships  not  to  bring  foreign 
manufactures  into  Great  Britain,  nor  to  trade 
directly  between  the  British  West  Indies  and 
Great  Britain,'  all  the  rest  to  be  as  before 
the  war.  I  expect  that  something  to  this  ef 
fect  will  be  their  determination,  in  the  offer, 
and  if  it  should  be  so,  I  shall  hope  not  to  meet 
with  difficulty  on  your  parts.  I  want  to  see 
some  specific  beginning.  As  to  any  farther 
proposition  respecting  the  trade  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  British  West  Indies,  I 
doubt  whether  any  such  can  be  discussed 
before  the  meeting  of  parliament.  I  wish  to 
look  forward  not  only  to  the  continuation  of 
peace  between  our  two  countries,  but  to  the 
improvement  of  reconciliation  into  alliance, 
and  therefore  I  wish  the  two  parties  to  be 
disposed  to  accommodate  each  other,  without 
the  strict  account  by  weights  and  scales  as 
between  aliens  and  strangers,  actuated  to 
wards  each  other  by  no  other  principle  than 
cold  and  equalizing  indifference.  Friendly 
dispositions  presumed  have  their  fairest 
chance  of  being  realized,  but  if  we  should  set 
out  presuming  against  them,  the  good  which 
might  have  happened  may  be  prevented. 
Pray  remember  me  to  your  three  colleagues, 
and  to  all  friends.  D.  HARTLEY." 

"  P.  S.  I  have  put  in  a  word  forourquaker 
article,  and  I  hope  with  some  impression." 


"  The  President  of  Congress. 

"  PASSY,  Sept.  27,  1783. 

"  SIR,— Mr.  Thaxter,  late  secretary  of  Mr. 
Adams,  who  is  charged  with  our  despatches, 
that  were  intended  to  go  by  the  French  pack 
et-boat,  writes  from  L'Orient,  that  though  he 
arrived  there  two  days  before  the  time  ap 
pointed  for  her  sailing,  he  missed  reaching  her 
by  four  hours ;  but  another  light  vessel  was 
fitting,  and  could  sail  the  21st  inst,  in  which 
he  hoped  to  arrive  at  New  York  nearly  as 
soon  as  the  packet.  We  shall  send  duplicates 
by  the  next  from  hence. 

"  In  the  mean  time  I  enclose  a  printed  copy 
of  the  definitive  treaty,  which  I  hear  is  rati- 


]  fied.     Indeed  we  have  the  ratification  of  the 
preliminaries. 

"  Mr.  Hartley  when  he  left  us  expected  to 
return  in  three  weeks,  in  order  to  proceed 
with  us  in  forming  a  treaty  of  commerce. 
The  new  commission  that  was  intended  for 
us  is  not  yet  come  to  hand. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  Sir  Edward  Newenham,  Ireland. 
"  PASSY,  Oct.  2,  17aT 

"DEAR  SIR,— I  have  just  received  your 
very  kind  letter  of  the  16th  past.  I  rejoice 
sincerely  to  hear  of  your  safe  return  to  your 
own  country,  family,  and  friends,  and  of  the 
success  of  your  election. 

"  It  is  a  pleasing  reflection  arising  from  the 
contemplation  of  our  successful  struggle,  and 
the  manly,  spirited,  and  unanimous  resolves 
at  Dungannon ;  that  liberty,  which  some  years 
since  appeared  in  danger  of  extinction,  is  now 
regaining  the  ground  she  had  lost ;  that  arbi 
trary  governments  are  likely  to  become  more 
mild,  and  reasonable,  and  to  expire  by  de 
grees,  giving  place  to  more  equitable  forms ; 
one  of  the  effects  this  of  the  art  of  printing, 
which  diffuses  so  general  a  light,  augment 
ing  with  the  growing  day,  and  of  so  penetra 
ting  a  nature,  that  all  the  window  shutters, 
despotism  and  priestcraft,  can  oppose  to  keep 
it  out,  prove  insufficient. 

"  In  answer  to  your  question  respecting 
what  may  be  necessary  to  fix  a  trade  between 
Ireland  and  America,  I  may  acquaint  you  be 
tween  ourselves,  that  there  is  some  truth  in 
the  report  you  may  have  heard,  of  our  desi 
ring  to  know  of  Mr.  Hartley  whether  he  was 
impowered  or  instructed  to  include  Ireland 
in  the  treaty  of  commerce  proposed  to  us,  and 
of  his  sending  for  instructions  on  that  head, 
which  never  arrived.  That  treaty  is  yet  open, 
may  possibly  soon  be  resumed,  and  it  seems 
proper  that  something  should  be  contained  in 
it  to  prevent  the  doubts  and  misunderstand 
ings  that  may  hereafter  arise  on  the  subject, 
and  secure  to  Ireland  the  same  advantages  in 
trade  that  England  may  obtain.  You  can  best 
judge  whether  some  law  or  resolution  of  your 
parliament  may  not  be  of  use  towards  gain 
ing  that  point. 

"  My  grandson  joins  me  in  wishes  of  every 
kind  of  felicity  for  you,  lady  Newenham,  and 
all  your  amiable  family.  God  bless  you  and 
give  success  to  your  constant  endeavours  for 
the  welfare  of  your  country. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


David  Hartley  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  BATH,  October  4.  1783. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  only  write  one  line 
to  you  to  let  you  know  that  I  am  not  forget- 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL 


fill  of  you,  or  of  our  common  concerns.  I 
have  not  heard  any  thing  from  the  ministry 
yet :  I  believe  it  is  a  kind  of  vacation  with 
them  before  the  meeting  of  parliament.  I  have 
told  you  of  a  proposition  which  I  have  had 
some  thoughts  to  make  as  a  kind  of  co-part 
nership  in  commerce.  I  send  you  a  proposed 
temporary  convention,  which  I  have  drawn 
up.  You  are  to  consider  it  only  as  one  I  re 
commend.  The  words  underlined  are  graft 
ed  upon  the  proposition  of  my  memorial,  dated 
May  21,  17^8.  You  will  see  the  principle 
which  I  have  in  my  thoughts  to  extend  for 
the  purpose  of  restoring  our  ancient  co-part 
nership  generally.  I  cannot  tell  you  what 
event  things  may  take,  but  my  thoughts  are 
always  employed  in  endeavouring  to  arrange 
that  system  upon  which  the  china  vase,  late 
ly  shattered,  may  be  cemented  together,  upon 
principles  of  compact  and  connexion,  instead 
of  dependence.  I  have  met  with  a  sentiment  in 
this  country  which  gives  some  alarm,  viz.  lest 
the  unity  of  government  in  America  should 
be  uncertain,  and  the  States  reject  the  au 
thority  of  congress.  Some  passages  in  gen 
eral  Washington's  letter  have  given  weight 
to  these  doubts.  1  don't  hear  of  any  tenden 
cy  to  this  opinion ;  that  the  American  States 
will  break  to  pieces,  and  then  we  may  still 
conquer  them.  I  believe  all  that  folly  is 
extinguished.  But  many  serious  and  well 
disposed  persons  are  alarmed  lest  this  should 
be  the  ill-fated  moment  for  relaxing  the  pow 
ers  of  the  union,  and  annihilating  the  ce 
ment  'of  confederation  (vide  Washington's 
letter,)  and  that  Great  Britain  should  thereby 
lose  her  best  and  wisest  hope  of  being  re 
connected  with  the  American  States  united 
ly.  I  should  for  one,  think  it  the  greatest 
misfortune.  Pray  give  me  some  opinion  upon 
this.  You  see  there  is  likewise  another  turn 
which  may  be  given  to  this  sentiment  by  in 
temperate  and  disappointed  people,  who  may 
indulge  a  passionate  revenge  for  their  own 
disappointments,  by  endeavouring  to  excite 
general  distrust,  discord,  and  disunion.  I  wish 
to  be  prepared  and  guarded  at  all  points.  I 
beg  my  best  compliments  to  your  colleagues ; 
be  so  good  as  to  show  this  letter  to  them.  I 
beg  particularly  my  condolence  (and  1  hope 
congratulation)  to  Mr.  Adams ;  I  hear  that  he 
has  been  very  dangerously  ill,  but  that  he  is 
again  recovered.  I  hope  the  latter  part  is 
true,  and  that  we  shall  all  survive  to  set  our 
hands  to  some  future  compacts  of  common 
interest,  and  common  affection,  between  our 
two  countries.  Your  ever  affectionate, 
"D.  HARTLEY." 


"  To  Brand  Hollis. 

"  PASSY,  Oct.  5,  1733. 

"  SIR, — I  received  but  lately  (though  sent 


in  June)  your  most  valuable  present  of  the 
Memoirs  of  Thomas  Hollis,  Esq.,  who  was 
truly,  as  you  describe  him  in  your  letter,  a 
good  'citizen  of  the  world  and  a  faithful 
friend  of  America.'  America  too  is  extreme 
ly  sensible  of  his  benevolence  and  great  be 
neficence  towards  her,  and  will  ever  revere 
his  memory.  These  volumes  are  a  proof  of 
what  I  have  sometimes  had  occasion  to  say, 
in  encouraging  people  to  undertake  difficult 
public  services,  that  it  is  prodigious  the  quan 
tity  of  good  that  may  be  done  by  one  man, 
if  he  will  make  a  business  of  it.  It  is  equal 
ly  surprising  to  think  of  the  very  little  that 
is  done  by  the  many ;  for  such  is  the  general 
frivolity  of  the  employments  and  amusements 
of  the  rank  we  call  gentlemen,  that  every 
century  may  have  seen  three  successions  of 
a  set  of  a  thousand  each  in  every  kingdom  of 
Europe,  (gentlemen  too,  of  equal  or  superior 
fortune)  no  one  of  which  set,  in  the  course 
of  their  lives,  have  done  the  good  effected  by 
this  man  alone !  Good,  not  only  to  his  own 
nation,  and  to  his  cotemporaries,  but  to  dis 
tant  countries,  and  to  late  posterity :  for  such 
must  be  the  effect  of  his  multiplying  and  dis 
tributing  copies  of  the  works  of  our  best  Eng 
lish  writers,  on  subjects  the  most  important 
to  the  welfare  of  society. 

"  I  knew  him  personally  but  little.  I  some 
times  met  with  him  at  the  Royal  Society  and 
the  Society  of  Arts,  but  he  appeared  shy  of 
my  acquaintance,  though  he  often  sent  me 
valuable  presents,  such  as  Hamilton's  works, 
Sydney's  works,  &c.  which  are  now  among 
the  most  precious  ornaments  of  my  library. 
We  might  possibly,  if  we  had  been  more  in 
timate,  have  concerted  some  useful  opera 
tions  together ;  but  he  loved  to  do  his  good 
alone  and  secretly,  and  I  find  besides,  in  per 
using  these  memoirs,  that  I  was  a  doubtful 
character  with  him.  I  do  not  respect  him 
less  for  his  error ;  and  I  am  obliged  to  the  edi 
tors  for  the  justice  they  have  done  me.  They 
have  made  a  little  mistake  in  page  400,  where 
a  letter  which  appeared  in  a  London  paper, 
January  7th  1768,  is  said  to  have  been  written 
by  Mr.  Adams.  It  was  written  by  me,  and  is 
reprinted  in  Mr.  Vaughan's  collection  of  my 
political  pieces.  This  erratum  is  of  no  great 
importance,  but  may  be  corrected  in  a  future 
edition. 

"  I  see  Mr.  Hollis  had  a  curious  collection 
of  medals.  If  he  had  been  still  living,  I 
should  certainly  have  sent  him  one  of  the 
medals  that  I  have  caused  to  be  struck  here. 
I  think  the  countenance  of  my  liberty  would 
have  pleased  him.  I  suppose  you  possess  the 
collection,  and  have  the  same  taste.  I  beg 
you  therefore  to  accept  one  of  the  medals  as 
a  mark  of  my  respect,  and  believe  me  to  be 
with  sincere  esteem,  &c. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


560 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


"  David  Hartley. 

"  PASSY,  Oct.  16, 1783. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  have  nothing  ma 
terial  to  write  to  you  respecting  public  affairs, 
but  I  cannot  let  Mr.  Adams,  who  will  see  you, 
go  without  a  line  to  inquire  after  your  wel 
fare,  to  inform  you  of  mine,  and  assure  you 
of  my  constant  respect  and  attachment. 

"  I  think  with  you,  that  your  quaker  arti 
cle  is  a  good  one,  and  that  men  will  in  time 
have  sense  enough  to  adopt  it,  but  I  fear  that 
time  is  not  yet  come. 

"  What  would  you  think  of  a  proposition 
if  I  should  make  it,  of  a  family  compact  be 
tween  England,  France,  and  America  1  Ame 
rica  would  be  as  happy  as  the  Sabine  girls,  if 
she  could  be  the  means  of  uniting  in  perpe 
tual  peace  her  father  and  her  husband.  What 
repeated  follies  are  those  repeated  wars  ! 
You  do  not  want  to  conquer  and  govern  one 
another.  Why  then  should  you  be  continu 
ally  employed  in  injuring  and  destroying  one 
another  1  How  many  excellent  things  might 
have  been  done  to  promote  the  internal  wel 
fare  of  each  country ;  what  bridges,  roads, 
canals,  and  other  useful  public  works  and  in 
stitutions,  tending  to  the  common  felicity, 
might  have  been  made  and  established,  with 
the  money  and  men  foolishly  spent  during 
the  last  seven  centuries  by  our  mad  wars  in 
doing  one  another  mischief?  You  are  near 
neighbours,  and  each  have  very  respectable 
qualities.  Learn  to  be  quiet  and  to  respect 
each  others  rights.  You  are  all  Christians. 
One  is  the  most  Christian  king,  and  the  other 
defender  of  the  faith.  Manifest  the  proprie 
ty  of  these  titles  by  your  future  conduct. 
By  this,  says  Christ,  shall  all  men  know  that 
ye  are  my  disciples,  if  ye  love  one  another. 
Seek  peace,  and  ensure  it. 

«  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  the  same. 

"  PASSY,  Oct.  22,  1783. 

"  I  RECEIVED  my  dear  friend's  kind  letter 
of  the  4th  instant  from  Bath,  with  your  pro 
posed  temporary  convention,  which  you  de 
sire  me  to  show  to  my  colleagues.  They  are 
both  by  this  time  in  London,  where  you  will 
undoubtedly  see  and  converse  with  them  on 
the  subject.  The  apprehension  you  mention, 
that  the  cement  of  the  confederation  may  be 
annihilated,  &c.  has  not  I  think  any  founda 
tion.  There  is  sense  enough  in  America  to 
take  care  of  their  own  china  vase.  I  see 
much  in  your  papers  about  our  divisions  and 
distractions,  but  I  hear  little  of  them  from  Ame 
rica  ;  and  I  know  that  most  of  the  letters  said 
to  come  from  there,  with  such  accounts,  are 
mere  London  fictions.  I  will  consider  atten 
tively  the  proposition  above  mentioned  against 
the  return  of  my  colleagues,  when  I  hope  our 
commission  will  be  arrived. 


"  I  rejoice  to  hear  that  your  dear  sister's 
recovery  advances,  and  that  your  brother  is 
well.    Please  to  present  my  affectionate  res 
pects  to  them,  and  believe  me  ever  yours,  &c. 
"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


4  The  President  of  Congress. 

"PASSY,  Nov.  1,  1783. 

"  SIR, — Enclosed  is  a  copy  of  my  last  which 
went  by  the  English  packet.  I  heard  after 
I  wrote  it,  that  the  French  packet  putting 
back  by  contrary  winds,  Mr.  Thaxter  had  an 
opportunity  of  getting  on  board  her,  and  that 
she  sailed  the  26th  of  September. 

"The  mentioned  new  commission  is  not 
yet  come  to  hand ;  Mr.  Hartley  is  not  re 
turned,  and  I  hear  will  stay  for  the  meeting 
of  parliament,  which  is  to  be  the  llth  instant, 
and  he  will  not  come  hither  till  the  recess 
for  the  Christmas  holidays.  Mr.  Jay  went 
to  England  about  three  weeks  since,  on  some 
personal  affairs ;  and  Mr.  Adams  followed  last 
week  to  see  that  country,  and  take  some  ex 
ercise  during  the  vacancy  of  business.  This 
court  is  now  at  Fontainbleau,  but  will  return 
to  Versailles  in  a  few  days.  Its  good  disposi 
tion  towards  us  continues.  The  late  failure  of 
payment  in  the  Caisse  d'  Escompte,  an  institu 
tion  similar  to  the  Bank  of  England,  occasion 
ed  partly  by  its  having  gone  too  far  in  assist 
ing  the  government  with  money,  and  the  in 
ability  of  the  government  to  support  their 
credit,  though  extremely  desirous  of  doing  it, 
is  a  fresh  proof  that  our  not  obtaining  a  fur 
ther  loan  was  not  occasioned  by  want  of  good 
will  to  assist  us,  as  some  have  unjustly  sup 
posed,  but  by  a  real  want  of  the  means.  Mo 
ney  is  at  present  unaccountably  scarce  here  ; 
what  is  arrived  and  expected  in  Spain  since 
the  peace,  it  is  thought  will  set  things  right. 
The  government  has  proposed  a  second  lotte 
ry  for  this  year,  by  which  they  borrow  twen 
ty-four  millions,  and  it  is  filled  readily.  This 
helps,  and  the  Caisse  d'  Escompte  goes  on 
again  with  its  operations,  but  it  is  said  the  in 
terest  paid  by  the  lottery  plan  is  nearly  seven 
per  cent. 

"  I  have  received  the  duplicates  of  your 
excellency's  letter,  of  the  15th  July,  to  the 
commissioners,  which  is  very  satisfactory, 
though  it  came  to  hand  but  lately.  The  first, 
sent  via  N.  York,  has  not  yet  appeared.  I 
have  sent  copies  of  it  to  the  Hague  and  Ma 
drid.  The  substance  is  published  in  several 
papers. 

"  I  have  acquainted  the  minister  of  Sweden 
that  I  have  received  the  ratification  of  the 
treaty,  and  he  has  written  to  me  that  he  shall 
be  in  town  in  a  few  days,  when  he  will  make 
the  exchange.  The  conclusion  of  the  Danish 
treaty  waits  only  for  the  commission  and  in 
structions  from  congress.  The  ambassador  of 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


561 


Portugal  informed  me  lately,  that  his  court 
had  our  proposed  plan  under  consideration, 
and  that  we  should  soon  hear  from  them.  I 
sent  it  to  congress  by  Barney,  and  hear  the 
ship  is  arrived.  A  commission  and  instruc 
tions  will  be  wanting  for  that  also,  should  the 
congress  be  disposed  to  conclude  a  treaty 
with  that  nation. 

"  I  see  by  the  public  prints  that  congress 
have  ratified  the  contract  I  made  with  the 
minister  here,  respecting  the  loans  and  aids 
we  had  received,  but  the  ratification  itself, 
though  directed  to  be  sent  me,  has  never 
come  to  hand,  and  I  am  often  asked  for  it.  I 
beg  it  may  be  forwarded  by  the  first  opportu 
nity. 

"  There  has  lately  been  with  me  Mons. 
Pierre  du  Calvet,  a  merchant  of  Montreal, 
who  when  our  army  was  in  Canada,  furnished 
our  generals  and  officers  with  many  things 
they  wanted,  taking  their  receipts  and  pro 
missory  notes  for  payment;  and  when  the 
English  repossessed  the  country,  he  was  im 
prisoned  and  his  estate  seized  on  account  of 
the  services  he  had  rendered  us.  He  has 
shown  me  the  originals  of  his  papers,  which 
I  think  are  genuine.  He  produced  also  a 
a  quantity  of  congress  paper,  which  he  says 
he  received  in  payment  for  some  of  the  sup 
plies,  and  which  appeared  to  me  of  our  first 
emissions,  and  yet  all  fresh  and  clean  as  hav 
ing  passed  through  no  other  hands.  When 
he  was  discharged  from  prison  he  could  not 
obtain  permission  to  go  into  the  United  States, 
to  claim  the  debt,  but  was  allowed  to  go  to 
England ;  and  from  thence  he  came  hither  to 
solicit  payment  from  me.  Having  no  author 
ity  to  meddle  with  such  debts,  and  the  sum 
being  considerable,  I  refused,  and  advised 
him  to  take  passage  for  America  and  make 
his  application  to  congress.  He  said  he  was 
grown  old,  much  broken  and  weakened  by 
three  years'  imprisonment,  and  that  the  voy 
age  from  Canada  to  London  had  like  to  have 
been  too  much  for  him,  he  being  sick  all  the 
way ;  so  that  he  could  not  think  of  another, 
though  distressed  for  want  of  his  money. 
He  appears  an  honest  man,  and  his  case  a 
hard  one.  I  have  therefore  undertaken  to 
forward  his  papers,  and  I  beg  leave  to  recom 
mend  them  to  the  speedy  consideration  of 
congress,  to  whom  I  request  you  would  be 
pleased  to  present  my  respects,  &c. 

»  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN." 


Giacomo  F.  Crocco  to  Dr.  franklin. 

"  CADIZ,  Nov.  25.  1783. 

"  SIR,— On  the  15th  July  last,  I  had  the 
honour  to  acquaint  your  excellency  of  my 
arrival  in  Europe,  and  that  I  was  appointed 
by  his  majesty  the  emperor  of  Morocco, 
bearer  of  the  answer  to  the  congress,  sove- 

VOL.  I. ...  4  B 


reign  of  the  thirteen  United  States  of  North 
America,  and  that  according  to  my  instruc 
tions,  I  was  to  meet  at  Paris  the  ambassador 
that  would  be  appointed  by  the  congress,  to 
sign  at  the  court  of  Morocco  the  treaty  of 
peace  and  commerce,  agreeably  to  the  pro 
posals  made  to  his  imperial  majesty,  by  Ro 
bert  Montgomery,  in  his  letter  dated  at  Ali- 
cant,  the  4th  January,  1783.  Since  I  have 
been  at  the  court  of  Madrid,  where  I  had 
some  commissions  from  the  emperor,  and  to 
see  the  execution  of  them,  I  came  to  this 
place,  from  whence  I  intended  to  embark  in 
three  or  four  months  for  Barbary,  unless  in 
the  mean  time  I  should  receive  an  answer 
from  your  excellency,  with  orders  that  Mr. 
Richard  Harrison  should  give  me  for  my 
travelling  charges  fifteen  hundred  hard  dol 
lars,  although  the  courts  of  Europe  are  accus 
tomed  to  allow  the  ministers  of  my  master, 
at  the  rate  of  ten  pounds  sterling  per  day, 
while  they  are  in  Europe,  to  defray  their  ex 
penses,  besides  presents  for  their  good  offices 
in  those  important  affairs. 

"  His  imperial  majesty  was  graciously  pleas 
ed,  at  my  solicitation,  to  agree  at  the  request 
of  congress,  to  grant  them  a  treaty  of  peace, 
(which  other  powers  in  Europe  would  not  ob 
tain  but  after  many  years)  and  my  return, 
without  the  full  execution  of  his  commands, 
I  apprehend  may  for  ever  indispose  him 
against  the  United  Provinces. 

"GIACOMO  F.  CROCCO," 


"  William  Carmichael. 

"  PASSY,  December  15,  1783. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  am  much  con 
cerned  to  find  by  your  letter  to  my  grandson, 
that  you  are  hurt  by  my  long  silence,  and 
that  you  ascribe  it  to  a  supposed  diminution 
of  my  friendship.  Believe  me  that  is  by  no 
means  the  case,  but  I  am  too  much  harassed 
by  a  variety  of  correspondence,  together  with 
gout  and  gravel,  which  induce  me  to  postpone 
doing  what  I  often  fully  intend  to  do,  and 
particularly  writing,  where  the  urgent  ne 
cessity  of  business  does  not  seem  to  require 
its  being  done  immediately;  my  sitting  too 
much  at  the  desk,  having  already  almost 
killed  me ;  besides,  since  Mr.  Jay's  residence 
here,  I  imagined  he  might  keep  you  fully  in 
formed  of  what  was  material  for  you  to  know, 
and  I  beg  you  to  be  assured  of  my  constant 
and  sincere  esteem  and  affection. 

"  I  do  not  know  whether  you  have  been 
informed,  that  a  Mr.  Montgomery,  who  lives 
at  Alicant,  took  upon  himself  (for  I  think  lie 
had  no  authority)  to  make  overtures  last  win 
ter  in  behalf  of  our  States  towards  a  treaty 
with  the  emperor  of  Morocco.  In  conse 
quence  of  his  proceedings,  I  received  a  letter 
in  August  from  a  person  who  acquainted  me, 
that  he  was  arrived  in  Spain  by  the  empe- 


562 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


ror's  order,  and  was  to  come  to  Paris,  then 
to  receive  and  conduct  to  Morocco  the  minis 
ter  of  congress  appointed  to  make  that  treaty 
intimating  at  the  same  time  an  expectation 
of  money  to  defray  his  expenses.  I  commu 
nicated  the  letter  to  Mr.  Jay.  The  conduc 
of  Mr.  Montgomery  appeared  to  us  very  ex 
traordinary  and  irregular,  and  the  idea  of  j 
messenger  from  Morocco  coming  to  Paris  t< 
meet  and  conduct  a  minister  of  congress,  ap 
pearing  absurd  and  extravagant,  as  well  as 
the  demand  of  money  by  a  person  unknown 
I  made  no  answer  to  the  letter,  and  I  know 
not  whether  Mr.  Jay  made  any  to  Montgo 
mery,  who  wrote  about  the  same  time.  But 
I  have  lately  received  another  letter  from  the 
same  person,  a  copy  of  which  I  enclose,  to 
gether  with  my  answer  open  for  your  peru 
sal,  and  it  is  submitted  to  your  discretion, 
whether  to  transmit  it  or  not.  The  Mr. 
Crocco  who  writes  to  me,  having  been  as  he 
says  at  Madrid,  you  may  possibly  know  more 
of  him  than  I  can,  and  judge  whether  he  is 
really  a  person  in  credit  with  the  emperor, 
and  sent  as  he  pretends  to  be,  or  not  rather 
an  escroe,  as  the  French  call  cheats  and  im 
postors. 

"  I  would  not  be  wanting  in  any  thing 
proper  for  me  to  do  towards  keeping  that 
prince  in  good  humour  with  us,  till  the 
pleasure  of  congress  is  known,  and  would 
therefore  answer  Mr.  Crocco  if  he  be  in  his 
employ ;  but  am  loth  to  commit  myself  in 
correspondence  with  a  fripon.  It  will  be 
strange  if,  being  at  Mactrid,  he  did  not  ad 
dress  himself  to  you.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Giacomo  Francisco  Crocco. 

"  PASSY,  December  15, 1783. 

"  SIR, — I  have  just  received  the  letter  you 
did  me  the  honour  of  writing  to  me  the  25th 
past.  I  did  indeed  receive  your  former  let 
ter  of  July,  but  being  totally  a  stranger  to 
the  mentioned  proceedings  of  Mr.  Montgo 
mery,  and  having  no  orders  from  the  congress 
on  the  subject,  I  knew  not  how  to  give  you 
any  satisfactory  answer,  till  I  should  receive 
further  information ;  and  I  communicated  your 
letter  to  Mr.  Jay,  minister  of  the  U.  States 
for  Spain,  in  whose  district  Mr.  Montgomery 
is,  and  who  is  more  at  hand  than  I  am  for 
commencing  that  negotiation. 

"  Mr.  Jay,  who  is  at  present  in  England, 
nas  possibly  written  to  you,  though  his  letter 
may  have  miscarried,  to  acquaint  you  that 
Mr.  Montgomery  had  probably  no  authority 
from  congress  to  take  the  step  he  has  done, 
and  that  it  was  not  likely  that  they,  desiring 
to  make  a  treaty  with  the  emperor,  would 
think  of  putting  his  majesty  to  the  trouble  of 
sending  a  person  to  Paris  to  receive  and  con 
duct  their  minister,  since  they  have  ships, 
and  could  easily  land  him  at  Cadiz,  or  pre 


sent  him  at  one  of  the  emperor's  ports.  We 
have,  however,  written  to  congress,  acquaint 
ing  them  with  what  we  have^been  informed, 
of  the  good  and  favourable  disposition  of  his 
imperial  majesty,  to  enter  into  a  treaty  of 
amity  and  commerce  with  the  United  States, 
and  we  have  no  doubt  that,  as  soon  as  their 
affairs  are  a  little  settled,  which  by  so  severe 
a  war  carried  on  in  the  bowels  of  their  coun 
try,  by  one  of  the  most  powerful  nations  of  Eu 
rope,  have  necessarily  been  much  deranged, 
they  will  readily  manifest  equally  good  dis 
positions,  and  take  all  the  proper  steps  to  cul 
tivate  and  secure  the  friendship  of  a  monarch 
whose  character  I  know  they  have  long  es 
teemed  and  respected.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  The  President  of  Congress. 

"  PASSY,  December  25, 1783. 

;'  SIR, — Not  having  heard  of  the  appoint 
ment  of  a,  new  secretary  for  foreign  affairs, 
I  take  the  liberty  of  addressing  this  despatch 
directly  to  your  excellency.  I  received  from 
captain  Barney  a  letter  from  the  late  presi 
dent,  directed  to  the  commissioners,  dated 
November  1,  with  a  set  of  instructions  dated 
the  29th  of  October,  a  resolution  of  the  same 
date  respecting  Hamburg,  and  another  of  the 
1st  of  November,  relating  to  captain  Paul 
Jones,  all  which  will  be  duly  regarded. 

"  Capt.  Jones,  in  passing  through  England, 
communicated  those  papers  to  Mr.  Adams, 
;hen  at  London.  Mr.  Adams,  disappointed 
n  not  finding  among  them  the  commission  we 
lad  been  made  to  expect,  impowering  us  to 
uake  a  treaty  of  commerce  with  England, 
.vrote  to  me  that  he  imagined  it  might  be 
contained  in  a  packet  that  was  directed  to 
me,  and  requested  to  be  immediately  inform 
ed,  adding,  that  in  case  no  such  commission 
was  come,  he  should  depart  directly  for  Hol- 
and;  so  I  suppose  he  is  now  there.  Mr. 
Laurens  is  gone  to  England  with  an  inten- 
ion  of  embarking  soon  for  America.  Mr. 
'ay  is  at  Bath,  but  expected  here  daily.  The 
nglish  ministers,  the  duke  of  Manchester 
and  Mr.  Hartley,  are  both  at  present  in  par- 
iament.  As  soon  as  either  of  them  returns, 
ve  shall  endeavour  to  obtain  an  additional 
article  to  the  treaty,  explaining  that  men 
tioned  in  the  instructions. 

"  The  affairs  of  Ireland  are  still  unsettled. 
The  parliament  and  volunteers  are  at  vari 
ance  ;  the  latter  are  uneasy,  that  in  the  late 
negotiations  for  a  treaty  of  commerce  between 
England  and  America,  the  British  ministers 
had  mentioned  nothing  of  Ireland,  and  they 
seem  to  desire  a  separate  treaty  of  commerce 
between  America  and  that  kingdom. 

"  It  was  certainly  disagreeable  to  the  Eng 
lish  ministers,  that  all  their  treaties  of  peace 
were  carried  on  under  the  eye  of  the  French 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


563 


court.  This  began  to  appear  towards  the 
conclusion,  when  Mr.  Hartley  refused  going 
to  Versailles,  to  sign  there,  with  the  other 
powers,  our  definitive  treaty,  and  insisted  on 
its  being  done  at  Paris,  which  we  in  good 
humour  complied  with,  but  at  an  earlier 
hour,  that  we  might  have  time  to  acquaint  | 
count  de  Vergennes  before  he  was  to  sign 
with  the  duke  of  Manchester. 

"  The  Dutch  definitive  treaty  was  not  then 
ready,  and  the  British  court  now  insists  on 
finishing  it  at  London  or  the  Hague.  If, 
therefore,  the  commission  to  us,  which  has 
been  so  long  delayed,  is  still  intended,  per 
haps  it  will  be  well  to  instruct  us  to  treat 
either  here  or  at  London,  as  we  may  find 
most  convenient. 

"  The  treaty  may  be  conducted  even  there, 
in  concert  and  in  the  confidence  of  commu 
nication  with  the  ministers  of  our  friends, 
whose  advice  may  be  of  use  to  us. 

"  With  respect  to  the  British  court,  we 
should,  I  think,  be  constantly  on  our  guard,  and 
impress  strongly  upon  our  minds,  that  though 
it  has  made  peace  with  us,  it  is  not  in  truth 
reconciled  either  to  us,  or  its  loss  of  us,  but 
still  flatters  itself  with  hopes,  that  some 
change  in  the  affairs  of  Europe,  or  some  dis 
union  among  ourselves,  may  afford  them  an 
opportunity  of  recovering  their  dominion,  pu 
nishing  those  who  have  most  offended,  and 
securing  our  future  dependence.  It  is  easy 
to  see  by  the  general  turn  of  the  ministerial 
papers  (light  things  indeed  as  straws  and  fea 
thers,  but  like  them  show  which  way  the 
wind  blows)  and  by  the  malignant  improve 
ment  their  ministers  make,  in  all  the  foreign 
courts,  of  every  little  accident  or  dissension 
among  us,  the  riot  of  a  few  soldiers  at  Phi 
ladelphia,  the  resolves  of  some  town  meet 
ings,  the  reluctance  to  pay  taxes,  &c.,  all 
which  are  exaggerated,  to  represent  our  go 
vernments  as  so  many  anarchies,  of  which 
the  people  themselves  are  weary,  and  the 
congress  as  having  lost  its  influence,  being  no 
longer  respected.  I  say  it  is  easy  to  see  from 
this  conduct,  that  they  bear  us  no  good  will, 
and  that  they  wish  the  reality  of  what  they 
are  pleased  to  imagine.  They  have  too,  a 
numerous  royal  progeny  to  provide  for,  some 
of  whom  are  educated  in  the  military  line. 
In  these  circumstances,  we  cannot  be  too 
careful  to  preserve  the  friendships  we  have 
acquired  abroad,  and  the  union  we  have  es 
tablished  at  home,  to  secure  our  credit  by  a 
punctual  discharge  of  our  obligations  of  every 
kind,  and  our  reputation  by  the  wisdom  of  our 
councils;  since  we  know  not  how  soon  we 
may  have  fresh  occasion  for  friends,  for  cre 
dit,  and  for  reputation. 

"  The  extravagant  misrepresentations  of 
our  political  state  in  foreign  countries,  made 
it  appear  necessary  to  give  them  better  in 
formation,  which  I  thought  could  not  be  more 


effectually  and  authentically  done,  than  by 
publishing  a  translation  into  French,  now  the 
most  general  language  in  Europe,  of  the 
book  of  constitutions,  which  had  been  printed 
by  order  of  congress.  This  I  accordingly 
got  well  done,  and  presented  two  copies  hand 
somely  bound  to  every  foreign  minister  here, 
the  one  for  himself,  the  other  more  elegant  for 
his  sovereign.  It  has  been  well  taken,  and  has 
afforded  matter  of  surprise  to  many,  who  had 
conceived  mean  ideas  of  the  state  of  civiliza 
tion  in  America,  and  could  not  have  expected 
so  much  political  knowledge  and  sagacity  had 
existed  in  our  wilderness.  And  from  all  parts 
I  have  the  satisfaction  to  hear,  that  our  con 
stitutions  in  general  are  much  admired.  I 
am  persuaded  that  this  step  will  not  only  tend 
to  promote  the  emigration  to  our  country  cf 
substantial  people  from  all  parts  of  Europe, 
by  the  numerous  copies  I  shall  disperse,  but 
will  facilitate  our  future  treaties  with  foreign 
courts,  who  could  not  before  know  what  kind 
of  government  and  people  they  had  to  treat 
with.  As  in  doing  this  I  have  endeavoured 
to  further  the  apparent  views  of  congress  in 
their  first  publication,  I  hope  it  may  be  ap 
proved  and  the  expense  allowed.  I  sei:J 
herewith  one  of  the  copies. 

"  Qur  treaties  with  Denmark  and  Portu 
gal  remain  unfinished,  for  want  of  instruc 
tions  respecting  them  from  congress,  and  a 
commission  impowering  some  minister  or  mi 
nisters  to  conclude  them.  The  emperor  of 
Morocco  we  understand  has  expressed  a  dis 
position  to  make  a  treaty  of  amity  and  com 
merce  with  the  United  States.  A  Mr.  Mont 
gomery,  who  is  a  merchant  settled  at  Alicant, 
has  been  it  seems  rather  forward  in  proposing 
a  negotiation,  without  authority  for  so  doing, 
and  has  embarrassed  us  a  little,  as  may  be  seen 
by  some  letters  enclosed.  Perhaps  it  would  be 
well  for  the  congress  to  send  a  message  to  that 
prince,  expressing  their  respect  and  regard 
for  him,  till  such  time  as  they  may  judge  it 
convenient  to  appoint  an  ambassador  in  form, 
furnished  with  proper  presents  to  make  a 
treaty  with  him.  The  other  Barbary  states 
too,  seem  to  require  consideration,  if  we  pro 
pose  to  carry  on  any  trade  in  the  Mediterra 
nean  ;  but  whether  the  security  of  that  trade 
is  of  sufficient  importance  to  be  worth  pur 
chasing,  at  the  rate  of  the  tributes  usually 
exacted  by  those  piratical  states,  is  a  matter 
of  doubt  on  which  I  cannot  at  present  form  a 
judgment. 

"  I  shall  immediately  proceed,  in  pursu 
ance  of  the  first  instruction,  to  take  the  pro 
per  steps  for  acquainting  his  imperial  ma 
jesty  of  Germany  with  the  dispositions  of 
congress,  having  some  reason  to  believe  the 
overture  will  be  acceptable.  His  minister 
here  is  of  late  extremely  civil  to  me,  and  we 
are  on  very  good  terms.  I  have  likewise  an 
intimate  friend  at  that  court. 


564 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


"  With  respect  to  other  powers,  it  seems 
best  not  to  make  advances  at  present,  but  to 
meet  and  encourage  them  when  made,  which 
I  shall  not  fail  to  do,  as  I  have  already  done 
those  of  Sweden,  Denmark,  and  Portugal. 
Possibly  Hamburg,  to  whom  I  have  forward 
ed  the  letter  of  congress,  may  send  a  minis 
ter  to  America,  if  they  wish  for  a  treaty  to 
conclude  it  there.  They  have  no  minister 
here. 

"  I  have  lately  received  a  memorial  from 
the  minister  of  Denmark,  respecting  a  ship 
of  that  nation,  the  Providentia,  taken  by  one 
of  our  privateers  and  carried  into  Boston.  I 
enclose  a  copy  of  it,  and  request  to  be  fur 
nished  with  directions  and  informations  for 
the  answer.  It  may  be  well  to  send  me  a 
copy  of  the  proceedings  in  the  courts.  From 
a  perusal  of  the  papers  communicated  with 
it,  I  am  satisfied  that  the  cargo  was  clearly 
British  property. 

"  We  have  hitherto  entered  into  no  en 
gagements  respecting  the  armed  neutrality, 
and,  in  obedience  to  the  fifth  instruction,  we 
shall  take  care  to  avoid  them  hereafter.  The 
treaty  between  this  court  and  the  U.  States, 
for  regulating  the  powers,  privileges,  &c.  of 
consuls,  is  at  length  completed,  and  is  tran 
scribing  in  order  to  be  signed.  I  hope  to 
transmit  a  copy  by  the  next  packet.  I  have 
received  the  congress  ratification  of  the  two 
money  treaties,  which  will  be  soon  exchang 
ed,  when  I  shall  send  copies  of  them  with 
that  of  Sweden. 

"  I  have  given,  and  shall  continue  to  give, 
captain  Paul  Jones  all  the  assistance  in  my 
power  towards  recovering  the  prize  money ; 
and  I  hope  it  may  be  accomplished. 

"  When  Mr.  Jay  returns,  I  shall  desire  him 
to  make  the  inquiry  directed  in  the  fourth 
instruction,  respecting  the  expedition  under 
that  commodore,  and  report  thereon  to  con 
gress.  In  the  mean  time  I  can  answer  res 
pecting  one  of  the  questions,  that  the  king 
paid  the  whole  expense,  and  no  part  of  it  has 
ever  been  placed  to  the  account  of  congress. 
There  exists  indeed  a  demand  of  one  Puchel- 
berg,  a  person  in  the  employ  of  Mr.  Schweig- 
hauser,  of  about  thirty  thousand  livres,  for 
provisions  and  other  things  furnished  to  cap 
tain  Landais,  after  he  took  the  Alliance  out 
of  the  hands  of  captain  Jones ;  but  as  the 
ship  was  at  that  time  under  the  king's  sup 
ply,  who  having  borrowed  her  for  the  expe 
dition  when  fitted  for  sea,  and  just  ready  to 
sail  with  Mr.  Adams,  had  ordered  her  to  be 
delivered  in  the  same  condition,  free  of  all 
charges  accrued,  or  accruing,  by  her  being  in 
Holland  and  L'Orient,  and  as  Mr.  Puchelberg 
had  not  only  no  orders  from  me  to  fornish 
captain  Landais,  but  acted  contrary  to  my  or 
ders  given  to  Mr.  Schweighauser,  and  con 
trary  to  the  orders  of  Mr.  Schweighauser 
himself,  I  refused  to  pay  this  account,  which 


besides   appeared  extravagant,  and  it  has 
never  yet  been  paid. 

"  I  shall  do  my  best  in  executing  the  third 
instruction,  respecting  our  claim  upon  Den 
mark.  I  have  written  to  London  to  obtain, 
if  possible,  an  account  of  the  sums  insured 
upon  the  ships  delivered  up,  as  such  an  ac 
count  may  be  some  guide  in  the  valuation  of 
the  prizes. 

"  A  captain  Williams,  formerly  in  the  Bri 
tish  service,  and  employed  upon  the  lakes, 
has  given  me  a  paper  containing  information 
of  the  state  of  the  back  country.  As  those 
informations  may  possibly  be  of  some  use,  I 
send  herewith  the  paper.  Mr.  Carmichael 
has  sent  me  the  accounts  of  the  money  trans 
actions  at  Madrid.  As  soon  as  Mr.  Jay  re 
turns  they  will  be  examined. 

«  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Robert  Morris. 

"  PASSY,  Dec.  25, 1783. 

"  THE  remissness  of  our  people  in  paying 
taxes,  is  highly  blameable,  the  unwillingness 
to  pay  them  is  still  more  so.  I  see  in  some 
resolutions  of  town  meetings,  a  remonstrance 
against  giving  congress  a  power  to  take,  as 
they  call  it,  the  people's  money  out  of  their 
pockets,  though  only  to  pay  the  interest  and 
principal  debts  duly  contracted.  They  seem 
to  mistake  the  point.  Money  justly  due  from 
the  people,  is  their  creditor's  money,  and  no 
longer  the  money  of  the  people,  who  if  they 
withhold  it,  should  be  compelled  to  pay  by 
some  law.  All  property  indeed,  except  the 
savage's  temporary  cabin,  his  bow,  his  mat- 
chuat,  and  other  little  acquisitions  absolutely 
necessary  for  his  subsistence,  seems  to  me  to 
be  the  creature  of  public  convention.  Hence 
the  public  has  the  right  of  regulating  de 
scents,  and  all  other  conveyances  of  property, 
and  even  of  limiting  the  quantity  and  the 
uses  of  it.  All  the  property  that  is  necessary 
to  a  man  for  the  conversation  of  the  individu 
al  and  the  propogation  of  the  species,  is  his 
natural  right,  which  none  can  justly  deprive 
him  of;  but  all  property  superfluous  to  such 
purposes,  is  the  property  of  the  public,  who 
by  their  laws  have  created  it,  and  who  may 
therefore  by  other  laws  dispose  of  it  when 
ever  the  welfare  of  the  public  shall  desire 
such  disposition.  He  that  does  not  like  civil 
society  on  these  terms,  let  him  retire  and 
live  among  savages.  He  can  have  no  right 
to  the  benefits  of  society  who  will  not  pay 
his  club  towards  the  support  of  it. 

The  marquis  de  la  Fayette,  who  loves  to 
be  employed  in  our  affairs,  and  is  often  very 
useful,  has  lately  had  several  conversations 
with  the  ministers  and  persons  concerned  in 
forming  new  regulations,  respecting  the  com 
merce  between  our  two  countries,  which  are 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


565 


not  yet  concluded.  I  thought  it  therefore 
well  to  communicate  to  him  a  copy  of  your 
letter  which  contains  so  many  sensible  and 
just  observations  on  that  subject  He  will 
make  a  proper  use  of  them,  and  perhaps  they 
may  have  more  weight,  as  appearing  to 
come  from  a  Frenchman,  than  they  would 
have  if  it  were  known  that  they  were  the  ob 
servations  of  an  American.  I  perfectly  agree 
with  you  in  all  the  sentiments  you  have  ex 
pressed  on  this  occasion. 

"  I  am  sorry  for  the  public's  sake,  that  you 
are  about  to  quit  your  office,  but  on  personal 
considerations,  I  shall  congratulate  you.  For 
I  cannot  conceive  of  a  more  happy  man,  than 
he  who  having  been  long  loaded  with  public 
cares,  finds  himself  relieved  from  them,  and 
enjoying  private  repose  in  the  bosom  of  his 
friends  and  family.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  John  Jay. 

"  PASSY,  January  G,  1784. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  kind  letter 
of  the  26th  past,  and  immediately  sent  that 
enclosed  to  Mrs.  Jay,  whom  I  saw  a  few  days 
since  with  the  children,  all  perfectly  well. 
It  is  a  happy  thing,  that  the  little  ones  are  so 
finely  past  the  small  pox,  and  I  congratulate 
you  upon  it  most  cordially. 

"  It  is  true,  as  you  have  heard,  that  I  have 
the  stone,  but  not  that  I  have  had  thoughts 
of  being  cut  for  it.  It  is  as  yet  very  tolerable. 
It  gives  me  no  pain,  but  when  in  a  carriage 
on  the  pavement,  or  when  I  make  some  sud 
den  quick  movement.  If  I  can  prevent  its 
growing  larger,  which  I  hope  to  do  by  abste 
mious  living  and  gentle  exercise,  I  can  go  on 
pretty  comfortably  with  it  to  the  end  of  my 
journey,  which  can  now  be  at  no  great  dis 
tance.  I  am  cheerful,  enjoy  the  company  of 
my  friends,  sleep  well,  have  sufficient  appe 
tite,  and  my  stomach  performs  well  its  func 
tions.  The  latter  is  very  material  to  the  pre 
servation  of  health.  I  therefore  take  no  drugs, 
lest  I  should  disorder  it.  You  may  judge  that 
my  disease  is  not  very  grievous,  since  I  am 
more  afraid  of  the  medicines  than  of  the 
malady. 

"  It  gives  me  pleasure  to  learn  from  you 
that  my  friends  still  retain  their  regard  for 
me.  I  long  to  see  them  again,  but  I  doubt  I 
shall  hardly  accomplish  it.  If  our  commission 
for  the  treaty  of  commerce  were  arrived,  and 
we  were  at  liberty  to  treat  in  England,  I 
might  then  come  over  to  you,  supposing  the 
English  ministry  disposed  to  enter  into  such 
a  treaty. 

"  I  have  as  you  observe  some  enemies  in 
England,  but  they  are  my  enemies  as  an 
American ;  I  have  also  two  or  three  in  Ame 
rica,  who  are  my  enemies  as  a  minister ;  but 
I  thank  God,  there  are  not  in  the  whole  world 
any  who  are  my  enemies  as  a  man  ;  for  by 
his  grace,  through  a  long  life  I  have  been 

48 


enabled  so  to  conduct  myself,  that  there  does 
not  exist  a  human  being  who  can  justly  say, 
Ben  Franklin  has  wronged  me.  This,  my 
friend,  is  in  old  age  a  comfortable  reflection. 
You  too  have,  or  may  have,  your  enemies : 
but  let  not  that  render  you  unhappy.  If  you 
make  a  right  use  of  them,  they  will  do  you 
more  good  than  harm.  They  point  out  to  us 
our  faults ;  they  put  us  upon  our  guard,  and 
help  us  to  live  more  correctly. 

"  My  grandsons  are  sensible  of  the  honour 
of  your  remembrance,  and  join  their  respect 
ful  compliments  and  best  wishes,  with  those 
of,  dear  sir,  your  affectionate  humble  servant, 
"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


•'  To  David  Hartley. 

"  PASSY,  Jan.  T,  1784. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  have  this  moment 
received  your  favour  of  the  25th  past,  ac 
quainting  me  with  the  change  in  administra 
tion.  I  am  not  sure  that  in  reforming  the 
constitution,  which  is  sometimes  talked  of,  it 
would  not  be  better  to  make  your  great  offi 
cers  of  state  hereditary  than  to  suffer  the  in 
convenience  of  such  frequent  and  total  chan 
ges.  Much  faction  and  cabal  would  be  pre 
vented  by  having  an  hereditary  first  lord  of 
the  treasury,  an  hereditary  lord  chancellor, 
privy  seal,  president  of  council,  secretary  of 
state,  first  lord  of  the  admiralty,  &c.  &c.  It 
will  not  be  said  that  the  duties  of  these  offices 
being  important,  we  cannot  trust  to  nature 
for  the  chance  of  requisite  talents,  since  we 
have  an  hereditary  set  of  judges  in  the  last 
resort,  the  house  of  peers ;  an  hereditary  king : 
and  in  a  certain  German  university,  an  here 
ditary  professor  of  mathematics. 

"  We  have  not  yet  heard  of  the  arrival  of 
our  express  in  America,  who  carried  the  de 
finitive  treaty.  He  sailed  the  26th  of  Sep 
tember.  As  soon  as  the  ratification  arrives,  I 
shall  immediately  send  you  word  of  it. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  Mrs.  Bache. 

"  PASSY,  January  26, 1784. 

"  MY  DEAR  CHILD, — Your  care  in  sending 
me  the  newspapers  is  very  agreeable  to  me. 
I  received  by  captain  Barney,  those  relating 
to  the  Cincinnati.  My  opinion  of  the  insti 
tution  cannot  be  of  much  importance  :  I  only 
wonder,  that  when  the  united  wisdom  of  pur 
nation  had,  in  the  articles  of  confederation, 
manifested  their  dislike  of  establishing  ranks 
of  nobility,  by  authority  either  of  the  congress 
or  of  any  particular  state,  a  number  of  private 
persons  should  think  proper  to  distinguish 
themselves  and  their  posterity,  from  their  fel 
low-citizens,  and  for  an  order  of  hereditary 
knights,  in  direct  opposition  to  the  solemnly 
declared  sense  of  their  country.  I  imagine 


566 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


it  must  be  likewise  contrary  to  the  good  sense 
of  most  of  those  drawn  into  it,  by  the  persua 
sion  of  its  projectors,  who  have  been  too  much 
struck  with  the  ribands  and  crosses  they  have 
seen  hanging  to  the  button  holes  of  foreign  of 
ficers.  And  I  suppose  those  who  disapprove 
of  it,  have  not  hitherto  given  it  much  opposi 
tion,  from  a  principle  somewhat  like  that  of 
your  good  mother,  relating  to  punctilious  per 
sons,  who  are  always  exacting  little  obser 
vances  of  respect,  that  "if  people  can  be 
pleased  with  small  matters,  it  is  a  pity  but 
they  should  have  them"  In  this  view,  per 
haps,  I  should  not  myself,  if  my  advice  had 
been  asked,  have  objected  to  their  wearing 
their  riband  and  badge  themselves  according 
to  their  fancy,  though  I  certainly  should  to 
the  entailing  it  as  an  honour  on  their  posteri 
ty.  For,  honour  worthily  obtained,  (as  that 
for  example  of  our  officers)  is  in  its  nature  a 
personal  thing,  and  incommunicable  to  any 
but  those  who  had  some  share  in  obtaining  it. 
Thus  among  the  Chinese,  the  most  ancient, 
and  from  long  experience  the  wisest  of  na 
tions,  honour  does  not  descend,  but  ascends. 
If  a  man  from  his  learning,  his  wisdom,  or 
his  valour,  is  promoted  by  the  emperor  to 
the  rank  of  mandarin,  his  parents  are  im 
mediately  entitled  to  all  the  same  cere 
monies  of  respect  from  the  people,  that  are 
established  as  due  to  the  mandarin  himself: 
on  the  supposition  that  it  must  have  been 
owing  to  the  education,  instruction,  and  good 
example  afforded  him  by  his  parents,  that 
he  was  rendered  capable  of  serving  the  pub 
lic.  This  ascending  honour  is  therefore  use 
ful  to  the  state,  as  it  encourages  parents  to 
give  their  children  a  good  and  virtuous  edu 
cation.  But  the  descending  honour,  to  a 
posterity  who  could  have  no  share  in  obtain 
ing  it,  is  not  only  groundless  and  absurd,  but 
often  hurtful  to  that  posterity,  since  it  is  apt 
to  make  them  proud,  disdaining  to  be  em 
ployed  in  useful  arts,  and  thence  falling  into 
poverty,  and  all  the  meannesses,  servility, 
and  wretchedness  attending  it ;  which  is  the 
present  case  with  much  of  what  is  called  the 
noblesse  in  Europe.  Or  if  to  keep  up  the  dig 
nity  of  the  family,  estates  are  entailed  entire 
on  the  eldest  male  heir,  another  pest  to  industry 
and  improvement  of  the  country  is  introduced, 
which  will  be  followed  by  all  the  odious  mix 
ture  of  pride,  and  beggary,  and  idleness  that 
have  half  depopulated  and  decultivated  Spain, 
occasioning  continual  extinction  of  families 
by  the  discouragements  of  marriage,  and  neg 
lect  in  the  improvement  of  estates.  I  wish 
therefore  that  the  Cincinnati,  if  they  must  go 
on  with  their  project,  would  direct  the  badges 
of  their  order  to  be  worn  by  their  fathers  and 
mothers,  instead  of  handing  them  down  to 
their  children.  It  would  be  a  good  prece 
dent,  and  might  have  good  effects.  It  would 
also  be  a  kind  of  obedience  to  the  fifth  com 


mandment,  in  which  God  enjoins  us  to  ho 
nour  our  father  and  mother,  but  has  no  where 
directed  us  to  honour  our  children.  And 
certainly  no  mode  of  honouring  those  immedi 
ate  authors  of  our  being  can  be  more  effectual 
than  that  of  doing  praise  worthy  actions,  which 
reflect  honour  on  those  who  gave  us  our  edu 
cation  ;  or  more  becoming  than  that  of  mani 
festing,  by  some  public  expression  or  token, 
that  it  is  to  their  instruction  and  example  we 
ascribe  the  merit  of  those  actions. 

"  But  the  absurdity  of  descending  honours 
is  not  a  mere  matter  of  philosophical  opinion, 
it  is  capable  of  mathematical  demonstration. 
A  man's  son,  for  instance,  is  but  half  of  his 
family,  the  other  half  belonging  to  the  family 
of  his  wife.  His  son  too,  marrying  into  an 
other  family,  his  share  in  the  grandson  is  but 
a  fourth :  in  the  great  grandson  by  the  same 
process  is  but  an  eighth.  In  the  next  gene 
ration  a  sixteenth ;  the  next  a  thirty-second ; 
the  next  a  sixty-fourth ;  the  next  an  hundred 
and  twenty  eighth ;  the  next  a  two  hundred 
and  fifty-sixth ;  and  the  next  a  five  hundred 
and  twelfth:  thus  in  nine  generations,  which 
will  not  require  more  than  three  hundred 
years,  (no  very  great  antiquity  for  a  family) 
our  present  chevalier  of  the  order  of  Cincin- 
natus's  share  in  the  then  existing  knight, 
will  be  but  a  512th  part ;  which,  allowing 
the  present  certain  fidelity  of  American  wives 
to  be  insured  down  through  all  those  nine  ge 
nerations,  is  so  small  a  consideration,  that  me- 
thinks  no  reasonable  man  would  hazard  for 
the  sake  of  it,  the  disagreeable  consequences 
of  the  jealousy,  envy,  and  ill-will  of  his  coun 
trymen. 

"  Let  us  go  back  with  our  calculation  from 
this  young  noble,  the  512th  part  of  the  pre 
sent  knight,  through  his  nine  generations,  till 
we  return  to  the  year  of  the  institution.    He 
must  have  had  a  father  and  mother,  they  are 
two;  each  of  them  had  a  father  and  mother, 
they  are  four.      Those  of  the  next  preceding 
generation  will  be  eight,  the  next  sixteen, 
the  next  thirty-two,  the  next  sixty-four,  the 
next  one    hundred    and  twenty-eight,    the 
next  two  hundred  and  fifty-six,  and  the  ninth 
in  this  retrocession  five  hundred  and  twelve, 
who  must  be  now  existing,  and  all  contribute 
their  proportion  of  this  future  Chevalier  de 
Cincinnatus.     These,  with  the  rest,  make 
together  as  follows  : — 
2 
4 
8 
16 
32 
64 

128 

256 

512 

Total    -    1022 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


567 


One  thousand  and  twenty-two  men  and  wo 
men,  contributors  to  the  formation  of  one 
knight.  And  if  we  are  to  have  a  thousand 
of  these  future  knights,  there  must  be  now 
and  hereafter  existing-  one  million  and  twen 
ty-two  thousand  fathers  and  mothers,  who 
are  to  contribute  to  their  production  ;  unless 
a  part  of  the  number  are  employed  in  ma 
king  more  knights  than  one.  Let  us  strike 
off  then  the  22,000,  on  the  supposition  of 
this  double  employ,  and  then  consider  whe 
ther  after  a  reasonable  estimation  of  the  num 
ber  of  rogues,  and  fools,  and  scoundrels,  and 
prostitutes,  that  are  mixed  with,  and  help  to 
make  up  necessarily  their  million  of  prede 
cessors,  posterity  will  have  much  reason  to 
boast  of  the  noble  blood  of  the  then  existing 
set  of  chevaliers  of  Cincinnatus.  The  future 
genealogists  too,  of  these  chevaliers,  in  prov 
ing  the  lineal  descent  of  their  honour  through 
so  many  generations,  (even  supposing  honour 
capable  in  its  nature  of  descending,)  will 
only  prove  the  small  share  of  this  honour 
which  can  be  justly  claimed  by  any  one  of 
them,  since  the  above  simple  process  in  arith 
metic  makes  it  quite  plain  and  clear,  that  in 
proportion  as  the  antiquity  of  the  family  shall 
augment,  the  right  to  the  honour  of  the  an 
cestor  will  diminish ;  and  a  few  generations 
more  would  reduce  it  to  something  so  small 
as  to  be  very  near  an  absolute  nullity.  I 
hope,  therefore,  that  the  order  will  drop  this 
part  of  their  project,  and  content  themselves 
as  the  knights  of  the  garter,  bath,  thistle,  St. 
Louis,  and  other  orders  of  Europe  do,  with  a 
life  enjoyment  of  their  little  badge  and  ri 
band,  and  let  the  distinction  die  with  those 
who  have  merited  it.  This  I  imagine  will 
give  no  offence.  For  my  own  part,  I  shall 
think  it  a  convenience  when  I  go  into  com 
pany  where  there  may  be  faces  unknown  to 
me,  if  I  discover  by  this  badge,  the  persons 
who  merit  some  particular  expression  of  my 
respect ;  and  it  will  save  modest  virtue  the 
trouble  of  calling  for  our  regard,  by  awkward 
round-about  intimations  of  having  been  here 
tofore  employed  as  officers  in  the  continental 
service. 

"  The  gentleman  who  made  the  voyage  to 
France,  to  provide  the  ribands  and  medals, 
has  executed  his  commission.  To  me  they 
seem  tolerably  done ;  but  all  such  things  are 
criticised.  Some  find  fault  with  the  Latin, 
as  wanting  classical  elegance  and  correct 
ness;  and  since  our  nine  universities  were 
not  able  to  furnish  better  Latin,  it  was  a  pity, 
they  say,  that  the  mottos  had  not  been  in 
English.  Others  object  to  the  title,  as  not 
properly  assumable  by  any  but  general  Wash 
ington,  and  a  few  others  who  served  without 
pay.  Others  object  to  the  bald  eagle,  as  look 
ing  too  much  like  a  dindon  or  turkey.  For 
my  own  part,  I  wish  the  bald  eagle  had  not 
been  chosen  as  the  representative  of  our 


country ;  he  is  a  bird  of  bad  moral  character: 
he  does  not  get  his  living  honestly :  you  may 
have  seen  him  perched  on  some  dead  tree, 
where,  too  lazy  to  fish  for  himself;  he  watch 
es  the  labour  of  the  fishing  hawk ;  and  when 
that  diligent  bird  has  at  length  taken  a  fish, 
and  is  bearing  it  to  his  nest  for  the  support 
of  his  mate  and  young  ones,  the  bald  eagle 
pursues  him,  and  takes  it  from  him.  With 
all  this  injustice  he  is  never  in  good  case,  but 
like  those  among  men  who  live  by  sharping 
and  robbing,  he  is  generally  poor,  and  often 
very  lousy.  Besides,  he  is  a  rank  coward : 
the  little  king  bird,  not  bigger  than  a  spar 
row,  attacks  him  boldly,  and  drives  him  out 
of  the  district.  He  is  therefore  by  no  means 
a  proper  emblem  for  the  brave  and  honest 
Cincinnati  of  America,  who  have  driven  all 
the  king  birds  from  our  country ;  though  ex 
actly  fit  for  that  order  of  knights  which  the 
French  call  Chevaliers  d1  Industrie.  I  am 
on  this  account,  not  displeased  that  the  figure 
is  not  known  as  a  bald  eagle,  but  looks  more 
like  a  turkey.  For  in  truth,  the  turkey  is  in 
comparison  a  much  more  respectable  bird, 
and  withal  a  true  original  native  of  America. 
Eagles  have  been  found  in  all  countries,  but 
the  turkey  was  peculiar  to  ours ;  the  first  of 
the  species  seen  in  Europe,  being  brought  to 
France  by  the  Jesuits  from  Canada,  and  served 
up  at  the  wedding  table  of  Charles  IX.  He 
is  besides,  (though  a  little  vain  and  silly  'tis 
true,  but  not  the  worse  emblem  for  that)  a 
bird  of  courage,  and  would  not  hesitate  to 
attack  a  grenadier  of  the  British  guards,  who 
should  presume  to  invade  his  farm  yard  with 
a  red  coat  on. 

"  I  shall  not  enter  into  the  criticisms  made 
upon  their  Latin.  The  gallant  officers  of 
America  may  not  have  the  merit  of  being 
great  scholars,  but  they  undoubtedly  merit 
much  as  brave  soldiers  from  their  country, 
which  should  therefore  not  leave  them  merely 
to  fame  for  their  virtutis  premium,  which  is 
one  of  their  Latin  mottos.  Their  esto  per- 
petua,  another,  is  an  excellent  wish,  if  they 
meant  it  for  their  country  ;  bad,  if  intended 
for  their  order.  The  states  should  not  only 
restore  to  them  the  omnia  of  their  first  mot 
to,*  which  many  of  them  have  left  and  lost, 
but  pay  them  justly,  and  reward  them  gene 
rously.  They  should  not  be  suffered  to  re 
main  with  all  their  new  created  chivalry  en 
tirely  in  the  situation  of  the  gentleman  in  the 
story  which  their  omnia  reliquit  reminds  me 
of.  You  know  every  thing  makes  me  recol 
lect  some  story.  He  had  built  a  very  fine 
house,  and  thereby  much  impaired  his  for 
tune.  He  had  a  pride,  however,  in  showing 
it  to  his  acquaintance.  One  of  them,  after 
viewing  it  all,  remarked  a  motto  over  the 
door  OIA  VANITAS.  What,  says  he,  is  the 

4  Omnia  rcliquit  servare  rempublicam. 


568 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


meaning  of  this  OIA;  'tis  a  word  I  don't  un 
derstand.  I  will  tell  you,  said  the  gentle 
man  :  I  had  a  mind  to  have  the  motto  cut  on 
a  piece  of  smooth  marble,  but  there  was  not 
room  for  it  between  the  ornaments,  to  be  put 
in  characters  large  enough  to  be  read.  I 
therefore  made  use  of  a  contraction  anciently 
very  common  in  Latin  manuscripts,  whereby 
the  m's  and  rfs  in  words  are  omitted,  and  the 
omission  noted  by  a  little  dash  above,  which 
you  may  see  there,  so  that  the  word  is  omnia, 
OMNIA  VAJVITAS.  O,  said  his  friend,  I  now 
comprehend  the  meaning  of  your  motto,  it 
relates  to  your  edifice ;  and  signifies,  that  if 
you  have  abridged  your  omnia,  you  have  ne 
vertheless  left  your  VANITAS  legible  at  full 
length. — I  am,  as  ever,  your  affectionate 
father,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  Henry  Laurens. 

"  PASSY,  Feb.  12,  1784. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favour  of 
the  3d  instant  by  your  son,  with  the  newspa 
pers,  for  which  I  thank  you.  The  disorders 
of  that  government  whose  constitution  has 
been  so  much  praised,  are  come  to  a  height 
that  threatens  some  violent  convulsion,  if  not 
a  dissolution ;  and  its  physicians  do  not  even 
seem  to  guess  at  the  cause  of  the  disease, 
and  therefore  prescribe  insufficient  remedies, 
such  as  place  bills,  more  equal  representa 
tion,  more  frequent  elections,  &c.  In  my 
humble  opinion,  the  malady  consists  in  the 
enormous  salaries,  emoluments,  and  patron 
age  of  great  offices.  Ambition  and  avarice 
are  separately  strong  passions:  when  they 
are  united  in  pursuit  of  the  same  object,  they 
are  too  strong  to  be  governed  by  common  pru 
dence,  or  influenced  by  public  spirit  and  love 
of  country ;  they  drive  men  irresistibly  into 
factions,  cabals,  dissensions,  and  violent  di 
visions,  always  mischievous  to  public  coun 
cils,  destructive  to  the  peace  of  society,  and 
sometimes  fatal  to  its  existence.  As  long  as 
the  immense  profits  of  these  offices  subsist, 
members  of  the  shortest  and  most  equally 
chosen  parliaments  will  have  them  in  view, 
and  contend  for  them,  and  their  contentions 
will  have  all  the  same  ruinous  consequences. 
To  me  then  there  seems  to  be  but  one  effec 
tual  remedy,  and  that  not  likely  to  be  adopted 
by  so  corrupt  a  nation ;  which  is,  to  abolish 
these  profits,  and  make  every  place  of  honour 
a  place  of  burden.  By  that  means  the  effect 
of  one  of  the  passions  abovementioned  would 
be  taken  away,  and  something  would  be  added 
to  counteract  the  other.  Thus  the  number 
of  competitors  for  great  offices  would  be  di 
minished,  and  the  efforts  of  those  who  still 
would  obtain  them  moderated. 

"  Thank  God  we  have  now  less  connexion 
with  the  affairs  of  these  people,  and  are  more 


at  liberty  to  take  care  of  our  own,  which  I 
hope  we  shall  manage  better. 

"  We  have  a  terrible  winter  here,  such 
another  in  this  country  is  not  remembered 
by  any  man  living.  The  snow  has  been 
thick  upon  the  ground  ever  since  Christmas ; 
and  the  frost  constant. 

"  My  grandson  joins  in  best  compliments 
to  yourself  and  Miss  Laurens.  With  sincere 
esteem  and  affection  I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


'*  W.  Strahan,  M.  P.,  king's  printer,  London. 

"  PASSY,  Feb.  16,  1784. 

"DEAR  SIR, — I  received  and  read  with 
pleasure  your  kind  letter  of  the  first  instant, 
as  it  informed  me  of  the  welfare  of  you  and 
yours.  I  am  glad  the  accounts  you  have 
from  your  kinswomen  at  Philadelphia  are 
agreeable,  and  I  shall  be  happy  if  any  re 
commendations  from  me  can  be  serviceable 
to  Dr.  Ross,  or  any  others,  friends  of  yours, 
going  to  America. 

"  Your  arguments  persuading  me  to  come 
once  more  to  England,  are  very  powerful. 
To  be  sure  I  long  to  see  again  my  friends 
there,  whom  I  love  abundantly :  but  there 
are  difficulties  and  objections  of  several  kinds, 
which  at  present  1  don't  see  how  to  get  over. 

"  I  lament  with  you  the  political  disorders 
England  at  present  labours  under.  Your 
papers  are  full  of  strange  accounts  of  an 
archy  and  confusion  in  America,  of  which 
we  know  nothing,  while  your  own  affairs 
are  really  in  a  situation  deplorable.  In  my 
humble  opinion,  the  root  of  the  evil  lies  not 
so  much  in  too  long,  or  too  unequally  chosen 
parliaments,  as  in  the  enormous  salaries, 
emoluments,  and  patronage  of  your  great 
officers ;  and  that  you  will  never  be  at  rest 
till  they  are  all  abolished,  and  every  place 
of  honour  made  at  the  same  time,  instead 
of  a  place  of  profit,  a  place  of  expense  and 
burden.  Ambition  and  avarice  are  each 
of  them  strong  passions,  and  when  they  are 
united  in  the  same  persons,  and  have  the 
same  objects  in  view  for  their  gratification, 
they  are  too  strong  for  public  spirit  and  love 
of  country,  and  are  apt  to  produce  the  most 
violent  factions  and  contentions.  They 
should  therefore  be  separated,  and  made  to 
act  one  against  the  other.  Those  places  to 
speak  in  our  old  style  (brother  type)  may  be 
good  for  the  CHAPEL,  but  they  are  bad  for  the 
master,  as  they  create  constant  quarrels  that 
hinder  the  business.  For  example,  here  are 
two  months  that  your  government  has  been 
employed  in  getting  its  form  to  press; 
which  is  not  yet  fit  to  work  on,  every  page 
of  it  being  squabbled,  and  the  whole  ready 
to  fall  into  pye.  The  founts  too  must  be 
very  scanty,  or  strangely  out  of  sorts,  since 
your  compositors  cannot  find  either  upper  or 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


569 


lower-case  letters  sufficient  to  set  the  word 
ADMINISTRATION,  but  are  forced  to  be  con 
tinually  turning  for  them.  However,  to 
return  to  common  (though  perhaps  too  saucy) 
language,  don't  despair ;  you  have  still  one 
resource  left,  and  that  not  a  bad  one,  since 
it  may  reunite  the  empire.  We  have  some 
remains  of  affection  for  you,  and  shall  always 
be  ready  to  receive  and  take  care  of  you  in 
case  of  distress.  So  if  you  have  not  sense 
and  virtue  enough  to  govern  yourselves,  e'en 
dissolve  your  present  old  crazy  constitution, 
and  send  members  to  congress. 

"  You  will  say  my  advice  smells  of  Ma 
deira.  You  are  right.  This  foolish  letter 
is  mere  chit-chat  between  ourselves  over  the 
second  bottle.  If,  therefore,  you  show  it  to 
any  body  (except  our  indulgent  friends, 
Dagge  and  lady  Strahan)  I  will  positively 
sollessyou. 


B.  FRANKLIN; 


"  To  B.  Vaughan. 

"  PASSY,  March  1,  1784. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — You  mention  that  I  may 
now  see  verified  all  you  said  about  binding 
down  England  to  so  hard  a  peace.  I  suppose 
you  do  not  mean  by  the  American  treaty ;  for 
we  were  exceeding  favourable  in  not  insist 
ing  on  the  reparations  so  justly  due,  for  the 
wanton  burnings  of  our  fine  towns,  and  de 
vastations  of  our  plantations,  "in  a  war  now 
universally  allowed  to  have  been  originally 
unjust.  I  may  add,  that  you  will  also  see 
verified  all  I  said  about  the  article  respecting 
the  royalists ;  that  it  will  occasion  more  mis 
chief  than  it  was  intended  to  remedy,  and 
that  it  would  have  been  better  to  have  omit 
ted  all  mention  of  them.  England  might 
have  rewarded  them  according  to  their  me 
rits,  at  no  very  great  expense.  After  the 
harms  they  had  done  to  us,  it  was  imprudent 
to  insist  on  our  doing  them  good. 

"  I  am  sorry  for  the  overturn  you  mention 
of  those  beneficial  systems  of  commerce  that 
would  have  been  exemplary  to  mankind. — 
The  making  England  entirely  a  free  port 
would  have  been  the  wisest  step  ever  taken 
for  its  advantage. 

"  I  wish  much  to  see  what  you  say  a  res 
pectable  friend  of  mine  has  undertaken  to 
write  respecting  the  peace.  It  is  a  pity  it 
has  been  delayed.  If  it  had  appeared  earlier, 
it  might  have  prevented  much  mischief,  by 
securing  our  friends  in  their  situations ;  for 
we  know  not  who  will  succeed  them,  nor 
what  credit  they  will  hold. 

"  By  my  doubts  of  the  propriety  of  my 
going  soon  to  London,  I  meant  no  reflection 
on  my  friends  or  yours.  If  I  had  any  call 
there  besides  the  pleasure  of  seeing  those  I 
love,  I  should  have  no  doubts.  If  I  live  to 
arrive  there,  I  shall  certainly  embrace  your 
kind  invitation,  and  take  up  my  abode  with 
VOL.L...4C  48* 


you.     Make  my  compliments  and  respects 
acceptable  to  Mrs.  Vaughan. 

'  I  know  not  what  foundation  there  can 
be  for  saying  that  I  abuse  England  as  much 
as  before  the  peace.  I  am  not  apt,  I  think, 
to  be  abusive :  of  the  two,  I  had  rather  be 
abused. 

"  Enclosed  are  the  letters  you  desire.  I 
wish  to  hear  from  you  more  frequently,  and 
to  have  through  you,  such  new  pamphlets  as 
you  may  think  worth  my  reading. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


David  Hartley  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  LONDON,  March  2,  1784. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — Will  you  be  so  good 
as  to  transmit  the  enclosed  to  Mr.  Jay  ?  I 
am  sorry  that  we  are  going  to  lose  him  from 
this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  If  your  American 
ratification  should  arrive  speedily,  I  might 
hope  to  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  him 
again  before  his  departure.  As  soon  as  1 
hear  from  you  of  the  arrival  of  the  ratifica 
tion,  I  will  immediately  apply  for  the  despatch 
of  the  British  ratification.  I  wish  very  much 
to  have  the  pleasure  of  conversing  with  you 
again.  In  hopes  that  that  time  may  come 
soon,  I  have  nothing  further  to  say  at  pre 
sent.  Believe  me  always  to  be,  what  you 
have  always  known  me  to  have  been,  a  friend 
of  general  philanthropy,  and  particularly  your 
ever  most  affectionate 

«  DAVID  HARTLEY." 


"  To  Charles  Thompson. 

"  PASSY,  March  9,  1784. 

"  SIR, — I  received  a  few  days  since  a  let 
ter  from  Annapolis,  dated  June  the  5th,  in 
your  hand-writing,  but  not  signed,  acquaint 
ing  the  commissioners  with  the  causes  of  de 
lay  in  sending  the  ratification  of  the  definitive 
treaty.  The  term  was  expired  before  that 
letter  came  to  hand,  but  I  hope  no  difficulty 
will  arise  from  a  failure  in  a  point  not  essen 
tial,  and  which  was  occasioned  by  accidents. 
I  have  just  received  from  Mr.  Hartley  a  let 
ter  on  the  subject,  of  which  I  enclose  a  copy. 

"  We  have  had  a  terrible  winter  too  here, 
such  as  the  oldest  men  do  not  remember,  and 
indeed  it  has  been  very  severe  all  over  Eu 
rope. 

"  I  have  exchanged  ratifications  with  the 
ambassador  of  Sweden,  and  enclose  a  copy 
of  that  T  received  from  him. 

"  Mr.  Jay  is  lately  returned  from  England. 
Mr.  Laurens  is  still  there,  but  proposes  de 
parting  for  America  next  month,  as  does  also 
Mr.  Jay  with  his  family.  Mr.  Adams  is  in 
Holland,  where  he  has  been  detained  by  bu 
siness  and  bad  weather.  These  absences  have 
occasioned  some  delays  in  our  business,  but 
not  of  much  importance. 


570 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


"  The  war  long  expected  between  the 
Turks  and  Russians  is  prevented  by  a  treaty, 
and  it  is  thought  an  accommodation  will  like 
wise  take  place  between  them  and  the  em 
peror.  Everything  here  continues  friendly 
and  favourable  to  the  United  States.  I  am 
pestered  continually  with  numbers  of  letters 
from  people  in  different  parts  of  Europe,  who 
would  go  and  settle  in  America,  but  who  ma 
nifest  very  extravagant  expectations,  such  as 
I  can  by  no  means  encourage,  and  who  ap 
pear  likewise  to  be  very  improper  persons. 
To  save  myself  trouble,  I  have  just  printed 
some  copies  of  the  enclosed  little  piece, 
which  I  propose  hereafter  to  send  in  answer 
to  such  letters.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  Henry  Laurens. 

"  PASSY,  March  12,  1784. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  write  this  in  great  pain 
from  the  gout  in  both  feet ;  but  my  young 
friend  your  son  having  informed  me  that  he 
sets  out  for  London  to-rnorrow,  I  could  not 
slip  the  opportunity,  as  perhaps  it  is  the  only 
safe  one  that  may  occur  before  your  departure 
for  America.  I  wish  mine  was  as  near.  I 
think  I  have  reason  to  complain  that  I  am  so 
long  without  an  answer  from  congress  to  my 
request  of  recall.  I  wish  rather  to  die  in  my 
own  country  than  here ;  and  though  the  up 
per  part  of  the  building  appears  yet  tolerably 
firm,  yet  being  undermined  by  the  stone  and 
gout  united,  its  fall  cannot  be  far  distant. 
You  are  so  good  as  to  offer  me  your  friendly 
services.  You  cannot  do  me  one  more  ac 
ceptable  at  present,  than  that  of  forwarding 
my  dismission.  In  all  other  respects  as  well 
as  that,  I  shall  ever  look  on  your  friendship 
as  an  honour  to  me ;  being  with  sincere  and 
great  esteem,  dear  sir,  &c.  &c. 

"  P.  S.  March  13,  1784.  Having  had  a 
tolerable  night,  I  find  myself  something  bet 
ter  this  morning.  In  reading  over  my  letter, 
I  perceive  an  omission  of  my  thanks  for  your 
kind  assurances  of  never  forsaking  my  de 
fence,  should  there  be  need.  I  apprehend 
that  the  violent  antipathy  of  a  certain  person 
to  me,  may  have  produced  some  calumnies, 
which  what  you  have  seen  and  heard  here 
may  enable  you  to  refute.  You  will  thereby 
exceedingly  oblige  one,  who  has  lived  beyond 
all  other  ambition  than  that  of  dying  with  the 
•fair  character  he  has  long  endeavoured  to  de 
serve.  As  to  my  infallibility,  which  you  do 
not  undertake  to  maintain,  I  am  too  modest 
myself  to  claim  it,  that  is  in  general;  though 
when  we  come  to  particulars,  I,  like  other 
people,  give  it  up  with  difficulty.  Steele 
says,  that  the  difference  between  the  church 
of  Rome,  and  the  church  of  England  on  that 
point,  is  only  this ;  that  the  one  pretends  to 
be  infallible,  and  the  other  to  be  never  in  the 
wrong.  In  this  latter  sense,  we  are  most  of 


us  church  of  England  men,  though  few  of  us 
confess  it  and  express  it  so  naturally  and 
frankly  as  a  certain  lady  here,  who  said,— I 
don't  know  how  it  happens,  but  I  meet  with 
nobody,  except  myself,  that  is  always  in  the 
right.  11  n'y  a  que  moi  qui  a  toujours 
raison. 

"  My  grandson  joins  me  in  affectionate 
respects  to  you  and  the  young  lady,  with  best 
wishes  for  your  health  and  prosperity. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  John  Walter,  London. 

"  PASSY,  April  17,  1784. 

"  SIR, — I  have  received  a  book,  for  which, 
I  understand  I  am  obliged  to  you,  the  Intro 
duction  to  Logography.     I  have  read  it  with 
attention,  and  as  far  as  I  understand  it,  am 
much  pleased  with  it.     I  do  not  perfectly 
comprehend  the  arrangement  of  his  cases ; 
but  the  reduction  of  the  number  of  pieces  by 
the  roots  of  words,  and  their  different  termi 
nations,  is  extremely  ingenious;  and  I  like 
much  the  idea  of  cementing  the  letters,  in 
stead  of  casting  words  or  syllables,  which  I 
formerly  attempted,  and  succeeded  in  having 
invented  a  mould,  and  method  by  which  I 
could,  in  a  few  minutes,  form  a  matrice  and 
adjust  it,  of  any  word  in  any  fount  at  plea 
sure,  and  proceed  to  cast  from  it.     I  send  en 
closed  a  specimen  of  some  of  my  termina 
tions,  and  would  willingly  instruct  Mr.  John 
son  in  the  method  if  he  desired  it,  but  he  has 
a  better.     He  mentions  some  improvements 
that  have  been  proposed,  but  takes  no  notice 
of  one  published  here  at  Paris,  in  1776 ;  so  I 
suppose  he  has  neither  seen  nor  heard  of  it. 
It  is  in  a  4to  pamphlet,  intitled,    Nouvcau 
Systeme  Typographique,  ou  moyen  de  dimi- 
nuer,  de  moitie,  dans  toutes  les  imprimeries 
de  r  Europe,  le  travail  et  lesfrais  de  compo 
sition,  de  correction,  de  distribution,  decou- 
vert  en  1774,  par  Madame  de  *  *  *  *.     Frus- 
tra  fit  per  plura  quod  potest  fieri  per  pauciora. 
A  Paris  de  Vimprimerie  royale,  MDCCLXXVI. 
It  is  dedicated  to  the  king,  who  was  at  the 
expense  of  the  experiments.     Two  commis 
saries  were  named  to  examine  and  render  an 
account  of  them ;  they  were  M.  Desmarets, 
of  the  Academy  of  Sciences,  and  M.  Barbou, 
an  eminent  printer.     Their  report  concludes 
thus ;  "  Nous  nous  contenterons  de  dire  ici 
que  M.  de  St.  Paul  a  rempli  les  engagemens 
qu'il  avoit  contracted  avec  le  Gouvernement ; 
que  ses  experiences  projetees  ont  ete  condu- 
ites  avec  beaucoup  de  methode  et  d'intelli- 
gence  de  sa  part ;  et  que  par  des  calculs  longs 
et  penibles,  qui  sont  le  fruit  d'un  grand  nom- 
bre  de  combinaisons  raisonnees,  il  en  a  deduit 
plusieurs  resultats  qui  meritent  d'etre  pro 
poses  aux  artistes,  et  qui  nous  paroissent  pro- 
pres  a  eclairer  la  pratique  de  l'imprimerie 
actuelle,  et  a  en  abreger  certainement  les 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL 


571 


proeedees.  Son  projet  ne  peut  que  gagner 
aux  contradictions  qu'il  essuiera  sans  doute, 
de  la  part  des  gens  de  1'art.  A  Paris,  le  6 
Janvier,  1776."  The  pamphlet  consists  ol 
sixty-six  pages,  containing  a  number  of  tables 
of  words  and  parts  of  words,  explanations  oi 
those  tables,  calculations,  answers  to  objec 
tions,  &c.  I  will  endeavour  to  get  one  to 
send  you  if  you  desire  it :  mine  is  bound  up 
with  others  in  a  volume.  It  was  after  see 
ing  this  piece  that  I  cast  the  syllables  I  send 
you  a  sample  of.  I  have  not  heard  that  any 
of  the  printers  here  make  at  present  the  least 
use  of  the  invention  of  Madame  de  *  *  *  * 
You  will  observe,  that  it  pretended  only  to 
lessen  the  work  by  one  half;  Mr.  Johnson's 
method  lessens  it  three  fourths.  I  should  be 
glad  to  know  with  what  the  letters  are  ce 
mented.  I  think  cementing  better  that  cast 
ing  them  together,  because  if  one  letter  hap 
pens  to  be  battered,  it  may  be  taken  away 
and  another  cemented  in  its  place.  I  received 
no  letter  with  the  pamphlet.*— I  am,  sir,  &c. 
"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  Benjamin  Webb. 

"  PASSY,  April  22,  1784. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  yours  of  the  15th 
instant,  and  the  memorial  it  enclosed.  The 
account  they  give  of  your  situation  grieves 
me.  I  send"  you  herewith  a  bill  for  ten  Louis 
d'ors.  I  do  not  pretend  to  give  such  a  sum ; 
I  only  lend  it  to  you.  When  you  shall  re 
turn  to  your  country  with  a  good  character, 
you  cannot  fail  of  getting  into  some  business 
that  will  in  time  enable  you  to  pay  all  your 
debts :  in  that  case,  when  you  meet  with  an 
other  honest  man  in  similar  distress,  you 
must  pay  me  by  lending  this  sum  to  him; 
enjoining  him  to  discharge  the  debt  by  a  like 
operation  when  he  shall  be  able,  and  shall 
meet  with  such  another  opportunity.  I  hope 
it  may  thus  go  through  many  hands  before  it 
meets  with  a  knave  that  will  stop  its  pro 
gress.  This  is  a  trick  of  mine  for  doing  a 
deal  of  good  with  a  little  money.  I  am  not 
rich  enough  to  afford  much  in  good  works, 
and  so  am  obliged  to  be  cunning  and  make 
the  most  of  a  little'.  With  best  wishes  for  the 


*  The  logographic  method  of  printing  was  tested  by 
a  most  diligent  and  laborious  series  of  experiments,  by 
John  Walter,  who  knew  nothing  of  the  art  himself. 
Several  works  were  printed,  as  was  the  newspaper 
called  the  Times  originally,  by  that  method.  But  it 
really  failed ;  some  little  time  was  saved  in  the  compo 
sitor's  part,  but  it  was  lost  in  distribution.  The  casting 
was  also  triple  the  cost  of  single  types ;  even  for  the 
logography,  single  letters  were  first  cast  with  one  half 
the  shank  of  the  letter  shaped,  in  carpenters' language, 
like  a  tenon;  these  were  composed  into  words  or  parts 
of  words,  and  put  into  a  common  matrix,  so  that  the 
part  resembling  the  mortice  should  be  cast  round  them  ; 
when  they  were  dressed  like  common  types.  It  was 
an  art  travelling  backward.  The  expense  was  enor 
mous,  and  it  failed.  It  was  exactly  the  same  method 
as  that  pursued  in  France.— D. 


success  of  your  memorial,  and  your  future 
prosperity,  1  am,  dear  sir,  your  most  obedient 
servant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  The  President  of  Congress. 

"  PABBY,  May  12,  1784. 

"  SIR, — In  my  last  I  acquainted  your  ex 
cellency  that  Mr.  Hartley  was  soon  expected 
here  to  exchange  ratifications  of  the  defini 
tive  treaty.  He  is  now  arrived,  and  proposes 
to  make  the  exchange  this  afternoon.  I  shall 
be  enabled  to  send  a  copy.  Enclosed  is 
the  new  British  proclamation,  respecting  our 
trade  with  their  colonies.  It  is  said  to  be  a 
temporary  provision,  till  parliament  can  as 
semble  and  make  some  proper  regulating 
law,  or  till  a  commercial  treaty  shall  be 
framed  and  agreed  to.  Mr.  Hartley  expects 
instructions  for  planning  with  us  such  a  trea 
ty.  The  ministry  are  supposed  to  have  been 
too  busy  with  the  new  elections,  when  he  left 
London,  to  think  of  those  matters. 

"  This  court  has  not  completed  its  intend 
ed  new  system  for  the  trade  of  their  colonies, 
so  that  I  cannot  give  a  certain  account  of  the 
advantages  that  will  in  fine  be  allowed  us. 
At  present  it  is  said  we  are  to  have  two  free 
ports,  Tobago  and  the  Mole,  and  that  we  may 
carry  lumber  and  all  sorts  of  provisions  to  the 
rest,  except  flour,  which  is  reserved  in  favour 
of  Bordeaux,  and  that  we  shall  be  permitted 
to  export  coffee,  rum,  molasses,  and  some  su-. 
gar  for  our  own  consumption. 

;'  We  have  had  under  consideration  a  com 
mercial  treaty  proposed  to  us  by  the  king  of 
Prussia,  and  have  sent  it  back  with  our  re 
marks  to  Mr.  Adams,  who  will  I  suppose 
transmit  it  immediately  to  congress.  Those 
planned  with  Denmark  and  Portugal  wait  its 
determination.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

'  May  13.  I  now  enclose  a  copy  of  the 
ratification  of  the  definitive  treaty,  on  the 
part  of  his  Britannic  majesty." 


"  To  Dr.  Mather,  Boston. 

"  PASSY,  May  12,  1784. 

'  REV.  SIR, — I  received  your  kind  letter 
with  your  excellent  advice  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States,  which  I  read  with  great 
jleasure,  and  hope  it  will  be  duly  regarded. 
Such  writings,  though  they  may  be  lightly 
massed  over  by  many  readers,  yet  if  they 
nake  a  deep  impression  on  one  active  mind 
n  a  hundred,  the  effects  may  be  considera 
ble.  Permit  me  to  mention  one  little  in- 
tance,  which  though  it  relates  to  myself, 
will  not  be  quite  uninteresting  to  you.  When 
[  was  a  boy  I  met  with  a  book  entitled  Es 
says  to  do  Good,  which  I  think  was  written 
>y  your  father.  It  had  been  so  little  regard 
ed  by  a  former  possessor,  that  several  leaves 
of  it  were  torn  out :  but  the  remainder  gave 


572 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


me  such  a  turn  of  thinking,  as  to  have  an  in 
fluence  on  my  conduct  through  life;  for  I 
have  always  set  a  greater  value  on  the  cha 
racter  of  a  doer  of  good,  than  on  any  other 
kind  of  reputation ;  and  if  I  have  been,  as 
you  seem  to  think,  a  useful  citizen,  the  pub 
lic  owes  the  advantage  of  it  to  that  book. 
You  mention  your  being  in  your  78th  year: 
I  am  in  my  79th ;  we  are  grown  old  toge 
ther.  It  is  now  more  than  sixty  years  since 
I  left  Boston,  but  I  remember  well  both  your 
father  and  grandfather,  having  heard  them 
both  in  the  pulpit,  and  seen  them  in  their 
houses.  The  last  time  I  saw  your  father  was 
in  the  beginning  of  1724,  when  I  visited  him 
after  my  first  trip  to  Pennsylvania.  He  re 
ceived  me  in  his  library,  and  on  my  taking 
leave  showed  me  a  shorter  way  out  of  the 
house  through  a  narrow  passage,  which  was 
crossed  by  a  beam  over  head.  We  were  still 
talking  as  I  withdrew,  he  accompanying  me 
behind,  and  I  turning  partly  towards  him, 
when  he  said  hastily,  stoop,  stoop !  I  did  not 
understand  him  till  I  felt  my  head  hit  against 
the  beam.  He  was  a  man  that  never  missed 
any  occasion  of  giving  instruction,  and  upon 
this  he  said  to  me,  you  are  young,  and  have 
the  world  before  you;  STOOP  as  you  go 
through  it,  and  you  will  miss  many  hard 
thumps.  This  advice,  thus  beat  into  my 
head,  has  frequently  been  of  use  to  me ;  and 
I  often  think  of  it,  when  I  see  pride  morti 
fied,  and  misfortunes  brought  upon  people, 
by  their  carrying  their  heads  too  high. 

"  I  long  much  to  see  again  my  native  place, 
and  to  lay  my  bones  there.  I  left  it  in  1723 ; 
I  visited  it  in  1733,  1743,  1753,  and  1763. 
In  1773, 1  was  in  England ;  in  1775,  I  had  a 
sight  of  it,  but  could  not  enter,  it  being  in 
possession  of  the  enemy.  I  did  hope  to  have 
been  there  in  1783,  but  could  not  obtain  my 
dismission  from  this  employment  here ;  and 
now  I  fear  I  shall  never  have  that  happiness. 
My  best  wishes,  however,  attend  my  dear 
country.  Esto  perpetua.  It  is  now  blest 
with  an  excellent  constitution;  may  it  last 
for  ever ! 

"  This  powerful  monarchy  continues  its 
friendship  for  the  United  States.  It  is  a 
friendship  of  the  utmost  importance  to  our 
security,  and  should  be  carefully  cultivated. 
Britain  has  not  yet  well  digested  the  loss  of 
its  dominion  over  us,  and  has  still  at  times 
some  flattering  hopes  of  recovering  it.  Ac 
cidents  may  increase  those  hopes,  and  encou 
rage  dangerous  attempts.  A  breach  between 
us  and  France,  would  infallibly  bring  the 
English  again  upon  our  backs ;  and  yet  we 
have  some  wild  heads  among  our  country 
men,  who  are  endeavouring  to  weaken  that 
connexion !  Let  us  preserve  our  reputation 
by  performing  our  engagements ;  our  credit 
by  fulfilling  our  contracts;  and  friends  by 
gratitude  and  kindness ;  for  we  know  not  how 


soon  we  may  again  have  occasion  for  all  of 
them.  With  great  and  sincere  esteem,  I 
have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Charles  Thomson,  Secretary  of  Congress. 
"  PASSY,  May  13, 1784. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR, — Yesterday  evening  Mr. 
Hartley  met  with  Mr.  Jay  and  myself,  when 
the  ratifications  of  the  definitive  treaty  were 
exchanged.  I  send  a  copy  of  the  English 
ratification  to  the  president.  Thus  the  great 
and  hazardous  enterprise  we  have  been  en 
gaged  in  is,  God  be  praised,  happily  com 
pleted  ;  an  event  I  hardly  expected  I  should 
live  to  see.  A  few  years  of  peace,  well 
improved,  will  restore  and  increase  our 
strength :  but  our  future  safety  will  depend 
on  our  union  and  our  virtue.  Britain  will 
be  long  watching  for  advantages,  to  recover 
what  she  has  lost.  If  we  do  not  convince 
the  world,  that  we  are  a  nation  to  be  depended 
on  for  fidelity  in  treaties ;  if  we  appear  neg 
ligent  in  paying  our  debts,  and  ungrateful 
to  those  who  have  served  and  befriended  us ; 
our  reputation,  and  all  the  strength  it  is  ca 
pable  of  procuring,  will  be  lost,  and  fresh 
attacks  upon  us  will  be  encouraged  and  pro 
moted,  by  better  prospects  of  success.  Let 
us,  therefore,  beware  of  being  lulled  into  a 
dangerous  security ;  and  of  being  both  ener 
vated  and  impoverished  by  luxury ;  of  being 
weakened  by  internal  contentions  and  di 
visions  ;  of  being  shamefully  extravagant  in 
contracting  private  debts,  while  we  are  back 
ward  in  discharging  honourably  those  of  the 
public ;  of  neglect  in  military  exercises  and 
discipline,  and  in  providing  stores  of  arms 
and  munition  of  war,  to  be  ready  on  occasion : 
for  all  these  are  circumstances  that  give  con 
fidence  to  enemies,  and  diffidence  to  friends ; 
and  the  expenses  required  to  prevent  a  war, 
are  much  lighter  than  those  that  will,  if  not 
prevented,  be  absolutely  necessary  to  main 
tain  it. 

I  am  long  kept  in  suspense  without  being 
able  to  learn  the  purpose  of  congress  respect 
ing  my  request  of  recall,  and  that  of  some 
employment  for  my  secretary,  Wm.  Temple 
Franklin.  If  I  am  kept  here  another  winter, 
and  as  much  weakened  by  it  as  by  the  last, 
I  may  as  well  remove  to  spend  the  remainder 
of  my  days  here  ;  for  I  shall  hardly  be  able 
to  bear  the  fatigues  of  the  voyage  in  return 
ing.  During  my  long  absence  from  America, 
my  friends  are  continually  diminishing  by 
death,  and  my  inducements  to  return,  les 
sened  in  proportion.  But  I  can  make  no 
preparations  either  for  going  conveniently,  or 
staying  comfortably  here,  nor  take  any  steps 
towards  making  some  other  provision  for  my 
grandson,  till  I  know  what  I  am  to  expect. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


673 


Be  so  good,  my  dear  friend,  to  send  me  a 
little  private  information. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


Jjord  Carmarthen  to  David  Hartley. 

"  ST.  JAMES'S,  May  28,  1784. 

"  SIR, — I  received  this  morning  by  Lau- 
zun,  your  despatch  No.  5,  and  the  private 
letter  of  the  24th  instant,  together  with  the 
ratification  of  the  treaty  between  Great  Bri 
tain  and  the  United  States  of  America ;  and 
I  own  it  was  with  the  greatest  surprise  that 
I  perceived  so  essential  a  want  of  form  as 
appears  in  the  very  first  paragraph  of  that 
instrument,  wherein  the  United  States  are 
mentioned  before  his  Majesty,  contrary  to  the 
established  custom  observed  in  every  treaty 
in  which  a  crowned  head  and  a  republic  are 
contracting  parties. 

"  The  conclusion,  likewise,  appears  ex 
tremely  deficient,  as  it  is  neither  signed  by 
the  president  nor  is  it  dated,  and  consequent 
ly  is  wanting  in  some  of  the  most  essential 
points  of  form  necessary  towards  authenti 
cating  the  validity  of  the  instrument. 

"  I  should  think  the  American  ministers 
could  make  no  objection  to  correcting  these 
defects  in  the  ratification,  which  might  very 
easily  be  done,  either  by  signing  a  declara 
tion  in  the  name  of  congress  for  preventing 
the  particular  mode  of  expression,  so  far  as 
relates  to  precedency,  in  the  first  paragraph, 
being  considered  as  a  precedent,  to  be  adopt 
ed  on  any  future  occasion,  or  else  by  having 
a  new  copy  made  out  in  America,  in  which 
these  mistakes  should  be  corrected,  and  which 
might  be  done  without  any  prejudice  arising 
to  either  of  the  parties  from  the  delay.  I  am, 
with  great  truth  and  regard,  sir,  your  most 
obedient  humble  servant, 

"  CARMARTHEN. 

"  P.  S.  I  send  you  enclosed  a  copy  of  the 


ratification — part  of  the  treaty,  which  it  is 
also  to  be  observed  were  previously  described 
as  '  definitive  articles.' " 


David  Hartley  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  PARIS,  June  1,  1784. 

"  SIR, — I  have  the  honour  to  inform  you, 
that  I  have  transmitted  to  London  the  ratifi 
cation  on  the  part  of  congress  of  the  defini 
tive  treaty  of  peace  between  Great  Britain 
and  the  United  States  of  America,  and  I  am 
ordered  to  represent  to  you,  that  a  want  of 
form  appears  in  the  first  paragraph  of  that  in 
strument  wherein  the  United  States  are  men 
tioned  before  his  Majesty,  contrary  to  the  es 
tablished  custom  in  every  treaty  in  which  a 
crowned  head  and  a  republic  are  parties.  It 
is  likewise  to  be  observed,  that  the  term  '  de 
finitive  articles,1  is  used  instead  of  definitive 
treaty ;  and  the  conclusion  appears  likewise 


deficient,  as  it  is  neither  signed  by  the  presi 
dent,  nor  is  it  dated,  and  consequently  is 
wanting  in  some  of  the  most  essential  points 
of  form  necessary  towards  authenticating  the 
validity  of  the  instrument. 

"  I  am  ordered  to  propose  to  you,  sir,  that 
these  defects  in  the  ratification  should  be 
corrected,  which  might  very  easily  be  done, 
either  by  signing  a  declaration  in  the  name 
of  congress,  for  preventing  the  particular 
mode  of  expression,  so  far  as  relates  to  pre 
cedency  in  the  first  paragraph  being  consi 
dered  as  a  precedent  to  be  adopted  on  any  fu 
ture  occasion ;  or  else  by  having  a  new  copy 
made  out  in  America,  in  which  these  mis 
takes  should  be  corrected,  and  which  might 
be  done  without  any  prejudice  arising  to 
either  of  the  parties  from  the  delay.  I  am, 
sir.  with  great  respect  and  consideration, 
your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

"  D.  HARTLEY." 


"  To  David  Hartley. 

"  PASSY,  June  2,  1784 

"  SIR, — 1  have  considered  the  observations 
you  did  me  the  honour  of  communicating  to 
me  concerning  certain  inaccuracies  of  ex 
pression,  and  supposed  defects  of  formality  in 
the  instrument  of  ratification ;  some  of  which 
are  said  to  be  of  such  a  nature  as  to  affect 
'  the  validity  of  the  instrument.'  The  first 
is,  *  that  the  United  States  are  named  before 
his  Majesty,  contrary  to  the  established  cus 
tom  observed  in  every  treaty  in  which  a 
crowned  head  and  a  republic  are  the  con 
tracting  parties.'  With  respect  to  this  it 
seems  to  me  that  we  should  distinguish  be 
tween  the  act  in  which  both  join,  to  wit,  the 
treaty,  and  that  which  is  the  act  of  each  se 
parately,  the  ratification.  It  is  necessary 
that  all  the  modes  of  expression  in  the  joint 
act,  should  be  agreed  to  by  both  parties; 


though  on  their  separate  acts,  each  party  is 
master  of,  and  alone  accountable  for,  its  own 
mode.  If  the  ministers  of  the  United  States 
had  insisted,  or  even  proposed,  naming  in  the 
treaty  the  States  before  the  king,  it  might 
have  been  deemed  injurious  to  his  dignity,  as 
requiring  him  to  acknowledge  by  that  joint 
act  their  superiority.  But  this  was  not  the 
case;  on  inspecting  the  treaty,  it  will  be 
found  that  his  Majesty  is  always  regularly 
named  before  the  United  States.  How  it 
lappened  that  the  same  order  was  not  ob 
served  in  the  ratification,  I  am  not  informed. 
Our  secretaries  are  new  in  this  kind  of  busi 
ness,  which  methinks  should  be  favourably 
considered  if  they  chance  to  make  mistakes. 
They  may  have  been  led  by  some  precedent; 
>r  being  republicans,  and  of  course  preferring 
hat  kind  of  government  as  in  their  opinions 
more  excellent  than  monarchy,  they  may  na- 
urally  have  thought  it  right,"  when  the  two 


574 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


kinds  were  to  be  named  in  their  own  instru 
ment,  to  give  their  own  kind  the  precedence ; 
an  effect  of  that  sort  of  complaisance  which 
almost  every  nation  seems  to  have  for  itself, 
and  of  which  the  English  too  afford  an  in 
stance,  when  in  the  title  of  the  king  they  al 
ways  name  Great  Britain  before  France.  The 
congress,  however,  adopted  the  form  present 
ed  to  them,  and  it  is  thus  become  an  act  of 
theirs ;  but  the  king  having  no  part  in  it,  if 
it  is  improper,  it  reflects  only  upon  those  who 
committed  the  impropriety,  and  can  no  way 
affect  his  majesty.  Whatever  may  have  oc 
casioned  this  transposition,  I  am  confident  no 
disrespect  to  the  king  was  intended  in  it  by 
the  congress.  They  as  little  thought  of  af 
fronting  his  majesty,  by  naming  the  States 
before  him,  as  your  ministers  did  of  affronting 
the  Supreme  Being,  when  in  the  correspond 
ing  first  paragraph  of  their  ratification,  they 
named  the  king  before  the  Deity.  There 
cannot  be  a  clearer  proof  of  this  than  what 
is  to  be  found  in  the  ratification  itself.  In 
the  treaty,  the  king,  as  I  said  before,  is  al 
ways  first  named.  Thus  the  established  cus 
tom  in  treaties  between  '  crowned  heads  and 
republics'  contended  for  on  your  part  was 
strictly  observed ;  and  the  ratification  follow 
ing  the  treaty  contains  these  words :  '  Now 
know  ye,  that  we  the  United  States  in  con 
gress  assembled,  having  seen  and  considered 
the  definitive  articles,  have  approved,  rati 
fied,  and  confirmed,  and  by  these  presents  do 
approve,  ratify,  and  confirm  the  said  articles, 

AND  EVERY  PART  AND  CLAUSE   THEREOF,  &C.' 

Thus  all  those  articles,  parts,  and  clauses, 
wherein  the  King  is  named  before  the  United 
States,  are  approved,  ratified,  and  confirmed; 
and  this  solemnly  under  the  signature  of  the 
president  of  congress,  with  the  public  seal 
affixed  by  their  order,  and  countersigned  by 
their  secretary.  No  declaration  on  the  sub 
ject,  more  determinate  or  more  authentic, 
can  possibly  be  made  or  given,  which  when 
considered,  may  probably  induce  his  majes 
ty's  minister  to  wave  the  proposition  of  our 
signing  a  similar  declaration,  or  of  sending 
back  the  ratification  to  be  corrected  in  this 
point,  neither  appearing  to  be  really  neces 
sary.  I  will,  however,  if  still  desired,  trans 
mit  to  congress  the  observation  and  the  diffi 
culty  occasioned  by  it,  and  request  their  or 
ders  upon  it.  I  can  have  no  doubt  of  their 
willingness  to  give  every  reasonable  satisfac 
tion. 

"  If  the  words  definitive  treaty  had  been 
used,  instead  of  definitive  articles,  it  might 
have  been  more  correct,  though  the  difference 
seems  not  great,  nor  of  much  importance,  as 
in  the  treaty  itself  it  is  called  the  present 
definitive  treaty. 

"  The  other  objections  are,  '  That  the  con 
clusion  likewise  appears  deficient,  as  it  is 
neither  signed  by  the  president,  nor  is  it 


dated,  and  consequently  is  wanting  in  some 
of  the  most  essential  points  of  form  necessary 
towards  authenticating  the  validity  of  the  in 
strument.'  It  is  true  that  the  signature  of 
the  president  is  not  placed  at  the  end  of  the 
piece.  Among  the  infinite  number  of  trea 
ties  and  ratifications  that  have  been  made  in 
different  ages  and  countries,  there  are  found 
a  great  variety  in  the  forms,  and  in  the  man 
ner  of  placing  the  seals  and  signatures,  all 
however  equally  authentic  and  binding. — 
Which  of  the  precedents  we  have  followed, 
I  know  not ;  but  I  think  our  ratifications  have 
generally  been  sealed  in  the  margin  near 
the  beginning,  and  the  president's  name  sub 
scribed  by  him,  as  it  ought  to  be,  near  the 
seal.  This  is  then  our  usage.  And  it  has 
never  hitherto  been  objected  to  by  any  of  the 
powers  with  whom  we  have  treated,  not  even 
by  yourselves  in  our  ratification  of  the  preli 
minary  articles  exchanged  in  1783.  And  I 
observe  that  your  own  method  is  not  always 
uniform,  for  in  your  last  ratification  the  king 
signs  only  at  the  end,  in  the  first  at  both  the 
end  and  the  beginning.  If  we  had,  like  older 
nations,  a  great  seal,  the  impression  of  which, 
from  its  bulk  and  weight,  could  only  be 
appended,  the  signature  might  properly  be 
placed  above  it  at  the  end  of  the  instrument. 
Probably  the  want  of  an  able  artist  prevent 
ed  our  having  hitherto  such  a  seal.  In  the 
mean  time,  as  all  the  parts  of  the  instrument 
are  connected  by  a  riband  whose  ends  are  se 
cured  under  the  impression,  the  signature 
and  seal,  wherever  placed,  relate  to,  and  au 
thenticate  the  whole.  This  is  expressly  de 
clared  by  the  congress  in  the  concluding  sen 
tence,  viz.  In  testimony  whereof,  '  we  have 
caused  the  seal  of  the  United  States  to  be 
hereunto  affixed.  Witness,  his  excellency 
Thomas  Mifflin,  Esq.  president,  this  four 
teenth  day  of  January,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  eighty- 
four.'  It  is  thus  that  the  duplicate  before 
me  is  dated,  in  these  words  at  length,  and  I 
apprehend  the  original  exchanged  must  be 
the  same,  so  that  the  essential  article  of  a 
date  was  not  wanting,  as  supposed,  but  has 
been  overlooked  by  the  person  who  made  the 
objection. 

"  The  ratification  was  passed  in  congress 
unanimously,  and  the  treaty  will,  I  firmly 
believe,  be  punctually  and  faithfully  executed 
on  their  part ;  we  confide  that  the  same  will 
be  done  on  yours.  Let  us  endeavour  on  all 
sides  to  establish  the  '  firm  and  perpetual 
peace"1  we  have  promised  to  each  other,  and 
not  suffer  even  the  prospect  of  it  to  be  cloud 
ed  by  too  critical  an  attention  to  small  forms 
and  immaterial  circumstances.  With  great 
esteem  and  respect,  I  have  the  honour  to  be, 
sir,  your  excellency's  most  obedient  and  most 
humble  servant, 

«  B.  FRANKLIN." 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


575 


"  The  President  of  Congress. 

"  PASSY,  June  1C,  1784. 

"  SIR, — My  letter  by  Mr.  Jay,  acquainted 
your  excellency  that  the  ratifications  of  the 
definitive  treaty  were  exchanged.  A  copy 
of  the  British  part  was  also  sent  by  him. 

"  Mr.  Hartley  remained  here  expecting 
instructions  to  treat  with  us  on  the  subject 
of  commerce.  The  bustle  attending  a  new 
election  and  meeting  of  parliament,  he  ima 
gined,  might  occasion  the  long  delay  of  these 
instructions :  he  now  thinks  that  the  affair  of 
the  American  trade  being  under  the  consi 
deration  of  parliament,  it  is  probable  no  treaty 
will  be  proposed  till  the  result  is  known. 
Mr.  Jay,  who  sailed  for  America  the  first  in 
stant  from  Dover,  and  who  saw  there  several 
of  our  friends  from  London  before  his  depar 
ture,  and  Mr.  Laurens,  who  left  London  on 
the  6th,  to  go  in  the  Falmouth  packet,  will 
be  able  to  give  you  more  perfect  informations 
than  I  can,  of  what  may  be  expected  of  the 
determination  of  the  British  government  res 
pecting  our  intercourse  with  their  islands; 
and  therefore  I  omit  my  conjectures,  only 
mentioning,  that  from  various  circumstances 
there  seems  to  be  some  lurking  remains  of 
ill-humour  there,  and  of  resentment  against 
us,  which  only  wants  a  favourable  opportu 
nity  to  manifest  itself. 

"  This  makes  it  the  more  necessary  for  us 
to  be  on  our  guard,  and  prepared  for  events, 
that  a  change  in  the  affairs  of  Europe  may 
produce ;  its  tranquillity  depending,  perhaps, 
on  the  life  of  one  man,  and  it  being  impossi 
ble  to  foresee  in  what  situation  a  new  ar 
rangement  of  its  various  interests  may  place 
us.  Ours  will  be  respected  in  proportion  to 
the  apparent  solidity  of  our  government,  the 
support  of  our  credit,  the  maintenance  of 
good  understanding  with  our  friends,  and  our 
readiness  for  defence.  All  which  I  persuade 
myself  will  be  taken  care  of. 

"  Enclosed  I  send  a  copy  of  a  letter  from 
Mr.  Hartley  to  me,  respecting  some  supposed 
defects  in  the  ratification,  together  with  my 
answer,  which  has  been  transmitted  to  Lon 
don.  The  objections  appeared  to  me  trivial 
and  absurd,  but  I  thought  it  prudent  to  treat 
them  with  as  much  decency  as  I  could,  lest 
the  ill  temper  should  be  augmented,  which 
might  be  particularly  inconvenient,  while  the 
commerce  was  under  consideration.  There 
has  not  yet  been  time  for  Mr.  Hartley  to  hear 
whether  my  answer  has  been  satisfactory,  or 
whether  the  ministers  will  still  insist  on  my 
sending  for  an  amended  copy  from  America, 
as  they  proposed. 

"  I  do  not  perceive  the  least  diminution  in 
the  good  disposition  of  this  court  towards  us, 
and  I  hope  care  will  be  taken  to  preserve  it 

"  The  marquis  de  la  Fayette,  who  will  have 
the  honour  of  delivering  this  to  you,  has,  ever 


since  his  arrival  in  Europe,  been  very  indus 
trious  in  his  endeavours  to  serve  us,  and  pro 
mote  our  interests,  and  has  been  of  great  use 
on  several  occasions.  I  should  wish  that  con 
gress  might  think  fit  to  express  in  some  pro 
per  manner  their  sense  of  his  merit. 

"  My  malady  prevents  my  going  to  Ver 
sailles,  as  I  cannot  bear  a  carriage  upon  pave 
ment,  but  my  grandson  goes  regularly  on 
court  days  to  supply  my  place,  and  is  well 
received  there.  The  last  letters  I  have  had 
the  honour  to  receive  from  you  are  of  the 
14th  of  January.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Dr.  Percwal. 

"  PASSY,  July  17, 1784. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  yesterday  by  Mr. 
White,  your  kind  letter  of  May  llth,  with 
the  most  agreeable  present  of  your  new  book. 
I  read  it  all  before  I  slept,  which  is  a  proof 
of  the  good  effects  your  happy  manner  has  of 
drawing  your  reader  on,  by  mixing  little 
anecdotes  and  historical  facts  with  your  in 
structions.  Be  pleased  to  accept  my  grateful 
acknowledgments  for  the  pleasure  it  has  af 
forded  me. 

"  It  is  astonishing  that  the  murderous  prac 
tice  of  duelling,  which  you  so  justly  condemn, 
should  continue  so  long  in  vogue.  Formerly, 
when  duels  were  used  to  determine  law 
suits,  from  an  opinion  that  Providence  would 
in  every  instance  favour  truth  and  right  with 
victory,  they  were  excusable.  At  present, 
they  decide  nothing.  A  man  says  something, 
which  another  tells  him  is  a  lie.  They  fight ; 
but  whichever  is  killed,  the  point  in  dispute 
remains  unsettled.  To  this  purpose  they 
have  a  pleasant  little  story  here.  A  gentle 
man  in  a  coffee-house  desired  another  to  sit 
farther  from  him.  Why  so  ?  Because,  sir, 
you  stink.  That  is  an  affront,  and  you  must 
fight  me.  I  will  fight  you  if  you  insist  upon 
it ;  but  I  do  not  see  how  that  will  mend  the 
matter.  For  if  you  kill  me,  I  shall  stink  too ; 
and  if  I  kill  you,  you  will  stink,  if  possible, 
worse  than  you  do  at  present.  How  can  such 
miserable  sinners  as  we  are  entertain  so  much 
pride,  as  to  conceit  that  every  offence  against 
our  imagined  honour  merits  death  1  These 
jetty  princes  in  their  own  opinion  would  call 
that  sovereign  a  tyrant,  who  should  put  one 
of  them  to  death  for  a  little  uncivil  language, 
'hough  pointed  at  his  sacred  person:  yet 
3very  one  of  them  makes  himself  judge  in  his 
own  cause,  condemns  the  offender  without  a 
ury,  and  undertakes Jiimself  to  be  the  execu 
tioner. 

"  With  sincere  and  great  esteem,  I  have 
;he  honour  to  be,  sir,  your  most  obedient,  and 
nost  humble  servant,  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  P.  S.  Our  friend,  Mr.  Vaughan,  may  per 
haps  communicate  to  you  some  conjectures 
of  mine  relating  to  the  cold  of  last  winter, 


576 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


which  I  sent  him  in  return  for  the  observa 
tions  on  cold  of  professor  Wilson.  If  he 
should,  and  you  think  them  worthy  so  much 
notice,  you  may  show  them  to  your  Philoso 
phical  Society,*  to  which  I  wish  all  imagina 
ble  success.  Their  rules  appear  to  me  ex 
cellent." 


"  Messrs.  Weems  and  Gant. 

"  PASSY,  July  18,  1784. 

"  GENTLEMEN, — On  receipt  of  your  letter, 
acquainting  me  that  the  archbishop  of  Can 
terbury  f  would  not  permit  you  to  be  ordain 
ed,  unless  you  took  the  oath  of  allegiance ;  I 
applied  to  a  clergyman  of  my  acquaintance, 
for  information  on  the  subject  of  your  obtain 
ing  ordination  here.  His  opinion  was,  that 
it  could  not  be  done ;  and  that  if  it  were  done, 
you  would  be  required  to  vow  obedience  to 
the  archbishop  of  Paris.  I  next  inquired  of 
the  pope's  nuncio,  whether  you  might  not  be 
ordained  by  their  bishop  in  America,  powers 
being  sent  him  for  that  purpose,  if  he  has 
them  not  already.  The  answer  was,  the 
thing  is  impossible,  unless  the  gentlemen  be 
come  catholics. 

"  This  is  an  affair  of  which  I  know  very 
little,  and  therefore  I  may  ask  questions  and 
propose  means  that  are  improper  or  impracti 
cable.  But  what  is  the  necessity  of  your 
being  connected  with  the  church  of  Eng 
land  1  Would  it  not  be  as  well  if  you  were 
of  the  church  of  Ireland"?  The  religion  is 
the  same,  though  there  is  a  different  set  of 
bishops  and  archbishops.  Perhaps  if  you  were 
to  apply  to  the  bishop  of  Deny,  (lord  Bristol) 
who  is  a  man  of  liberal  sentiments,  he  might 
give  you  orders  as  of  that  church.  If  both 
Britain  and  Ireland  refuse  you ;  and  I  am  not 
sure  that  the  bishops  of  Denmark  or  Sweden 
would  ordain  you,  unless  you  became  Luther 
ans  :  what  is  to  be  done  1  Next  to  becoming 
Presbyterians,  the  Episcopalian  clergy  of 
America,  in  my  humble  opinion,  cannot  do 
better  than  to  follow  the  example  of  the  first 
clergy  of  Scotland,  soon  after  the  conversion 
of  that  country  to  Christianity ;  who,  when 
their  king  had  built  the  cathedral  of  St.  An 
drews,  and  requested  the  king  of  Northum- 
nerland  to  lend  his  bishops  to  ordain  one  for 
them,  that  their  clergy  might  not,  as  hereto 
fore,  be  obliged  to  go  to  Northumberland  for 
orders,  and  their  request  was  refused ;  they 
assembled  in  the  cathedral,  and  the  mitre, 
crozier,  and  robes  of  a,  bishop  being  laid  upon 
the  altar,  they,  after  earnest  prayers  for  di 
rection  in  their  choice,  elected  one  of  their 
own  number;  when  the  king  said  to  him, 
Arise,  go  to  the  altar,  and  receive  your  of- 

*  The  Philosophical  Society  of  Manchester,  of  which 
Dr.  Percival  was  one  of  the  principal  founders  and  or 
naments. 

t  Then  Dr.  Moore. 


fice  at  the  hand  of  God.  His  brethren  led 
him  to  the  altar,  robed  him,  put  the  crozier 
in  his  hand,  and  the  mitre  on  his  head,  and 
he  became  the  first  bishop  of  Scotland. 

"  If  the  British  islands  were  sunk  in  the 
sea  (and  the  surface  of  this  globe  has  suffered 
greater  changes)  you  would  probably  take 
some  such  method  as  this :  and  if  they  per 
sist  in  denying  you  ordination,  it  is  the  same 
thing.  An  hundred  years  hence,  when  the 
people  are  more  enlightened,  it  will  be  won 
dered  at,  that  men  in  America,  qualified  by 
their  learning  and  piety  to  pray  for  and  in 
struct  their  neighbours,  should  not  be  per 
mitted  to  do  it  till  they  had  made  a  voyage 
of  6000  miles  out  and  home,  to  ask  leave  of 
a  cross  old  gentleman  at  Canterbury:  who 
seems,  by  your  account,  to  have  as  little  re 
gard  for  the  souls  of  the  people  of  Maryland, 
as  king  William's  attorney-general,  Sey 
mour,  had  for  those  of  Virginia.  The  reve 
rend  commissary  Blair,  who  projected  the 
college  of  that  province,  and  was  in  England 
to  solicit  benefactions  and  a  charter,  relates, 
that  the  queen,  in  the  king's  absence,  having 
ordered  Seymour  to  draw  up  the  charter 
which  was  to  be  given,  with  2000Z.  in  mo 
ney,  he  opposed  the  grant;  saying  that  the 
nation  was  engaged  in  an  expensive  war, 
that  the  money  was  wanted  for  better  pur 
poses,  and  he  did  not  see  the  least  occasion 
for  a  college  in  Virginia.  Blair  represented 
to  him,  that  its  intention  was  to  educate  and 
qualify  young  men  to  be  ministers  of  the  gos 
pel,  much  wanted  there;  and  begged  Mr. 
attorney  would  consider  that  the  people  of 
Virginia  had  souls  to  be  saved  as  well  as  the 
people  of  England.  Souls  (said  he)  damn 
your  souls.  Make  tobacco ! — I  have  the  ho 
nour  to  be,  gentlemen,  &c. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  B.  Vaughan. 

"  PASSY,  July  26,  1784. 

"  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  have  received  several 
letters  from  you  lately,  dated  June  16,  June 
30,  and  July  13.  I  thank  you  for  the  inform 
ation  respecting  the  proceedings  of  your  W. 
India  merchants,  or  rather  planters.  The 
restraints,  whatever  they  may  be,  upon  our 
commerce  with  your  islands,  will  prejudice 
their  inhabitants,  I  apprehend,  more  than  us. 
It  is  wonderful  how  preposterously  the  affairs 
of  this  world  are  managed.  Naturally  one 
would  imagine  that  the  interests  of  a  few 
particulars,  should  give  way  to  general  in 
terest.  But  particulars  manage  their  affairs 
with  so  much  more  application,  industry,  and 
address  than  the  public  do  theirs,  that  general 
interest  most  commonly  gives  way  to  parti 
cular.  We  assemble  parliaments  and  coun 
cils  to  have  the  benefit  of  their  collected 
wisdom,  but  we  necessarily  have  at  the  same 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


577 


time  the  inconvenience  of  their  collected 
passions,  prejudices,  and  private  interests. 
By  the  help  of  these,  artful  men  overpower 
the  wisdom,  and  dupe  its  possessors ;  and  if 
we  may  judge  by  the  acts,  decree?,  and  edicts 
all  the  world  over  for  regulating  commerce, 
an  assembly  of  wise  men  is  the  greatest  fool 
upon  earth. 

"  I  have  received  Cook's  Voyages,  which 
you  put  Mr.  Oswald  in  the  way  of  sending 
to  me.  By  some  mistake  the  first  volume 
was  omitted,  and  instead  of  it  a  duplicate  sent 
of  the  third.  If  there  is  a  good  print  of  Cook, 
I  should  be  glad  to  have  it,  being  personally 
acquainted  with  him.  I  thank  you  for  the 
pamphlets  by  Mr.  Estlin.  Every  thing  you 
send  me  gives  me  pleasure ;  to  receive  your 
account  would  give  me  more  than  all. 

"  I  am  told  that  the  little  pamphlet  of  ad 
vice  to  such  as  would  remove  to  America,  is 
reprinted  in  London  with  my  name  to  it, 
which  I  would  rather  had  been  omitted ;  but 
wish  to  see  a  copy  when  you  have  an  oppor 
tunity  of  sending  it. 

'*  Mr.  Hartley  has  long  continued  here  in 
expectation  of  instructions  for  making  a  trea 
ty  of  commerce,  but  they  do  not  come,  and  I 
begin  to  suspect  none  are  intended  ;  though 
perhaps  the  delay  is  only  occasioned  by  the 
over-great  burden  of  business  at  present  on 
the  shoulders  of  your  ministers.  We  do  not 
press  the  matter,  but  are  content  to  wait  till 
they  can  see  their  interest  respecting  Ame 
rica  more  clearly,  being  certain  that  we  can 
shift  as  well  as  you  without  a  treaty. 

"  The  conjectures  I  sent  you  concerning 
the  cold  of  last  winter  still  appear  to  me  pro 
bable:  the  moderate  season  in  Russia  and 
Canada  do  not  weaken  them.  I  think  our 
frost  here  began  about  the  24th  of  December, 
in  America  the  12th  of  January.  I  thank 
you  for  recommending  to  me  Mr.  Arbuthnot; 
I  have  had  pleasure  in  his  conversation.  I 
wish  much  to  see  the  new  pieces  you  had  in 
hand.  I  congratulate  you  on  the  return  of 
your  wedding-day,  and  wish  for  your  sake 
and  Mrs.  Vaughan's,  that  you  may  sec  a  great 
many  of  them,  all  as  happy  as  the  first." 

"  I  like  the  young  stranger  very  much : 
he  seems  sensible,  ingenious,  and  modest,  has 
a  good  deal  of  instruction,  and  makes  judi 
cious  remarks.  He  will  probably  distinguish 
himself  advantageously. 

"  I  have  not  yet  heard  from  Mr.  Nairne. 

"  Dr.  Price's  pamphlet  of  advice  to  Ame 
rica,  is  a  good  one,  and  will  do  good.  You 
ask  '  what  remedy  I  have  for  the  growing 
luxury  of  my  country,  which  gives  so  much 
offence  to  all  English  travellers  without  ex 
ception.'  I  answer,  that  I  think  it  exagge 
rated,  and  that  travellers  are  not  good  judges, 
whether  our  luxury  is  growing  or  diminish 
ing.  Our  people  are  hospitable,  and  have  in 
deed  too  much  pride  in  displaying  upon  their 

VOL.  I. ...  4  D 


tables  before  strangers  the  plenty  and  variety 
that  our  country  affords.  They  have  the  va 
nity  too  of  sometimes  borrowing  one  another's 
plate  to  entertain  more  splendidly.  Stran 
gers  being  invited  from  house  to  house,  meet 
ing  every  day  with  a  feast,  imagine  what 
they  see  is  the  ordinary  way  of  living  of  all 
the  families  where  they  dine;  when  perhaps 
each  family  lives  a  week  after  upon  the  re 
mains  of  the  dinner  given.  It  is,  I  owr^,  a 
folly  in  our  people  to  give  such  offence  to 
English  travellers.  The  first  part  of  the 
proverb  is  thereby  verified,  that  fools  make 
feasts.  I  wish  in  this  case  the  other  were  as 
true,  and  wise  men  eat  them.  These  tra 
vellers  might,  one  would  think,  find  some 
fault  they  could  more  decently  reproach  us 
with,  than  that  of  our  excessive  civility  to 
them  as  strangers. 

"  I  have  not  indeed  yet  thought  of  a  reme 
dy  for  luxury;  I  am  not  sure  that  in  a  great 
state  it  is  capable  of  a  remedy :  nor  that  the 
evil  is  in  itself  always  so  great  as  it  is  re 
presented.  Suppose  we  include  in  the  defi 
nition  of  luxury  all  unnecessary  expense,  and 
then  let  us  consider  whether  laws  to  prevent 
such  expense  are  possible  to  be  executed  in  a 
great  country;  and  whether,  if  they  could  be 
executed,  our  people  generally  would  be  hap 
pier,  or  even  richer.  Is  not  the  hope  of  one 
day  being  able  to  purchase  and  enjoy  luxu 
ries  a  great  spur  to  labour  and  industry  ? 
May  not  luxury  therefore  produce  more  than 
it  consumes,  if  without  such  a  spur  people 
would  be,  as  they  are  naturally  enough  in 
clined  to  be,  lazy  and  indolent]  To  this  pur 
pose  I  remember  a  circumstance.  The  skip 
per  of  a  shallop,  employed  between  Cape  May 
and  Philadelphia,  had  done  us  some  small  ser 
vice,  for  which  he  refused  pay.  My  wife  un 
derstanding  that  he  had  a  daughter,  sent  her 
as  a  present  a  new  fashioned  cap.  Three 
years  after,  the  skipper  being  at  my  house, 
with  an  old  farmer  of  Cape  May,  his  passen 
ger,  he  mentioned  the  cap,  and  how  much  his 
daughter  had  been  pleased  with  it ;  but,  said 
he,  it  proved  a  dear  cap  to  our  congregation. 
How  so  ?  When  my  daughter  appeared  in 
it  at  meeting,  it  was  so  much  admired,  that 
all  the  girls  resolved  to  get  such  caps  from 
Philadelphia ;  and  my  wife  and  I  computed 
that  the  whole  could  not  cost  less  than  a 
hundred  pounds.  True,  said  the  farmer,  but 
you  do  not  tell  all  the  story ;  I  think  the  cap 
was  nevertheless  an  advantage  to  us ;  for  it 
was  the  first  thing  that  set  our  girls  upon 
knitting  worsted  mittens  for  sale  at  Philadel 
phia,  that  they  might  have  wherewithal  to 
buy  caps  and  ribands  there ;  and  you  know- 
that  that  industry  has  continued,  and  is  likely 
to  continue  and  increase  to  a  much  greater 
value,  and  answer  better  purposes.  Upon 
the  whole,  I  was  more  reconciled  to  this  little 
piece  of  luxury,  since  not  only  the  girls  were 


579 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


made  happier  by  having  fine  caps,  but  the 
Philadelphians,  by  the  supply  of  warm  mit 
tens. 

"  In  our  commercial  towns  upon  the  sea- 
coast,  fortunes  will  occasionally  be  made. 
Some  of  those  who  grow  rich  will  be  pru 
dent,  live  within  bounds,  and  preserve  what 
they  have  gained  for  their  posterity.  Others, 
fond  of  showing  their  wealth,  will  be  extra 
vagant  and  ruin  themselves.  Laws  cannot 
prevent  this,  and  perhaps  it  is  not  always  an 
evil  to  the  public.  A  shilling  spent  idly  by  a 
fool,  may  be  picked  up  by  a  wiser  person, 
who  knows  better  what  to  do  with  it :  it  is 
therefore  not  lost.  A  vain,  silly  fellow  builds 
a  fine  house,  furnishes  it  richly,  lives  in  it  ex 
pensively,  and  in  a  few  years  ruins  himself; 
but  the  masons,  carpenters,  smiths,  and  other 
honest  tradesmen,  have  been  by  his  employ 
assisted  in  maintaining  and  raising  their  fa 
milies  ;  the  farmer  has  been  paid  for  his  la 
bour  and  encouraged,  and  the  estate  is  now 
in  better  hands.  In  some  cases  indeed,  cer 
tain  modes  of  luxury  may  be  a  public  evil,  in 
the  same  manner  as  it  is  a  private  one.  If 
there  be  a  nation,  for  instance,  that  exports 
its  beef  and  linen  to  pay  for  its  importations 
of  claret  and  porter,  while  a  great  part  of  its 
people  live  upon  potatoes,  and  wear  no  shirts, 
wherein  does  it  differ  from  the  sot  who  lets 
his  family  starve,  and  sells  his  clothes  to  buy 
drink  1  Our  American  commerce  is,  I  con 
fess,  a  little  in  this  way.  We  sell  our  vic 
tuals  to  your  islands  for  rum  and  sugar ;  the 
substantial  necessaries  of  life  for  superflui 
ties.  But  we  have  plenty  and  live  well  ne 
vertheless  ;  though  by  being  soberer  we  might 
be  richer.  By  the  by,  here  is  just  issued  an 
arret  of  council,  taking  off  all  the  duties  up 
on  the  exportation  of  brandies,  which,  it  is 
said,  will  render  them  cheaper  in  America 
than  your  rum ;  in  which  case  there  is  no 
doubt  but  they  will  be  preferred,  and  we  shall 
be  better  able  to  bear  your  restrictions  on  our 
commerce.  There  are  views  here,  by  aug 
menting  their  settlements,  of  being  able  to 
supply  the  growing  people  of  America  with 
the  sugar  that  may  be  wanted  there.  On  the 
whole,  I  believe  England  will  get  as  little  by 
the  commercial  war  she  has  begun  with  us, 
as  she  did  by  the  military.  But  to  return  to 
luxury. 

"The  vast  quantity  of  forest  lands  we  have 
yet  to  clear  and  put  in  order  for  cultivation, 
will  for  a  long  time  keep  the  body  of  our  na 
tion  laborious  and  frugal.  Forming  an  opi 
nion  of  our  people  and  their  manners,  by  what 
is  seen  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  sea 
ports,  is  judging  from  an  improper  sample. 
The  people  of  the  trading  towns  may  be  rich 
and  luxurious,  while  the  country  possesses  all 
the  virtues  that  tend  to  private  happiness  and 
public  prosperity.  Those  towns  are  not  much 
regarded  by  the  country; "they  are  hardly 


considered  as  an  essential  part  of  the  States. 
And  the  experience  of  the  last  war  has  shown, 
that  their  being  in  possession  of  the  enemy 
did  not  necessarily  draw  on  the  subjection  of 
the  country,  which  bravely  continued  to  main 
tain  its  freedom  and  independence  notwith 
standing. 

"  It  has  been  computed  by  some  political 
arithmetician,  that  if  every  man  and  woman 
would  work  four  hours  each  day  in  something 
useful,  that  labour  would  produce  sufficient  to 
procure  all  the  necessaries  and  comforts  of 
life;  want  and  misery  would  be  banished  out 
of  the  world,  and  the  rest  of  the  twenty-four 
hours  might  be  leisure  and  pleasure. 

"  What  then  occasions  so  much  want  and 
misery  ?  It  is  the  employment  of  men  and 
women  in  works  that  produce  neither  the  ne 
cessaries  nor  conveniences  of  life ;  who,  with 
those  who  do  nothing,  consume  the  necessa 
ries  raised  by  the  laborious.  To  explain  this, 

"  The  first  elements  of  wealth  are  obtain 
ed  by  labour  from  the  earth  and  waters.  I 
have  land,  and  raise  corn ;  with  this  I  feed  a 
family  that  does  nothing,  my  corn  will  be  con 
sumed,  and  at  the  end  of  the  year  I  shall  be 
no  richer  than  I  was  at  the  beginning.  But 
if,  while  I  feed  them,  I  employ  them,  some  in 
spinning,  others  in  hewing  timber  and  sawing 
boards,  others  in  making  bricks,  &c.  for  build 
ing  ,  the  value  of  my  corn  will  be  arrested, 
and  remain  with  me,  and  at  the  end  of  the 
year  we  may  all  be  better  clothed  and  better 
lodged.  And  if  instead  of  employing  a  man 
I  feed,  in  making  bricks,  I  employ  him  in  fid 
dling  for  me,  the  corn  he  eats  is  gone,  and  no 
part  of  his  manufacture  remains  to  augment 
the  wealth  and  the  conveniences  of  the  fa 
mily  ;  I  shall  therefore  be  the  poorer  for  this 
fiddling  man,  unless  the  rest  of  my  family 
work  more  or  eat  less  to  make  up  the  defi 
ciency  he  occasions. 

"  Look  round  the  world  and  see  the  mil 
lions  employed  in  doing  nothing,  or  in  some 
thing  that  amounts  to  nothing,  when  the  ne 
cessaries  and  conveniences  of  life  are  in 
question.  What  is  the  bulk  of  commerce, 
for  which  we  fight  and  destroy  each  other, 
but  the  toil  of  millions  for  superfluities,  to 
the  great  hazard  and  loss  of  many  lives  by  the 
constant  dangers  of  the  sea?  How  much  la 
bour  spent  in  building  and  fitting  great  ships 
to  go  to  China  and  Arabia  for  tea  and  for  cot- 
fee;  to  the  West  Indies  for  sugar,  to  America 
for  tobacco !  These  things  cannot  be  called 
the  necessaries  of  life,  for  our  ancestors  lived 
very  comfortably  without  them. 

"  A  question  may  be  asked,  could  all  these 
people  now  employed  in  raising,  making  or 
carrying  superfluities,  be  subsisted  by  raising 
necessaries  1  I  think  they  might.  The  world 
is  large,  and  a  great  part  of  it  still  unculti 
vated.  Many  hundred  millions  of  acres  in 
Asia,  Africa,  and  America,  are  still  forest, 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


579 


and  a  great  deal  even  in  Europe.  On  100 
acres  of  this  forest,  a  man  might  become  i 
substantial  farmer,  and  100,000  men  employ 
ed  in  clearing  each  his  100  acres,  (instead  o 
being  as  they  are,  French  hair-dressers)  wouk 
hardly  brighten  a  spot  big  enough  to  be  visi 
ble  from  the  moon,  (unless  with  Herschell's 
telescope,)  so  vast  are  the  regions  still  in  the 
world  unimproved. 

'Tis  however  some  comfort  to  reflect,  tha 
upon  the  whole,  the  quantity  of  industry  and 
prudence  among  mankind,  exceeds  the  quan 
tity  of  idleness  and  folly.  Hence  the  increase 
of  good  buildings,  farms  cultivated,  and  po 
pulous  cities  filled  with  wealth  all  over  Eu 
rope,  which  a  few  ages  since  were  only  to  be 
found  on  the  coasts  of  the  Mediterranean. 
And  this,  notwithstanding  the  mad  wars  con 
tinually  raging,  by  which  are  often  destroyed 
in  one  year  the  works  of  many  years'  peace. 
So  that  we  may  hope  the  luxury  of  a  few 
merchants  on  the  sea-coast  will  not  be  the 
ruin  of  America. 

"  One  reflection  more  and  I  will  end  this 
long  rambling  letter.  Almost  all  the  parts  of 
our  bodies  require  some  expense.  The  feet 
demand  shoes,  the  legs  stockings,  the  rest  of 
the  body  clothing,  and  the  belly  a  good  deal 
of  victuals.  Our  eyes,  though  exceedingly 
useful,  ask  when  reasonable  only  the  cheap 
assistance  of  spectacles,  which  could  not  much 
impair  our  finances.  But  THE  EYES  OF  OTHER 
PEOPLE  are  the  eyes  that  ruin  us.  If  all  but 
myself  were  blind,  I  should  want  neither  fine 
clothes,  fine  houses,  nor  fine  furniture. 

«  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  P.  S.  This  will  be  delivered  to  you  by 
my  grandson.  I  am  persuaded  you  will  af 
ford  him  your  civilities  and  counsels.  Please 
to  accept  a  little  present  of  books,  I  send  by 
him,  curious  for  the  beauty  of  the  impres 
sion." 


"  Count  de  Mercy  Argenteau. 

"  PASSY,  July  30,  1784. 

"  SIR, — I  have  the  honour  to  communicate 
to  your  excellency  an  extract  from  the  in 
structions  of  congress  to  their  late  commis 
sioners  for  treating  of  peace,  expressing  their 
desire  to  cultivate  the  friendship  of  his  impe 
rial  majesty,  and  to  enter  into  a  treaty  of 
commerce  for  the  mutual  advantage  of  his 
subjects  and  the  citizens  of  the  United  States, 
which  I  request  you  will  be  pleased  to  lay 
before  his  majesty.  The  appointing  and  in 
structing  commissioners  for  treaties  of  com 
merce  with  the  powers  of  Europe  generally, 
has,  by  various  circumstances,  been  long  de 
layed,  but  is  now  done ;  and  I  have  just  re 
ceived  advice,  that  Mr.  Jefferson,  late  go 
vernor  of  Virginia,  commissioned  with  Mr. 
Adams,  our  minister  in  Holland,  and  myself, 
for  that  service,  is  on  his  way  hither,  and  may 


be  expected  by  the  end  of  August,  when  we 
shall  be  ready  to  enter  into  a  treaty  with  his 
imperial  majesty  for  the  above  purpose,  if  it 
should  be  his  pleasure.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


Count  de  Mercy  Argenteau  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  PARIS,  July  30,  1784. 

"  SIR, — I  have  received  the  letter  you  did 
me  the  honour  to  write  to  me  this  morning, 
and  I  shall  lose  no  time  to  transmit  the  con 
tents  to  my  court. 

"  The  sentiments  of  the  emperor  towards 
the  United  States  of  America  make  me  fore 
see  the  satisfaction  which  his  majesty  will 
have  to  enter  into  reciprocal,  suitable,  and  ad 
vantageous  connexions  with  them.  I  have 
not  the  least  doubt  that  measures  will  be  in 
stantly  taken  on  this  subject  to  concert,  sir, 
with  you,  and  with  the  appointed  ministers 
plenipotentiary,  and  as  soon  as  the  answer 
from  my  court  shall  come,  I  shall  instantly 
communicate  to  you. 

"  DE  MARCY  ARGENTEAU." 


"  Dr.  Price. 

"  PASSY,  August  16,  1784. 

"  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  some  time  since  an 
swered  your  kind  letter  of  July  12,  returning 
the  proof  of  Mr.  Turgot's  letter,  with  the 
permission  of  his  friends  to  print  it.  I  hope 
it  came  safe  to  hand. 

"  I  had  before  received  yours  of  April, 
which  gave  me  great  pleasure,  as  it  acquaint 
ed  me  with  your  welfare,  and  that  of  Dr. 
Priestley. 

;'  The  commencement  here  of  the  art  of 
flying,  will,  as  you  observe,  be  a  new  epoch. 
The  construction  and  manner  of  filling  the 
balloons  improve  daily.  Some  of  the  artists 
!iave  lately  gone  to  England.  It  will  be  well 
for  your  philosophers  to  obtain  from  them  what 
they  know,  or  you  will  be  behind  hand ; 
which  in  mechanic  operations  is  unusual  for 
Englishmen. 

"  I  hope  the  disagreements  in  our  Royal 
Society  are  composed:  quarrels  often  dis 
grace  both  sides ;  and  disputes  even  on  small 
matters  often  produce  quarrels,  for  want  of 
knowing  how  to  differ  decently :  an  art  which 
tis  said  scarce  any  body  possesses  but  your 
self  and  Dr.  Priestley. 

'  I  had  indeed  thoughts  of  visiting  England 
once  more,  and  of  enjoying  the  great  plea 
sure  of  seeing  again  my  friends  there ;  but 
my  malady,  otherwise  tolerable,  is  I  find  irri- 
,ated  by  the  motion  in  a  carriage,  and  I  fear 
he  consequence  of  such  a  journey ;  yet  I  am 
not  quite  resolved  against  it.  I  often  think 
of  the  agreeable  evenings  I  used  to  pass  with 
that  excellent  collection  of  good  men,  the 
club  at  the  London,  and  wish  to  be  again 
among  them.  Perhaps  I  may  pop  in  some 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


Thursday  evening1  when  tney  least  expect 
me.  You  may  well  believe  it  very  pleasing 
to  me  to  have  Dr.  Priestley  associated  with 
me  among1  the  foreign  members  of  the  Aca 
demy  of  Sciences.  I  had  mentioned  him 
upon  every  vacancy  that  has  happened  since 
my  residence  here,  and  the  place  has  never 
been  bestowed  more  worthily. 

"  When  you  wrote  the  letter  I  am  now 
answering,  your  nation  was  involved  in  the 
confusion  of  your  new  election.  When  I 
think  of  your  present  crazy  constitution  'and 
its  diseases,  I  imagine  the  enormous  emolu 
ments  of  place  to  be  among  the  greatest,  and 
while  they  exist  I  doubt  whether  ever  the 
reform  of  your  representation  will  cure  the 
evils  constantly  arising  from  your  perpetual 
factions.  As  it  seems^to  be  a  settled  point  at 
present,  that  the  minister  must  govern  the 
parliament,  who  are  to  do  every  thing  he 
would  have  done ;  and  he  is  to  bribe  them  to 
do  this,  and  the  people  are  to  furnish  the  mo 
ney  to  pay  these  bribes.  The  parliament  ap 
pears  to  me  a  very  expensive  machine  for 
government,  and  I  apprehend  the  people  will 
find  out  in  time  that  they  may  as  well  be  go 
verned,  and  that  it  will  be  much  cheaper  to 
be  governed  by  the  minister  alone;  no  par 
liament  being  preferable  to  the  present. 

"  Your  newspapers  are  full  of  fictitious  ac 
counts  of  distractions  in  America.  We  know 
nothing  of  them.  Mr.  Jefrerson,  just  arrived 
here,  after  a  journey  through  all  the  states 
from  Virginia  to  Boston,  assures  me  that  all 
is  quiet,  a  general  tranquillity  reigns,  and 
the  people  well  satisfied  with  their  present 
forms  of  government,  a  few  insignificant  per 
sons  only  excepted.  These  accounts  are  I 
suppose  intended  as  consolatory,  and  to  dis 
courage  emigrations.  I  think  with  you,  that 
our  revolution  is  an  important  event  for  the 
advantage  of  mankind  in  general.  It  is  to 
be  hoped  that  the  lights  we  enjoy,  which  the 
ancient  governments  in  their  first  establish 
ment  could  not  have,  may  preserve  us  from 
their  errors.  In  this  the  advice  of  wise 
friends  may  do  much  good,  and  I  am  sure  that 
which  you  have  been  so  kind  as  to  offer  us 
will  be  of  great  service. 

"  Mr.  Jay  is  gone  to  America ;  but  Mr. 
Adams  is  just  arrived  here,  and  I  shall  ac 
quaint  him  with  your  remembrance  of  him. 

':  Many  thanks  for  your  kind  wishes  respect 
ing  my  health  and  happiness,  which  1  return 
fourfold,  being  ever  with  the  sincerest  esteem, 
my  dear  friend,  your  most  affectionate 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Lord  Howe. 

"  PASSY,  August  18,  1784. 

"  MY  LORD,— I  received  lately  the  very 
valuable  voyage  of  the  late  captain  Cook, 
kindly  sent  to  me  by  your  lordship,  in  consi- 


|  deration  of  my  good  will  in  issuing  orders 
towards  the  protection  of  that  illustrious  dis 
coverer  from  any  interruption  in  his  return 
home  by  American  cruisers.  The  reward 
vastly  exceeds  the  small  merit  of  the  action, 
which  was  no  more  than  a  duty  to  mankind. 
I  am  very  sensible  of  his  majesty's  goodness 
in  permitting  this  favour  to  me,  and  I  desire 
that  my  thankful  acknowledgments  may  be 
accepted.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  William  Strahan,  M.  P. 

"  PASSV,  August  19, 1784 

"  DEAR  FRIEJJD, — I  received  your  kind 
letter  of  April  17.  You  will  have  the  good 
ness  to  place  my  delay  in  answering,  to  the 
account  of  indisposition  and  business,  and  ex 
cuse  it.  I  have  now  that  letter  before  me ; 
and  my  grandson,  whom  you  may  formerly 
remember  a  little  scholar  at  Mr.  Elphinston's, 
purposing  to  set  out  in  a  day  or  two  on  a 
visit  to  his  father  in  London,  I  sit  down  to 
scribble  a  little  to  you,  first  recommending 
him  as  a  worthy  young  man  to  your  civilities 
and  counsels. 

"  You  press  me  much  to  come  to  England. 
I  am  not  without  strong  inducements  to  do 
so;  the  fund  of  knowledge  you  promise  to 
communicate  to  me  is  in  addition  to  them, 
no  small  one.  At  present  it  is  impracticable. 
But  when  my  grandson  returns,  cane  with 
him.  We  will  talk  the  matter  over,  and  per 
haps  you  may  take  me  back  with  you.  I  have 
a  bed  at  your  service,  and  will  try  to  make 
your  residence,  while  you  can  stay  with  us,  as 
agreeable  to  you,  if  possible,  as  I  am  sure  it 
will  be  to  me. 

"  You  do  not  '  approve  the  annihilation  of 
profitable  places ;  for  you  do  not  see  why  a 
statesman  who  does  his  business  well,  should 
not  be  paid  for  his  labour  as  well  as  any  other 
workman.'  Agreed.  But  why  more  than 
any  other  workman  ?  The  less  the  salary  the 
greater  the  honour.  In  so  great  a  nation 
there  are  many  rich  enough  to  afford  giving 
their  time  to  the  public;  and  there  are,  I 
make  no  doubt,  many  wise  and  able  men  who 
would  take  as  much  pleasure  in  governing 
for  nothing,  as  they  do  in  playing  of  chess 
for  nothing.  It  would  be  one  of  the  noblest 
amusements.  That  this  opinion  is  not  chi 
merical,  the  country  I  now  live  in  affords  a 
proof;  its  whole  civil  and  criminal  law  admi 
nistration  being  done  for  nothing,  or  in  some 
sense  for  less  than  nothing,  since  the  mem 
bers  of  its  judiciary  parliaments  buy  their 
places,  and  do  not  make  more  than  three  per 
cent,  for  their  money,  by  their  fees  and  emo 
luments,  while  the  legal  interest  is  five  ;  so 
that  in  fact  they  give  two  per  cent,  to  be  al 
lowed  to  govern,  and  all  their  time  and  trou 
ble  into  the  bargain.  Thus  profit,  one  mo 
tive  for  desiring  place,  being  abolished,  there 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


581 


remains  only  ambition;  and  that  being  ii 
some  degree  balanced  by  loss,  you  may  easil 
conceive  that  there  will  not  be  very  violeri 
factions  and  contentions  for  such  places ;  no 
much  of  the  mischief  to  the  country  that  at 
tends  your  factions,  which  have  often  occa 
sioned  wars,  and  overloaded  you  with  debt 
impayable. 

"  I  allow  you  all  the  force  of  your  joke  up 
on  the  vagrancy  of  our  congress.  They  have 
a  right  to  sit  where  they  please,  of  which  per 
haps  they  have  made  too  much  use  by  shifting 
too  often. — But  they  have  two  other  rights 
those  of  sitting  when  they  please,  and  as  long 
as  they  please,  in  which  methmks  they  have 
the  advantage  of  your  parliament ;  for  they 
cannot  be  dissolved  by  the  breath  of  a  minis 
ter,  or  sent  packing  as  you  were  the  other 
day,  when  it  was  your  earnest  desire  to  have 
remained  longer  together. 

"  You  '  fairly  acknowledge  that  the  late 
war  terminated  quite  contrary  to  your  ex 
pectation."     Your  expectation  was  ill-found 
ed  ;  for  you  would  not  believe  your  old  friend 
who  told  you  repeatedly  that  by  those  mea 
sures,  England  would  lose  her  colonies,  as 
Epictetus  warned  in  vain  his  master,  that  he 
would  break  his  leg.     You  believed  rather 
the  tales  you  heard  of  our  poltroonery  and 
impotence  of  body  and  mind.     Do  you  not 
remember  the  story  you  told  me  of  the  Scotch 
serjeant  who  met  with  a  party  of  forty  Ame 
rican   soldiers,  and  though  alone  disarmed 
them  all,  and  brought  them  in  prisoners?  a 
story  almost  as  improbable  as  that  of  an  Irish 
man,  who  pretended  to  have  alone  taken  and 
brought  in  five  of  the  enemy  by  surrounding 
them.     And  yet,  my  friend,  sensible  and  ju 
dicious  as  you  are,  but  partaking  of  the  gene 
ral  infatuation,  you  seemed  to  believe  it.    The 
word  general  puts  me  in  mind  of  a  general, 
your  general  Clarke,  who  had  the  folly  to  say 
in  my  hearing,  at  sir  John  Pringle's,  that  with 
a  thousand  British  grenadiers,  he  would  un 
dertake  to  go  from  one  end  of  America  to  the 
other,  and  geld  all  the  males,  partly  by  force 
and  partly  by  a  little  coaxing.     It  is  plain  he 
took  us  for  a  species  of  animals  very  little  su 
perior  to  brutes.    The  parliament  too  believed 
the  stories  of  another  foolish  general,  I  forgot 
his  name,  that  the  Yankees  never  felt  bold. 
Yankey  was  understood  to  be  a  sort  of  Ya 
hoo,  and  the  parliament  did  not  think  the  pe 
titions  of  such  creatures  were  fit  to  be  re 
ceived  and  read  in  so  wise  an  assembly. 
What  was  the  consequence  of  this  monstrous 
pride  and  insolence'?     You  first  sent  small 
armies  to  subdue  us,  believing  them  more 
than  sufficient,  but  soon  found  yourselves  ob 
liged  to  send  greater ;  these,  whenever  they 
ventured  to  penetrate  our  country  beyond  the 
protection  of  their  ships,  were  either  repulsed 
and  obliged  to  scamper  out,  or  were  sur 
rounded,  beaten,  and  take  prisoners.     An 

49* 


American  planter  who  had  never  seen  Eu 
rope,  was  chosen  by  us  to  command  our 
troops,  and  continued  during  the  whole  war. 
This  man  sent  home  to  you,  one  after  ano 
ther,  five  of  your  best  generals  baffled,  their 
heads  bare  of  laurels,  disgraced  even  in  the 
opinion  of  their  employers.  Your  contempt 
of  our  understandings,  in  comparison  with 
your  own,  appeared  to  be  much  better  found 
ed  than  that  of  our  courage,  if  we  may  judge 
by  this  circumstance,  that  in  whatever  court 
of  Europe  a  Yankey  negociator  appeared,  the 
wish  British  minister  was  routed,  put  in  a 
passion,  picked  a  quarrel  with  your  friends, 
and  was  sent  home  with  a  flea  in  his  ear. 
But  after  all,  my  dear  friend,  do  not  imagine 
that  I  am  vain  enough  to  ascribe  our  success 
to  any  superiority  in  any  of  those  points.  I 
am  too  well  acquainted  with  all  the  springs 
and  levers  of  our  machine,  not  to  see,  that 
our  human  means  were  unequal  to  our  under 
taking,  and  that  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  jus 
tice  of  our  cause,  and  the  consequent  inter 
position  of  Providence,  in  which  we  had  faith, 
we  must  have  been  ruined.  If  I  had  ever 
before  been  an  Atheist,  I  should  now  have 
been  convinced  of  the  being  and  government 
of  a  Deity !  It  is  he  that  abases  the  proud 
and  favours  the  humble.  May  we  never  for 
get  his  goodness  to  us,  and  may  our  future 
conduct  manifest  our  gratitude.  " 

'  But  let  us  leave  these  serious  reflections, 
and  converse  with  our  usual  pleasantry.     I 
remember  your  observing  once  to  me,  as  we 
sat  together  in  the  house  of  commons,  that 
10  two   journeymen   printers  within   your 
knowledge,  had  met  with  such  success  in  the 
vorld  as  ourselves.     You  were  then  at  the 
ead  of  your  profession,  and  soon  afterwards 
>ecame  a  member  of  parliament.     I  was  an 
gent  for  a  few  provinces  and  now  act  for 
hem  all.     But  we  have  risen  by  different 
modes.      I,  as  a  republican  printer,  always 
iked  a   form   well  plained    down  ;   being 
verse  to  those  overbearing  letters  that  hold 
heir  heads  so  high  as  to  hinder  their  neigh- 
)ours  from  appearing.     You  as  a  monarchist 
hose  to  work  upon  crown  paper,  and  found 
t  profitable ;  while  I  worked  upon  pro  patria 
often  indeed  called  fools-cap)  with  no  less 
dvantage.     Both  our  heaps  hold  out  very 
veil,  and  we  seem  likely  to  make  a  pretty 
ood  day's  work  of  it.     With  regard  to  pub 
ic  affairs,  (to  continue  in  the  same  style)  it 
eems  to  me  that  your  compositors  in  your 
hapel  do  not  cast  off  their  copy  well,  nor 
erfectly  understand  imposing :  their  forms 
oo  are  continually  pestered  by  the  outs  and 
oubles  that  are  not  easy  to  be  corrected. 
I  think  they  were  wrong  in  laying  aside 
ome  faces,  and  particularly  certain  head- 
neces,  that  would  have  been  both  useful  and 
rnamental.    But,  courage !    The  business 
lay  still  flourish  with  good  management; 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


and  the  master  become  as  rich  as  any  of  the 
company. 

"  By  the  way,  the  rapid  growth  and  extension 
of  the  English  language  in  America,  must  be 
come  greatly  advantageous  to  the  booksellers, 
and  holders  of  copy-rights  in  England.  A 
vast  audience  is  assembling  there  for  English 
authors,  ancient,  present,  and  future,  our  peo 
ple  doubling  every  twenty  years ;  and  this  will 
demand  large  and  of  course  profitable  impres 
sions  of  your  most  valuable  books.  I  would 
therefore,  if  I  possessed  such  rights,  entail 
them,  if  such  a  thing  be  practicable,  upon  my 
posterity,  for  their  worth  will  be  continually 
augmenting.  This  may  look  a  little  like  ad 
vice,  and  yet  I  have  drank  no  Madeira  these 
six  months.  The  subject  however  leads  me  to 
another  thought,  which  is,  that  you  do  wrong 
to  discourage  the  emigration  of  Englishmen  to 
America.  In  my  piece  on  population,  I  have 
proved  I  think,  that  emigration  does  not  di 
minish  but  multiplies  a  nation.  You  will  not 
have  the  fewer  at  home  for  those  that  go 
abroad ;  and  as  every  man  who  comes  among 
us  and  takes  up  a  piece  of  land,  becomes  a  citi 
zen,  and  by  our  constitution  has  a  voice  in 
elections,  and  a  share  in  the  government  of 
the  country,  why  should  you  be  against  ac 
quiring  by  this  fair  means  a  repossession  of  it, 
and  leave  it  to  be  taken  by  foreigners  of  all 
nations  and  languages,  who  by  their  numbers 
may  drown  and  stifle  the  English,  which  other 
wise  would  probably  become  in  the  course  of 
two  centuries  the  most  extensive  language  in 
the  world,  the  Spanish  only  excepted "!  It  is  a 
fact,  that  the  Irish  emigrants  and  their  chil 
dren  are  now  in  possession  of  the  government 
of  Pennsylvania,  by  their  majority  in  the  as 
sembly,  as  well  as  of  a  great  part  of  the  terri 
tory  ;  and  I  remember  well  the  first  ship  that 
brought  any  of  them  over. — I  am  ever,  my 
dear  friend,  yours  most  affectionately, 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  George   Wheatley. 

"  PASSY,  near  Paris,  Aug.  21,  1784. 

"  MY  DEAR  OLD  FRIEND, — I  received  your 
kind  letter  of  May  3 — 83.  I  am  ashamed  it  has 
been  so  long  unanswered.  The  indolence  of 
old  age,  frequent  indisposition,  and  too  much 
business,  are  my  only  excuses.  I  had  great 
pleasure  in  reading  it,  as  it  informed  me  of 
your  welfare. 

"  Your  excellent  little  work,  The  Princi 
ples  of  Trade,  is  too  little  known.  I  wish 
you  would  send  me  a  copy  of  it  by  the  return 
of  my  grandson  and  secretary,  whom  I  beg 
leave  to  recommend  to  your  civilities.  I 
would  get  it  translated  and  printed  here.  And 
if  your  bookseller  has  any  quantity  of  them 
left,  I  should  be  glad  he  would  send  them  to 
America.  The  ideas  of  our  people  there, 


though  rather  better  than  those  that  prevail  in 
Europe,  are  not  so  good  as  they  should  be ;  and 
that  piece  might  be  of  service  among  (hem. 

"  Since  and  soon  after  the  date  of  your  let 
ter,  we  lost  unaccountably  as  well  as  unfor 
tunately  that  worthy  valuable  young  man  you 
mention,  your  namesake,  Madison.  He  was 
infinitely  regretted  by  all  that  knew  him. 

;'  I  am  sorry  your  favourite  charily*  does 
not  go  on  as  you  could  wish  it.  It  is  shrunk 
indeed  by  your  admitting  Only  60  children  in 
a  year.  What  you  have  tola1  your  brethren 
respecting  America  is  true.  If  you  find  it 
difficult  to  dispose  of  your  children  in  England, 
it  looks  as  if  you  had  too  many  people.  And 
yet  you  are  afraid  of  emigration.  A  subscrip- 
;ion  is  lately  set  on  foot  here  to  encourage  and 
assist  mothers  in  nursing  their  infants  them 
selves  at  home ;  the  practice  of  sending  them 
to  the  Enfants  tronves  having  risen  here  to  a 
monstrous  excess,  as  by  the  annual  bill  it  ap 
pears  they  amount  to  near  one  third  of  the 
children  born  in  Paris  !  The  subscription  is 
likely  to  succeed,  and  may  do  a  great  deal  of 
good,  though  it  cannot  answer  all  the  purposes 
of  a  foundling  hospital. 

"  Your  eyes  must  continue  very  good,  since 
you  can  write  so  small  a  hand  without  spec 
tacles.  I  cannot  distinguish  a  letter  even  of 
large  print ;  but  I  am  happy  in  the  invention 
of  double  spectacles,!  which  serving  for  dis 
tant  objects  as  well  as  near  ones,  make  my 
eyes  as  useful  to  me  as  ever  they  were.  If 
all  the  other  defects  and  infirmities  were  as  ea 
sily  and  cheaply  remedied,  it  would  be  worth 
while  for  friends  to  live  a  good  deal  longer, 
but  I  look  upon  death  to  be  as  necessary  to 
our  constitution  as  sleep.  We  shall  rise  re 
freshed  in  the  morning. — Adieu,  and  believe 
me  ever,  yours  most  affectionately, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  PASSY,  August  21,  1784. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — Understanding  that  my  letter 
intended  for  you,  by  general  Melvill,  was  lost 
at  the  hotel  D'Espagne,  I  take  this  opportuni 
ty  by  my  grandson,  to  give  you  the  purport  of 
it,  as  well  as  I  can  recollect.  I  thanked  you 
for  the  pleasure  you  had  procured  me  of  the 
general's  conversation,  whom  I  found  a  judi 
cious,  sensible,  and  amiable  man.  I  was  glad 
to  hear  that  you  possessed  a  comfortable  re 
tirement,  and  more  so,  that  you  had  thoughts 
of  removing  to  Philadelphia,  for  that  it  would 
make  me  very  happy  to  have  you  there. 
Your  companions  would  be  very  acceptable 
to  the  library,  but  I  hoped  you  would  long  live 
to  enjoy  their  company  yourself.  I  agreed 
with  you  in  sentiments  concerning  the  Old 

*  The  Foundling  Hospital. 

t  See  letter  to  George  Wheatley.  dated  Passy,  May 
23,  1785. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL 


583 


Testament,  and  thought  the  clause  in  our  con 
stitutions,  which  required  the  members  of  as 
sembly  to  declare  their  belief  the  whole  of  it 
was  given  by  divine  inspiration,  had  better 
been  omitted.  That  I  had  oppposed  the 
clause  ;  but  being  overpowered  by  numbers, 
and  fearing  more  might  in  future  times  be 
grafted  on  it,  I  prevailed  to  have  the  additional 
clause,  '  that  no  further  or  more  extended 
profession  of  faith  should  ever  be  exacted.' 
I  observed  to  you  too,  that  the  evil  of  it  was 
the  less,  as  no  inhabitant  nor  any  officer  of 
government,  except  the  members  of  assembly, 
was  obliged  to  make  that  declaration.  So 
much  for  that  letter :  to  which  I  may  now  add, 
that  there  are  several  things  in  the  Old  Testa 
ment,  impossible  to  be  given  by  divine  inspi 
ration  ;  such  as  the  approbation  ascribed  to  the 
angel  of  the  Lord,  of  that  abominably  wicked 
and  detestable  action  of  Jael,  the  wife  of  He- 
ber,  the  Kenite.  If  the  rest  of  the  book  were 
like  that,  I  should  rather  suppose  it  given  by 
inspiration  from  another  quarter,  and  renounce 
the  whole. 

"  By  the  way,  how  goes  on  the  Unitarian 
church  in  Essex  street  ?  and  the  honest  mi 
nister  of  it,*  is  he  comfortably  supported  1 
your  old  colleague  Mr.  Radcliffe,f  is  he  liv 
ing  ?  and  what  became  of  Mr.  Denham  1 

"  My  grandson,  who  will  have  the  honour 
of  delivering  this  to  you,  may  bring  me  aline 
from  you ;  and  I  hope  will  bring  me  an  ac 
count  of  your  continuing  well  and  happy. 

"  I  jog  on  still,  with  as  much  health,  and  as 
few  of  the  infirmities  of  old  age  as  I  have  any 
reason  to  expect.  But  notwithstanding  the 
decay  of  my  constitution,  my  regard  for  my 
old  friends  remains  firm  and  entire.  You  will 
always  have  a  good  share  of  it,  for  I  am  ever 
with  great  and  sincere  esteem,  dear  sir,  &c. 
«B.  FRANKLIN." 


Count  de  Vergennes  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  VERSAILLES,  August  27, 1784. 
"  SIR, — You  have  communicated  to  me  an 
extract  from  the  instructions  which  congress 
addressed  to  you  on  the  llth  May  last,  which 
imports  that  the  United  States  will  in  no  case 
treat  any  other  nation  with  respect  to  com 
merce  more  advantageously  than  the  French. 
This  disposition  is  much  the  wisest,  as  it  will 
prevent  those  misunderstandings  which  might 
arise  from  the  equivocal  terms  in  which  the 
second  article  of  the  treaty  of  amity  and  com 
merce,  signed  February  6, 1778,  is  conceived. 
But  that  the  resolution  of  congress  on  this 
subject  may  be  clearly  stated,  it  would  be 
best,  sir,  that  you  furnish  me  with  it  in  the 

*  Theophilus  Lindsey.M.  A. 

t  A  dissenting  minister  at  Wapping,  who  afterwards 
turned  to  the  profession  of  the  law.  He  published  one 
or  two  sermons. 


form  of  a  declaration,  or  at  least  in  an  official 
note,  signed  by  yourself.     I  have  no  doubt 
that  you  will  adopt  one  of  these  two  forms. 
"DE  VERGENNES." 


"  Count  de  Vergennes. 

"  PABBY,  September  3,  1784 
"  SIR, — I  have  the  honour  to  transmit  to 
your  excellency,  by  order  of  congress,  a  reso 
lution  of  theirs,  dated  the  llth  of  May  last, 
which  is  in  the  following  words,  viz. 

'  Resolved,  That  Dr.  Franklin  be  instructed  to  express 
to  the  court  of  France,  the  constant  desire  of  congress 
to  meet  their  wishes;  that  these  States  are  about  to 
form  a  general  system  of  commerce,  by  treaties  with 
other  nations;  that  at  tins  time  they  cannot  foresee 
what  claim  might  be  given  to  those  nations  by  the  ex 
planatory  propositions  of  count  de  Vergennes  on  the  se 
cond  and  third  articles  of  our  treaty  of  amity  and  com 
merce  with  his  most  Christian  majesty,  but  that  he  may 
be  assured  it  will  be  our  constant  care  to  place  no  peo 
ple  on  more  advantageous  ground  than  the  subjects  of 
his  majesty.' 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  B.  Vauglian. 

"  PA?SY,  Sept.  7, 1784. 

"My  DEAR  FRIEND, — This  will  be  delivered 
to  you  by  count  Mirabeau  ;  son  of  the  marquis 
of  that  name,  author  of  U  Ami  des  Hommes. 
This  gentleman  is  esteemed  here,  and  I  re 
commend  him  to  your  civilities  and  councils, 
particularly  with  respect  to  the  printing  of  a 
piece  he  has  written  on  the  subject  of  heredi 
tary  nobility,  on  occasion  of  the  order  of  Cin 
cinnati,  lately  attempted  to  be  established  in 
America,  which  cannot  be  printed  here.  I 
find  that  some  of  the  best  judges  think  it  ex 
tremely  well  written,  with  great  clearness, 
force,  and  elegance.  If  you  can  recommend 
him  to  an  honest,  reasonable  bookseller,  that 
will  undertake  it,  you  will  do  him  service, 
and  perhaps  some  to  mankind,  who  are  too 
much  bigoted  in  many  countries  to  that  kind 
of  imposition, — I  had  formerly  almost  resolved 
to  trouble  you  with  no  more  letters  of  recom 
mendation  :  but  I  think  you  will  find  this 
gentleman  to  possess  talents,  that  may  render 
his  acquaintance  agreeable. 

"  With  sincere  esteem,  I  am  ever,  my  dear 
friend,  yours  most  affectionately, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


Dr.  Franklin  to  an  engraver  in  Paris. 
"  PASSY,  Sept.  7,  1784. 

"£N  relisant,  monsieur,  le  prospectus  de 
votre  estampe,  je  vois  que  vous  m'attribuez 
toujours  en  entier  le  merite  d'avoir  affranchi 
PAinerique.  Pay  cependant  eu  1'honneur  de 
vous  dire,  dans  notre  premiere  conversation, 
que  je  ne  pouvois  y  consentir  sans  me  rendre 
coupable  d'injustice  envers  tant  dTiommes 
sages  et  courageux  qui  n'ont  pas  craint  de 
hazarder  leur  fortune  et  leur  vie  pour  le 


584 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


succes  de  cette  entreprise ;  je  vous  proposal 
done,  et  je  persiste  dans  la  meme  pensee,  de 
substituer  a  mon  nom  dans  1'iraplication  de 
1'estampe,  ces  mots  :  '  le  congres  represents 
par  un  senateur  habille  a  la  romaine,  <f-c.  /' 
"  Je  ne  puis  not  plus,  monsieur,  en  accepter 
la  dedicace :  je  ne  veux  point  que  la  France, 
et  mon  pays  me  croyent  assez  presompteux 
pour  convenir  que  je  merite  des  louanges 
aussi  excessives ;  et  vous  concevex  qu'il  me 
sieroit  mal  d'appuyer  de  ma  recommendation 
le  debit  d'un  ouvrage  qui  les  contiendroit. 
D'apres  ces  considerations  je  vous  prie  de 
vouloir  bien  changer  votre  explication  dans 
un  nouveau  prospectus,  et  de  dedier  votre 
estampe  au  congres.  J'ai  1'honneur  d'  etre,  &c. 
«  B.  FRANKLIN." 


Count  de  Vergennes  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  VERSAILLES,  September  9,  1784. 

"SiR, — I  have  received  the  letter  which 
you  did  me  the  honour  to  write  me  the  3d 
inst.  You  there  declare  in  the  name  of  con 
gress,  that  the  United  States  will  be  careful 
not  to  treat  any  other  nation,  in  matters  of 
commerce,  more  advantageously  than  the 
French  nation.  This  declaration,  founded  on 
the  treaty  of  the  6th  February  1778,  has  been 
very  agreeable  to  the  king ;  and  you,  sir,  can 
assure  the  congress  that  the  United  States 
shall  constantly  experience  a  perfect  recipro 
city  in  France.  DE  VERGENNES." 


Count  de  Mercy  Argenteau  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  PARIS,  September,  28,  1784. 

"  SIR, — With  respect  to  the  proposition  of 
the  United  States  of  America  that  I  forward 
ed  to  my  court,  and  concerning  arrangements 
of  commerce,  to  be  adopted  by  the  respective 
dominions,  I  have  received  the  order,  sir, 
which  I  have  the  honour  to  communicate  to 
you,  that  his  majesty  the  emperor  has  agreed 
to  the  said  proposition,  and  that  he  has  di 
rected  the  governor-general  of  the  Low  Coun 
tries  to  adopt  measures  to  put  in  execution. 

"  When  the  particulars  respecting  this  mat 
ter  shall  be  sent  to  me,  I  shall  instantly  com 
municate  them. 

"DE  MERCY  ARGENTEAU." 


"  Charles  Thompson. 

"PASSY,  October  16,1784. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — It  was  intended  by  the  com 
missioners  to  write  a  joint  letter  to  congress, 
but  I  am  afraid  the  opportunity  may  be  miss 
ed.  This  may  serve  to  inform  you,  that  pro 
positions  of  treating  have  been  made  by  us  to 
all  the  powers  of  Europe  according  to  our  in 
structions,  and  we  are  waiting  for  their  an 
swers.  There  are  apprehensions  here  of  a  war 


between  the  emperor  and  Holland,  but  as  the 
season  is  not  proper  for  opening  a  campaign, 
I  hope  the  winter  will  give  time  for  mediators 
to  accommodate  matters.  We  have  not  yet 
heard  that  Mr.  Jay  has  accepted  the  secreta 
ryship  of  foreign  affairs. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


The  same. 

"  PASSY,  Nov.  11,  1784. 

"  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  received  your  kind  let 
ter  of  August  13th,  with  the  papers  annexed 
relative  to  the  affair  of  Longcharnps.  I  hope 
satisfaction  will  be  given  to  M.  Marbois.  The 
commissioners  have  written  a  joint  letter  to 
congress.  This  serves  to  cover  a  few  papers 
relative  to  matters  with  which  I  was  particu 
larly  charged  in  the  instructions.  I  shall  write 
to  you  fully  by  the  next  opportunity,  having 
now  only  time  to  add,  that  I  am  as  ever,  yours 
most  affectionately.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"P.  S.  I  executed  the  instructions  of  Octo 
ber  29th,  1783,  as  soon  as  I  knew  the  com 
missions  for  treating  with  the  emperor,  &c., 
were  issued,  which  was  not  till  July  1784— 
The  three  letters  between  the  emperor's  mi 
nister  and  me  are  what  passed  on  that  occa 
sion.  B.  F." 


"  David  Hartley. 

"  PASSY,  Jan.  3, 1785. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  received  your  kind 
letter  of  December  1,  from  Bath.  I  am  glad 
to  hear  that  your  good  sister  is  in  a  fair  way 
towards  recovery ;  my  respects  and  best 
wishes  attend  her. 

"  I  communicated  your  letter  to  Mr.  Jef 
ferson,  to  remind  him  of  his  promise  to  com 
municate  to  you  the  intelligence  he  might 
receive  from  America  on  the  subjects  you 
mention ;  and  now  having  got  it  back,  I  shall 
endeavour  to  answer  the  other  parts  of  it. 

"What  you  propose  to  draw  up  of  your 
opinions  on  American  negociation,  may  be  of 
great  use,  if  laid,  as  you  intend,  before  ad 
ministration,  in  case  they  seriously  intend  to 
enter  on  it  after  the  meeting  of  parliament : 
for  I  know  your  ideas  all  tend  to  a  good  under 
standing  between  the  two  countries  and  their 
common  advantage ;  and  in  my  mind  too,  all 
selfish  projects  of  partial  profit  are  the  effects 
of  short-sightedness,  they  never  producing 
permanent  benefits,  and  are  at  length  the 
causes  of  discord  and  its  consequences,  where 
in  much  more  is  spent  than  all  the  temporary 
gains  amounted  to. 

"  I  do  not  know  that  any  one  is  yet  ap 
pointed  by  your  court  to  treat  with  us.  We 
sometime  since  acquainted  your  minister  with 
our  powers  and  disposition  to  treat,  which  he 
communicated  to  his  court,  and  received  for 
answer  that  his  majesty's  ministers  were 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


585 


ready  to  receive  any  propositions  we  might  i 
have  to  make  for  the  common  benefit  of  both 
countries,  but  they  thought  it  more  for  the 
honour  of  both,  that  the  treaty  should  not  be 
in  a  third  place.  We  answered,  that  though 
we  did  not  see  much  inconvenience  in  treat 
ing  here,  we  would,  as  soon  as  we  had 
finished  some  affairs  at  present  on  our  hands, 
wait  upon  them,  if  they  pleased,  in  London. 
We  have  since  heard  nothing. 

"  We  have  no  late  accounts  from  America  of 
any  importance.  You  know  the  congress  ad 
journed  the  beginning  of  June  till  the  begin 
ning  of  November.  And  since  their  meeting 
there  has  been  no  account  of  their  proceed 
ings.  All  the  stories  in  your  papers  relating 
to  their  divisions,  &c.,  are  fiction,  as  well  as 
those  of  the  people  being  discontented  with 
Congressional  Government.  Mr.  Jay  writes 
to  me,  that  they  were  at  no  time  more  happy 
or  more  satisfied  with  their  government,  &c. 
than  at  present,  nor  ever  enjoyed  more  tran 
quillity  or  prosperity.  In  truth,  the  freedom  of 
their  ports  to  all  nations  has  brought  in  a  vast 
plenty  of  foreign  goods,  and  occasioned  a  de 
mand  for  their  produce,  the  consequence  of 
which  is  the  double  advantage  of  buying  what 
they  consume  cheap,  and  selling  what  they 
can  spare  dear. 

"  If  we  should  come  to  London,  I  hope  it  may 
still  be  with  you  that  we  are  to  do  business. 
Our  already  understanding  one  another  may 
save  on  many  points  a  good  deal  of  time  in  dis 
cussion.  But  I  doubt  whether  any  treaty  is  in 
tended  on  your  part,  and  I  fancy  we  shall  not 
press  it.  It  may  perhaps  be  best  to  give  both 
sides  time  to  inquire,  and  to  feel  for  the  in 
terests  they  cannot  see.  With  sincere  and 
great  esteem,  I  am  ever,  my  dear  friend, 
yours  most  affectionately, 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  The  President  of  Congress. 

"  PA.SSY,  Feb.  8,  17?5. 

"  SIR, — I  received  by  the  marquis  de  la 
Fayette  the  two  letters  you  did  me  the  honour 
of  writing  on  the  llth  and  14th  of  December, 
the  one  enclosing  a  letter  from  congress  to 
the  king,  the  other  a  resolve  of  congress  res 
pecting  the  convention  for  establishing  con 
suls.  "The  letter  was  immediately  delivered, 
and  well  received.  The  resolve  came  too 
late  to  suspend  signing  the  convention,  it 
having  been  done  July  last,  and  a  copy  sent 
so  long  since,  that  we  now  expected  the  ratifi 
cation.  As  that  copy  seems  to  have  miscar 
ried,  I  now  send  another. 

"I  am  not  informed  what  objection  has 
arisen  in  congress  to  the  plan  sent  me.  Mr. 
Jefferson  thinks  it  may  have  been  to  the  part 
which  restrained  the  consuls  from  all  concern 
in  commerce.  The  article  was  omitted,  be- 
ino-  thought  unnecessary  to  be  stipulated, 

VOL.  I. ...  4  E 


since  either  party  would  always  have  the 
power  of  imposing  auch  restraints  on  its  own 
officers  whenever  it  should  think  fit.  I  am 
however  of  opinion,  that  this  or  any  other  rea 
sonable  article  or  alteration  may  be  obtained 
at  the  desire  of  congress,  and  established  by  a 
supplement.  Permit  me  to  congratulate  you, 
sir,  on  your  being  called  to  the  high  honour 
of  presiding  in  our  national  councils,  and  to 
wish  you  every  felicity. 

«  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  John  Jay,  New  York. 

"  PASSY,  Feb.  8,  1785. 

"  DEAR  SIR,— I  received,  by  the  marquis  de 
la  Fayette,  your  kind  letter  of  the  13th  of  De 
cember.  It  gave  me  pleasure  on  two  other 
accounts,  as  it  informed  me  of  the  public  wel 
fare,  and  that  of  your,  I  may  almost  say  our, 
dear  little  family  ;  for  since  I  had  the  plea 
sure  of  their  being  with  me  in  the  same 
house,  I  have  ever  felt  a  tender  affection  for 
them,  equal  I  believe  to  that  of  most  fathers. 
I  did  hope  to  have  heard  by  the  last  packet 
of  your  having  accepted  the  secretaryship  of 
foreign  affairs,  but  was  disappointed.  I  write 
to  you  now  therefore  only  as  a  private  friend  ; 
yet  I  may  mention  respecting  public  affairs, 
that  as  far  as  I  can  perceive,  the  good  dispo 
sition  of  this  court  towards  us  continues.  I 
wish  I  could  say  as  much  for  the  rest  of  the 
European  courts.  I  think,  that  their  desire  of 
being  connected  with  us  by  treaties  is  of  late 
much  abated ;  and  this  I  suppose  occasioned 
by  the  pains  Britain  takes  to  represent  us 
every  where  as  distracted  with  divisions, 
discontented  with  our  governments,  the  peo 
ple  unwilling  to  pay  taxes,  the  congress  una 
ble  to  collect  them,  and  many  desiring  the 
restoration  of  the  old  government.  The  Eng 
lish  papers  are  full  of  this  stuff,  and  their 
ministers  get  it  copied  into  the  foreign  pa 
pers.  The  moving  about  of  the  congress  from 
place  to  place,  has  also  a  bad  effect,  in  giving 
colour  to  the  reports  of  their  being  afraid  of 
the  people.  I  hope  they  will  soon  settle 
somewhere,  and  by  the  steadiness  and  wisdom 
of  their  measures  dissipate  all  those  mists  of 
misrepresentation  raised  by  the  remaining 
malice  of  ancient  enemies,  and  establish  our 
reputation  for  national  justice  and  prudence  as 
they  have  done  for  courage  and  perseverance. 

"It  grieves  me  that  we  have  not  been  able  to 
discharge  our  first  year's  payment  of  interest 
to  this  court,  due  the  beginning  of  last  month. 
I  hope  it  will  be  the  only  failure,  and  that  ef 
fectual  measures  will  be  taken  to  be  exactly 
punctual  hereafter.  The  good  paymaster, 
says  the  proverb,  is  lord  of  another  man's 
purse.  The  bad  one,  if  he  ever  has  again  oc 
casion  to  borrow,  must  pay  dearly  for  his 
carelessness  and  injustice. 

"  You  are  happy  in  having  got  back  safe  to 


586 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


your  country.  I  should  be  less  unhappy,  if 
I  could  imagine  the  delay  of  my  conge  use 
ful  to  the  states,  or  in  the  least  degree  neces 
sary.  But  they  have  many  equally  capable 
of  doing  all  I  have  to  do  here.  The  new  pro 
posed  treaties  are  the  most  important  things ; 
but  two  can  go  through  them  as  well  as  three, 
if  indeed  any  are  likely  to  be  completed, 
which  I  begin  to  doubt,  since  the  new  ones 
make  little  progress,  and  the  old  ones  which 
wanted  only  the  fiat  of  congress  seem  now  to 
be  rather  going  backward;  I  mean  those  I 
had  projected  with  Denmark  and  Portugal. 

"  My  grandsons  are  sensible  of  the  honour 
of  your  remembrance,  and  present  their  re 
spects  to  you  and  Mrs.  Jay.  I  add  my  best 
wishes  of  health  and  happiness  to  you  all, 
being  with  sincere  esteem  and  affection,  dear 
sir,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  the  President  of  Congress. 

"PA.SSY,  April  12,  1785. 

"  SIR, — M.  de  Chaumont,  who  will  have 
the  honour  of  presenting  this  line  to  your  ex 
cellency,  is  a  young  gentleman  of  excellent 
character,  whose  father  was  one  of  our  most 
early  friends  in  this  country,  which  he  manifest 
ed  by  crediting  us  with  a  thousand  barrels  of 
gunpowder  and  other  military  stores  in  1776, 
before  we  had  provided  any  apparent  means  of 
payment.  He  has,  as  I  understand,  some  de 
mands  to  make  on  congress,  the  nature  of  which 
I  am  unacquainted  with ;  but  my  regard  for  the 
family  makes  me  wish,  that  they  may  obtain  a 
speedy  consideration,  and  such  favourable  is 
sue  as  they  may  appear  to  merit.  To  this 
end  I  beg  leave  to  recommend  him  to  your 
countenance  and  protection. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Benjamin  Vaughan. 

"PxssY,  April  21, 1785. 

41  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  received  your  kind  let 
ter  to  the  23d  past,  by  Mr.  Perry,  with  the 
other  bottle  of  Blackrie.  I  thank  you  much 
for  your  care  in  sending  them.  I  should  have 
been  glad  to  be  of  any  use  to  Mr.  Perry  ;  but 
he  had  placed  his  children  before  I  saw  him, 
and  he  staid  with  me  only  a  few  minutes. 

"  We  see  much  in  parliamentary  proceed 
ings,  and  in  papers  and  pamphlets,  of  the  in 
jury  the  concessions  to  Ireland  will  do  to  the 
manufacturers  of  England,  while  the  people 
of  England  seem  to  be  forgotten,  as  if  quite 
out  of  the  question.  If  the  Irish  can  manu 
facture  cottons  and  stuff's,  and  silks,  and  linens, 
and  cutlery,  and  toys,  and  books,  &c.  &c.  &c., 
so  as  to  sell  them  cheaper  in  England  than 
the  manufactures  of  England  sell  them,  is  not 
this  good  for  the  people  of  England  who  are 


not  manufacturers  1  And  will  not  even  the  ma 
nufacturers  themselves  share  the  benefit] 
Since  if  cottons  are  cheaper,  all  the  other  ma 
nufacturers  who  wear  cottons  will  save  in  that 
article  ;  and  so  of  the  rest.  If  books  can  be 
had  much  cheaper  from  Ireland,  (which  I  be 
lieve,  for  I  bought  Blackstone  there  for  24s. 
when  it  was  sold  in  England  at  four  guineas) 
is  not  this  an  advantage,  not  to  English  book 
sellers  indeed,  but  to  English  readers,  and  to 
learning  ]  And  of  all  the  complainants,  perhaps 
these  booksellers  are  least  worthy  of  consi 
deration.  The  catalogue  you  last  sent  me 
amazes  me  by  the  high  prices  (said  to  be  the 
lowest)  affixed  to  each  article.  And  one  can 
scarce  see  a  new  book,  without  observing  the 
excessive  artifices  made  use  of  to  puff  up  a 
paper  of  verses  into  a  pamphlet,  a  pamphlet 
into  an  octavo,  and  an  octavo  into  a  quarto, 
with  scab-boardings,  white  lines,  sparse  titles 
of  chapters,  and  exorbitant  margins,  to  such  a 
degree,  that  the  selling  of  paper  seems  now 
the  object,  and  printing  on  it  only  the  pretence. 
I  enclose  the  copy  of  a  page  in  a  late  comedy. 
Between  every  two  lines  there  is  a  white 
space  equal  to  another  line.  You  have  a  law, 
I  think,  against  butchers  blowing  of  veal  to 
make  it  look  fatter  ;  why  not  one  against  book 
sellers  blowing  of  books  to  make  them  look 
bigger.  All  this  to  yourself;  you  can  easily 
guess  the  reason. 

"  My  grandson  is  a  little  indisposed,  but 
sends  you  two  pamphlets,  Figaro,  and  Le 
Roy  Voyageur.  The  first  is  a  play  of  Beau- 
marchais,  which  has  had  a  great  run  here. 
The  other  a  representation  of  all  the  supposed 
errors  of  government  in  this  country,  some  of 
which  are  probably  exaggerated.  It  is  not 
publicly  sold;  we  shall  send  some  more 
shortly. 

"  Please  to  remember  me  very  respectfully 
and  affectionately  to  good  Dr.  Price.  I  am 
glad  that  he  has  printed  a  translation  of  the 
Testament,  it  may  do  good.  —  I  am  ever,  my 
dear  friend,  yours  most  sincerely, 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 

[Enclosed  in  the  foregoing  letter.] 

SCENE  IV. 
SIR  JOHN  and  WILDMORE. 

Sir  John. 
Whither  so  fast? 


To  the  opera. 


It  is  not  the 


Yes  it  is. 


Wildmore. 


Sir  John. 


Wildmore. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


587 


Sir  John. 
Never  on  a  Sunday. 

Wildmore. 
Is  this  Sunday? 

Sir  John. 
Yes,  sure. 

Wildmore. 

I  remember  nothing;  I  shall  soon  forget 
my  Christian  name. 

"  If  this  page  was  printed  running  on  like 
Erasmus's  Colloquies,  it  would  not  have  made 
more  than  five  lines." 


"Dr.  Ingenhausz. 

"  PASSV,  April  29, 1785. 

"  I  THANK  you  much  for  the  postscript  re 
specting  my  disorder,  the  stone.  I  have  taken 
heretofore,  and  am  now  again  taking,  the 
remedy  you  mention,  which  is  called  Black- 
Tie's  Solvent,  It  is  the  soap  lye,  with  lime 
water,  and  I  believe  it  may  have  some  effect 
in  diminishing  the  symptoms,  and  preventing 
the  growth  of  the  stone,  which  is  all  I  expect 
from  it.  It  does  not  hurt  my  appetite,  I  sleep 
well,  and  enjoy  my  friends  in  cheerful  con 
versation,  as  usual.  But  as  I  cannot  use  much 
exercise,  I  eat  more  sparingly  than  formerly, 
and  I  drink  no  wine. 

"  I  admire  that  you  should  be  so  timid  in 
asking  leave  of  your  good  imperial  master,  to 
make  a  journey  for  visiting  a  friend.  I  am 
persuaded  you  would  succeed,  and  I  hope  the 
proposition  I  have  repeated  to  you  in  this  letter 
will  assist  your  courage,  and  enable  you  to 
ask  and  obtain.  If  you  come  hither  soon,  you 
may,  when  present,  get  your  book  finished, 
and  be  ready  to  proceed  with  me  to  America. 
While  writing  this,  I  have  received  from  con 
gress  my  leave  to  return;  and  I  believe  I 
shall  be  ready  to  embark  by  the  middle  of 
July  at  farthest.  I  shall  now  be  free  from 
politics  for  the  rest  of  my  life.  Welcome 
again  my  dear  philosophical  amusements  ! 

"  I  see  by  a  full  page  of  your  letter,  you  have 
been  possessed  with  strange  ideas  of  America, 
that  there  is  no  justice  to  be  obtained  there, 
no  recovery  of  debts,  projects  of  insurrection 
to  overturn  the  present  government,  &c.  &c. 
that  a  Virginia  colonel,  nephew  of  the  govern 
or,  had  cheated  a  stranger  of  100,000  livres, 
and  that  somebody  was  imprisoned  for  only 
speaking  of  it ;  and  the  like  very  improbable 
stories ;  they  are  all  fictions  or  misrepresent 
ations.  If  they  were  truths,  all  strangers 
would  avoid  such  a  country,  and  foreign  mer 
chants  would  as  soon  carry  their  goods  to  sell 
in  Newgate  as  America.  Think  a  little  on 
the  sums  England  has  spent  to  preserve  a 
monopoly  of  the  trade  of  that  people,  with 


whom  they  had  long  been  acquainted  ;  and  of 
the  desire  all  Europe  is  now  manifesting  to 
obtain  a  share  of  that  trade.  Our  ports  are  full 
of  their  ships,  their  merchants  buying  and 
selling  in  our  streets  continually,  and  return 
ing  with  our  products.  Would  this  happen  1 
Could  such  commerce  be  continued  with  us, 
if  we  were  such  a  collection  of  scoundrels  and 
villains  as  we  have  been  represented  to  you  1 
And  insurrections  against  our  rulers  are  not 
only  unlikely,  as  the  rulers  are  the  choice  of 
the  people,  but  unnecessary ;  as  if  not  liked 
they  may  be  changed  annually  by  the  new 
elections.  I  own  you  have  cause,  great  cause 
to  complain  of  *  *  *,  but  you  are  wrong  to 
condemn  a  whole  country  by  a  single  sample. 
I  have  seen  many  countries,  and  I  do  not 
know  a  country  in  the  world  in  which  justice 
is  so  well  administered,  where  protection  and 
favour  have  so  little  power  to  impede  its 
operations,  and  where  debts  are  recovered 
with  so  much  facility.  If  I  thought  it  such  a 
country  as  it  has  been  painted  to  you,  I  should 
certainly  never  return  to  it.  The  truth,  I 
believe,  is,  that  more  goods  have  been  carried 
thither  from  all  parts  of  Europe,  than  the  con 
sumption  of  the  country  requires,  and  it  is  na 
tural  that  some  of  the  adventurers  are  willing 
to  discourage  others  from  following  them,  lest 
the  prices  should  still  be  kept  down  by  the  ar 
rival  of  fresh  cargoes  ;  and  it  is  not  unlikely 
that  some  negligent  or  unfaithful  factore  sent 
thither,  may  have  given  such  accounts  to 
excuse  their  not  making  remittances.  And 
the  English  magnify  all  this,  and  spread  it 
abroad  in  their  papers,  to  dissuade  foreigners 
from  attempting  to  interfere  with  them  in 
their  commerce  with  us. 

"Your  account  of  the  emperor's  conde 
scending  conversation  with  you  concerning 
me,  is  pleasing.  I  respect  very  much  the 
character  of  that  monarch,  and  think  that  if  I 
were  one  of  his  subjects,  he  would  find  me  a 
good  one.  I  am  glad  that  his  difference  with 
your  country  is  likely  to  be  accommodated 
without  bloodshed.  The  Courier  de  1'Europe, 
arid  some  other  papers,  printed  a  letter  on  that 
difference,  which  they  ascribed  to  me.  Be 
assured,  my  friend,  that  I  never  wrote  it,  nor 
was  ever  presumptuous  enough  to  meddle 
with  an  affair  so  much  out  of  my  way.  Yours, 
&c.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Count  de  Vergennes. 

"  PASSY,  May  3,  1785. 

"  SIR, — I  have  the  honour  to  acquaint  your 
excellency  that  I  have  at  length  obtained,  and 
yesterday  received,  the  permission  of  congress 
to  return  to  America.  As  my  malady  makes 
it  impracticable  for  me  to  pay  my  devoirs  per 
sonally  at  Versailles,  may  I  beg  the  favour  of 
you,  sir,  to  express  respectfully  for  me  to  his 
majesty,  the  deep  sense  I  have  of  all  the  ines- 


588 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


timable  benefits  his  goodness  has  conferred  on 
my  country  ;  a  sentiment  that  it  will  be  the 
business  of  the  little  remainder  of  life  now 
left  me,  to  impress  equally  on  the  minds  of 
all  my  countrymen.  My  sincere  prayers  are, 
that  God  may  shower  down  his  blessings  on 
the  king,  the  queen,  their  children,  and  all 
the  royal  family  to  the  latest  generations ! 

"  Permit  me  at  the  same  time  to  offer  you 
my  thankful  acknowledgments  for  the  pro 
tection  and  countenance  you  afforded  me  at 
my  arrival,  and  your  many  favours  during  my 
residence  here,  of  which  I  shall  retain  the 
most  grateful  remembrance. 

"  My  grandson  would  have  had  the  honour 
of  waiting  on  you  with  this  letter,  but  he  has 
been  sometime  ill  of  a  fever. 

"  With  the  greatest  esteem  and  respect, 
and  best  wishes  for  the  constant  prosperity  of 
yourself  and  all  your  amiable  family,  I  am, 
sir,  your  excellency's  most  obedient,  &c. 
"B.  FRANKLIN." 


M.  de  Rayneval  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  VERSAILLES,  May  8,  1785. 

"  SIR, — I  have  learned  with  the  greatest 
concern,  that  you  are  soon  to  leave  us.  You 
will  carry  with  you  the  affections  of  all 
France,  for  nobody  has  been  more  esteemed 
than  you.  I  shall  call  on  you  at  Passy,  to  de 
sire  you  to  retain  for  me  a  share  in  your  re 
membrance,  and  renew  to  you  personally  the 
assurances  of  my  most  profound  attachment. 
"  DE  RAYNEVAL." 


"  John  Jay. 

"PASSY,  May  10, 1785. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  kind  letter 
of  the  8th  March,  enclosing  the  resolution  of 
congress,  permitting  my  return  to  America, 
for  which  I  am  very  thankful,  and  am  now 
preparing  to  depart  the  first  good  opportuni 
ty.  Next  to  the  pleasure  of  rejoining  my 
own  family,  will  be  that  of  seeing  you  and 
yours  well  and  happy,  and  embracing,  once 
more,  my  little  friend,  whose  singular  attach 
ment  to  me  I  shall  always  remember. 

"  I  shall  be  glad  to  render  any  acceptable 
service  to  Mr.  Randall.  I  conveyed  the  bay- 
berry  wax  to  the  abbe  Chalut,  with  your 
compliments,  as  you  desired.  He  returns  his 
with  many  thanks.  Be  pleased  to  make  my 
respectful  compliments  to  Mrs.  Jay,  and  be 
lieve  me  ever,  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Charles  Thompson. 

"  PASSY,  May  10, 1785. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — An  old  gentleman  in  Switz 
erland,  long  of  the  magistracy  there,  having 
written  a  book  entitled  De  Gouvernement 


I  des  Moeurs,  which  is  thought  to  contain 
1  many  matters  that  may  be  useful  to  America, 
desired  to  know  of  me  how  he  could  convey  a 
number  of  the  printed  copies,  to  be  distributed 
gratis  among  the  members  of  congress.  1  ad 
vised  his  addressing  the  package  to  you  by 
way  of  Amsterdam,  where  a  friend  of  mine 
would  forward  it.  It  is  accordingly  shipt 
there  on  board  the  Von  Berckell,  captain  W. 
Campbell.  There  are  good  things  in  the 
work,  but  his  chapter  on  the  liberty  of  the 
press  appears  to  me  to  contain  more  rhetoric 
than  reason.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  Jonathan  Williams. 

"  PASSY,  May  19,  1785. 

"  THE  conversations  you  mention  respect 
ing  America  are  suitable.  Those  people 
speak  what  they  wish  ;  but  she  was  certainly 
never  in  a  more  happy  situation.  They  are 
angry  with  us,  and  speak  all  manner  of  evil 
of  us;  but  we  flourish  notwithstanding.  They 
put  me  in  mind  of  a  violent  high  church-factor, 
resident  in  Boston,  when  I  was  a  boy.  He 
had  bought  upon  speculation  a  Connecticut 
cargo  of  onions,  which  he  flattered  himself  he 
might  sell  again  to  great  profit,  but  the  price 
fell,  and  they  lay  upon  hand.  He  was  hearti 
ly  vexed  with  his  bargain,  especially  when  he 
observed  they  began  to  grow  in  the  store  he 
had  filled  with  them.  He  showed  them  one 
day  to  a  friend.  Here  they  are,  says  he,  and 
they  are  growing  too !  I  damn  them  every 
day ;  but  I  think  they  are  like  the  presbyte- 
rians — the  more  I  curse  them,  the  more  they 
grow..  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  George  Wheatley. 

"  PASSY,  May  19,  1785. 

"  DEAR  OLD  FRIEND, —  I  received  the  very 
good  letter  you  sent  me  by  my  grandson, 
together  with  your  resemblance,  which  is 
placed  in  my  chamber,  and  gives  me  great 
pleasure.  There  is  no  trade,  they  say,  with 
out  returns,  and  therefore  I  am  punctual  in 
making  those  you  have  ordered. 

"  I  intended  this  should  have  been  a  long 
epistle,  but  I  am  interrupted,  and  can  only 
add,  that  I  am  ever  yours  most  affectionately, 
"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


Count  de  Vergennes  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  VERSAILLES,  May 22, 1785. 

"  SIR, — I  have  learnt  with  much  concern  of 
your  retiring,  and  of  your  approaching  de 
parture  for  America.  You  cannot  doubt  but 
that  the  regrets  which  you  will  leave,  will 
be  proportionate  to  the  consideration  you  so 
justly  enjoy. 

"  I  can  assure  you,  sir,  that  the  esteem  the 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


king  entertains  for  you,  does  not  leave  you 
uny  thing  to  wish,  and  that  his  majesty  will 
learn  with  real  satisfaction  that  your  fellow- 
citizens  have  rewarded  in  a  manner  worthy 
of  you,  the  important  services  that  you  have 
rendered  them. 

"  I  beg  sir,  that  yon  will  preserve  for  me  a 
share  in  your  remembrance,  and  never  doubt 
the  sincerity  of  the  interest  I  take  in  your 
happiness.  It  is  founded  on  the  sentiments 
of  attachment  of  which  I  have  assured  you, 
arid  with  which,  &c. 

"  DE  VERGENNES." 

"  George  Wheat.ley. 

"PASSY,  May  23,  17c5. 

"  DEAR  OLD  FRIEND, — I  sent  you  a  few 
lines  the  other  day,  with  the  medallion,  when 
I  should  have  written  more,  but  was  prevent 
ed  by  the  coming  in  of  a  bavard,  who  worried 
me  till  evening.  I  bore  with  him,  and  now 
you  are  to  bear  with  me :  for  I  shall  proba 
bly  bavarder  in  answering  your  letter. 

"I  am  not  acquainted  with  tne  saying  of 
Alphonsus,  which  you  allude  to  as  a  sancti- 
h'cation  of  your  rigidity  in  refusing  to  allow 
me  the  plea  of-  old  age,  as  an  excuse  for  my 
want  of  exactness  in  correspondence.  What 
was  that  saying  ?  You  do  not  it  seems  feel 
any  occasion  for  such  an  excuse,  though  you 
are,  as  you  say,  rising  75.  But  I  am  rising 
(perhaps  more  properly  falling)  80,  and  I  leave 
the  excuse  with  you  till  you  arrive  at  that 
age ;  perhaps  you  may  then  be  more  sensible 
of  its  validity,  and  see  fit  to  use  it  for  your 
self. 

"  I  must  agree  with  you,  that  the  gout  is 
bad,  and  that  the  stone  is  worse.  I  am  hap 
py  in  not  having  them  both  together,  and  I 
join  in  your  prayer,  that  you  may  live  till  you 
die  without  either.  But  I  doubt  the  author 
of  the  epitaph  you  send  me  was  a  little  mis 
taken,  when  he,  speaking  of  the  world,  says 
that 


-he  ne'er  cared  a  pin 


What  they  said  or  may  say  of  the  mortal  within. 
"  It  is  so  natural  to  wish  to  be  well  spoken  of, 
whether  alive  or  dead,  that  I  imagine  he 
could  not  be  quite  exempt  from  that  desire ; 
and  that  at  least  he  wished  to  be  thought  a 
wit,  or  he  would  not  have  given  himself  the 
trouble  of  writing  so  good  an  epitaph  to  leave 
behind  him.  Was  it  not  as  worthy  of  his 
care  that  the  world  should  say  he  was  an  ho 
nest  and  a  good  man  1  I  like  better  the  con 
cluding  sentiment  in  the  old  song,  called  the 
Old  man's  Wish,  wherein,  after  wishing  for 
a  warm  house  in  a  country  town,  an  easy 
horse,  some  good  authors,  ingenious  and 
cheerful  companions,  a  pudding  on  Sundays, 
with  stout  ale,  and  a  bottle  of  Burgundy,  &c. 
&c.,  in  separate  stanzas,  each  ending  with 
this  burden, 

50 


May  I  govern  my  passions  with  absolute  sway, 
Grow  wiser  and  better  as  my  strength  wears  away, 
Without  gout  or  stone,  by  a  gentle  decay. 

He  adds, 

With  a  courage  undaunted  may  I  face  my  last  day ; 
And  when  I  am  pone  may  the  better  sort  say ; 
In  the  morning  when  sober,  in  the  evening  when  mel 
low, 
He  's  gone,  and  has  not  left  behind  him  his  fellow. 

For  he  governed  his  passions,  &.c. 

"  But  what  signifies  our  wishing  !  Things 
happen,  after  all,  as  they  will  happen.  I 
have  sung  that  wishing  song  a  thousand 
times  when  I  was  young,  and  now  find  at 
fourscore  that  the  three  contraries  have  be 
fallen  me,  being  subject  to  the  gout,  and  the 
stone,  and  not  being  yet  master  of  all  my  pas 
sions.  Like  the  proud  girl  in  my  country, 
who  wished  and  resolved  not  to  marry  a  par 
son,  nor  a  presbyterian,  nor  an  Irishman,  and  at 
length  found  herself  married  to  an  Irish  pres 
byterian  parson.  You  see  I  have  some  rea 
son  to  wish  that  in  a  future  state,  I  may  not 
only  be  as  well  as  I  was,  but  a  little  better. 
And  I  hope  it :  for  I  too,  with  your  poet,  trust 
in  God.  And  when  I  observe  that  there  is 
great  frugality  as  well  as  wisdom  in  his 
works,  since  he  has  been  evidently  sparing 
both  of  labour  and  materials ;  for  by  the  va 
rious  wonderful  inventions  of  propagation,  he 
has  provided  for  the  continual  peopling  his 
world  with  plants  and  animals,  without  being 
at  the  trouble  of  repeated  new  creations  ;  and 
by  the  natural  reduction  of  compound  sub 
stances  to  their  original  elements,  capable  of 
being  employed  in  new  compositions,  he  has 
prevented  the  necessity  of  creating  new  mat 
ter  ;  for  that  the  earth,  water,  air,  and  per 
haps  fire,  which  being  compounded  from  wood, 
do  when  the  wood  is  dissolved  return,  and 
again  become  air,  earth,  fire,  and  water ;  I 
say,  that  when  I  see  nothing  annihilated,  and 
not  even  a  drop  of  water  wasted,  I  cannot 
suspect  the  annihilation  of  souls,  or  believe 
that  he  will  suffer  the  daily  waste  of  millions 
of  minds  ready  made,  that  now  exist,  and  put 
himself  to  the  continual  trouble  of  making 
new  ones.  Thus  finding  myself  to  exist  in 
the  world,  I  believe  I  shall  in  some  shape  or 
other  always  exist:  and  with  all  the  in 
conveniences  human  life  is  liable  to,  I  shall 
not  object  to  a  new  edition  of  mine ;  hoping 
however  that  the  errata  of  the  last  may  be 
corrected. 

"  I  return  your  note  of  children  received  in 
the  foundling  hospital  at  Paris,  from  1741  to 
1755  inclusive ;  and  I  have  added  the  years 
succeeding  down  to  1770.  Those  since  that 
period,  I  have  not  been  able  to  obtain.  I 
have  noted  in  the  margin  the  gradual  increase, 
viz.  from  every  tenth  child  so  thrown  upon 
the  public,  till  it  comes  to  every  third  !  Fif 
teen  years  have  passed  since  the  last  account, 
and  probably  it  may  now  amount  to  one  half. 
Is  it  right  to  encourage  this  monstrous  de- 


590 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


ficiency  of  natural  affection  1  A  surgeon  I 
met  with  here  excused  the  women  of  Paris, 
by  saying  seriously  that  they  could  not  give 
suck,  '  Car,'  said  he,  '  Us  n'ont  point  de 
tetons?  He  assured  me  it  was  a  fact,  and 
bade  me  look  at  them,  and  observe  how  flat 
they  were  on  the  breast ;  they  have  nothing 
more  there,  said  he,  that  I  have  upon  the 
back  of  my  hand.  I  have  since  thought  that 
there  might  be  some  truth  in  his  observation, 
and  that  possibly,  nature,  finding  they  made 
no  use  of  bubbies,  has  left  off  giving  them 
any.  Yet,  since  Rousseau  pleaded  with  ad 
mirable  eloquence  for  the  rights  of  children  to 
their  mother's  milk,  the  mode  has  changed  a 
little ;  and  some  ladies  of  quality  now  suckle 
their  infants  and  find  milk  enough.  May  the 
mode  descend  to  the  lower  ranks,  till  it  be 
comes  no  longer  the  custom  to  pack  their  in 
fants  away  as  soon  as  born,  to  the  enfans 
trouves,  with  the  careless  observation,  that 
the  kino1  is  better  able  to  maintain  them.  I 
am  credibly  informed  that  nine  tenths  of  them 
die  there  pretty  soon,  which  is  said  to  be 
a  great  relief  to  the  institution,  whose  funds 
would  not  otherwise  be  sufficient  to  bring  up 
the  remainder.  Except  the  few  persons  of 
quality  above-mentioned,  and  the  multitude 
who  send  to  the  hospital,  the  practice  is  to 
hire  nurses,  in  the  country,  to  carry  out  the 
children,  and  take  care  of  them.  Here  is  an 
office  for  examining  the  health  of  nurses,  and 
giving  them  licenses.  They  come  to  town  on 
certain  days  of  the  week  in  companies  to  re 
ceive  the  children,  and  we  often  meet  trains 
of  them  on  the  road  returning  to  the  neigh 
bouring  villages,  with  each  a  child  in  arms. 
But  those  who  are  good  enough  to  try  this 
way  of  raising  their  children,  are  often  not 
able  to  pay  the  expense,  so  that  the  prisons 
of  Paris  are  crowded  with  wretched  fathers 
and  mothers  confined  pour  mois  de  nourrice, 
though  it  is  laudably  a  favourite  charity  to 
pay  for  them,  and  set  such  prisoners  at  liber 
ty.  I  wish  success  to  the  new  project  of  as 
sisting  the  poor  to  keep  their  children  at 
home,  because  I  think  there  is  no  nurse  like 
a  mother,  (or  not  many)  and  that  if  parents 
did  not  immediately  send  their  infants  out  of 
their  sight,  they  would  in  a  few  days  begin 
to  love  them,  and  thence  be  spurred  to  greater 
industry  for  their  maintenance.  This  is  a 
subject  you  understand  better  than  I,  and 
therefore,  having  perhaps  said  too  much,  I 
drop  it.  I  only  add  to  the  notes  a  remark 
from  the  History  of  the  Academy  of  Sciences, 
much  in  favour  of  the  foundling  institution. 
"  The  Philadelphia  bank  goes  on,  as  I  hear, 
very  well.  What  you  call  the  Cincinnati  in 
stitution,  is  no  institution  of  our  government, 
but  a  private  convention  among  the  officers 
of  our  late  army,  and  so  universally  disliked 
by  the  people,  that  it  is  supposed  it  will  be 
dropped.  It  was  considered  as  an  attempt  to 


establish  something  like  an  hereditary  rank  or 
nobility.  I  hold  with  you  that  it  was  wrong ; 
may  1  add,  that  all  descending  honours  are 
wrong  and  absurd ;  that  the  honours  of  vir 
tuous  actions  appertain  only  to  him  that  per 
forms  them,  and  is  in  its  nature  incommuni 
cable.  If  it  were  communicable  by  descent, 
it  must  also  be  divisible  among  the  descend 
ants;  and  the  more  ancient  the  family,  the 
less  would  be  found  existing  in  any  one 
branch  of  it ;  to  say  nothing  of  the  greater 
chance  of  unlucky  interruptions. 

"  Our  constitution  seems  not  to  be  well  un 
derstood  with  you.  If  the  congress  were  a 
permanent  body,  there  would  be  more  reason 
in  being  jealous  of  giving  it  powers.  But  its 
members  are  chosen  annually,  cannot  be  cho 
sen  more  than  three  years  successively,  nor 
more  than  three  years  in  seven  ;  and  any  of 
them  may  be  recalled  at  any  time," whenever 
their  constituents  shall  be  dissatisfied  with 
their  conduct.  They  are  of  the  people,  and 
return  again  to  mix  with  the  people,  having 
no  more  durable  pre-eminence  than  the  dif 
ferent  grains  of  sand  in  an  hour  glass.  Such 
an  assembly  cannot  easily  become  dangerous 
to  liberty.  They  are  the  servants  of  the  peo 
ple,  sent  together  to  do  the  people's  business, 
and  promote  the  public  welfare  ;  their  powers 
must  be  sufficient  or  their  duties  cannot  be 
performed.  They  have  no  profitable  appoint 
ments,  but  a  mere  payment  of  daily  wages, 
such  as  are  scarcely  equivalent  to  their  ex 
penses  ;  so  that  having  no  chance  for  great 
places  and  enormous  salaries  or  pensions,  as 
in  some  countries,  there  is  no  canvassing  or 
bribing  for  elections.  I  wish  Old  England 
were  as  happy  in  its  government,  but  I  do  not 
see  it.  Your  people,  however,  think  their 
constitution  the  best  in  the  world,  and  affect  to 
despise  ours.  It  is  comfortable  to  have  a  good 
opinion  of  one-self,  and  of  every  thing  that  be 
longs  to  us ;  to  think  one's  own  religion,  king, 
and  wife,  the  best  of  all  possible  wives,  kings, 
or  religions.  I  remember  three  Greenland  ers, 
who  had  travelled  two  years  in  Europe,  under 
the  care  of  some  Moravian  missionaries,  and 
had  visited  Germany,  Denmark,  Holland,  and 
England  ;  when  I  asked  them  at  Philadelphia 
(where  they  were  in  their  way  home)  whe 
ther,  now  they  had  seen  how  much  more  com- 
modiously  the  white  people  lived  by  the  help 
of  the  arts,  they  would  not  choose  to  remain 
among  us  ]  their  answer  was,  that  they  were 
pleased  with  having  had  an  opportunity  of 
seeing  so  many  fine  things,  but  they  chose  to 
LIVE  in  their  own  country.  Which  country, 
by  the  way,  consisted  of  rock  only ;  for  the 
Moravians  were  obliged  to  carry  earth  in 
their  ship  from  New  York,  for  the  purpose  of 
making  a  cabbage-garden. 

"  By  Mr.  Dollond's  saying  that  my  double 
spectacles  can  only  serve  particular  eyes,  I 
doubt  he  has  not  been  rightly  informed  of  their 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


591 


construction.  I  imagine  it  will  be  found  pretty 
generally  true,  that  the  same  convexity  of 
glass  through  which  a  man  sees  clearest  and 
best  at  the  distance  proper  for  reading,  is  not 
the  best  for  greater  distances.  I  therefore 
had  formerly  two  pair  of  spectacles,  which  I 


shifted  occasionally,  as  in  travelling  I  some 
times  read  and  often  wanted  to  regard  the 
prospects.  Finding  this  change  troublesome, 
and  not  always  sufficiently  ready,  I  had  the 
glasses  cut,  and  half  of  each  kind  associated 
in  the  same  circle,  thus, 


By  this  means,  as  I  wear  my  spectacles  con 
stantly,  I  have  only  to  move  my  eyes  up  or 
down  as  I  want  to  see  distinctly  far  or  near, 
the  proper  glasses  being  always  ready.  This 
I  find  more  particularly  convenient  since  my 
being  in  France,  the  glasses  that  serve  me 
best  at  table  to  see  what  I  eat,  not  being  the 
best  to  see  the  faces  of  those  on  the  other  side 
of  the  table  who  speak  to  me  ;  and  when  one's 
ears  are  not  well  accustomed  to  the  sounds 
of  a  language,  a  sight  of  the  movements  in 
the  features  of  him  that  speaks  helps  to  ex 
plain  ;  so  that  I  understand  French  better  by 
the  help  of  my  spectacles. 

My  intended  translator  of  your  piece,  the 
only  one  I  know  who  understands  the  sub 
ject  as  well  as  the  two  languages,  (which  a 
translator  ought  to  do,  or  he  cannot  make  so 
good  a  translation,)  is  at  present  occupied  in 
an  affair  that  prevents  his  undertaking  it ; 
but  that  will  soon  be  over.  I  thank  you  for 
the  notes.  I  should  be  glad  to  have  another 
of  the  printed  pamphlets. 

"  We  shall  always  be  ready  to  take  your 
children  if  you  send  them  to  us.  I  only  won 
der,  that  since  London  draws  to  itself  and  con 
sumes  such  numbers  of  your  country  people, 
the  country  should  not,  to  supply  their  places, 
want  and  willingly  receive  the  children  you 
have  to  dispose  of.  That  circumstance,  to 
gether  with  the  multitude  who  voluntarily 
part  with  their  freedom  as  men,  to  serve  for 
a  time  as  lacqueys,  or  for  life  as  soldiers,  in 
consideration  of  small  wages,  seems  to  me 
proof,  that  your  island  is  over-peopled.  And 
yet  it  is  afraid  of  emigrations  ! 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Thomas  Barclay. 

"  PASSY,  June  19,  1785. 

"  SIR, — With  respect  to  my  continuing  to 
charge  £2500  sterling  as  my  salary,  of 
which  you  desire  some  explanation,  I  send 


you  in  support  of  that  charge  the  resolution 
of  congress,  which  is  in  these  words. 

"  In  congress,  Oct.  5, 1779.  .Resolved  that  each  of  the 
ministers  plenipotentiary  be  allowed  at  the  rate  of  two 
thousand  five  hundred  pounds  sterling  per  annum,  and 
each  of  the  secretaries,  at  the  rate  of  one  thousand  pounds 
sterling  per  annum,  in  full  for  their  services  and  ex 
penses  respectively.  That  the  salary  of  each  of  the  said 
officers  be  computed  from  the  time  of  his  leaving  his 
place  of  abode  to  enter  on  the  duties  of  his  office,  and 
be  continued  three  months  after  notice  of  his  recall." 

"  The  several  bills  I  afterwards  received 
drawn  on  the  congress  banker,  Mr.  Grand, 
for  my  salary,  were  all  calculated  on  that  sum 
as  my  salary ;  and  neither  the  banker  nor  my 
self  has  received  notice  of  any  change  res 
pecting  me.  He  has  accordingly,  since  the 
drawing  ceased,  continued  to  pay  me  at  the 
same  rate.  I  have  indeed  heard  that  a  reso 
lution  was  passed  last  year,  that  the  salaries 
of  plenipotentiaries  should  be  no  more  than 
£2000  sterling  per  annum.  But  the  reso 
lution  I  suppose  can  relate  only  to  such  ple 
nipotentiaries  as  should  be  afterwards  appoint 
ed  ;  for  I  cannot  conceive  that  the  congress, 
after  promising  a  minister  £2500  a  year, 
and  when  he  has  thereby  been  encouraged  to 
engage  in  a  "way  of  living  for  their  honour, 
which  only  that  salary  can  support,  would 
think  it  just  to  diminish  it  a  fifth,  and  leave 
him  under  the  difficulty  of  reducing  his  ex 
penses  proportionably ;  a  thing  scarce  practi 
cable  ;  the  necessity  of  which  he  might  have 
avoided,  if  he  had  not  confided  in  their  origi 
nal  promise. 

"  But  the  article  of  salary,  with  all  the  rest 
of  my  accounts,  will  be  submitted  to  the  judg 
ment  of  congress,  together  with  some  other 
considerable  articles  I  have  not  charged,  but 
on  which  I  shall  expect  from  their  equity 
some  consideration  ;  and  for  want  of  knowing 
precisely  the  intention  of  congress,  what  ex 
penses  should  be  deemed  public,  which  should 
be  defrayed  by  me,  their  banker  has  my  or 
der,  as  soon  as  the  pleasure  of  congress  shall 
be  made  known  to  him,  to  rectify  the  error, 


592 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


by  transferring'  the  amount  to  my  private  ac 
count,  and  discharging  by  so  much  that  of 
the  public.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"PASSY,  Jane  20, 1785. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  just  received  the  only 
letter  from  you  that  has  given  me  pain.  It 
informs  me  of  your  intention  to  attempt  pass 
ing  to  England  in  the  car  of  a  balloon.  In 
the  present  imperfect  state  of  that  invention, 
I  think  it  much  too  soon  to  hazard  a  voyage  of 
that  distance.  It  is  said  here  by  some  of 
those  who  have  had  experience,  that  as  yet 
they  have  not  found  means  to  keep  up  a  bal 
loon  more  than  two  hours ;  for  that  by  now 
and  then  losing  air  to  prevent  rising  too  high 
and  bursting ;  and  now  and  then  discharging 
ballast  to  avoid  descending  too  low ;  these 
means  of  regulation  are  exhausted.  Besides 
this,  all  the  circumstances  of  danger  by  dis 
appointment,  in  the  operation  of  Soupape's, 
&c.  &c.  seem  not  to  be  yet  well  known,  and 
therefore  not  easily  provided  against.  For 
on  Wednesday  last  M.  Pilatre  de  Rosier,  who 
had  studied  the  subject  as  much  as  any  man, 
lost  his  support  in  the  air  by  the  bursting  of 
his  balloon,  or  by  some  other  means  we  are  yet 
unacquainted  with,  and  fell  with  his  com 
panion  from  the  height  of  one  thousand  toises 
on  the  rocky  coast,  and  was  found  dashed  to 
pieces.  You  having  lived  a  good  life  do  not 
fear  death.  But  pardon  the  anxious  freedom 
of  a  friend,  if  he  tells  you  the  continuance 
of  your  life  being  of  importance  to  your  family 
and  your  country,  though  you  might  laudably 
hazard  it  for  their  good,  you  have  no  right  to 
risk  it  for  a  fancy.  I  pray  God  this  may 
reach  you  in  time,  and  have  some  effect  to 
wards  changing  your  design : — being  ever,  my 
dear  friend,  yours  affectionately, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Baron  Maseres. 

"  PASSY,  June  26,  1785. 

"SiR, — I  have  just  received  your  friendly 
letter  of  the  20th  instant.  I  agree  with  you 
perfectly  in  the  opinion,  that  though  the  con 
test  has  been  hurtful  to  both  our  countries, 
yet  the  event,  a  separation,  is  better  even 
for  yours  than  success.  The  reducing  and 
keeping  us  in  subjection  by  an  armed  force, 
would  have  cost  you  more  than  the  dominion 
could  be  worth,  and  our  slavery  would  have 
brought  on  yours.  The  ancient  system  of 
the  British  empire  was  a  happy  one,  by  which 
the  colonies  were  allowed  to  govern  and  tax 
themselves.  Had  it  been  wisely  continued, 
it  is  hard  to  imagine  the  degree  of  power  and 
importance  in  the  world  that  empire  might 
have  arrived  at.  All  the  means  of  growing 


greatness,  extent  of  territory,  agriculture, 
commerce,  arts,  population,  were  within  its 
own  limits,  and  therefore  at  its  command.  I 
used  to  consider  that  system  as  a  large  and 
beautiful  porcelain  vase ;  I  lamented  the  mea 
sures  that  I  saw  likely  to  break  it,  and  strove 
to  prevent  them ;  because  once  broken  I  saw 
no  probability  of  its  being  ever  repaired.  My 
endeavours  did  not  succeed :  we  are  broken, 
and  the  parts  must  now  do  as  well  as  they  can 
for  themselves.  We  may  still  do  well,  though 
separated.  I  have  great  hopes  of  our  side, 
and  good  wishes  for  yours.  The  anarchy  and 
confusion  you  mention,  as  supposed  to  prevail 
among  us,  exist  only  in  your  newspapers.  I 
have  authentic  accounts,  which  assure  me  that 
no  people  were  ever  better  governed,  or  more 
content  with  their  respective  constitutions 
and  governments  than  the  present  thirteen 
states  of  America.  A  little  reflection  may 
convince  any  reasonable  man,  that  a  govern 
ment  wherein  the  administrators  are  chosen 
annually,  by  the  free  voice  of  the  governed, 
and  may  also  be  recalled  at  any  time  if  their 
conduct  displeases  their  constituents,  cannot 
be  a  tyrannical  one,  as  your  loyalists  represent 
it ;  who  at  the  same  time,  inconsistently  de 
sire  to  return  and  live  under  it.  And  among 
an  intelligent  enlightened  people  as  ours  is, 
there  must  always  be  too  numerous  and  too 
strong  a  party  for  supporting  good  govern 
ment  and  the  laws,  to  suffer  what  is  called 
anarchy.  This  better  account  of  our  situation 
must  be  pleasing  to  your  humanity,  and  there 
fore  I  give  it  you. 

"  But  we  differ  a  little  in  our  sentiments  re 
specting  the  loyalists  (as  they  call  themselves) 
and  the  conduct  of  America  towards  them, 
which  you  think  '  seems  actuated  by  a  spirit 
of  revenge  ;  and  that  it  would  have  been  more 
agreeable  to  policy  as  well  as  justice  to  have 
restored  their  estates,  upon  their  taking  the 
oaths  of  allegiance  to  the  new  governments.' 
That  there  should  still  be  some  resentment 
against  them  in  the  breasts  of  those  who  have 
had  their  houses,  farms,  and  towns  so  lately 
destroyed,  and  relations  scalped  under  the 
conduct -of  these  royalists,  is  not  wonderful ; 
though  I  believe  the  opposition  given  by  many 
to  their  re-establishment  among  us  is  owing 
to  a  firm  persuasion,  that  there  could  be  no 
reliance  on  their  oaths ;  and  that  the  effect  of 
receiving  those  people  again,  would  be  an 
introduction  of  that  very  anarchy  and  confu 
sion  they  falsely  reproach  us  with.  Even  the 
example  you  propose  of  the  English  common 
wealth's  restoring  the  estates  of  the  royalists 
after  their  being  subdued,  seems  rather  to 
countenance  and  encourage  our  acting  differ 
ently,  as  probably  if  the  power,  which  always 
accompanies  property,  had  not  been  restored 
to  the  royalists  ;  if  their  estates  had  remained 
confiscated,  and  their  persons  had  been  banish 
ed,  they  could  not  have  so  much  contributed 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


to  the  restoration  of  kingly  power,  and  the 
new  government  of  the  republic  might  have 
been  more  durable.  The  majority  of  exam 
ples  in  your  history  are  on  the  other  side  o! 
the  question.  All  the  estates  in  England  anc 
south  of  Scotland,  and  most  of  those  possess 
ed  by  the  descendants  of  the  English  in  Ire 
land,  are  held  from  ancient  confiscations 
made  of  the  estates  of  Caledonians,  and  Bri 
tons,  the  original  possessors  in  your  island,  or 
the  native  Irish,  in  the  last  century  only. 
It  is  but  a  few  months  since,  that  your  parlia 
ment  has,  in  a  few  instances,  given  up  confis 
cations  incurred  by  a  rebellion  suppressed 
forty  years  ago.  The  war  against  us  was 
begun  by  a  general  act  of  parliament  declar 
ing  all  our  estates  confiscated,  and  probably 
one  great  motive  to  the  loyalty  of  the  royal 
ists  was  the  hope  of  sharing  in  these  confis 
cations.  They  have  played  a  deep  game, 
staking  their  estates  against  ours;  and  they 
have  been  unsuccessful.  But  it  is  a  surer 
game,  since  they  had  promises  to  rely  on  from 
your  government  of  indemnification  in  case 
of  loss ;  and  I  see  your  parliament  is  about  to 
fulfil  those  promises.  To  this  I  have  no  ob 
jection,  because  though  still  our  enemies,  they 
are  men ;  they  are  in  necessity ;  and  I  think 
even  an  hired  assassin  has  a  right  to  his  pay 
from  his  employer :  it  seems  too  more  reason 
able  that  the  expense  of  paying  tflese  should 
fall  upon  the  government  who  encouraged  the 
mischief  done,  rather  than  upon  us  who  suf 
fered  it;  the  confiscated  estates  making 
amends  but  for  a  small  part  of  that  mischief: 
it  is  not  therefore  clear  that  our  retaining 
them  is  chargeable  with  injustice.  I  have 
hinted  above,  that  the  name  loyalists  was  im 
properly  assumed  by  these  people.  Royalists 
they  may  perhaps  be  called.  But  the  true 
loyalists  were  the  people  of  America  against 
whom  they  acted.  No  people  were  ever 
known  more  truly  loyal,  and  universally  so, 
to  their  sovereigns :  the  protestant  succession 
in  the  house  of  Hanover  was  their  idol.  Not 
a  Jacobite  was  to  be  found  from  one  end  of  the 
colonies  to  the  other.  They  were  affectionate 
to  the  people  of  England,  zealous  and  forward 
to  assist  in  her  wars,  by  voluntarily  contribu 
tions  of  men  and  money,  even  beyond  their 
proportion.  The  king  and  parliament  had 
frequently  acknowledged  this  by  public  mes 
sages,  resolutions,  and  reimbursements.  But 
they  were  equally  fond  of  what  they  esteemed 
their  rights,  and  if  they  resisted  when  those 
were  attacked,  it  was  a  resistance  in  favour 
of  a  British  constitution,  which  every  Eng 
lishman  might  share  in  enjoying  who  should 
come  to  live  among  them :  it  was  resisting 
arbitrary  impositions  that  were  contrary  to 
common  right  and  to  their  fundamental  con 
stitutions,  and  to  constant  ancient  usage.  It 
was  indeed  a  resistance  in  favour  of  the  liber 
ties  of  England,  which  might  have  been  en- 
VOL.I...F  50* 


593 

dangered  by  success  in  the  attempt  against 
ours ;  and  therefore  a  great  man  in  your  par 
liament  did  not  scruple  to  declare,  he  rejoiced 
that  America  had  resisted.  I,  for  the  same 
reason,  may  add  this  very  resistance  to  the 
other  instances  of  their  loyalty.  I  have  al 
ready  said  that  I  think  it  just  you  should  re 
ward  those  Americans  who  joined  your  troops 
in  the  war  against  their  own  country :  but  if 
ever  honesty  could  be  inconsistent  with  policy, 
it  is  so  in  this  instance. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  David  Hartley. 

"  PASSY,  JulyS,  1785. 

"  I  CANNOT  quit  the  coasts  of  Europe  with 
out  taking  leave  of  my  ever  dear  friend  Mr. 
Hartley.  We  were  long  fellow-labourers  in 
the  best  of  all  works,  the  work  of  peace.  I 
leave  you  still  in  the  field,  but  having  finish- 
my  day's  task,  I  am  going  home  to  go  to  bed. 
Wish  me  a  good  night's  rest,  as  I  do  you  a 
pleasant  evening.  Adieu!  and  believe  me 
ever,  yours  most  affectionately. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 

In  his  80th  year. 


"  Granville  Sharp. 

"PASSY,  July  5, 1785. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  the  books  you 
were  so  kind  as  to  send  me  by  Mr.  Drown. 
Please  to  accept  my  hearty  thanks.  Your 
writings,  which  always  have  some  public 
good  for  their  object,  I  always  read  with  plea 
sure.  I  am  perfectly  of  your  opinion  with 
respect  to  the  salutary  law  of  gavelkind, 
and  hope  it  may  in  time  be  established 
throughout  America.  In  six  of  the  states  al 
ready  the  lands  of  the  intestates  are  divided 
equally  among  the  children  if  all  girls ;  but 
there  is  a  double  share  given  to  the  eldest 
son,  for  which  I  see  no  more  reason  than  in 
giving  such  share  to  the  eldest  daughter; 
and  think  there  should  be  no  distinction. 
Since  my  being  last  in  France,  I  have  seen 
several  of  our  eldest  sons,  spending  idly  their 
fortunes  by  residing  in  Europe,  and  neg- 
"ecting  their  own  country ;  these  are  from  the 
southern  states.  The  northern  young  men 
stay  at  home,  and  are  industrious  useful  citi 
zens  ;  the  more  equal  division  of  their  fathers' 
°ortunes  not  enabling  them  to  ramble  and 
spend  their  shares  abroad,  which  is  so  much 
the  better  for  their  country. 

"  I  like  your  piece  on  the  election  of  bishops. 
There  is  a  fact  in  Hollingshead's  Chronicle, 
he  latter  part  relating  to  Scotland,  which 
ihows,  if  my  memory  does  not  deceive  me, 
hat  the  first  bishop  in  that  country  was  elect 
ed  by  the  clergy  :  I  mentioned  it  some  time 
xist  in  a  letter  to  two  young  men,  who  ask- 


594 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


ed  my  advice  about  obtaining  ordination, 
which  had  been  denied  them  by  the  bishops 
in  England,  unless  they  would  take  the  oath 
of  allegiance  to  the  king ;  and  I  said,  I  ima 
gine  that  unless  a  bishop  is  soon  sent  over, 
with  a  power  to  consecrate  others,  so  that 
we  may  have  no  future  occasion  of  applying 
to  England  for  ordination,  we  may  think  it 
right,  after  reading  your  piece,  to  elect  also. 

"  The  liturgy  you  mention,  was  an  abridg 
ment  of  that  made  by  a  noble  lord  of  my  ac 
quaintance,  who  requested  me  to  assist  him 
by  taking  the  rest  of  the  book,  viz.  the  cate 
chism  and  the  reading  and  singing  psalms. 
These  I  abridged  by  retaining  of  the  cate 
chism,  only  the  two  questions,  What  is  your 
duty  to  God?  What  is  your  duty  to  your 
neighbour  ?  with  answers.  The  psalms  were 
much  contracted  by  leaving  out  the  repeti 
tions  (of  which  I  found  more  than  I  could 
have  imagined)  and  the  imprecations,  which 
appeared  not  to  suit  well  the  Christian  doc 
trine  of  forgiveness  of  injuries,  and  doing  good 
to  enemies.  The  book  was  printed  for  Wil- 
kie,  in  St.  Paul's  church  yard,  but  never 
much  noticed.  Some  were  given  away,  very 
few  sold,  and  I  suppose  the  bulk  became 
waste  paper.  In  the  prayers  so  much  was 
retrenched,  that  approbation  could  hardly  be 
expected ;  but  I  think  with  you,  a  moderate 
abridgment  might  not  only  be  useful,  but  ge 
nerally  acceptable. 

"  I  am  now  on  the  point  of  departing  for 
America,  where  I  shall  be  glad  occasionally 
to  hear  from  you,  and  of  your  welfare  ; — be 
ing  with  sincere  and  great  esteem,  dear  sir, 
your  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 
"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


M.  de  Castries  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  VERSAILLES,  July  10, 1785. 

"  SIR, — I  was  not  apprized  till  within  a  few 
hours  of  the  arrangements  which  you  have 
made  for  your  departure.  Had  I  been  inform 
ed  of  it  sooner,  I  should  have  proposed  to  the 
king  to  order  a  frigate  to  convey  you  to  your 
own  country,  in  a  manner  suitably  to  the 
known  importance  of  the  services  you  have 
been  engaged  in ;  to  the  esteem  you  have  ac 
quired  in  France,  and  the  particular  esteem 
his  majesty  entertains  for  you. 

"  I  pray  you,  sir,  to  accept  my  regrets,  and 
a  renewed  assurance  of  the  most  entire  consi 
deration  with  which  I  have  the  honour,  &c. 
"DE  CASTRIES." 


"  John  Jay,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

"  PHILADELPHIA.,  Sept.  19, 1785. 

"  SIR, — I  have  the  honour  to  acquaint  you, 
that  I  left  Paris  the  12th  of  July,  and  agree 
able  to  the  permission  of  congress  am  return 


ed  to  my  country.  Mr.  JefTerson  had  reco 
vered  his  health,  and  was  much  esteemed 
and  respected  there.  Our  joint  letters  have 
already  informed  you  of  our  late  proceedings, 
to  which  I  have  nothing  to  add,  except  that 
the  last  act  I  did  as  minister  plenipotentiary 
for  making  treaties,  was  to  sign  with  him 
two  days  before  I  came  away  the  treaty  of 
friendship  and  commerce  that  had  been 
agreed  on  with  Prussia,  and  which  was  to  be 
carried  to  the  Hague  by  Mr.  Short,  there  to 
be  signed  by  baron  Thulemeyer  on  the  part 
of  the  king,  who  without  the  least  hesitation 
had  approved  and  conceded  to  the  new  hu 
mane  articles  proposed  by  congress,*  which 
articles  are  considered  as  doing  that  body 
great  honour.  Mr.  Short  was  also  to  go  to 
London  with  the  treaty  for  the  signature  of 
Mr.  Adams,  who  I  learnt  (when  at  Southamp 
ton)  is  well  received  at  the  British  court. — 
The  captain  Lamb,  who  in  a  letter  of  yours 
to  Mr.  Adams,  was  said  to  be  coming  to  us 
with  instructions  respecting  Morocco,  had 
not  appeared,  nor  had  we  heard  any  thing  of 
him ;  so  nothing  has  been  done  by  us  in  that 
treaty.  I  left  the  court  of  France  in  the  same 
friendly  disposition  towards  the  United  States 
that  we  have  all  along  experienced,  though 
concerned  to  find  our  credit  is  not  better  sup 
ported  in  the  payment  of  the  interest  money 
due  on  our  loans,  which  in  case  of  another 
war  must  be,  they  think,  extremely  prejudi 
cial  to  us,  and  indeed  may  contribute  to  draw 
on  a  war  the  sooner,  by  affording  our  enemies 
the  encouraging  confidence,  that  a  people  who 
take  so  little  care  to  pay  will  not  again  find  it 
easy  to  borrow.  I  received  from  the  king  at 
my  departure  the  present  of  his  picture"  set 
round  with  diamonds,  usually  given  to  minis 
ters  plenipotentiary  who  have  signed  any  trea 
ties  with  that  court,  and  it  is  at  the  disposi 
tion  of  congress,  to  whom  be  pleased  to  pre 
sent  my  dutiful  respects. — I  am,  sir,  with 
great  esteem,  your  most  obedient  and  most 
humble  servant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"General  Washington. 

"PHILADELPHIA,  Sept. 20,  1785. 
"  DEAR  SIR, — I  am  just  arrived  from  a  coun 
try  where  the  reputation  of  general  Washing 
ton  runs  very  high,  and  where  every  body 
wishes  to  see  him  in  person ;  but  being  told 
that  it  is  not  likely  he  will  favour  them  with 
a  visit,  they  hope  at  least  for  a  sight  of  his 
perfect  resemblance,  by  means  of  their  prin 
cipal  statuary,  Mr.  Houdon,  whom  Mr.  Jef 
ferson  arid  myself  agreed  with  to  come  over 
for  the  purpose  of  taking  a  bust,  in  order  to 
make  the  intended  statue  for  the  state  of  Vir 
ginia.  He  is  here,  but  the  materials  and  in 
struments  he  sent  down  the  Seine  from  Paris 
not  being  arrived  at  Havre  when  we  sailed, 

*  Against  privateering. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL 


595 


he  was  obliged  to  leave  them,  and  is  now  bu 
sied  in  supplying  himself  here.  As  soon  as 
that  is  done,  he  proposes  to  wait  on  you  in 
Virginia,  as  he  understands  there  is  no  pros 
pect  of  your  coming  hither,  which  would  in 
deed  make  me  very  happy ;  as  it  would  give 
me  the  opportunity  of  congratulating  with 
you  personally  on  the  final  success  of  your 
long  and  painful  labours  in  the  service  of  our 
country,  which  have  laid  us  all  under  eternal 
obligations. 

"  With  the  greatest  and  most  sincere  es 
teem  and  respect,  I  am,  dear  sir,  your  most 
obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Jay. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Sept.  21,  1785. 

"  DEAR  FRIENDS, — I  received  your  very 
kind  letter  of  the  16th,  congratulating  me  oh 
my  safe  arrival  with  my  grandsons;  an  event 
that  indeed  makes  me  very  happy,  being 
what  I  have  long  ardently  wished ;  and  con 
sidering  the  growing  infirmities  of  age,  be 
gan  almost  to  despair  of.  I  am  now  in  the 
bosom  of  my  family,  and  find  four  new  little 
prattlers,  who  cling  about  the  knees  of  their 
grandpapa,  and  afford  me  great  pleasure. 
The  affectionate  welcome  I  met  with  from 
my  fellow- citizens,  is  far  beyond  my  expect 
ation  ;  I  bore  my  voyage  very  well,  and  find 
myself  rather  better  for  it,  so  that  I  have 
every  possible  reason  to  be  satisfied  with  my 
having  undertaken  and  performed  it.  When 
I  was  at  Passy,  I  could  not  bear  a  wheel  car 
riage  ;  and  being  discouraged  in  my  project 
of  descending  the  Seine  in  a  boat,  by  the  dif 
ficulties  and  tediousness  of  its  navigation  in 
so  dry  a  season,  I  accepted  the  offer  of  one  of 
the  king's  litters,  carried  by  large  mules, 
which  brought  me  well,  though  in  walking 
slowly,  to  Havre.  Thence  I  went  over  in  a 
packet-boat  to  Southampton,  where  I  staid 
four  days,  till  the  ship  came  for  me  to  Spit- 
head.  Several  of  my  London  friends  came 
there  to  see  me,  particularly  the  good  bishop 
of  St.  Asaph  and  family,  who  staid  with  me  to 
the  last.  In  short,  I  am  now  so  well,  as  to 
think  it  possible  that  I  may  once  more  have 
the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  both  perhaps  at 
New  York,  with  my  dear  young  friends  (who 
I  hope  may  not  have  quite  forgotten  me)  for 
I  imagine  that  on  a  sandy  road  between  Bur 
lington  and  Amboy  I  could  bear  an  easy 
coach,  and  the  rest  is  water. 

"  I  rejoice  to  hear  that  you  continue  well, 
being  with  true  and  great  esteem  and  affec 
tion,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


Dr.  Franklin. 

"  MOUNT  VERNON,  Sept.  26,  1785. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  had  just  written,  and  was 


about  to  put  into  the  hands  of  Mr.  Taylor, 
(a  gentleman  in  the  department  of  the  secre 
tary  for  foreign  affairs,)  the  enclosed  letter, 
when  I  had  the  honour  to  receive  your  favour 
of  the  20th  instant 

"  I  have  a  grateful  sense  of  the  partiality  of 
the  French  nation  towards  me.  And  I  feel 
very  sensibly  for  the  indulgent  expression  of 
your  letter,  which  does  me  great  honour. 

"  When  it  suits  Mr.  Houdon  to  come  hi 
ther,  I  will  accommodate  him  in  the  best 
manner  I  am  able,  and  shall  endeavour  to 
render  his  stay  as  agreeable  as  I  can. 

"  It  would  give  me  infinite  pleasure  to  see 
you.  At  this  place  I  dare  not  look  for  it,  al 
though  to  entertain  you  under  my  own  roof 
would  be  doubly  gratifying.  When,  or  whe 
ther  ever,  I  shall  have  the  satisfaction  of  see 
ing  you  at  Philadelphia,  is  uncertain,  as  re 
tirement  from  the  walks  of  public  life  has  not 
been  so  productive  of  that  leisure  and  ease, 
as  might  have  been  expected. 

"  With  very  great  esteem  and  respect,  1 
am,  dear  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble 
servant,  G.  WASHINGTON." 


"  David  Hartley. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Oct.  27,  1785. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  at  Havre  de  Grace 
six  copies  of  your  print,  which  I  have  brought 
with  me  hither.  I  shall  frame  and  keep  one 
of  them  in  my  best  room.  I  shall  send  one  to 
Mr.  Jay,  and  give  the  others  among  some 
friends,  who  esteem  and  respect  you  as  we  do. 

"  Your  newspapers  are  filled  with  accounts 
of  distresses  and  miseries  that  these  states  are 
plunged  into  since  a  separation  from  Britain. 
You  may  believe  me,  when  I  tell  you  there 
is  no  truth  in  those  accounts.  I  find  all  pro 
perty  in  lands  and  houses  augmented  vastly 
in  value  ;  that  of  houses  and  towns  at  least 
fourfold.  The  crops  have  been  plentiful,  and 
yet  the  produce  sells  high,  to  the  great  profit 
of  the  farmer.  At  the  same  time  all  imported 
goods  sell  at  low  rates,  some  cheaper  than  the 
first  cost.  Working  people  have  plenty  of 
employ  and  high  pay  for  their  labour.  These 
appear  to  me  as  certain  signs  of  public  pros 
perity.  Some  traders  indeed  complain  that 
trade  is  dead ;  but  this  pretended  evil  is  not 
an  affect  of  inability  in  the  people  to  buy,  pay 
for,  and  consume  the  usual  articles  of  com 
merce,  as  far  as  they  have  occasion  for  them ; 
it  is  owing  merely  to  there  being  too  many 
traders  who  have  crowded  hither  from  all 
parts  of  Europe,  with  more  goods  than  the 
natural  demand  of  the  country  requires.  And 
what  in  Europe  is  called  the  debt  of  America, 
is  chiefly  the  debt  of  these  adventurers  and 
supercargoes  to  their  principals,  with  which 
the  settled  inhabitants  of  America,  who  never 
paid  better,  for  what  they  want  to  buy,  have 
nothing  to  do.  As  to  the  contentment  of  the 


596 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


inhabitants  with  the  change  of  government, : 
methinks  a  stronger  proof  cannot  be  desired,  I 
than  what  they  have  given  in  my  reception.  | 
You  know  the  part  I  had  in  that  change,  and 
you  see  in  the  papers  the  addresses  from  all  j 
ranks  with  which  your  friend  was  welcomed  I 
home,  and  the  sentiments  they  contain  con 
firmed  yesterday  in  the  choice  of  him  for 
President,  by  the  council  and  new  assembly, 
which  was  unanimous,  a  single  voice  in 
seventy-seven  excepted. 

"  I  remembered  you  used  to  wish  for  news 
papers  from  America.  Herewith  I  send  a 
few,  and  you  shall  be  regularly  supplied,  if 
you  can  put  me  in  a  way  of  sending  them,  so 
as  that  you  may  not  be  obliged  to  pay  postage. 
— With  unchangeable  esteem  and  respect  I 
am,  my  dear  friend,  yours  most  affectionately. 
"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Mathon  de  la  Cour. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Nov.  18, 1785. 

"  SIR, — I  received  duly  the  letter  you  did 
me  the  honour  of  writing  to  me  the  25th  of 
June  past,  together  with  the  collection  you 
have  made  comptes  des  rendus  de  vos  con- 
troleurs  generaux ;  and  your  Discours  sur  les 
moyens  d'encourager  le  patriotisms  dans  les 
monarchies.  The  first  is  a  valuable  work, 
as  containing  a  great  deal  of  useful  informa 
tion  ;  but  the  second  I  am  particularly  charm 
ed  with,  the  sentiments  being  delightfully  just, 
and  expressed  with  such  force  and  clearness, 
that  I  am  persuaded  the  pamphlet,  though 
small,  must  have  a  great  effect  on  the  minds 
of  both  princes  and  people,  and  thence  be  pro 
ductive  of  much  good  to  mankind.  Be  pleased 
to  accept  my  hearty  thanks  for  both. 

"It  is  right  to  be  sowing  good  seed  when 
ever  we  have  an  opportunity,  since  some  of  it 
may  be  productive.  An  instance  of  this  you 
should  be  acquainted  with,  as  it  may  afford  you 
pleasure.  The  reading  of  Fortune  Ricard's 
Testament,  has  put  it  into  the  head  and  heart 
of  a  citizen  to  leave  two  thousand  pounds  ster 
ling  to  two  American  cities,  who  are  to  lend 
it  in  small  sums  at  five  per  cent,  to  young  be 
ginners  in  business ;  and  the  accumulation,  af 
ter  an  hundred  years,  to  be  laid  out  in  public 
works  of  benefit  to  those  cities. 

"  With  great  esteem,  I  have  the  honour 
be,  sir,  your  most  obedient  and  most  humble 
servant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  Dr.  Bancroft,  F.  R.  S. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Nov.  26, 1785. 

«'  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  kind  letter  of 
September  5,  informing  me  of  the  intention 
Mr.  Dilly  has  of  printing  a  new  edition  of  my 
writings,  and  of  his  desire  that  I  would  furnish 
him  with  such  additions  as  I  may  think  pro 
per.  At  present  all  my  papers  and  manu 
scripts  are  so  mixt  with  other  things,  by  the 


confusions  occasioned  in  sudden  and  various 
removals,  during  the  late  troubles,  that  I  can 
hardly  find  any  thing.  But  having  nearly 
finished  an  addition  to  my  house,  which  will 
afford  me  room  to  put  all  in  order,  I  hope 
soon  to  be  able  to  comply  with  such  a  request ; 
but  I  hope  Mr.  Dilly  will  have  a  good  under 
standing  in  the  affair  with  Henry  and  Johnson, 
who,  having  risked  the  former  impressions, 
may  suppose  they  thereby  acquired  some 
right  in  the  copy.  As  to  the  Life  proposed 
to  be  written,  if  it  be  by  the  same  hand  who 
furnished  a  sketch  to  Dr.  Lettesom,  which 
he  sent  me,  I  am  afraid  it  will  be  found  too 
full  of  errors  for  either  you  or  me  to  correct : 
and  having  been  persuaded  by  my  friends, 
Messrs.  Vaughan  and  Monsieur  Le  Veillard, 
Mr.  James  of  this  place,  and  some  others, 
that  such  a  Life,  written  by  myself,  may  be 
useful  to  the  rising  generation,  I  have  made 
some  progress  in  it,  and  hope  to  finish  it  this 
winter  :  so  I  cannot  but  wish  that  project  of 
Mr.  Dilly's  biographer  may  be  laid  aside.  I 
am  nevertheless  thankful  to  you  for  your 
friendly  offer  of  correcting  it. 

"As  to  public  affairs,  it  is  long  since  I  gave 
over  all  expectations  of  a  commercial  treaty 
between  us  and  Britain  ;  and  I  think  we  can 
do  as  well,  or  better  without  one  than  she  can. 
Our  harvests  are  plenty,  our  produce  fetches 
a  high  price  in  hard  money,  and  there  is  in 
every  part  of  our  country,  incontestible  marks 
of  public  felicity.  We  discover,  indeed,  some 
errors  in  our  general  and  particular  constitu 
tions  ;  which  it  is  no  wonder  they  should  have, 
the  time-  in  which  they  were  formed  being 
considered.  But  these  we  shall  soon  mend. 
The  little  disorders  you  have  heard  of  in  some 
of  the  states,  raised  by  a  few  wrong  heads, 
are  subsiding,  and  will  probably  soon  be  ex 
tinguished. 

"  My  best  wishes,  and  those  of  my  family 
attend  you.  We  shall  be  happy  to  see  you 
here,  when  it  suits  you  to  visit  us :  being  with 
sincere  and  great  esteem,  my  dear  friend, 
yours  most  affectionately, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  the  bishop  of  St.  Asaph. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Feb.  24,  1786. 

"  DEAR  FRIEND, — I-  received  lately  your 
kind  letter  of  November  27.  My  reception 
here,  was,  as  you  have  heard,  very  honour 
able  indeed ;  but  I  was  betrayed  by  it,  and  by 
some  remains  of  ambition,  from  which  I  had 
imagined  myself  free,  to  accept  of  the  chair  of 
government  for  the  state  of  Pennsylvania, 
when  the  proper  thing  for  me  was  repose  and 
a  private  life.  I  hope  however  to  be  able  to 
bear  the  fatigue  for  one  year,  and  then  to  re 
tire. 

"I  have  much  regretted  our  having  so 
little  opportunity  for  conversation  when  we 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


597 


last  met.*  You  could  have  given  me  informa 
tions  and  counsels  that  I  wanted,  but  we 
were  scarce  a  minute  together  without  being 
broken  in  upon.  I  am  to  thank  you  however 
for  the  pleasure  I  had  after  our  parting,  in 
reading  the  new  book  you  gave  me,  which 
I  think  generally  well  written  and  likely  to 
do  good :  though  the  reading  time  of  most 
people  is  of  late  so  taken  up  with  newspapers, 
and  little  periodical  pamphlets,  that  few  now- 
a-days  venture  to  attempt  reading  a  quarto 
volume.  I  have  admired  to  see  that  in  the 
last  century,  a  folio,  Burton  on  Melancholy, 
went  through  six  editions  in  about  forty 
years.  We  have,  I  believe,  more  readers  now, 
but  not  of  such  large  books. 

"  You  seem  desirous  of  knowing  what  pro 
gress  we  make  here  in  improving  our  govern 
ments.  We  are,  I  think,  in  the  right  road  of 
improvement,  for  we  are  making  experiments. 
I  do  not  oppose  all  that  seem  wrong,  for  the 
multitude  are  more  effectually  set  right  by  ex 
perience,  than  kept  from  going  wrong  by  rea 
soning  with  them.  And  I  think  we  are  daily 
more  and  more  enlightened  ;  so  that  I  have  no 
doubt  of  our  obtaining  in  a  few  years  as  much 
public  felicity  as  good  government  is  capable 
of  affording.  Your  newspapers  are  filled  with 
fictitious  accounts  of  anarchy,  confusion,  dis 
tresses,  and  miseries  we  are  supposed  to  be 
involved  in,  as  consequences  of  the  revolu 
tion;  and  the  few  remaining  friends  of  the 
old  government  among  us,  take  pains  to  mag 
nify  every  little  inconvenience  a  change  in 
the  course  of  commerce  may  have  occasioned. 
To  obviate  the  complaints  they  endeavour  to 
excite,  was  written  the  enclosed  little  piece, 
from  which  you  may  form  a  truer  idea  of  our 
situation,  than  your  own  public  prints  would 
give  you.  And  I  can  assure  you,  that  the 
great  body  of  our  nation  find  themselves  hap 
py  in  the  change,  and  have  not  the  smallest 
inclination  to  return  to  the  domination  of  Bri 
tain.  There  could  not  be  a  stronger  proof  of 
the  general  approbation  of  the  measures  that 
promoted  the  change,  and  of  the  change  itself, 
than  has  been  given  by  the  assembly  and 
council  of  this  state,  in  the  nearly  unanimous 
choice  for  their  governor,  of  one  who  had 
b9en  so  much  concerned  in  those  measures ; 
the  assembly  being  themselves  the  unbribed 
choice  of  the  people,  and  therefore  may  be 
truly  supposed  of  the  same  sentiments.  I 
say  nearly  unanimous,  because  of  between 
seventy  and  eighty  votes,  there  were  only  my 
own  and  one  other  in  the  negative. 

"As  to  my  domestic  circumstances,  of 
which  you  kindly  desire  to  hear  something, 
they  are  at  present  as  happy  as  I  could  wish 
them.  I  am  surrounded  by  my  offspring,  a 
dutiful  and  affectionate  daughter  in  my 

*At  Southampton,  previous  to  Dr.  Franklin's  embark 
ing  for  the  United  States. 
T  Paley's  Moral  Philosophy. 


house,  with  six  grandchildren,  the  eldest  of 
which  you  have  seen,  who  is  now  at  college 
in  the  next  street,  finishing  the  learned  part 
of  his  education ;  the  others  promising  both 
for  parts  and  good  dispositions.  What  their 
conduct  may  be  when  they  grow  up  and  en 
ter  the  important  scenes  of  life,  I  shall  not 
live  to  see,  and  I  cannot  foresee.  I  therefore 
enjoy  among  them  the  present  hour,  and 
leave  the  future  to  Providence. 

"  He  that  raises  a  large  family,  does  in 
deed,  while  he  lives  to  observe  them,  stand, 
as  Watts  says,  a  broader  mark  for  sorrow ; 
but  then  he  stands  a  broader  mark  for  plea 
sure  too.  When  we  launch  our  little  fleet  of 
barks  into  the  ocean,  bound  to  different  ports, 
we  hope  for  each  a  prosperous  voyage ;  but 
contrary  winds,  hidden  shoals,  storms,  and 
enemies  come  in  for  a  share  in  the  disposi 
tion  of  events ;  and  though  these  occasion  a 
mixture  of  disappointment,  yet  considering 
the  risk  where  we  can  make  no  insurance, 
we  should  think  ourselves  happy  if  some  re 
turn  with  success.  My  son's  son,  (Temple 
Franklin)  whom  you  have  also  seen,  having 
had  a  fine  farm  of  600  acres  conveyed  to  him 
by  his  father,  when  we  were  at  Southampton, 
has  dropped  for  the  present  his  views  of  act 
ing  in  the  political  line,  and  applies  himself 
ardently  to  the  study  and  practice  of  agricul 
ture.  This  is  much  more  agreeable  to  me, 
who  esteem  it  the  most  useful,  the  most  in 
dependent,  and  therefore  the  noblest  of  em 
ployments.  His  lands  are  on  navigable  wa 
ter,"  communicating  with  the  Delaware,  and 
but  about  16  miles  from  this  city.  He  has 
associated  to  himself  a  very  skilful  English 
farmer,  lately  arrived  here,  who  is  to  instruct 
him  in  the  business,  and  partakes  for  a  term 
of  the  profits ;  so  that  there  is  a  great  appa 
rent  probability  of  their  success.  You  will 
kindly  expect  a  word  or  two  concerning  my 
self.  My  health  and  spirits  continue,  thanks 
to  God,  as  when  you  saw  me.  The  only 
complaint  I  then  had,  does  not  grow  worse, 
and  is  tolerable.  I  still  have  enjoyment  in  the 
company  of  my  friends ;  and  being  easy  in  my 
circumstances,  have  many  reasons  to  like  liv 
ing.  But  the  course  of  nature  must  soon  put 
a  period  to  my  present  mode  of  existence. 
This  I  shall  submit  to  with  less  regret,  as, 
having  seen  during  a  long  life  a  good  deal  of 
this  world,  I  feel  a  growing  curiosity  to  be 
acquainted  with  some  other ;  and  can  cheer 
fully  with  filial  confidence  resign  my  spirit  to 
the  conduct  of  that  great  and  good  Parent  of 
mankind  who  created  it,  and  who  has  so  gra 
ciously  protected  and  prospered  me  from  my 
birth  to  the  present  hour.  Wherever  I  am, 
I  always  hope  to  retain  the  pleasing  remem 
brance  of  your  friendship,  being  with  sincere 
and  great  esteem,  my  dear  friend,  yours  most 
affectionately,  B.  FRANKLIN. 

"  We  all  join  in  respects  to  Mrs*  Shipley.'* 


598 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


«M.  Veillard. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  March  6,  1786. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  received  and  read 
with  great  pleasure  your  kind  letter  of  Octo 
ber  9.  It  informed  me  of  your  welfare,  and 
that  of  the  best  of  good  women,  and  of  her 
amiable  daughter,  who  I  think  will  tread  in 
her  steps.  My  effects  came  all  in  the  same 
ship,  in  good  order ;  and  we  are  now  drink 
ing  every  day  les  eaux  epurees  de  Passy, 
with  great  satisfaction,  as  they  kept  well,  and 
seem  to  be  rendered  more  agreeable  by  the 
long  voyage.  I  am  here  in  the  bosom  of  my 
family,  and  am  not  only  happy  myself,  but 
have  the  felicity  of  seeing  my  country  so. 
Be  assured  that  all  the  stories  spread  in  the 
English  papers  of  our  distresses,  and  confu 
sions,  and  discontents  with  our  new  govern 
ments,  are  as  chimerical  as  the  history  of  my 
being  in  chains  at  Algiers.  They  exist  only 
in  the  wishes  of  our  enemies.  America  ne 
ver  was  in  higher  prosperity,  her  produce 
abundant  and  bear  ing  a  good  price,  her  work 
ing  people  all  employed  and  well  paid,  and  all 
property  in  lands  and  houses  of  more  than 
treble  the  value  it  bore  before  the  war ;  and 
our  commerce  being  no  longer  the  monopoly  of 
British  merchants,  we  are  furnished  with  all 
the  foreign  commodities  we  need,  at  much 
more  reasonable  rates  than  heretofore.  So 
that  we  have  no  doubt  of  being  able  to  dis 
charge  more  speedily  the  debt  incurred  by  the 
war,  than  at  first  was  apprehended.  Our 
modes  of  collecting  taxes  are  indeed  as  yet 
imperfect,  and  we  have  need  of  more  skill  in 
financiering ;  but  we  improve  in  that  kind  of 
knowledge  daily  by  experience.  That  our 
people  are  contented  with  the  revolution, 
with  their  new  constitutions,  and  their  foreign 
connexions,  nothing  can  afford  a  stronger 
proof,  than  the  universally  cordial  and  joyous 
reception  with  which  they  welcomed  the  re 
turn  of  one  that  was  supposed  to  have  had  a 
considerable  share  in  promoting  them.  All 
this  is  in  answer  to  that  part  of  your  letter,  in 
which  you  seem  to  have  been  too  much  im 
pressed  with  some  ideas,  which  those  lying 
English  papers  endeavour  to  inculcate  con 
cerning  us. 

"  I  am  astonished  by  what  you  write  con 
eerning  the  prince  Eveque.*  If  the  charges 
against  him  are  made  good,  it  will  be  another 
instance  of  the  truth  of  those  proverbs  which 
teach  us,  that  prodigality  begets  necessity, 
that  without  economy  no  revenue  is  sufficient, 
and  that  it  is  hard  for  an  empty  sack  to  stand 
upright. 

"  I  am  glad  to  hear  of  the  marriage  of  Miss 
Brillon ;  for  every  thing  that  may  contribute 
to  the  happiness  of  that  beloved  family,  gives 
me  pleasure.  Be  pleased  to  offer  them  my 
felicitations,  and  assure  them  of  my  best 
wishes. 

The  cardinal  de  Rohan. 


"  Will  you  also  be  so  good  as  to  present  my 
espectful  compliments  to  madame  la  duchesse 
d'Enville,  and  to  M.  le  due  de  la  Roche- 
foucault  7  you  may  communicate  the  political 
part  of  this  letter  to  that  excellent  man.  His 
rood  heart  will  rejoice  to  hear  of  the  wel- 
?are  of  America. 

"  I  made  no  progress  when  at  sea  in  the  his- 
;ory  you  mention  :*  but  I  was  not  idle  there, 
laving  written  three  pieces,  each  of  some 
ength :  one  on  nautical  matters ;  another  on 
^himnies ;  and  the  third  a  description  of  my 
Vase  for  consuming  Smoke,  with  directions 
?or  using  it.f  These  are  all  now  printing  in 
the  Transactions  of  our  Philosophical  Socie 
ty,  of  which  I  hope  soon  to  send  you  a  copy. 

;'  My  grandsons  present  their  compliments. 
The  eldest  is  very  busy  in  preparing  for  a 
country  life,  being  to  enter  upon  his  farm  the 
25th  instant.  It  consists  of  about  600  acres, 
bounding  on  navigable  water,  sixteen  miles 
from  Philadelphia.  The  youngest  is  at  col 
lege,  very  diligent  in  his  studies.  You  know 
my  situation,  involved  in  public  cares,  but 
they  cannot  make  me  forget  that  you  and  I 
love  one  another,  and  that  I  am  ever,  my  dear 
friend,  yours  most  affectionately, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"Mrs.  Hewson,  London. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  May  6,  1786. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — A  long  winter  has 
passed,  and  I  have  not  had  the  pleasure  of  a 
line  from  you,  acquainting  me  with  your  and 
your  children's  welfare,  since  I  left  England. 
I  suppose  you  have  been  in  Yorkshire,  out  of 
the  way  and  knowledge  of  opportunities  ;  for 
I  will  not  think  you  have  forgotten  me.  To 
make  me  some  amends,  I  received  a  few  days 
past  a  large  packet  from  Mr.  Williams,  dated 
September,  1776,  near  ten  years  since,  con 
taining  three  letters  from  you,  one  of  De 
cember  12,  1775.  This  packet  had  been  re 
ceived  by  Mr.  Bache,  after  my  departure  for 
France,  lay  dormant  among  his  papers  during 
all  my  absence,  and  has  just  now  broke  out 
upon  me  like  words,  that  had  been  as  some 
body  says,  congealed  in  Northern  air. 
Therein  I  find  all  the  pleasing  little  family 
history  of  your  children ;  how  William  had 
begun  to  spell,  overcoming  by  strength  of 
memory  all  the  difficulty  occasioned  by  the 
common  wretched  alphabet ;  while  you  were 
convinced  of  the  utility  of  our  new  one.  How 
Tom,  genius-like,  struck  out  new  paths,  and 
relinquishing  the  old  names  of  the  letters, 
called  U  bell  and  P  bottle.  How  Eliza  be 
gan  to  grow  jolly,  that  is  fat  and  handsome, 
resembling  aunt  Rooke,  whom  I  used  to  call 
my  lovely.  Together  with  all  the  then  news 

*  Dr.  Franklin's  "  Memoirs  of  his  Life." 
t  See  "  Letters  and  Papers  on  Philosophical  Sub 
jects." 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


599 


of  lady  Blunt's  having  produced  at  length  a 
boy  ;  of  Dolly's  being  well,  and  of  poor  good 
Catherine's  decease.  Of  your  affairs  with 
Muir  and  Atkinson,  and  of  their  contract  for 
feeding  the  fish  in  the  channel.  Of  the  Vinys, 
and  their  '  *  -  ~  •  « 


carriages. 
Mr.    Scot. 

Elphinston,  &c.  &c.  Concluding  with  a 
kind  of  promise,  that  as  soon  as  the  ministry 
and  congress  agreed  to  make  peace,  I  should 
have  you  with  me  in  America.  That  peace 
has  been  some  time  made,  but  alas !  the  pro 
mise  is  not  yet  fulfilled. — And  why  is  it  not 
fulfilled? 

"•  I  have  found  my  family  here  in  health, 
good  circumstances,  and  well  respected  by 
their  fellow-citizens.  The  companions  of  my 
youth  are  indeed  almost  all  departed,  but  I 
find  an  agreeable  society  among  their  children 
and  grandchildren.  I  have  public  business 
enough  to  preserve  me  from  ennui,  and  private 
amusement  besides,  in  conversation,  books, 
my  garden,  and  cribbage.  Considering  our 
well  furnished  plentiful  market  as  the  best  of 
gardens,  I  am  turning  mine,  in  the  midst  of 
which  my  house  stands,  into  grass  plats,  and 
gravel  walks  with  trees  and  flowering  shrubs. 
Cards  we  sometimes  play  here  in  long  whiter 
evenings,  but  it  is  as  they  play  at  chess,  not 
for  money  but  for  honour,  or  the  pleasure  of 
beating  one  another.  This  will  not  be  quite 
a  novelty  to  you ;  as  you  may  remember  we 
played  together  in  that  manner  during  the 
winter  you  helped  me  to  pass  so  agreeably  at 
Passy.  I  have  indeed  now  and  then  a  little 
compunction  in  reflecting  that  I  spend  time 
so  idly ;  but  another  reflection  comes  to  re 
lieve  me,  [whispering]  *  You  know  the  soul 
is  immortal ;  why  then  should  you  be  such  a 
niggard  of  a  little  time,  when  you  have  a 
whole  eternity  before  you  1*  So  being  easily 
convinced,  and,  like  other  reasonable  crea 
tures,  satisfied  with  a  small  reason,  when  it  is 
in  favour  of  doing  what  I  have  a  mind  to  do, 
I  shuffle  the  cards  again  and  begin  another 
game. 

"  As  to  public  amusements,  we  have  neither 
plays  nor  operas,  but  we  had  yesterday  a  kind 
of  oratorio,  as  you  will  see  by  the  enclosed 
paper ;  and  we  have  assemblies,  balls,  and  con 
certs,  besides  little  parties  at  one  another's 
houses,  in  which  there  is  sometimes  dancing, 
and  frequently  good  music  ;  so  that  we  jog  on 
in  life  as  pleasantly  as  you  do  in  England, 
any  where  but  in  London  ;  for  there  you  have 
plays  performed  by  good  actors.  That  how 
ever  is,  I  think,  the  only  advantage  London 
has  over  Philadelphia. 

"  Temple  has  turned  his  thoughts  to  agri 
culture,  which  he  pursues  ardently,  being  in 
possession  of  a  fine  farm  that  his  father  lately 
conveyed  to  him.  Ben  is  finishing  his  studies 
at  college,  and  continues  to  behave  as  well  as 


when  you  knew  him,  BO  that  I  still  think  he 
will  make  you  a  good  son.  His  younger 
brothers  and  sisters  aie  also  all  promising,  ap 
pearing  to  have  good  tempers  and  dispositions, 
as  well  as  good  constitutions.  As  to  myself, 
I  think  my  general  health  and  spirits  rather 
better  than  when  you  saw  me,  and  the  par 
ticular  malady  I  then  complained  of,  continues 
tolerable. — With  sincere  and  very  great  es 
teem,  I  am  ever  my  dear  friend,  yours  most 
affectionately  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  P.  S.  My  children  and  grandchildren  join 
with  me  in  best  wishes  for  you  and  yours. 
My  love  to  my  godson,  to  Eliza,  and  to  ho 
nest  Tom.  They  will  all  find  agreeable 
companions  here.  Love  to  Dolly,*  and  tell 
her  she  will  do  well  to  come  with  you. 


"  Mrs.  Partridge,  Boston. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  June  3, 1786. 

"  MY  DEAR  CHILD, — I  have  just  received 
your  kind  letter  of  the  14th  past,  which  gave 
me  great  pleasure,  as  it  informed  me  of  your 
welfare.  You  complain  with  reason  of  my 
being  a  bad  correspondent.  I  confess  I  Ltvo 
long  deserved  that  character.  If  you  keep 
my  old  letters,  as  I  once  think  you  told  me 
you  did,  you  will  find  in  one  of  July  17,  1767, 
the  best  apology  I  could  then  make  for  that 
fault,  and  I  cannot  now  make  a  better.  I 
must  therefore  refer  you  to  it,  only  requesting 
that  you  would  ascribe  my  neglect  of  writing 
to  any  cause  rather  than  to  a  diminution  of 
that  tender,  affectionate  regard  I  always  had, 
and  still  retain  for  you. 

"  I  hoped  for  repose  when  I  solicited  my 
recall  from  France,  but  I  have  not  met  with 
it,  being  as  much  engaged  in  business  as  ever. 
I  enjoy,  however,  a  good  share  of  health,  (the 
stone  excepted)  as  does  all  this  family,  who 
join  with  me  in  best  wishes  of  happiness  to 
you  and  yours. — I  am  ever,  my  dear  niece, 
your  affectionate  uncle, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 

In  his  81st  year. 


"  Noah  Webster. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  June  18,  1786. 

"  SIR, — I  received  the  letter  you  did  me 
the  honour  of  writing  to  me  the  24th  past, 
with  the  scheme  enclosed  of  your  reformed 
Alphabet.  I  think  the  reformation  not  only 
necessary  but  practicable ;  but  have  so  much 
to  say  to  you  on  the  subject,  that  I  wish  to 
see  and  confer  with  you  upon  it,  as  that  would 
save  much  time  and  writing.  Sounds,  'till 
such  an  alphabet  is  fixed,  not  being  easily  ex 
plained  or  discoursed  of  clearly  upon  paper. 
I  have  formerly  considered  this  matter  pretty 

*  Mrs.  Dorothy  Blunt. 


600 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


fully,  and  contrived  some  of  the  means  of  car 
rying  it  into  execution,  so  as  gradually  to  ren 
der  the  reformation  general.  Our  ideas  ar 
nearly  similar,  that  I  make  no  doubt  of  ou 
easily  agreeing  on  the  plan,  and  you  may  de 
pend  on  the  best  support  I  may  be  able  t 
give  it,  as  a  part  of  your  institute,  of  whic 
I  wish  you  would  bring  with  you  a  complet 
copy,  having  as  yet  seen  only  a  part  of  it : 
shall  then  be  better  able  to  recommend  it  a 
you  desire. 

"  Hoping  to  have  soon  the  pleasure  of  see 
ing  you,  I  do  not  enlarge,  but  am  with  sincer 
esteem,  sir,  your  most  obedient  and  mos 
humble  servant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Mr.  Grand. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  July  11, 1786. 

"  SIR, — I  send  you  enclosed  some  letter 
that  have  passed  between  the  secretary  oi 
congress  and  me,  respecting  three  millions  of 
livres,  acknowledged  to  have  been  receivec 
before  the  treaty  of  Feb.  lt?8,  as  dongratui 
from  the  king,  of  which  only  two  millions  are 
found  in  your  accounts  ;  unless  the  million 
from  the  farmers  general  be  one  of  the  three 
I  have  been  assured  that  all  the  money  re 
ceived  from  the  king,  whether  as  loan  or  gift 
went  through  your  hands ;  and  as  I  always 
looked  on  the  million  we  had  of  the  farmers 
general  to  be  distinct  from  what  we  had  of 
the  crown,  I  wonder  how  I  came  to  sign  the 
contract,  acknowledging  three  millions  of  gif 
when  in  reality  there  were  only  two,  exclu 
sive  of  that  fronVthe  farmers;  and  as  both  you 
and  I  examined  the  project  of  the  contract  be 
fore  I  signed  it,  I  am  surprised  that  neither 
of  us  took  notice  of  the  error. 

"  It  is  possible  that  the  million  furnished 
ostensibly  by  the  farmers,  was  in  fact  a  gift  ol 
the  crown,  in  which  case,  as  Mr.  Thompson 
observes,  they  owe  us  for  the  two  ship-loads 
of  tobacco,  which  they  received  on  account  of 
it.  I  must  earnestly  request  of  you  to  get  this 
matter  explained,  that  it  may  stand  clear  be 
fore  I  die,  lest  some  enemy  should  afterwards 
accuse  me  of  having  received  a  million  not 
accounted  for.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  William  Cook. 
"  PHILADELPHIA,  August  13,  1786. 

"  SIR, — I  received  yesterday  the  letter 
you  did  me  the  honour  of  writing  to  me  on 
the  15th  of  June  past.  I  had  never  before 
been  acquainted  that  the  name  of  your  in 
tended  new  State,  had  any  relation  with  my 
name,  having  understood  that  it  was  called 
Frank  Land.  It  is  a  very  great  honour  in 
deed,  that  its  inhabitants  have  done  me,  and  I 
should  be  happy  if  it  were  in  my  power  to 
show  how  sensible  I  am  of  it,  by  something 


more  essential  than  my  wishes  for  their  pros 
perity. 

"  Having  resided  some  years  past  in  Europe, 
and  being  but  lately  arrived  thence,  I  have 
not  had  an  opportunity  of  being  well  inform 
ed  of  the  points  in  dispute  between  you  and 
the  state  of  North  Carolina.  I  can  therefore 
only  say,  that  I  think  you  are  perfectly  right 
in  resolving  to  submit  them  to  the  discretion 
of  congress,  and  to  abide  by  their  determina 
tion.  It  is  a  wise  arid  impartial  tribunal, 
which  can  have  no  sinister  views  to  warp  its 
judgment.  Tis  happy  for  us  all,  that  we 
have  now  in  our  own  country  such  a  council 
to  apply  to,  for  composing  our  differences, 
without  being  obliged,  as  formerly,  to  carry 
them  across  the  ocean  to  be  decided,  at  an 
immense  expense,  by  a  council  which  knew 
little  of  our  affairs,  would  hardly  take  any 
pains  to  understand  them,  and  which  often 
treated  our  applications  with  contempt,  and 
rejected  them  with  injurious  language.  Let 
us  therefore  cherish  and  respcet  our  own  tri 
bunal,  for  the  more  generally  it  is  held  in  high 
regard,  the  more  able  it  will  be  to  answer  ef 
fectually  the  ends  of  its  institution,  the  quiet 
ing  of  our  contentions,  and  thereby  promoting 
our  common  peace  and  happiness. 

"  I  do  not  hear  any  talk  of  an  adjournment 
of  congress,  concerning  which  you  inquire ; 
and  I  rather  think  it  likely  they  may  conti 
nue  to  sit  out  their  year,  as  it  is  but  lately 
they  have  been  able  to  make  a  quorum  for 
business,  which  must  therefore  probably  be 
in  arrear.  If  you  proceed  in  your  intended 
journey,  I  shall  be  glad  to  see  you  as  you 
pass  through  Philadelphia. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


M.  Durival  to  Mr.  Grand. 

"  VERSAILLES,  Sept.  5,  1786. 

"Sm, — I  feid  before  the  count  de  Ver- 
rennes  the  two  letters  which  you  did  me  the 
lonour  to  write,  touching  the  three  millions, 
;he  free  gifts  of  which  the  king  has  confirmed 
n  favour  of  the  United  States  of  America. 
The  minister,  sir,  observed,  that  the  gift  has 
nothing  to  do  with  the  million  which  the  con 
gress  may  have  received  from  the  farmers  ge- 
icral  in  1777 ;  consequently  he  thinks,  that 
he  receipt,  which  you  desire  may  be  com 
municated  to  you,  cannot  satisfy  the  object  of 
your  view,  and  that  it  would  be  useless  to 
nve  you  the  copy  which  you  desire. 

«  DURIVAL." 


Mr.  Grand  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  PARIS,  Sept.  9, 1786- 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR, — The  letter  you  honour- 
d  me  with,  covered  the  copies  of  three  let- 
ers  which  Mr.  Thompson  wrote  to  you  to  ob- 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


601 


tain  an  explanation  of  a  million  which  is  not 
found  in  my  accounts.  I  should  have  been 
very  much  embarrassed  in  satisfying  and 
proving  to  him  that  I  had  not  put  that  million 
in  my  pocket,  had  I  not  applied  to  M.  Duri- 
val,  who,  as  you  will  see  by  the  answer  en 
closed,  informs  me  that  there  was  a  million 
paid  by  the  royal  treasury  on  the  10th  June 
1776.  This  is  the  very  million  about  which 
Mr.  Thompson  inquires,  as  I  have  kept  an 
account  of  the  other  two  millions,  which  were 
also  furnished  by  the  royal  treasury,  viz.  the 
pne  million  in  January  and  April  1777,  the 
other  in  July  and  October  of  the  same  year, 
as  well  as  that  furnished  by  the  farmers  ge 
neral  in  June  1777. 

Here  then  are  the  three  millions  exactly, 
which  were  given  by  the  king  before  the 
treaty  of  1778,  and  that  furnished  by  the  far 
mers  general.  Nothing  then  remains  to  be 
known,  but  who  received  the  first  million  in 
June  177(3.  It  could  not  be  myself,  as  I  was 
not  charged  with  the  business  of  congress  un 
til  January  1777.  I  therefore  requested  of 
M.  Durival  a  copy  of  the  receipt  for  the  one 
million.  You  have  the  answer  which  he  re 
turned  to  me.  I  wrote  to  him  again,  renew 
ing  my  request;  but  as  the  courier  is  just  set 
ting  off,  I  cannot  wait  to  give  you  his  answer, 
but  you  will  receive  it  in  my  next,  if  I  obtain 
one.  Meanwhile,  &c.  "GRAND." 


M.  Durival  to  Mr.  Grand. 

"VERSAILLES,  Sept.  10, 1786. 

"Sm, — I  have  laid  before  the  count  de 
Vergennes,  as  you  seemed  to  desire,  the  let 
ter  which  you  did  me  the  honour  to  write 
yesterday.  The  minister  persists  in  the  opi 
nion,  that  the  receipt,  the  copy  of  which  you 
request,  has  no  relation  to  the  business  with 
which  you  were  intrusted  on  behalf  of  con 
gress,  and  that  this  piece  would  be  useless  in 
the  new  point  of  view  in  which  you  have 
placed  it.  Indeed,  sir,  it  is  easy  for  you  to 
prove,  that  the  money  in  question  was  not  de 
livered  by  the  royal  treasury  into  your  hands, 
as  you  did  not  begin  to  be  charged  with  the 
business  of  congress  until  Jan.  1777,  and  the 
receipt  for  that  money  is  of  the  10th  of  June 
1776.  DURIVAL." 


Mr.  Grand  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"  PARIS,  Sept.  12,  1786. 

"  SIR, — I  hazard  a  letter  in  hopes  it  may 
be  able  to  join  that  of  the  9th  at  L'Orient,  in 
order  to  forward  to  you  the  answer  I  have 
just  received  from  M.  Durival.  You  will  there 
see,  that  notwithstanding  my  entreaty,  the  mi 
nister  himself  refuses  to  give  me  a  copy  of  the 
receipt  which  I  asked  for.  I  cannot  conceive 
the  reason  for  this  reserve,  more  especially 
since,  if  there  has  been  a  million  paid,  he  who 

VOL.  I. ...  4  G  51 


has  received  it  has  kept  the  account,  and  it  must 
in  time  be  known.  I  shall  hear  witii  pleasure 
that  you  have  been  more  fortunate  in  this  re 
spect  in  America  than  I  have  been  in  France ; 
and  I  repeat  to  you  the  assurance  of  regard, 
&c.  "GRAND." 


M.  Durival  to  Mr.  Grand. 

"  VERSAILLES,  Sept.  30,  1786. 

"Sm, — I  have  received  the  letter  which 
you  did  me  the  honour  to  write  on  the  28th 
of  this  month,  touching  the  advance  of  a  mil 
lion,  which  you  said  was  made  by  the  farmers 
general  to  the  United  States  of  America  the 
3d  June  1777.  I  have  no  knowledge  of  that 
advance.  What  I  have  verified  is,  that  the 
king,  by  the  contract  of  the  25th  Feb.  1783, 
has  confirmed  the  gratuitous  gift,  which  his 
majesty  had  previously  made  of  the  three  mil 
lions  hereafter  mentioned,  viz.  one  million  deli 
vered  by  the  royal  treasury  the  10th  June 
1776,  and  two  other  millions  advanced  also 
by  the  royal  treasury  in  1777,  on  four  receipts 
of  the  deputies  of  congress  of  the  17th  Janu 
ary,  3d  of  April,  10th  of  June,  and  15th  of 
October  of  the  same  year.  This  explanation, 
sir,  will,  I  hope,  resolve  your  doubt  touching 
the  advance  of  the  3d  June  1777.  I  further 
recommend  to  you,  sir,  to  confer  on  this  sub 
ject  with  M.  Gojard,  who  ought  to  be  better 
informed  than  me,  who  had  no  knowledge  of 
any  advances  but  those  made  by  the  royal  trea 
sury.  "DURIVAL." 


"  Colonel  Hunter. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Nov.  24,  1786. 
"MY    DEAR   OLD   FRIEND, — It   rejoiced  H16 

much  to  learn,  by  your  kind  letter  of  Febru 
ary  last,  which  "l  received  about  ten  days 
since,  that  you  are  still  in  the  land  of  the  liv 
ing  ;  and  that  you  are  snug  at  Bath ;  the  very 
place  that  I  think  gives  you  the  best  chance 
of  passing  the  evening  of  life  agreeably.  I 
too  am  got  into  my  niche,  after  being  kept 
out  of  it  24  years  by  foreign  employments. 
'Tis  a  very  good  house  that  I  built  so  long  ago 
to  retire  into,  without  being  able  till  now  to 
enjoy  it.  I  am  again  surrounded  by  my 
friends,  with  a  fine  family  of  grandchildren 
about  my  knees,  and  an  affectionate  good 
daughter  and  son-in-law  to  take  care  of  me. 
And  after  fifty  years  public  service,  I  have  the 
pleasure  to  find  the  esteem  of  my  country  with 
regard  to  me  undiminished ;  the  late  re-elec 
tion  of  me  to  the  presidentship,  notwithstanding 
the  different  parties  we  are  split  into,  being  ab 
solutely  unanimous.  This  I  tell  to  you,  not 
merely  to  indulge  my  own  vanity,  but  because 
I  know  you  love  me,  and  will  be  pleased  to 
hear  of  whatever  happens  that  is  agreeable 
to  your  friend. 
"I  find  Mr.  Anstey,  whom  you  recommend 


602 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


to  me,  a  very  agreeable,  sensible  man,  and 
shall  render  him  any  service  that  may  lie  in 
my  power.  I  thank  you  for  the  New  Bath 
Guide :  I  had  read  it  formerly,  but  it  has  af 
forded  me  fresh  pleasure. 

"  Your  newspapers,  to  please  honest  John 
Bull,  paint  our  situation  here  in  frightful  co 
lours,  as  if  we  were  miserable  since  we  broke 
our  connexion  with  him.  But  I  will  give 
you  some  marks  by  which  you  may  form  your 
own  judgment.  Our  husbandmen,  who  are 
the  bulk  of  the  nation,  have  had  plentiful 
crops ;  their  produce  sells  at  high  prices,  and 
for  ready  hard  money  :  wheat  for  instance  at 
8s.  and  8s.  6d.  per  bushel.  Our  working 
people  are  all  employed  and  get  high  wages, 
are  well  fed  and  well  clad.  Our  estates  in 
houses  are  trebled  in  value  by  the  rising  of 
rents  since  the  revolution.  Buildings  in 
Philadelphia  increase  amazingly,  besides  small 
towns  arising  in  every  quarter  of  the  country. 
The  laws  govern,  justice  is  well  administered, 
and  property  as  secure  as  in  any  country  on 
the  globe.  Our  wilderness  lands  are  daily 
buying  up  by  new  settlers,  and  our  settle 
ments  extend  rapidly  to  the  westward.  Euro 
pean  goods  were  never  so  cheaply  afforded  us, 
as  since  Britain  has  no  longer  the  monopoly 
of  supplying  us.  In  short,  all  among  us  may 
be  happy — who  have  happy  dispositions, — 
such  being  necessary  to  happiness  even  in 
paradise. 

"  I  speak  these  things  of  Pennsylvania,  with 
which  I  am  most  acquainted  :  as  to  the  other 
states,  when  I  read  in  all  the  papers  of  the 
extravagant  rejoicings  every  4th  of  July,  the 
day  on  which  was  signed  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  I  am  convinced  that  none  of 
them  are  discontented  with  the  revolution. 
"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Charles  Thompson. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Jan.  27, 1787. 

"  DEAR  FRIEND, — You  may  remember  that 
in  the  correspondence  between  us  in  last 
June,  on  the  subject  of  a  million  free  gift  of 
the  king  of  France,  acknowledged  in  our 
contract  to  have  been  received,  but  which  did 
not  appear  to  be  accounted  for  in  our  banker's 
accounts,  unless  it  should  be  the  same  with 
the  million  said  to  be  received  from  the  far 
mer  general,  I  mentioned  that  an  explana 
tion  might  doubtless  be  easily  obtained  by 
writing  to  Mr.  Grand  or  Mr.  Jefferson.  I 
know  not  whether  you  have  accordingly  writ 
ten  to  either  of  them,  but  being  desirous  that 
the  matter  should  speedily  be  cleared  up,  I 
wrote  myself  to  Mr.  Grand  a  letter  upon  it, 
of  which  I  now  enclose  a  copy,  with  his  an 
swer,  and  several  letters  from  M.  Durival, 
who  is  chef  du  bureau  des  fonds  des  af 
faires  etrangeres,  and  has  under  his  care  the 
finance. 


"  You  will  see  by  those  letters,  that  the 
million  in  question  was  delivered  to  some 
body  on  the  10th  of  June,  1776,  but  it  does 
not  appear  to  whom.  It  is  clear,  however, 
that  it  could  not  be  to  Mr.  Grand,  nor  to  the 
commissioners  from  congress ;  for  we  did  not 
meet  in  France  till  the  end  of  December, 
1776,  or  the  beginning  of  January  1777,  and 
that  banker  was  not  charged  before  with  our 
affairs. 

"  By  the  minister's  reserve  in  refusing  him 
a  copy  of  the  receipt,  I  conjecture  it  must  be 
money  advanced  for  our  use  to  M.  de  Beau- 
marchais,  and  that  it  is  a  mystere  du  cabinet, 
which  perhaps  should  not  be  further  inquired 
into,  unless  necessary  to  guard  against  more 
demands  than  may  be  just  from  that  agent ; 
for  it  may  well  be  supposed,  that  if  the  court 
furnished  him  with  the  means  of  supplying  us, 
they  may  not  be  willing  to  furnish  authentic 
proofs  of  such  a  transaction,  so  early  in  our 
dispute  with  Britain.  Pray  tell  me  has  he 
dropt  his  demands,  or  does  he  still  continue  to 
worry  you  with  them. 

"  I  should  like  to  have  their  original  letters 
returned  to  me,  but  you  may  if  you  please 
keep  copies  of  them.  It  is  true  the  million  in 
question  makes  no  difference  in  your  accounts 
with  the  king  of  France,  it  not  being  mention 
ed  or  charged  as  so  much  lent  and  to  be  re 
paid,  but  stated  as  freely  given.  Yet  if  it 
was  paid  into  the  hands  of  any  of  your  agents, 
or  ministers,  they  ought  certainly  to  account 
for  it.  I  do  not  recollect  whether  Mr.  Deane 
had  arrived  in  France  before  the  10th  June 
1776 ;  [he  did  not  arrive  till  the  first  week  in 
July]  but  from  his  great  want  of  money  when 
I  joined  him  a  few  months  after,  I  hardly  think 
it  could  have  been  paid  to  him.  Possibly  Mr. 
Jefferson  may  obtain  the  information,  though 
Mr.  Grand  could  not,  and  I  wish  he  may  be 
directed  to  make  the  inquiry,  as  I  know  he 
would  do  it  directly ;  I  mean  if  by  Borlatez 
&  Go's  further  demands,  or  for  any  other  rea 
son,  such  an  inquiry  should  be  thought  neces 
sary.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


«Mr.  Small 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Feb.  19, 1787. 

"DEAR  FRIEND, — I  received  your  favour 
of  June  last,  and  thank  you  for  the  kind  con 
gratulations  contained  in  it.  What  you  have 
heard  of  my  malady  is  true,  *  that  it  does 
not  grow  worse.'  Thanks  be  to  God,  I  still 
enjoy  pleasure  in  the  society  of  my  friends  and 
books,  and  much  more  in  the  prosperity  of  my 
country,  concerning  which  your  people  are 
continually  deceiving  themselves. 

"  I  am  glad  the  improvement  of  the  Book 
of  Common  Prayer  has  met  with  your 
approbation,  and  that  of  good  Mrs.  Baldwin. 
It  is  not  yet,  that  I  know  of,  received  in  pub 
lic  practice  any  where ;  but  as  it  is  said  that 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


603 


good  motions  never  die,  perhaps  in  time  it 
may  be  found  useful. 

"I  read  with  pleasure  the  account  you 
give  of  the  flourishing  state  of  your  commerce 
and  manufactures,  and  of  the  plenty  you  have 
of  resources  to  carry  the  nation  through  all 
its  difficulties.  You  have  one  of  the  h'nest 
countries  in  the  world,  and  if  you  can  be  cured 
of  the  folly  of  making  war  for  trade,  (in  which 
wars  more  has  been  always  expended  than  the 
profits  of  any  trade  can  compensate)  you  may 
make  it  one  of  the  happiest.  Make  the  best 
of  your  own  natural  ad  vantages,  instead  ofen- 


when  I  first  heard  this,  and  I  wrote  some  re 
marks  upon  it,  which  I  send  you  :  they  have 
been  written  near  a  year,  but  I  have  not  yet 
published  them,  be  in  £  unwilling  to  encourage 
any  of  our  people  who  may  be  able  to  pay,  in 
their  neglect  of  that  duty.  The  paper  is 
therefore  only  for  your  amusement,  and  that 
of  our  excellent  friend  the  duke  de  la  Roche 
foucauld. 

"  As  to  my  malady  concerning  which  you 
so  kindly  inquire,  I  have  never  had  the  least 
doubt  of  its  being  the  stone;  and  I  am  sensi 
ble  that  it  has  increased ;  but  on  the  whole  it 


deavouring  to  diminish  those  of  other  nations,  i  does  not  give  me  more  pain  than  when   at 
and  there  is  no  doubt  but  you  may  yet  prosper   Passy.     People  who  live  long,  who  will  drink 

of  the  cup  of  life  to  the  very  bottom,  must  ex 
pect  to  meet  with  some  of  the  usual  dregs; 


and  flourish.  Your  beginning  to  consider 
France  no  longer  as  a  natural  enemy,  is  a 
mark  of  progress  in  the  good  sense  of  the  na 
tion,  of  which  posterity  will  find  the  benefit ; 
in  the  rarity  of  wars,  the  diminution  of  taxes, 
and  increase  of  riches. 

"  As  to  the  refugees,  whom  you  think  we 
were  so  impolitic  in  rejecting,  I  do  not  find 
that  they  are  missed  here,  or  that  any  body 
regrets  their  absence.  And  certainly  they 
must  be  happier  where  they  are,  under  the 
government  they  admire ;  and  be  better  re 
ceived  among  a  people  whose  cause  they  es 
poused  and  fought  for,  than  among  those  who 
cannot  so  soon  have  forgotten  the  destruction 
of  their  habitations,  and  the  spilt  blood  of  their 
dearest  friends  and  near  relations. 


and  when  I  reflect  on  the  number  of  terrible 
maladies  human  nature  is  subject  to,  I  think 
myself  favoured  in  having  to  my  share  only 
the  stone  and  gout. 

"  You  were  right  in  conjecturing  that  I 
wrote  the  remarks  on  the  '  thoughts  concern 
ing  executive  justice?  I  have  no  copy  of 
those  remarks  at  hand,  and  forget  how  the 
saying  was  introduced,  that  it  is  better  a  thou 
sand  guilty  persons  should  escape,  than  one 
innocent  suffer.  Your  criticisms  thereon  ap 
pear  to  be  just,  and  I  imagine  you  may  have 
misapprehended  my  intention  in  mentioning 
it.  I  always  thought  with  you,  that  the  pre 
judice  in  Europe,  which  supposes  a  family  dis- 


"  I  often  think  with  great  pleasure  on  the  honoured  by  the  punishment  of  one  its  mem 
happy  days  I  passed  in  England  with  my  and  t  bers,  was  very  absurd,  it  being  on  the  contrary 
your  learned  and  ingenious  friends,  who  have  my  opinion, "  that  a  rogue  hanged  out  of  a 
left  us  to  join  the  majority  in  the  world  of  j  family  does  it  more  honour  than  ten  that  live 
spirits.  Every  one  of  them  now  knows  more  in  it.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

than  all  of  us  they  have  left  behind.  It  is  to 
me  a  comfortable  reflection,  that  since  we 
must  live  for  ever  in  a  future  state,  there  is 
a  sufficient  stock  of  amusement  in  reserve  for 
us,  to  be  found  in  constantly  learning  some-  "  I 


thing  new  to  eternity,  the  present  quantity  of 
human  ignorance  infinitely  exceeding  human 
knowledge.  B.  FRANKLIN." 

In  his  82d  year. 


The  duke  de  'la  Rochefoucauld. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  April  15,  1787. 

HAVE  been  happy  in  receiving  three 


very  kind  letters  from  my  greatly  respected 
and"  esteemed  friend,  since  my  being  in  Ame 
rica.  They  are  dated  November  30,  '85,  Fe 
bruary  ft,  '86,  January  14,  '87.  In  mine  of  this 
date  to  M.  le  Veillard,  I  have  made  the  best 
apology  I  could  for  my  being  so  bad  a  corres- 

To  M.  \  eillard.  pendent.     I  will  not  trouble  you  with  a  repe- 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  April  15, 1787.  tition  of  it,  as  I  know  you  often  see  him.  I 
"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, —  I  am  quite  of  your  will  only  confess  my  fault,  and  trust  to  your 
opinion,  that  our  independence  is  not  quite  i  candour  and  goodness  for  my  pardon, 
complete,  till  we  have  discharged  our  public  i  "  Your  friendly  congratulations  on  my  ar- 
debt.  This  state  is  not  behind  hand  in  its !  rival  and  reception  here  were  very  obliging, 
proportion,  and  those  who  are  in  arrear,  are  |  The  latter  was,  as  you  have  heard,  extreme- 


actually  employed  in  contriving  means  to 
discharge  their  respective  balances,  but  they 
are  not  all  equally  diligent  in  the  business,  nor 
equally  successful ;  the  whole  will  however 
be  paid,  I  am  persuaded,  in  a  few  years. 

"  The  English  have  not  yet  delivered  up 
the  posts  on  our  frontier,  agreeable  to  treaty  ; 
the  pretence  is,  that  our  merchants  here  have 
not  paid  their  debts.  I  was  a  little  provoked 


ly  flattering1.  The  two  parties  in  the  assembly 
and  council,  the  constitutionists  and  anti-con- 
stitutionists,  joined  in  requesting  my  service 
as  counsellor,  and  afterwards  in  electing  me 
as  president.  Of  seventy-four  members  in 
council  and  assembly,  who  voted  by  ballot, 
there  was  in  my  first  election  but  one  nega 
tive  beside  my  own;  and  in  the  second,  after 
a  year's  service,  only  my  own.  And  I  expe- 


604 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


rience  from  all  the  principal  people  in  the 
government,  every  attention  and  assistance 
that  can  be  desired  towards  making  the  task 
as  little  burdensome  to  me  as  possible.  So 
I  am  going  on  very  comfortable  hitherto  with 
my  second  year,  and  I  do  not  at  present  see 
any  likelihood  of  a  change  :  but  future  events 
are  always  uncertain,  being  governed  by  Pro 
vidence,  or  subject  to  chances ;  and  popular 
favour  is  very  precarious,  being  sometimes 
lost  as  well  gained  by  good  actions,  so  I  do 
not  depend  on  a  continuance  of  my  present 
happiness,  and  therefore  shall  not  be  surprised 
if  before  my  time  of  service  expires,  some 
thing  should  happen  to  diminish  it. 

"  These  states  in  general  enjoy  peace  and 
plenty.  There  have  been  some  disorders  in 
the  Massachusetts  and  Rhode  Island  govern 
ments  ;  those  in  the  former  are  quelled  for  the 
present :  those  of  the  latter,  being  contentions 
for  and  against  paper  money,  will  probably 
continue  some  time.  Maryland  too  is  divided 
on  the  same  subject,  the  assembly  being  for  it 
and  the  senate  against  it.  Each  is  now  em 
ployed  in  endeavouring  to  gain  the  people  to 
its  ,party,  against  the  next  elections,  and  'tis 
probable  the  assembly  may  prevail.  Paper 
money  in  moderate  quantities  has  been  found 
beneficial ;  when  more  than  the  occasions  of 
commerce  require,  it  depreciated  and  was 
mischievous ;  and  the  populace  are  apt  to  de 
mand  more  than  is  necessary.  In  this  state 
we  have  some,  and  it  is  useful,  and  I  do  not 
hear  any  clamour  for  more. 

"  There  seems  to  be  but  little  thought  at 
present  in  the  particular  states,  of  mending 
their  particular  constitutions ;  but  the  grand 
federal  constitution  is  generally  blamed,  as 
not  having  given  sufficient  powers  to  congress, 
the  federal  head.  A  convention  is  therefore 
appointed  to  revise  that  constitution,  and  pro 
pose  a  better.  You  will  see  by  the  enclosed 
paper  that  your  friend  is  to  be  one  in  that 
business,  though  he  doubts  his  malady  may 
not  permit  his  giving  constant  attendance.  I 
am  glad  to  see  that  you  are  named  as  one  of 
a  general  assembly  to  be  convened  in  France. 
I  flatter  myself  that  great  good  may  accrue  to 
that  dear  nation  from  the  deliberations  of  such 
an  assembly.  I  pray  God  to  give  it  his  bless 
ing. 

"I  sympathise  with  you  and  the  family 
most  sincerely,  in  the  great  loss  sustained  by 
the  decease  of  that  excellent  woman.*  It 
must  be  indeed  a  heavy  one.  My  best  wishes 
attend  those  that  remain,  and  that  the  happi 
ness  of  your  sweet  domestic  society  may  long 
continue  without  such  another  interruption. 

"  I  send  herewith  a  volume  of  the  Transac 
tions  of  our  Philosophical  Society  for  you,  an 
other  for  M.  de  Condorcet,  and  a  third  for  the 


*  The  duchess  D'Anville,  mother  of  the  duke  de  la 
Rochefoucauld. 


Academy.  The  war  had  interrupted  our  at 
tempts  to  improve  ourselves  in  scientific  mat 
ters,  but  we  now  begin  to  resume  them. 

"  The  bearer  of  this  is  Mr.  Paine,  the  au 
thor  of  a  famous  piece  entitled  Common  Sense, 
published  here,  with  great  effect  on  the  minds 
of  the  people  at  the  beginning  of  the  revolu 
tion.  He  is  an  ingenious,  honest  man,  and 
as  such  I  beg  leave  to  recommend  him  to  your 
civilities.  He  carries  with  him  the  model  of 
a  bridge  of  a  new  construction,  his  own  in 
vention,  concerning  which  I  intended  to  have 
recommended  him  to  Mr.  Peyronnet,  but  I 
hear  he  is  no  more.  You  can  easily  procure 
Mr.  Paine  a  sight  of  the  models  and  drawings 
of  the  collection  appertaining  to  the  Fonts  et 
Chaussees ;  they  must  afford  him  useful  lights 
on  the  subject.  We  want  a  bridge  over  our 
river  Schuylkill,  and  have  no  artist  here  re 
gularly  bred  to  that  kind  of  architecture. 

"  My  grandsons  are  very  sensible  of  the  ho 
nour  of  your  remembrance,  and  desire  me  to 
present  their  respects. — With  the  most  sin 
cere  and  perfect  esteem  and  attachment,  I 
am  ever,  my  dear  friend,  your  most  obedient 
and  most  humble  servant, 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  The  Abbes  Chalut  and  Arnaud. 

i  "  PHILADELPHIA,  April  17, 1787 

"  DEAR  FRIENDS, — Your  reflections,  on  our 
situation  compared  with  that  of  many  nations 
of  Europe,  are  very  sensible  and  just.  Let 
me  add,  that  only  a  virtuous  people  are  ca 
pable  of  freedom.  As  nations  become  corrupt 
and  vicious,  they  have  more  need  of  masters. 

"  Our  affairs  go  on  as  well  as  can  reason 
ably  be  expected  after  so  great  an  overturning. 
We  have  had  some  disorders  in  different  parts 
of  the  country,  but  we  arrange  them  as  they 
arise,  and  are  daily  mending  and  improving ; 
so  that  I  have  no  doubt  but  all  will  come  right 
in  time.— Yours,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  M.  de  la  Fayette. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  April  17,  1787. 

4*  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  received  the  kind  letter 
you  did  me  the  honour  of  writing  in  February, 
1786.  The  indolence  of  old  age,  and  the  per 
petual  teasing  of  too  much  business,  have 
made  me  so  bad  a  correspondent,  that  I  have 
hardly  written  a  letter  to  any  friend  in  Europe 
during  the  last  twelvemonth:  but  as  I  have 
always  a  pleasure  in  hearing  from  them,  which 
I  cannot  expect  will  be  continued  if  I  do  not 
write  to  them,  I  again  take  up  my  pen,  and 
begin  with  those  whose  correspondence  is  of 
the  greatest  value;  among  which  I  reckon 
that  of  the  marquis  de  la  Fayette. 

"  I  was  glad  to  hear  of  your  safe  return  to 
Paris,  after  so  long  and  fatiguing  a  journey. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


605 


That  is  the  place  where  your  enlightened  zeal 
for  the  welfare  of  our  country  can  employ  itself 
most  to  our  advantage,  and  I  know  it  is  always 
at  work,  and  indefatigable.  Our  enemies  are, 
as  you  ohserve,  very  industrious  in  depre 
ciating  our  national  character.  Their  abuse 
sometimes  provokes  me,  and  I  am  almost  ready 
to  retaliate ;  but  I  have  held  my  hand,  though 
there  is  abundant  room  for  recrimination ;  be 
cause  I  would  do  nothing  that  might  hasten 
another  quarrel,  by  exasperating  those  who 
are  still  sore  from  their  late  disgraces.  Per 
haps  it  may  be  best  that  they  should  please 
themselves  with  fancying  us  weak,  and  poor, 
and  divided,  and  friendless ;  they  may  then 
not  be  jealous  of  our  growing  strength,  (which 
since  the  peace,  does  really  make  rapid  pro 
gress)  and  may  be  less  intent  on  interrupt 
ing  it. 

"  I  do  not  wonder  that  the  Germans,  who 
know  little  of  free  constitutions,  should  be 
ready  to  suppose  that  such  cannot  support 
themselves.  We  think  they  may,  and  we 
hope  to  prove  it.  That  there  should  be  faults 
in  our  first  sketches  or  plans  of  government  is 
not  surprising ;  rather,  considering  the  times, 
and  the  circumstances  under  which  they  were 
formed,  it  is  surprising  that  the  faults  are  so 
few.  Those  in  the  general  confederating  ar 
ticles,  are  now  about  to  be  considered  in  a 
convention  called  for  that  express  purpose; 
these  will  indeed  be  the  most  difficult  to  rec 
tify.  Those  of  particular  states  will  undoubt 
edly  be  rectified,  as  their  inconveniences  shall 
by  experience  be  made  manifest.  And  what 
ever  difference  of  sentiment  there  may  be 
amono-  us  respecting  particular  regulations 
the  enthusiastic  rejoicings  with  which  the  day 
of  declared  independence  is  annually  cele 
brated,  demonstrate  the  universal  satisfaction 
of  the  people  with  the  revolution  and  its  grand 
principles. 

"I  enclose  the  vocabulary  you  sent  me,  witl 
the  words  of  the  Shawanese  and  Delaware 
languages,  which  colonel  Harmar  has  pro 
cured  for  me.  He  is  promised  one  more  com 
plete,  which  I  shall  send  you  as  soon  as  i 
comes  to  my  hands. 

"  My  orandson,  whom  you  so  kindly  mquir 

after,  is  at  his  estate  in  the  Jerseys,  and  amuse 

himself  with  cultivating  his  lands.     I  wish  h 

would  seriously  make  a  business  of  it,  and -re 

nounce  all  thoughts  of  public  employment,  fo 

I  think  agriculture  the  most  honourable,  be 

cause  the°most  independent  of  all  professions 

But  I  believe  he  hankers  a  little  after  Pans 

or  some  other  of  the  polished  cities  of  Europe 

thinkino-  the  society  there  preferable  to  wha 

he  meets  with  in  the  woods  of  Ancocas ;  as  i 

certainly  is.     If  he  was  HOW  here,  he  woul 

undoubtedly  join  with  me  and  the  rest  of  m 

family  (who  are  much  flattered  by  your  re 

membrance  of  them)  in  the  best  wishes  fo 

your  health  and  prosperity,  and  that  of  you 


whole  amiable  fireside.  You  will  allow  an 
old  friend  of  fourscore  to  say  he  loves  your 
wife,  when  he  adds  and  children,  and  prays 
God  to  bless  them  all. 


'Marquis  de  Chastelleux. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  April  17,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR,— Your  most  pleasing  letter 
ccompanied  by  the  invaluable  present  of 
rour  journal,  and  translation  of  colonel  Hum- 
>hrey's  poem,  came  to  hand  but  lately, 
hough  dated  in  June  last.  I  believe  they 
ave  been  in  the  West  Indies.  They  have 
iven  me  a  great  deal  of  pleasure  in  the  peru- 
al,  as  every  thing  of  yours  always  did.  The 
)ortrait  you  have  made  of  our  country  and 
>eople,  is  what  in  painting  is  called  a  hand 
some  likeness,  for  which  we  are  much  obliged 

0  you.     We  shall  be  the  better  for  it  if  we 
endeavour  to  merit  what  you  kindly  say  in 
our  favour,  and  to  correct  what  you  justly 
censure.     I  am  told  the  journal  is  translated 

nto  English,  and  printed  in  one  of  the  states, 
'.  know  not  which,  not  having  seen  the  trans- 
ation. 

"The  newspapers  tell  us,  that  you  are 
about  to  have  an  assembly  of  Notables,  to 
consult  on  improvements  of  your  government. 
t  is  somewhat  singular,  that  we  should  be 
engaged  in  the  same  project  here  at  the  same 
,ime,  but  so  it  is,  and  a  convention  for  the 
mrpose  of  revising  and  amending  our  federal 
constitution  is  to  meet  at  this  place^iext  month. 

1  hope  both  assemblies  will  be  blessed  with 
success,  and  that  their  deliberations  and  coun 
cils  may  promote  the  happiness  of  both  na 
tions. 

"  In  the  state  of  Pennsylvania,  government, 
notwithstanding  our  parties,  goes  on  at  present 
very  smoothly;  so  that  I  have  much  less  trou 
ble  in  my  station  than  was  expected.  Massa 
chusetts  has  lately  been  disturbed  by  some 
disorderly  people ;  but  they  are  now  quelled. 
The  rest  of  the  states  go  on  pretty  well,  ex 
cept  some  dissensions  in  Rhode  Island  and 
Maryland  respecting  paper  money.  Mr. 
Paine,  whom  you  know,  and  who  undertakes 
to  deliver  this  letter  to  you,  can  give  you  full 
information  of  our  affairs,  and  therefore  I  need 
not  enlarge  upon  them.  I  beg  leave  to  re- 
coir.mend  him  to  your  civilities.  I  have  ful 
filled  all  your  commissions  to  the  ladies  here, 
who  are  much  flattered  by  your  kind  remem 
brance  of  them.— My  family  join  in  every 
sentiment  of  esteem  and  respect  with,  my  dear 
friend,  yours  most  affectionately, 

. "  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  The  Abbe  Mvrellet,  Paris. 

"PHILADELPHIA,  April 22, 1787. 

"MY  VERY  DEAR  FRIEND,— I  received, 
though  long  after  they  were  written,  your 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


very  agreeable  favours  of  October,  30,  '85, 
and  February  9,  '86,  with  the  pieces  enclos 
ed,  productions  of  the  Auteuil  Academy  of 
belles  lettres.  Your  kind  and  friendly  wishes 
and  congratulations  are  extremely  obliging-. 
It  gives  me  an  infinite  pleasure  to  find  that  I 
still  retain  a  favourable  place  in  the  remem 
brance  of  the  worthy  and  the  good,  whose  de 
lightful  and  instructive  society  I  had  the  hap 
piness  of  enjoying  while  I  resided  in  France. 

But  though  I  could  not  leave  that  dear  na 
tion  without  regret,  I  certainly  did  right  in 
coming  home.  I  am  here  in  my  niche  in  my 
own  house  in  the  bosom  of  my  family,  my 
daughter  and  grandchildren  all  about  me, 
among  my  old  friends  or  the  sons  of  my 
friends,  who  equally  respect  me ;  and  who  all 
speak  and  understand  the  same  language  with 
me ;  and  you  know  that  if  a  man  desires  to  be 
useful  by  the  exercise  of  his  mental  faculties, 
he  loses  half  their  force  when  in  a  foreign 
country,  where  he  can  only  express  himself  in 
a  language  with  which  he  is  not  well  acquaint 
ed.  In  short,  I  enjoy  here  every  opportunity 
of  doing  good,  and  every  thing  else  I  could 
wish  for,  "except  repose ;  and  that  I  may  soon 
expect,  either  by  the  cessation  of  my  office, 
which  cannot  last  more  than  three  years,  or 
by  ceasing  to  live. 

"  I  am  of  the  same  opinion  with  you  respect 
ing  the  freedom  of  commerce,  in  countries  es 
pecially  where  direct  taxes  are  practicable. 
This  will  be  our  case  in  time,  when  our  wide 
extended  country  fills  up  with  inhabitants. 
But  at  present  they  are  so  widely  settled, 
often  five  or  six  miles  distant  from  one  ano 
ther  in  the  back  country,  that  the  collection 
of  a  direct  tax  is  almost  impossible,  the  trou 
ble  of  the  collector's  going  from  house  to 
house  amounting  to  more  than  the  value  of 
the  tax.  Nothing  can  be  better  expressed 
than  your  sentiments  are  on  this  point,  where 
you  prefer  liberty  of  trading,  cultivating,  ma 
nufacturing,  &c.,  even  to  civil  liberty,  this  be 
ing  affected  but  rarely,  the  other  every  hour. 
Our  debt  occasioned  by  the  war  being  heavy, 
we  are  under  the  necessity  of  using  imposts 
and  every  method  we  can  think  of  to  assist 
in  raising  a  revenue  to  discharge  it ;  but  in 
sentiment  we  are  well  disposed  to  abolish  du 
ties  on  importation  as  soon  as  we  possibly  can 
afford  to  do  so. 

"  Whatever  may  be  reported  by  the  English 
in  Europe,  you  may  be  assured  that  our  people 
are  almost  unanimous  in  being  satisfied  with 
the  revolution.  Their  unbounded  respect  for 
all  who  were  principally  concerned  in  it, 
whether  as  warriors  or  statesmen,  and  the 
enthusiastic  joy  with  which  the  day  of  the  de 
claration  of  independence  is  every  where  an 
nually  celebrated,  are  indubitable  proof  of  this 
truth.  In  one  or  two  of  the  states  there  have 
been  some  discontents  on  partial  and  local 
subjects ;  these  may  have  been  fomented,  as 


the  accounts  of  them  are  exaggerated,  by  our 
ancient  enemies ;  but  they  are  now  nearly 
suppressed,  and  the  rest  of  the  states  enjoy 
peace  and  good  order,  and  flourish  amazingly. 
The  crops  have  been  good  for  several  years 
past,  the  price  of  country  produce  high,  from 
foreign  demand,  and  it  fetches  ready  money ; 
rents  are  high  in  our  towns,  which  increase 
fast  by  new  buildings ;  labourers  and  artizans 
have  high  wages  well  paid,  and  vast  tracts  of 
new  land  are  continually  clearing  and  ren 
dered  fit  for  cultivation. — I  am,  &c. 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Mr.  Jordain. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  May  18,  1787. 

"DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  very  kind 
letter  of  February  27,  together  with  the  cask 
of  porter  you  have  been  so  good  as  to  send 
me.  We  have  here  at  present  what  the 
French  call  une  assemblee  des  notables,  a 
convention  composed  of  some  of  the  principal 
people  from  the  several  states  of  our  confe 
deration.  They  did  me  the  honour  of  dining 
with  me  last  Wednesday,  when  the  cask  was 
broached,  and  its  contents  met  with  the  most 
cordial  reception  and  universal  approbation. 
In  short  the  company  agreed  unanimously, 
that  it  was  the  best  porter  they  had  ever 
tasted.  Accept  my  thanks,  a  poor  return,  but 
all  I  can  make  at  present. 

"  Your  letter  reminds  me  of  many  happy 
days  we  have  passed  together,  and  the  dear 
friends  with  whom  we  passed  them ;  some  of 
whom,  alas !  have  left  us,  and  we  must  re 
gret  their  loss,  although  our  Hawkesworth* 
is  become  an  adventurer  in  more  happy  re 
gions  ;  and  our  Stanley!  gone,  '  where  only 
his  own  harmony  can  be  exceeded.'  You 
give  me  joy  in  telling  me  that  you  are  '  on 
the  pinnacle  of  content.'  Without  it  no 
situation  can  be  happy ;  with  it,  any.  One 
means  of  becoming  content  with  one's  situa 
tion,  is  the  comparing  it  with  a  worse.  Thus 
when  1  consider  how  many  terrible  diseases 
the  human  body  is  liable  to,  I  comfort  myself 
that  only  three  incurable  ones  have  fallen  to 
my  share,  viz.  the  gout,  the  stone,  and  old 
age  ;  and  that  these  have  not  yet  deprived  me 
of  my  natural  cheerfulness,  my  delight  in 
books,  and  enjoyment  of  social  conversation. 

"  I  am  glad  to  hear  that  Mr.  Fitzmaurice  is 
married,  and  has  an  amiable  lady  and  chil 
dren.  It  is  a  better  plan  than  that  he  once 
proposed,  of  getting  Mrs.  Wright  to  make 
him  a  wax- work  wife  to  sit  at  the  head  of  his 
table.  For  after  all,  wedlock  is  the  natural 


*  John  Hawkesworth,  L.  L.  D.  author  of  the  Adven 
turer,  and  compiler  of  the  account  of  the  Discoveries 
made  in  the  South  Seas,  by  captain  Cook. 

t  John  Stanley,  an  eminent  musician  and  composer, 
though  he  became  blind  at  the  age  of  two  years. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL 


607 


state  of  man.  A  bachelor  is  not  a  complete 
human  being.  He  is  like  the  odd  half  of  a  pair 
of  scissors,  which  has  not  yet  found  its  fel 
low,  and  therefore  is  not  even  half  so  useful 
as  they  might  be  together. 

"  I  hardly  know  which  to  admire  most ; 
the  wonderful  discoveries  made  by  Her- 
schel,  or  the  indefatigable  ingenuity  by 
which  he  has  been  enabled  to  make  them. 
Let  us  hope,  my  friend,  that  when  free  from 
these  bodily  embarrassments,  we  may  roam 
together  through  some  of  the  systems  he 
has  explored,  conducted  by  some  of  our  old 
companions  already  acquainted  with  them. 
Hawkesworth  will  enliven  our  progress  with 
his  cheerful,  sensible  converse,  and  Stanley 
accompany  the  music  of  the  spheres. 

"  Mr.  Watraaugh  tells  me,  for  I  immedi 
ately  inquired  after  her,  that  your  daughter 
is  alive  and  well.  I  remember  her  a  most 
promising  and  beautiful  child,  and  therefore 
do  not  wonder  that  she  is  grown,  as  he  says, 
a  fine  woman. 

"  God  bless  her  and  you,  my  dear  friend, 

and  every  thing  that  pertains  to  you,  is  the 

sincere  praver  of  yours,  most  affectionately, 

»B.  FRANKLIN."    , 

In  his  82d  year. 


"  To  George  Wheatley. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  May  18,  1787. 

"I  RECEIVED  duly  my  good  old  friend's 
letter  of  the  19th  of  February.  I  thank  you 
much  for  your  notes  on  banks,  they  are  just  and 
solid,  as  far  as  I  can  judge  of  them.  Our  bank 
here  has  met  with  great  opposition,  partly  from 
envy,  and  partly  from  those  who  wish  an  emis 
sion  of  more  paper  money,  which  they  think 
the  bank  influence  prevents.  But  it  has  stood 
all  attacks,  and  went  on  well,  notwithstand 
ing  the  assembly  repealed  its  charter.  A  new 
assembly  has  restored  it ;  and  the  management 
is  so  prudent,  that  I  have  no  doubt  of  its  con 
tinuing  to  go  on  well :  the  dividend  has  never 
been  less  than  six  per  cent.,  nor  will  that  be 
augmented  for  some  time,  as  the  surplus  pro 
fit  is  reserved  to  face  accidents.  The  dividend 
of  eleven  per  cent.,  which  was  once  made,  was 
from  a  circumstance  scarce  unavoidable.  A 
new  company  was  proposed ;  and  prevented 
only  by  admitting  a  number  of  new  partners. 
As  many  of  the  first  set  were  averse  to  this, 
and  chose  to  withdraw,  it  was  necessary  to 
settle  their  accounts;  so  all  were  adjusted,  the 
profits  shared  that  had  been  accumulated,  and 
the  new  and  old  proprietors  jointly  began  on 
a  new  and  equal  footing.  Their  notes  are 
always  instantly  paid  on  demand,  and  pass  on 
all  occasions  as  readily  as  silver,  because  they 
will  always  produce  silver. 

"  Your  medallion  is  in  good  company,  it  is 
placed  with  those  of  lord  Chatham,  lord  Cam- 
den,  marquis  of  Rockingham,  sir  George  Sa- 


ville,  and  some  others  who  honoured  me  with 
a  show  of  friendly  regard  when  in  England. 
[  believe  I  have  thanked  you  for  it,  but  I 
thank  you  again. 

"  I  believe  with  you,  that  if  our  plenipo.  ie 
desirous  of  concluding  a  treaty  of  commerce, 
he  may  need  patience.  If  I  were  in  his 
place,  and  not  otherwise  instructed,  I  should 
be  apt  to  say  'take  your  own  time,  gentle 
men.'  If  the  treaty  cannot  be  made  as  much 
to  your  advantage  as  to  ours,  don't  make  it. 
I  am  sure  the  want  of  it  is  not  more  to  our 
disadvantage  than  to  yours.  Let  the  mer 
chants  on  both  sides  treat  with  one  another. 
Laissez  lesfaire. 

"  I  have  never  considered  attentively  the 
congress's  scheme  for  coining,  and  I  have  it 
not  now  at  hand,  so  that  at  present  I  can  say 
nothing  to  it.  The  chief  uses  of  coining  seern 
to  be  the  ascertaining  the  fineness  of  the  me 
tals,  and  saving  the  time  that  would  otherwise 
be  spent  in  weighing  to  ascertain  the  quantity. 
But  the  convenience  of  fixed  values  to  pieces 
is  so  great  as  to  force  the  currency  of  some 
whose  stamp  is  worn  off,  that  should  have  as 
sured  their  fineness,  and  which  are  evidently 
not  of  half  their  due  weight:  the  case  at  pre 
sent  with  the  sixpences  in  England,  which  one 
with  another  do  not  weigh  three  pence. 

"  You  are  now  78,  and  I  am  82 ;  you  tread 
fast  upon  my  heels :  but  though  you  have 
more  strength  and  spirit,  you  cannot  come  up 
with  me  till  I  stop,  which  must  now  be  soon  ; 
for  I  am  grown  so  old  as  to  have  buried  most  of 
the  friends  of  my  youth,  and  I  now  often  hear 
persons,  whom  I  knew  when  children,  called 
old  Mr.  such-a-one,  to  distinguish  them  from 
their  sons,  now  men  grown  and  in  business; 
so  that  by  living  twelve  years  beyond  David's 
period,  I  seem  to  have  intruded  myself  into 
the  company  of  posterity,  when  I  ought  to 
have  been  a-bed  and  asleep.  Yet  had  I  gone 
at  seventy,  it  would  have  cut  off  twelve  of  the 
most  active  years  of  my  life,  employed  too  in 
matters  of  the  greatest  importance ;  but  whe 
ther  I  have  been  doing  good  or  mischief  is  for 
time  to  discover.  I  only  know  that  I  intend 
ed  well,  and  I  hope  all  will  end  well. 

"  Be  so  good  as  to  present  my  affectionate 
respects  to  Dr.  Riley.  I  am  under  great  ob 
ligations  to  him,  and  shall  write  to  him  short 
ly.  It  will  be  a  pleasure  to  him  to  know,  that 
my  malady  does  not  grow  sensibly  worse,  and 
that  is  a  great  point :  for  it  has  always  been 
so  tolerable,  as  not  to  prevent  my  enjoying  the 
pleasures  of  society,  and  being  cheerful  in  con 
versation  ;  I  owe  this  in  a  great  measure  to 
his  good  counsels. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  To  count  Buffon,  Paris. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Nov.  19,  1787. 

"  DEAR  SIR,-  I  am  honoured  by  your  letter, 
desiring  to  know  by  what  means  I  am  relieved 


608 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


in  a  disorder,  with  which  you  are  so  unfortu 
nately  afflicted.  I  have  tried  all  the  noted 
prescriptions  for  diminishing  the  stone,  with 
out  perceiving  any  good  effect.  But  observ 
ing  temperance  in  eating,  avoiding  wine  and 
cider,  and  using  daily  the  dumb  bell,  which 
exercises  the  upper  part  of  the  body  without 
much  moving  the  parts  in  contact  with  the 
stone,  I  think  I  have  prevented  its  increase. 
As  the  roughness  of  the  stone  lacerates  a 
little  the  neck  of  the  bladder,  I  find  that  when 
the  urine  happens  to  be  sharp,  I  have  much 
pain  in  making  water,  and  frequent  urgencies. 
For  relief  under  this  circumstance,  I  take, 
going  to  bed,  the  bigness  of  a  pigeon's  egg  of 
jelly  of  blackberries :  the  receipt  for  making 
it  is  enclosed.  While  I  continue  to  do  this 
every  night,  I  am  generally  easy  the  day 
following,  making  water  pretty  freely,  and 
with  long  intervals.  I  wish  most  sincerely 
that  this  simple  remedy  may  have  the  same 
happy  effect  with  you.  Perhaps  currant  jelly, 
or  the  jelly  of  apples,  or  of  raspberries,  may 
be  equally  serviceable;  for  I  suspect  the 
virtue  of  the  jelly  may  lie  principally  in  the 
boiled  sugar,  which  is  in  some  degree  candied 
by  the  boiling  of  the  jelly. 

Wishing  you  for  your  own  sake  much  more 
ease,  and  for  the  sake  of  mankind  many  more 
years,  I  remain,  with  the  greatest  esteem 
and  respect,  dear  sir,  your  most  obedient  and 
affectionate  servant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  To  Mr.  Small. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Sept.  28,  1787. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  kind  letter 
of  June  6,  '86,  and  I  answered  it,  though  long 
after  the  receipt.  I  do  not  perceive  by  your 
second  favour  of  July,  '87,  that  my  answer 
had  then  come  to  hand,  but  hope  it  may  since 
that  time. 

"  I  have  not  lost  any  of  the  principles  of 
public  economy  you  once  knew  me  possess 
ed  of;  but  to  get  the  bad  customs  of  a  coun 
try  changed,  and  new  ones,  though  better, 
introduced,  it  is  necessary  first  to  remove  the 
prejudices  of  the  people,  enlighten  their 
ignorance,  and  convince  them  that  their  in 
terest  will  be  promoted  by  the  proposed 
changes :  and  this  is  not  the  work  of  a  day. 
Our  legislators  are  all  landholders  ;  and  they 
are  not  yet  persuaded  that  all  taxes  are  finally 
paid  by  the  land.  Besides,  our  country  is  so 
sparely  settled,  the  habitations,  particularly  in 
the  back  countries,  being-  perhaps  five  or  six 
miles  distant  from  each  other,  that  the  time 
and  labour  of  the  collector,  in  going  from  house 
to  house,  and  being  obliged  to  call  oft  en  before 
he  can  recover  the  tax,  amounts  to  more  than 
the  tax  is  worth,  and  therefore  we  have  been 
forced  into  the  mode  of  indirect  taxes,  i.  e. 
duties  on  importation  of  goods,  and  excises. 

"  I  have  made  no  attempt  to  introduce  the 


form  of  prayer  here,  which  you  and  good 
Mrs.  Baldwin  do  me  the  honour  to  approve. 
The  things  of  this  world  take  up  too  much  of 
my  time,  of  which  indeed  I  have  too  little  left 
to  undertake  any  thing  like  a  reformation  in 
matters  of  religion.  When  we  can  sow  good 
seed,  we  should  however  do  it,  and  wait, 
when  we  can  do  no  better,  with  patience,  na 
ture's  time  for  their  sprouting.  Some  lie 
many  years  in  the  ground,  and  at  length  cer 
tain  favourable  seasons  or  circumstances 
bring  them  forth  with  vigourous  shoots  and 
plentiful  productions. 

"  Had  I  been  at  home,  as  you  wish,  soon  ailer 
the  peace,  I  might  possibly  have  mitigated 
some  of  the  severities  against  the  royalists, 
believing  as  I  do,  that  fear  and  error,  rather 
than  malice,  occasioned  their  desertion  of  their 
country's  cause,  and  adoption  of  the  king's. 
The  public  resentment  against  them  is  now 
so  far  abated,  that  none,  who  ask  leave  to  re 
turn  are  refused,  and  many  of  them  now  live 
among  us  much  at  their  ease.  As  to  the  res 
toration  of  confiscated  estates,  it  is  an  opera 
tion  that  none  of  our  politicians  have  as  yet 
ventured  to  propose.  They  are  a  sort  of  peo 
ple  that  love  to  fortify  themselves  in  their 
projects  by  precedent.  Perhaps  they  wait  to 
see  your  government  restore  the  forfeited 
estates  in  Scotland  to  the  Scotch,  those  in 
Ireland  to  the  Irish,  and  those  in  England  to 
the  Welch. 

"  I  am  glad  that  the  distressed  exiles  who 
remain  with  you  have  received,  or  are  likely 
to  receive,  some  compensation  for  their  losses, 
for  I  commiserate  their  situation.  It  was 
clearly  incumbent  on  the  king  to  indemnify 
those  he  had  seduced  by  his  proclamations: 
but  it  seems  not  so  clearly  consistent  with  the 
wisdom  of  parliament  to  resolve  doing  it  for 
him.  If  some  mad  king  should  think  fit  in  a 
freak  to  make  war  upon  his  subjects  of  Scot 
land,  or  upon  those  of  England,  by  the  help 
of  Scotland  and  Ireland  (as  the  Stuarts  did,) 
may  he  not  encourage  followers  by  the  pre 
cedent  of  those  parliamentary  gratuities,  and 
thus  set  his  subjects  to  cutting  one  another's 
throats,  first  with  the  hope  of  sharing  in  con 
fiscations,  and  then  with  that  of  compensation 
in  case  of  disappointment1?  The  council  of 
brutes,  without  a  fable,  were  aware  of  this. 
Lest  that  fable  may  perhaps  not  have  fallen 
in  your  way,  I  enclose  a  copy  of  it. 

"Your  commercial  treaty  with  France 
seems  to  show  a  growing  improvement  in  the 
sentiments  of  both  nations  in  the  economical 
science.  All  Europe  might  be  a  great  deal 
happier  with  a  little  more  understanding. 
We  in  America  have  lately  had  a  convention 
for  framing  a  new  constitution.  Enclosed  I 
send  you  the  result  of  their  deliberations. 
Whether  it  will  be  generally  acceptable,  and 
carried  into  execution,  is  yet  to  be  seen ;  but 
present  appearances  are  in  its  favour. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


600 


"  I  am  always  glad  to  hear  from  you,  and 
of  your  welfare.  I  remember  with  pleasure 
the  happy  days  we  have  spent '  together. — 
Adieu,  and  believe  me  ever,  my  dear  friend, 
yours  most  affectionately, 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  PHILADELPHIA,  Dec.  15,  1787. 

"  I  HOPE  the  disorders  in  Brabant  and  Hol 
land  may  be  rectified  without  bloodshed.  But 
I  fear  the  impending  war  with  the  Turks,  if 
not  prevented  by  prudent  negociation,  may  in 
its  consequences  involve  great  part  of  Europe. 
I  confide,  however,  that  France  and  England 
will  preserve  their  present  peace  with  each 
other,  notwithstanding  some  contrary  appear 
ances  :  for  I  think  that  they  have  both  of  them 
too  much  sense  to  go  to  war  without  an  im 
portant  cause,  as  well .  as  too  little  money  at 
present. 

"  As  to  the  projected  conquest  from  Turkey, 
I  apprehend,  that  if  the  emperor  and  empress 
would  make  some  use  of  arithmetic,  and  cal 
culate  what  annual  revenues  may  be  expect 
ed  from  the  country  they  want,  should  they 
acquire  it,  and  then  offer  the  grand  signior  a 
hundred  times  that  annual  revenue,  to  be  paid 
down  for  an  amicable  purchase  of  it,  it  would 
he  his  interest  to  accept  the  offer,  as  well  as 
theirs  to  make  it,  rather  than  a  war  for  it 
should  take  place;  since  a  war  to  acquire 
that  territory  and  to  retain  it,  will  cost  both 
parties  much  more,  perhaps  ten  times  more, 
than  such  sum  of  purchase  money.  But  the 
hope  of  glory  and  the  ambition  of  princes  are 
not  subject  to  arithmetical  calculation. — My 
best  wishes  attend  you  ;  being  with  great  es 
teem,  sir,  your  most  obedient  and  most  humble 
servant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  M.  Veillard,  Passy. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Feb.  17,  1788. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  received  your  kind 
letter  of  June  23,  by  Mr.  Saugrain,  and  it  is 
the  last  of  yours  that  is  come  to  my  hands. 
As  you  have  so  much  leisure,  and  love  writ 
ing,  I  cannot  think  you  have  been  so  long  si 
lent  ;  you  who  are  so  good  as  to  love  me,  and 
who  know  how  much  pleasure  your  letters 
always  afford  me.  I  therefore  rather  suspect 
you  may  probably  have  written  something  too 
freely  concerning  public  affairs,  and  that  your 
letters  may  be  arrested  in  your  post  office, 
and  yourself  lodged  in  the  bastile.  You  see 
I  imagine,  any  thing  however  extravagant,  ra 
ther  than  suppose,  (as  your  letters  too  often 
do)  that  my  friends  forget  me. 

"  I  find  Mr.  Saugrain  to  answer  well  the 
£food  character  you  give  of  him,  and  shall  with 
pleasure  render  him  any  services  in  my  power. 

VOL.  I. ...  4  H 


He  is  now  gone  down  the  Ohio,  to  reconnoitre 
that  country. 

"  I  should  have  proceeded  in  the  history  you 
mention,  if  I  could  well  have  avoided  accept 
ing  the  chair  of  president  for  this  third  and 
last  year :  to  which  I  was  again  elected  by  the 
unanimous  voice  of  council  and  general  as 
sembly  in  November.  If  I  live  to  see  this 
year  expire  I  may  enjoy  some  leisure,  which 
I  promise  you  to  employ  in  the  work  you  do 
me  the  honour  to  urge  so  earnestly.  •* 

"  I  sent  you  with  my  last  a  copy  of  the  new 
constitution  proposed  for  the  United  States  by 
the  late  general  convention.  I  sent  one  also 
to  our  excellent  friend  the  duke  de  la  Roche 
foucauld.  I  attended  the  Business  of  the  con 
vention  faithfully  for  four  months.  Enclosed 
you  have  the  last  speech  I  made  in  it.  Six 
states  have  already  adopted  the  constitution, 
and  there  is  now  little  doubt  of  its  being  ac 
cepted  by  a  sufficient  number  to  carry  it  into 
execution,  if  not  immediately  by  the  whole. 
It  has  however  met  with  great  opposition  in 
some  states,  for  we  are  at  present  a  nation  of 
politicians.  And  though  there  is  a  general 
dread  of  giving  too  much  power  to  our  go 
vernors,  I  think  we  are  more  in  danger  from 
too  little  obedience  in  the  governed. 

"  We  shall,  as  you  suppose,  have  imposts 
on  trade,  and  custom-houses,  not  because  other 
nations  have  them,  but  because  we  cannot  at 
present  do  without  them.  We  want  to  dis 
charge  our  public  debt  occasioned  by  the  late 
war.  Direct  taxes  are  not  so  easily  levied  on 
the  scantily  settled  inhabitants  of  our  wide  ex 
tended  country  ;  and  what  is  paid  in  the  price 
of  merchandise  is  less  felt  by  the  consumer, 
and  less  the  cause  of  complaint  When  we 
are  out  of  debt  we  may  leave  our  trade  free, 
for  our  ordinary  charges  of  government  will 
not  be  great. 

"  Where  there  is  a  free  government,  and 
the  people  make  their  own  laws  by  their  re 
presentatives,  I  see  no  injustice  in  their  oblig 
ing  one  another  to  take  their  own  paper  mo 
ney.  It  is  no  more  so  than  compelling  a  man 
by  law  to  take  .his  own  note.  But  it  is  unjust 
to  pay  strangers  with  such  money  against  their 
will.  The  making  of  paper  money,  with  such 
a  sanction,  is  however  a  folly,  since  although 
you  may  by  law  oblige  a  citizen  to  take  it  for 
his  goods,  you  cannot  fix  his  prices ;  and  his 
liberty  of  rating  them  as  he  pleases,  which  is 
the  same  thing  as  setting  what  value  he  pleases 
on  your  money,  defeats  your  sanction. 

"  I  have  been  concerned  to  hear  of  the  trou 
bles  in  the  internal  government  of  the  country 
I  love ;  and  hope  some  good  may  come  out  of 
them ;  and  that  they  may  end  without  mis 
chief. 

"  In  your  letter  to  my  grandson,  you  asked 
some  questions  that  had  an  appearance  as  if 
you  meditated  a  visit  to  us.  Nothing  in  this 
world  would  give  me  greater  pleasure,  than 


610 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


to  receive  and  embrace  here  the  whole  family. 
But  it  is  too  great  a  happiness  to  be  expected. 
This  family  all  join  with  me  in  best  wishes 
of  every  felicity  to  you  and  yours ;  and  I  re 
main  with  an  unalterable  and  great  esteem 
and  affection,  my  dear  friend,  yours  most  sin 
cerely,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"To  the  Editors  of  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette. 

^MESSRS.  HALL  AND  SELLERS, — I  lately 
heard  a  remark,  that  on  examination  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Gazette  for  fifty  years  from  its 
commencement,  it  appeared  that  during  that 
long  period,  scarce  one  libellous  piece  had  ever 
appeared  in  it  This  generally  chaste  cond uct 
of  your  paper  is  much  to  its  reputation ;  for  it 
has  long  been  the  opinion  of  sober,  judicious 
people,  that  nothing  is  more  likely  to  endanger 
the  liberty  of  the  press,  than  the  abuse  of  that 
liberty,  by  employing  it  in  personal  accusation, 
detraction,  and  calumny.  The  excesses  some 
of  our  papers  have  been  guilty  of  in  this  par 
ticular,  have  set  this  state  in  a  bad  light 
abroad,  as  appears  by  the  following  letter, 
which  I  wish  you  to  publish,  not  merely  to 
show  your  own  disapprobation  of  the  practice, 
but  as  a  caution  to  others  of  the  profession 
throughout  the  United  States.  For  I  have 
seen  an  European  newspaper,  in  which  the 
editor,  who  had  been  charged  with  frequently 
calumniating  the  Americans,  justifies  himself 
by  saying,  '  that  he  had  published  nothing 
disgraceful  to  us,  which  he  had  not  taken  from 
our  own  printed  papers.' — I  am,  &c. 

"A.  B." 


11  NEW  YORK,  March  30,  1788. 

**  DEAR  FRIEND, — My  gout  has  at  length 
left  me,  after  five  months'  painful  confinement. 
It  afforded  me  however  the  leisure  to  read,  or 
hear  read,  all  the  packets  of  your  newspapers 
which  you  so  kindly  sent  for  my  amusement. 

"  Mrs.  W.  has  partaken  of  it ;  she  likes  to 
read  the  advertisements;  but  she  remarks 
some  kind  of  inconsistency  in  the  announcing 
so  many  diversions  for  almost  every  evening 
in  the  week,  and  such  quantities  to  be  sold  of 
expensive  superfluities,  fineries,  and  luxuries 
just  imported,  in  a  country  that  at  the  same 
time  fills  its  papers  with  complaints  of  hard 
times  and  want  of  money.  I  tell  her  that 
such  complaints  are  common  to  all  times  and 
all  countries,  and  were  made  even  in  Solo 
mon's  time ;  when,  as  we  are  told,  silver  was 
as  plenty  in  Jerusalem  as  the  stones  in  the 
street,  and  yet  even  then,  there  were  people 
that  grumbled,  so  as  to  incur  this  censure 
from  that  knowing  prince.  Say  not  thou  that 
the  former  times  were  better  than  these;  for 


thou  dost  not  inquire  rightly  concerning  that 
matter. 

"  But  the  inconsistence  that  strikes  me  the 
most  is  that  between  the  name  of  your  city, 
Philadelphia,  brotherly  love,  and  the  spirit  qf 
rancour,  malice,  and  hatred  that  breathes  in  its 
newspapers.  For  I  learn  from  those  papers, 
that  your  state  is  divided  into  parties,  that 
each  ascribes  all  the  public  operations  of  the 
other  to  vicious  motives ;  that  they  do  not 
even  suspect  one  another  of  the  smallest  de 
gree  of  honesty ;  that  the  anti-federalists  are 
such,  merely  from  the  fear  of  losing  power, 
places,  or  emoluments  which  they  have  in 
possession  or  in  expectation ;  that  the  federal 
ists  are  a  set  of  conspirators,  who  aim  at  esta 
blishing  a  tyranny  over  the  persons  and  pro 
perty  of  their  countrymen,  and  to  live  in 
splendour  on  the  plunder  of  the  people.  I 
learn  too  that  your  justices  of  the  peace, 
though  chosen  by  their  neighbours,  make  a 
villanous  trade  of  their  office,  and  promote 
discord  to  augment  fees,  and  fleece  their 
electors ;  and  that  this  would  not  be  mended 
by  placing  the  choice  in  the  executive  council, 
who  with  interested  or  party  views  are  con 
tinually  making  as  improper  appointments; 
witness  a  'petty  fiddler,  sycophant,  and 
scoundrel"1  appointed  judge  of  the  Admiralty; 
'  an  old  woman  andfomenter  of  sedition1  to 
be  another  of  the  judges,  and  '  a  Jeffries' 
chief  justice,  &c.  &c. ;  with  *  two  harpies' 
the  comptroller  and  naval  officers  to  prey  upon 
the  merchants  and  deprive  them  of  their  pro 
perty  by  force  of  arms,  &c.  I  am  informed 
also  by  these  papers,  that  your  general  as 
sembly,  though  the  annual  choice  of  the  peo 
ple  shows  no  regard  to  their  rights,  but  from 
sinister  views  or  ignorance,  makes  laws  in 
direct  violation  of  the  constitution,  to  divest 
the  inhabitants  of  their  property,  and  give  it 
to  strangers  and  intruders;  and  that  the 
council,  either  fearing  the  resentment  of  their 
constituents,  or  plotting  to  enslave  them,  had 
projected  to  disarm  them,  and  given  orders  for 
that  purpose  ;  and  finally,  that  your  president, 
the  unanimous  joint  choice  of  the  council  and 
assembly,  is  '  an  old  rogue?  who  gave  his 
assent  to  the  federal  constitution,  merely  to 
avoid  refunding  money  he  had  purloined  from 
the  United  States.  There  is  indeed  a  good 
deal  of  manifest  inconsistency  in  all  this,  and 
yet  a  stranger  seeing  it  in  your  own  prints, 
though  he  does  not  believe  it  all,  may  proba 
bly  believe  enough  of  it  to  conclude  that  Penn 
sylvania  is  peopled  by  a  set  of  the  most  un 
principled,  wicked,  rascally,  and  quarrelsome 
scoundrels  upon  the  face  of  the  globe.  I  have 
sometimes  indeed  suspected,  that  those  papers 
are  the  manufacture  of  foreign  enemies  among 
you,  who  write  with  a  view  of  disgracing  your 
country,  and  making  you  appear  contemptible 
and  detestable  all  the  world  over :  but  then 
I  wonder  at  the  indiscretion  of  your  printers 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


611 


in  publishing  such  writings !  There  is  how 
ever  one  of  your  inconsistencies  that  consoles 
me  a  little,  which  is,  that  though  living  you 
give  one  another  the  characters  of  devils ; 
dead  you  are  all  angels!  It  is  delightful 
when  any  of  you  die,  to  read  what  good  hus 
bands,  good  fathers,  good  friends,  good  citi 
zens,  and  good  Christians  you  were,  conclud 
ing  with  a  scrap  of  poetry  that  places  you, 
with  certainty,  every  one  in  heaven.  So  that 
I  think  Pennsylvania  a  good  country  to  die 
in,  though  a  very  bad  one  to  live  in/' 


«M.  Veillard. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  April  22,  1788. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  received  but  a  few 
days  since  your  favour  of  November  30, 1787, 
in  which  you  continue  to  urge  me  to  finish 
the  Memoirs.  My  three  years  of  service  will 
expire  in  October,  when  a  new  president  must 
be  chosen ;  and  I  had  the  project  of  retiring 
then  to  my  grandson's  villa  in  New  Jersey, 
where  I  might  be  free  from  the  interruption 
of  visits,  in  order  to  complete  that  work  for 
your  satisfaction ;  for  in  this  city  my  time  is 
so  cut  to  pieces  by  friends  and  strangers,  that 
I  have  sometimes  envied  the  prisoners  in  the 
bastile :  but  considering  now  the  little  rem 
nant  of  life  I  have  left,  the  accidents  that  may 
happen  between  this  and  October,  and  your 
earnest  desire,  I  have  come  to  a  resolution  to 
proceed  in  that  work  to-morrow,  and  continue 
it  daily  till  finished,  which  if  my  health  per 
mits,  may  be  in  the  course  of  the  ensuing 
summer.  As  it  goes  on  I  will  have  a  .copy 
made  for  you,  and  you  may  expect  to  receive 
a  part  by  the  next  packet. 

"  It  is  very  possible,  as  you  suppose,  that 
all  the  articles  of  the  proposed  new  govern 
ment  will  not  remain  unchanged  after  the  first 
meeting  of  the  congress.  I  am  of  opinion 
with  you,  that  the  two  chambers  were  not 
necessary,  and  I  disliked  some  other  articles 
that  are  in,  and  wished  for  some  that  are  not 
in  the  proposed  plan  ;  I  nevertheless  hope  it 
may  be  adopted,  though  I  should  have  nothing 
to  do  with  the  execution  of  it,  being  deter 
mined  to  quit  all  public  business  with  my  pre 
sent  employment  At  83  one  certainly  has  a 
right  to  ambition  repose. 

"  We  are  not  ignorant,  that  the  duties  paid 
at  the  custom-house  on  the  importation  of 
foreign  goods  are  finally  reimbursed  by  the 
consumer,  but  we  impose  them  as  the  easiest 
way  of  levying  a  tax  from  those  consumers. 
If  our  new  country  was  as  closely  inhabited 
as  your  old  one,  we  might  without  much  dif 
ficulty  collect  a  land-tax,  that  would  be  suf 
ficient  for  all  purposes :  but  where  farms  are 
at  five  or  six  miles  distant  from  each  other, 
as  they  are  in  a  great  part  of  our  country, 
the  going  of  the  collectors  from  house  to  house 
to  demand  the"  taxes,  and  being  obliged  to  call 


more  than  once  for  the  same  tax,  makes  the 
trouble  of  collecting,  in  many  cases,  exceed 
the  value  of  the  sum  collected.  Things  that 
are  practicable  in  one  country  are  not  always 
so  in  another,  where  circumstances  differ. 
Our  duties  are  however  generally  so  small  as 
to  give  little  temptation  to  smuggling. 

"  Believe  me  ever,  my  dear  friend,  yours 
most  affectionately,         B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  M.  Dupont  de  Nemours,  at  Paris. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  June  9,  1788. 

"  SIR, — I  have  received  your  favour  of  De 
cember  31,  with  the  extract  of  a  letter  which 
you  wish  to  have  translated  and  published 
here.  But  seven  states  having,  before  it  ar 
rived,  ratified  the  new  constitution,  and  others 
being  daily  expected  to  do  the  same,  after  the 
fullest  discussion  in  convention,  and  in  all  the 
public  papers,  till  every  body  was  tired  of  the 
argument,  it  seemed  too  late  to  propose  de 
lay,  and  especially  the  delay  that  must  be  oc 
casioned  by  a  revision  and  correction  of  all  the 
separate  constitutions.  For  it  would  take  at 
least  a  year  to  convince  thirteen  states  that 
the  constitutions  they  have  practised  ever  since 
the  revolution,  without  observing  any  imper 
fections  in  them,  so  great  as  to  be  worth  the 
trouble  of  amendment,  are  nevertheless  so  ill 
formed  as  to  be  unfit  for  continuation,  or  to  be 
parts  of  a  federal  government.  And  when 
they  should  be  so  convinced,  it  would  probably 
take  some  years  more  to  make  the  connexions. 
An  eighth  state  has  since  acceded,  and  when 
a  ninth  is  added,  which  is  now  daily  expected, 
the  constitution  will  be  carried  into  execution. 
It  is  probable,  however,  that  at  the  first  meet 
ing  of  the  new  congress,  various  amendments 
will  be  proposed  and  discussed,  when  I  hope 
your  Ouvrage  sur  les  principes  el  le  tncn  des 
republiques  en  general,  &c.  &c.,  may  be 
ready  to  put  into  their  hands  ;  and  such  a  work 
from  your  hand,  I  am  confident,  though  it  may 
not  be  entirely  followed,  will  afford  useful 
hints,  and  produce  advantages  of  importance. 
But  we  must  not  expect  that  a  new  govern 
ment  may  be  formed,  as  a  game  of  chess  may 
be  played,  by  a  skilful  hand,  without  a  fault. 
The  players  of  our  game  are  so  many,  their 
ideas  so  different,  their  prejudices  so  strong 
and  so  various,  and  their  particular  interests, 
independent  of  the  general,  seeming  so  oppo 
site,  that  not  a  move  can  be  made  that  is  not 
contested ;  the  numerous  objections  confound 
the  understanding ;  the  wisest  must  agree  to 
some  unreasonable  things,  that  reasonable 
ones  of  more  consequence  may  be  obtained,  and 
thus  chance  has  its  share  in  many  of  the  de 
terminations,  so  that  the  play  is  more  like 
tric-trac  with  a  box  of  dice. 

"  We  are  much  pleased  with  the  disposition 
of  your  government  to  favour  our  commerce, 
manifested  in  the  late  reglement.  You  ap- 


612 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


pear  to  be  possessed  of  a  truth,  which  few  go 
vernments  are  possessed  of,  that  A  must  take 
some  of  B's  produce,  otherwise  B  will  not  be 
able  to  pay  for  what  he  would  take  of  A.  But 
there  is  one  thing  wanting  to  facilitate  and 
augment  our  intercourse.  It  is  a  dictionary, 
explaining  the  names  of  different  articles  of 
manufacture,  in  the  two  languages.  When  I 
was  in  Paris,  I  received  a  large  order  for  a 
great  variety  of  goods,  particularly  of  the  kind 
called  hardwares,  i.  e.  wares  of  iron  and  steel : 
and  when  I  showed  the  invoice  to  your  manu 
facturers,  they  did  not  understand  what  kinds 
of  goods  or  instruments  were  meant  by  the 
names:  nor  could  any  English  and  French  dic 
tionary  be  found  to  explain  them.  So  I  sent 
to  England  for  one  of  each  sort,  which  might 
serve  both  as  explanation  and  as  a  model, 
the  latter  being  of  importance  likewise,  since 
people  are  prejudiced  in  favour  of  forms  they 
have  been  used  to,  though  perhaps  not  the 
best  They  cost  me  twenty-five  guineas,  but 
were  lost  by  the  way,  and  the  peace  coming 
on  the  scheme  dropped.  It  would  however, 
as  I  imagine,  be  well  worth  receiving.  For 
our  merchants  say  we  still  send  to  England 
for  such  goods  as  we  want,  because  there  they 
understand  our  orders,  and  can  execute  them 
precisely. — With  great  esteem,  I  am,  &c. 

"B.  FRANKLIN; 


"  Madame  Lavoisier. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Oct.  23,  1788. 

"  I  HAVE  a  long  time  been  disabled  from 
writing  to  my  dear  friend,  by  a  severe  fit  of 
the  gout,  or  I  should  sooner  have  returned  my 
thanks  for  her  very  kind  present  of  the  por 
trait,  which  she  has  herself  done  me  the  ho 
nour  to  make  of  me.  It  is  allowed  by  those  who 
have  seen  it  to  have  great  merit  as  a  picture 
in  every  respect ;  but  what  particularly  en 
dears  it  to  me  is  the  hand  that  drew  it.  Our 
English  enemies,  when  they  were  in  posses 
sion  of  this  city  and  my  house,  made  a  pri 
soner  of  my  portrait,  and  carried  it  off"  with 
them,  leaving  that  of  its  companion,  my  wife, 
by  itself,  a  kind  of  widow.  You  have  replaced 
the  husband,  and  the  lady  seems  to  smile  as 
well  pleased. 

"  It  is  true,  as  you  observe,  that  I  enjoy 
here  every  thing  that  a  reasonable  mind  can 
desire,  a  sufficiency  of  income,  a  comfortable 
habitation  of  my  own  building,  having  all  the 
conveniences  I  could  imagine ;  a  dutiful  af 
fectionate  daughter  to  nurse  and  take  care  of 
me,  a  number  of  promising  grandchildren, 
some  old  friends  still  remaining  to  converse 
with,  and  more  respect,  distinction,  and  pub 
lic  honours  than  I  can  possibly  merit ;  these 
are  the  blessings  of  God,  and  depend  on  his 
continued  goodness :  yet  all  do  not  make  me 
forget  Paris  and  the  nine  years'  happiness  I 
enjoyed  there,  in  the  sweet  society  of  people 


whose  conversation  is  instructive,  whose 
manners  are  highly  pleasing,  and  who,  above 
all  the  nations  in  the  world,  have  in  the 
greatest  perfection  the  art  of  making  them 
selves  beloved  by  strangers.  And  now,  even 
in  my  sleep,  I  find,  that  the  scenes  of  all  my 
pleasant  dreams  are  laid  in  that  city,  or  in  its 
neighbourhood. 

"  I  like  much  young  M.  Dupont.  He  ap 
pears  a  very  sensible  and  valuable  man,  and 
I  think  his  father  v<ill  have  a  great  deal  of 
satisfaction  in  him. 

"Please  present  my  thanks  to  M.  Lavoi 
sier  for  the  Nomenclature  Chimique  he  has 
been  so  good  as  to  send  me,  (it  must  be  a 
useful  book)  and  assure  him  of  my  great  and 
sincere  esteem  and  attachment.  My  best 
wishes  attend  you  both,  and  I  think  I  cannot 
wish  you  and  him  greater  happiness  than  a 
long  continuance  of  the  connexion. — With 
great  regard  and  affection,  I  have  the  honour 
to  be,  my  dear  friend,  your  most  obliged  and 
most  obedient  humble  servant, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


Dr.  Ingenhauz. 

"  October  24, 1788. 

"  You  have  always  been  kind  enough  to 
interest  yourself  in  what  relates  to  my  health : 
I  ought  therefore  to  acquaint  you  with  what 
appears  to  me  something  curious  respecting 
it :  you  may  remember  the  cutaneous  malady, 
I  formerly  complained  of,  and  for  which  you 
and  Dr.  Pringle  favoured  me  with  prescrip 
tions  and  advice.  It  vexed  me  near  fourteen 
years,  and  was,  the  beginning  of  this  year,  as 
bad  as  ever,  covering  almost  my  whole  body 
except  my  face  and  hands :  when  a  fit  of  the 
gout  came  on,  without  very  much  pain,  but 
a  swelling  in  both  feet,  which  at  last  appear 
ed  also  in  both  knees ;  and  then  in  my  hands. 
As  these  swellings  increased  and  extended, 
the  other  malady  diminished,  and  at  length 
disappeared  entirely.  Those  swellings  have 
some  time  since  begun  to  fall,  and  are  now 
almost  gone  ;  perhaps  the  cutaneous  may  re 
turn,  or  perhaps  it  is  worn  out.  I  may  here 
after  let  you  know  what  happens.  I  am  on 
the  whole  much  weaker  than  when  it  began 
to  leave  me.  But  possibly  that  may  be  the 
effect  of  age,  for  I  am  now  near  83,  the  age 
of  commencing  decrepitude. 

"  I  grieve  at  the  wars  Europe  is  engaged 
in,  and  wish  they  were  ended ;  for  I  fear  even 
the  victors  will  be  the  losers. 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  P.  S.  Our  public  affairs  are  drawing  to 
wards  a  settlement.  I  have  served  out  the 
three  years  term  of  my  presidentship,  limited 
by  the  constitution ;  and  being  determined  to 
engage  no  more  in  public  business,  I  hope,  if 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


613 


health  permits,  to  be  a  better  correspondent. 
We  have  no  philosophical  news  here  at  pre 
sent,  except  that  a  boat  moved  by  a  steam 
engine,  rows  itself  against  tide  in  our  river, 
and  it  is  apprehended  the  construction  may 
be  so  simplified  and  improved  as  to  become 
generally  useful." 


"B.  Vauglian. 

"October  24,  1788. 

"  HAVING  now  finished  my  term  in  the  pre 
sidentship,  and  resolving  to  engage  no  more 
in  public  affairs,  I  hope  to  be  a  better  corres 
pondent  for  the  little  time  I  have  to  live.  I 
am  recovering  from  a  long  continued  gout, 
and  am  diligently  employed  in  writing  the 
History  of  my  Life,  to  the  doing  of  which  the 
persuasions  contained  in  your  letter  of  January 
31,  1783,  have  not  a  little  contributed.  I  am 
now  in  the  year  1756,  just  before  I  was  sent 
to  England.  To  shorten  the  work,  as  well  as 
for  other  reasons,  I  omit  all  facts  and  transac 
tions  that  may  not  have  a  tendency  to  benefit 
the  young  reader,  by  showing  him  from  my 
example,  and  my  success  in  emerging  from 
poverty,  and  acquiring  some  degree  of  wealth, 
power,  and  reputation,  the  advantages  of  cer 
tain  modes  of  conduct  which  I  observed,  and 
of  avoiding  the  errors  which  were  prejudicial 
to  me.  If  a  writer  can  judge  properly  of  his 
own  work,  I  fancy  on  reading  over  what  is  al 
ready  done,  that  the  book  may  be  found  enter 
taining,  interesting,  and  useful,  more  so  than 
I  expected  when  I  began  it.  If  my  present 
state  of  health  continues,  I  hope  to  finish  it 
this  winter :  when  done,  you  shall  have  a  ma 
nuscript  copy  of  it,  that  I  may  obtain  from 
your  judgment  and  friendship  such  remarks 
as  may  contribute  to  its  improvement 

"  The  violence  of  our  party  debates  about 
the  new  constitution  seems  much  abated,  in 
deed  almost  extinct,  and  we  are  getting  fast 
into  good  order.  I  kept  out  of  those  disputes 
pretty  well,  having  wrote  only  one  piece, 
which  I  send  you  enclosed. 

"  I  regret  the  immense  quantity  of  misery 
brought  upon  mankind  by  this  Turkish  war  ; 
and  I  am  afraid  the  king  of  Sweden  may  burn 
his  fingers  by  attacking  Russia.  When  will 
princes  learn  arithmetic  enough  to  calculate, 
if  they  want  pieces  of  one  another's  territory, 
how  much  cheaper  it  would  be  to  buy  them 
than  to  make  war  for  them,  even  though  they 
were  to  give  an  hundred  years'  purchase ;  but 
if  glory  cannot  be  valued,  and  therefore  the 
wars  for  it  cannot  be  subject  to  arithmetical 
calculation,  so  as  to  show  their  advantages  or 
disadvantage ;  at  least  wars  for  trade,  which 
have  gain  for  their  object,  may  be  proper  sub 
jects  for  such  computation;  and  a  trading 
nation  as  well  as  a  single  trader  ought  to  cal 
culate  the  probabilities  of  profit  and  loss,  be 
fore  engaging  in  any  considerable  adventure. 
52 


This,  however,  nations  seldom  do,  and  we  have 
had  frequent  instances  of  their  spending  more 
money  in  wars  for  acquiring  or  securing 
branches  of  commerce,  than  an  hundred  years' 
profit  or  the  full  enjoyment  of  them  can  com 
pensate. 

"  Remember  me  affectionately  to  good  Dr. 
Price  and  to  the  honest  heretic  Dr.  Priestley. 
I  do  not  call  him  honest  by  way  of  distinction ; 
for  I  think  all  the  heretics  I  have  known  have 
been  virtuous  men.  They  have  the  virtue  of 
fortitude,  or  they  would  not  venture  to  own 
their  heresy;  and  they  cannot  afford  to  be 
deficient  in  any  of  the  other  virtues,  as  that 
would  give  advantage  to  their  many  enemies ; 
and  they  have  not  like  orthodox  sinners,  such 
a  number  of  friends  to  excuse  or  justify  them. 
Do  not,  however,  mistake  me.  It  is  not  to 
my  good  friend's  heresy  that  I  impute  his 
honesty.  On  the  contrary,  'tis  his  honesty 
that  has  brought  upon  him  the  character  of 
heretic.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Mrs.  Partridge. 

"•  PHILADELPHIA,  Nov.  25, 1788. 

"  MY  DEAR  CHILD, — I  received  your  kind 
letter  of  the  12th  instant,  enclosing  one  for 
Mr.  Philip  Vanhorn,  physician  in  Philadelphia, 
which  you  desired  me  to  deliver,  and  to  solicit 
the  forgiveness  of  his  daughter.  I  imme 
diately  made  inquiry  for  him,  as  to  be  instru 
mental  in  so  charitable  a  work,  and  in  concur 
rence  with  you,  would  have  given  me  great 
pleasure :  but  I  am  assured  by  our  oldest  in 
habitants,  who  have  had  most  acquaintance 
and  best  opportunities  of  knowing  their  fel 
low-citizens,  particularly  some  of  our  physi 
cians,  that  no  physician  or  other  person  of  that 
name  has  ever  been  a  resident  here :  so  that 
there  must  have  been  some  mistake  in  the 
information  that  has  been  given  you,  if  indeed 
the  whole  story  is  not  an  imposition. 

"  You  kindly  inquire  after  my  health ;  I 
have  not  of  late  much  reason  to  boast  of  it. 
People  that  will  live  a  long  life  and  drink  to 
the  bottom  of  the  cup  must  expect  to  meet 
with  some  of  the  dregs.  However,  when  I 
consider  how  many  more  terrible  maladies 
the  human  body  is  liable  to,  I  think  myself 
well  off  that  I  have  only  three  incurable  ones, 
the  gout,  the  stone,  and  old  age.  And  those 
notwithstanding,  I  enjoy  many  comfortable 
intervals,  in  which  I  forget  all  my  ills,  and 
amuse  myself  in  reading  or  writing,  or  in 
conversation  with  friends,  joking,  laughing, 
and  telling  merry  stories,  as  when  you  first 
knew  me,  a  young  man  about  fifty. 

"  My  children  and  grandchildren,  the 
Baches,  are  all  well  and  pleased  with  your  re 
membrance  of  them.  They  are  my  family, 
living  in  my  house,  and  we  have  lately  the  ad 
dition  of  a  little  good-natured  girl,  whom  I  be 
gin  to  love  as  well  as  the  rest. 


614 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


"  You  tell  me  our  poor  friend  Ben  Kent  is 
gone,  I  hope  to  the  regions  of  the  blessed;  or 
at  least  to  some  place  where  souls  are  pre 
pared  for  those  regions  !  I  found  my  hope  on 
this,  that  though  not  so  orthodox  as  you  and 
I,  he  was  an  honest  man,  and  had  his  virtues. 
If  he  had  any  hypocrisy,  it  was  of  that  invert 
ed  kind,  with  which  a  man  is  not  so  bad  as 
he  seems  to  be.  And  with  regard  to  future 
bliss,  I  cannot  help  imagining  that  multitudes 
of  the  zealously  orthodox  of  different  sects, 
who  at  the  last  day  may  flock  together,  in 
hopes  of  seeing  each  other  damned,  will  be 
disappointed,  and  obliged  to  rest  content  with 
their  own  salvation. 

"  You  have  no  occasion  to  apologize  for  your 
former  letter.  It  was,  as  all  yours  are,  very 
well  written.  That  which  is  enclosed  for  your 
cousin  came  too  late*  he  being  sailed. 

"By  one  of  the  accidents  which  war  occa 
sions,  all  my  books  containing  copies  of  my 
letters  were  lost.  There  were  eight  volumes, 
and  I  have  been  able  to  recover  only  two. 
Those  are  of  later  date  than  the  transaction 
you  mention,  and  therefore  can  contain  no 
thing  relating  to  it.  If  the  letter  you  want  a 
copy  of,  was  one  in  which  I  consoled  my  bro 
ther's  friends,  by  a  comparison  drawn  from  a 
party  of  pleasure  intended  into  the  country, 
where  we  were  all  to  meet,  though  the  chair 
of  one  being  soonest  ready,  he  set  out  before 
the  rest :  I  say  if  this  was  the  letter,  I  fancy 
you  may  possibly  find  it  in  Boston,  as  I  re 
member  Dr.  Billis  once  wrote  me  that  many 
copies  had  been  taken  of  it* 

"  I  too  should  have  been  glad  to  have  seen 
that  again,  among  others  I  have  written  to 
him  and  you.  But  you  inform  me  they  were 
devoured  by  the  mice,  poor  little  innocent 
creatures,  I  am  very  sorry  they  had  no  better 
food.  But  since  they  like  my  letters,  here  is 
another  treat  for  them. — Adieu,  ma  chere 
enfant^ud  believe  me  ever,  your  affectionate 
uncle,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Mrs.  Mecom,  Boston.* 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Nov.  26,  1788. 

•'  I  NEVER  see  any  Boston  newspapers. 
You  mention  there  being  often  something  in 
them  to  do  me  honour.  1  am  obliged  to  them. 
On  the  other  hand,  some  of  our  papers  here 
are  endeavouring  to  disgrace  me.  I  have 
long  been  accustomed  to  receive  more  blame 
as  well  as  more  praise  than  I  have  deserved. 
'Tis  the  lot  of  every  public  man.  And  I  leave 
one  account  to  balance  the  other. 

"  As  you  observe,  there  was  nod n  your 

souls  in  the  story  of  the  poker  when  I  told 
it  The  late  dresser  of  it  was  probably  the 
same,  or  perhaps  of  kin  to  him,  who  in  relat- 

*  Dr.  Franklin's  sister  Jane. 


ing  a  dispute  that  happened  between  queen 
Anne  and  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury  con 
cerning  a  vacant  mitre,  which  the  queen  was 
for  bestowing  on  a  person  the  archbishop 
thought  unworthy,  made  both  the  queen  and 
the  archbishop  swear  three  or  four  thumping 
oaths  in  every  sentence  of  the  discussion ;  and 
the  archbishop  at  last  gained  his  point.  One 
present  at  the  tale  being  surprised,  said,  But 
did  the  queen  and  the  archbishop  swear  so  at 
one  another  1  O !  no,  no,  said  the  relator ; 
that  is  only  my  way  of  telling  the  story. — 
Yours,  &c.  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  the  President  of  Congress. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Nov.  29, 1788. 

. "  SIR, — When  I  had  the  honour  of  being 
the  minister  of  the  United  States  at  the  court 
of  France,  Mr.  Barclay  arriving  there,  brought 
me  the  following  resolution  of  congress  : 

'  Resolved,  that  a  commissioner  be  appointed  by  con 
gress  with  full  power  and  authority  to  liquidate  and 
finally  to  settle  the  accounts  of  all  the  servants  of  the 
United  States,  who  have  been  intrusted  with  the  ex 
penditure  of  public  money  in  Europe,  and  to  commence 
and  prosecute  such  suits,  causes,  and  actions  as  may 
be  necessary  for  that  purpose,  or  for  the  recovery  of  any 
property  of  the  said  United  States  in  the  hands  of  any 
person  or  persons  whatsoever. 

'  That  the  said  commissioner  be  authorized  to  ap 
point  one  or  more  clerks,  with  such  allowance  as  he 
may  think  reasonable. 

'That  the  said  commissioner  and  clerks  respectively 
take  an  oath,  before  some  person  duly  authorized  to 
administer  an  oath,  faithfully  to  execute  the  trust  re 
posed  in  them  respectively. 

'  Congress  proceeded  to  the  election  of  a  commission 
er,  and  ballots  being  taken,  Mr.  T.  Barclay  was  elect 
ed.' 

"  In  pursuance  of  this  resolution,  and  as 
soon  as  Mr.  Barclay  was  at  leisure  from  more 
pressing  business,  I  rendered  to  him  all  my 
accounts,  which  he  examined  and  stated  me 
thodically.  By  his  statements  he  found  a  ba 
lance  due  tome  on  the  4th  May  1785,  of  7533 
livres,  19  sols,  3  deniers,  which  I  according 
ly  received  of  the  congress  banker ;  the  dif 
ference  between  my  statement  and  his  be 
ing  only  seven  sols,  which  by  mistake  I  had 
overcharged,  about  three  pence  halfpenny 
sterling. 

"At  my  request,  however,  the  accounts 
were  left  open  for  the  consideration  of  con 
gress,  and  not  finally  settled,  there  being  some 
articles  on  which  I  desired  their  judgment,  and 
having  some  equitable  demands,  as  I  thought 
them,  for  extra  services,  which  he  had  not 
conceived  himself  impowered  to  allow,  and 
therefore  I  did  not  put  them  in  my  account. 
He  transmitted  the  accounts  to  congress,  and 
had  advice  of  their  being  received.  On  my 
arrival  at  Philadelphia,  one  of  the  first  things 
I  did  was  to  despatch  my  grandson  W.  T. 
Franklin  to  New  York,  to  obtain  a  final  sef- 
tlement  of  those  accounts,  he  having  long  act 
ed  as  my  secretary,  and  being  well  acquaint 
ed  with  the  transactions,  was  able  to  give  an 
explanation  of  the  articles,  that  might  seem 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


615 


to  require  explaining1,  if  any  such  there  were. 
He  returned  without  effecting  the  settlement, 
being-  told  that  it  would  not  be  made  till  the 
arrival  of  some  documents  expected  from 
France.  What  those  documents  were  I  have 
not  been  informed,  nor  can  I  readily  conceive, 
as  all  the  vouchers  existing  there  had  been 
examined  by  Mr.  Barclay.  And  I  having 
been  immediately  after  my  arrival  engaged 
in  public  business  of  this  state,  I  waited  in  ex 
pectation  of  hearing  from  congress,  in  case 
any  part  of  my  accounts  had  been  objected  to. 

"  It  is  now  more  than  three  years  that  those 
accounts  have  been  before  that  honourable 
body,  and  to  this  day  no  notice  of  any  such  ob 
jection  has  been  communicated  to  me.  But  re 
ports  have  for  some  time  past  been  circulated 
here,  and  propagated  in  newspapers,  that  lam 
greatly  indebted  to  the  United  States,  for 
large  sums,  that  had  been  put  into  my  hands, 
and  that  I  avoid  a  settlement. 

"  This,  together  with  the  little  time  one  of 
my  age  may  expect  to  live,  makes  it  necessa 
ry  for  me  to  request  earnestly,  which  I  here 
by  do,  that  the  congress  would  be  pleased, 
without  further  delay,  to  examine  those 
accounts,  and  if  they  find  therein  any  article 
or  article^,  which  they  do  not  understand  or 
approve,  that  they  would  cause  me  to  be  ac 
quainted  with  the  same,  that  I  may  have  an 
opportunity  of  offering  such  explanations  or 
reasons  in  support  of  them  as  may  be  in  my 
power,  and  then  that  the  account  may  be 
finally  closed. 

"  I  hope  the  congress  will  soon  be  able  to 
attend  to  this  business  for  the  satisfaction  of 
the  public,  as  well  as  in  condescension  to  my 
request.  In  the  meantime,  if  there  be  no  im 
propriety  in  it,  I  would  desire  that  this  letter, 
together  with  another  on  the  same  subject, 
the  copy  of  which  is  hereto  annexed,  may  be 
put  upon  their  minutes. 

"R  FRANKLIN." 


"  To  the  Printer  of  the  Evening  Herald. 

"  SIR, — The  British  news- writers  are  very 
assiduous  in  their  endeavours  to  blacken  Ame 
rica.  Should  we  not  be  careful  not  to  afford 
them  any  assistance  by  censures  of  one  ano 
ther,  especially  by  censures  not  well  founded. 

"  I  lately  observed  in  one  of  your  papers, 
the  conduct  of  the  state  of  Massachusetts  re 
flected  on,  as  being  inconsistent  and  absurd, 
as  well  as  wicked,  for  attempting  to  raise  a 
tax  by  a  stamp  act,  and  for  carrying  on  the 
slave  trade. 

"  The  writer  of  those  reflections  might  have 
considered,  that  their  principal  objection  to 
the  stamp  tax,  was,  its  being  imposed  by  a 
British  parliament,  which  had  no  right  to  tax 
them  ;  for  otherwise  a  tax  by  stamps  is  per 
haps  to  be  levied  with  as  little  inconvenience 


as  any  other  that  can  be  invented.  Ireland 
has  a  stamp  act  of  its  own;  but  should  Britain 
pretend  to  impose  such  a  tax  on  the  Irish  peo 
ple  they  would  probably  give  a  general  op 
position  to  it,  and  ought  not  for  that  to  be 
charged  with  inconsistence. 

"  One  or  two  merchants  in  Boston,  em 
ploying  ships  in  the  abominable  African  trade, 
may  deservedly  be  condemned,  though  they 
do  not  bring  their  slaves  home,  but  sell  them 
in  the  West  Indies.  The  state  as  such,  has 
never,  that  I  have  heard  of,  given  encourage 
ment  to  the  diabolical  commerce  ;  and  there 
has  always  been  fewer  slaves  in  the  New 
England  governments,  than  in  any  other 
British  colonies.  National  reflections  are  sel 
dom  just,  and  a  whole  people  should  not  be 
decried  for  the  crimes  ofa  few  individuals. 

"  Your  inserting  this  may  make  that  brave 
people  some  amends,  and  will  oblige  one  of 
your  customers,  who  is 

"  A  PENNSYLVANIAN." 


"  Mr.  Small. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Feb.  17,  1789. 
"  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  have  just  received 
your  kind  letter  of  Nov.  29,  and  am  much 
obliged  by  your  friendly  attention  in  sending 
me  a  receipt,  which  on  occasion  I  may  make 
trial  of;  but  the  stone  I  have  being  a  large 
one,  as  I  find  by  the  weight  it  falls  with 
when  1  turn  in  bed,  I  have  no  hope  of  its  be 
ing  dissoluble  by  any  medicine ;  and  having 
been  for  some  time  past  pretty  free  from  pain, 
J  am  afraid  of  tempering.  I  congratulate  you 
on  the  escape  you  had  by  voiding  the  one  you 
mention,  that  was  as  big  as  a  kidney  bean ; 
had  it  been  retained  it  might  soon  have  be 
come  too  large  to  pass,  and  proved  the  cause  of 
much  pain  at  times,  as  mine  has  been  to  me. 

"  Having  served  my  time  of  three  years  as 
president,  I  have  now  renounced  all  public 
business,  and  enjoy  the  otium  cum  dignitate. 
My  friends  indulge  me  with  their  frequent 
visits,  which  I  have  now  leisure  to  receive 
and  enjoy.  The  Philosophical  Society,  and 
the  Society  for  Political  Inquiries  meet  at  my 
house,  which  I  have  enlarged  by  an  additional 
building,  that  affords  me  a  large  room  for 
those  meetings,  another  over  it  for  my  library, 
now  very  considerable,  and  over  all  some 
lodging  rooms.  I  have  seven  promising 
grandchildren  by  my  daughter,  who  play 
with  and  amuse  me,  and  she  is  a  kind  atten 
tive  nurse  to  me,  when  I  am  any  time  in 
disposed  ;  so  that  I  pass  my  time  as  agreeably 
as  at  my  age  (83)  a  man  may  well  expect, 
and  have  little  to  wish  tor,  except  a  more  easy 
exit  than  my  malady  seems  to  threaten. 

"The  deafness  you  complain  of  gives  me 
concern,  as  if  great  it  must  diminish  consider 
ably  your  pleasure  in  conversation.  If  mode 
rate  you  may  remedy  it  easily  and  readily  by 


616 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


putting  your  thumb  and  fingers  behind  your 
ear,  pressing  it  outwards,  and  enlarging  it  as 
it  were  with  the  hollow  of  your  hand.  By  an 
exact  experiment  I  found  that  I  could  hear  the 
tick  of  a  watch  at  forty-five  feet  distance  by 
this  means,  which  was  barely  audible  at 
twenty  feet  without  it.  The  experiment  was 
made  at  midnight  when  the  house  was  still. 

"  I  am  glad  you  have  sent  those  directions 
respecting  ventilation  to  the  Edinburgh  Socie 
ty.  I  hope  you  have  added  an  account  of  the 
experience  you  had  of  it  at  Minorca.  If  they 
do  not  print  your  paper,  send  it  to  me,  and  it 
shall  be  in  the  third  volume,  which  we  are 
about  to  publish,  of  our  Transactions. 

"  Mrs.  Hewson  joins  with  us  in  best  wishes 
for  your  health  and  happiness.  Her  eldest 
son  has  gone  through  his  studies  at  our  col 
lege,  and  takes  his  degree.  The  youngest  is 
still  there,  and  will  be  graduated  this  summer. 

"  My  grandson  presents  his  respects ;  and 
I  am  ever,  my  dear  friend,  yours  most  affec 
tionately,  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  You  never  mention  the  receipt  of  any  let 
ters  from  me.  I  wish  to  know  if  they  come 
to  hand,  particularly  my  last  enclosing  the 
apologue.  You  mention  some  of  my  old 
friends  beino1  dead,  but  not  their  names." 


"Mrs.  Green. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  March  2,  1789. 

"DE\R  FRIEND, — Having  now  done  with 
public  affairs,  which  have  hitherto  taken  up  so 
much  of  my  time,  I  shall  endeavour  to  enjoy 
during  the  small  remainder  of  life  that  is  left 
to  me  some  of  the  pleasures  of  conversing 
with  my  old  friends  by  writing,  since  their 
distance  prevents  my  hope  of  seeing  them 
again. 

"  I  received  one  of  the  bags  of  sweet  corn 
you  was  so  good  as  to  send  me  a  long  time 
since,  but  the  other  never  came  to  hand; 
even  the  letter  mentioning  it,  though  dated 
December  10, 1787,  has  been  above  a  year  on 
its  way,  for  I  received  it  but  about  two  weeks 
since  from  Baltimore  in  Maryland.  The  corn 
I  did  receive  was  excellent,  and  gave  me 
great  pleasure.  Accept  my  hearty  thanks. 

"  I  am,  as  you  suppose,  in  the  above  men 
tioned  old  letter,  much  pleased  to  hear  that  my 
young  friend  Ray  is '  smart  in  the  farming  way,' 
and  makes  such  substantial  fences.  I  think 
agriculture  th.e  most  honourable  of  all  em 
ployments,  being  the  most  independent.  The 
farmer  has  no  need  of  popular  favour,  nor  the 
favour  of  the  great.  The  success  of  his  crops 
depending  only  on  the  blessing  of  God  upon 
his  honest  industry.  I  congratulate  your  good 
spouse,  that  he  as  well  as  myself  is  now  free 
from  public  cares,  and  that  he  can  bend  his 
whole  attention  to  his  farming,  which  will  af 
ford  him  both  profit  and  pleasure ;  a  business 


which  nobody  knows  better  how  to  manage 
with  advantage.  I  am  too  old  to  follow  print 
ing  again  myself,  but  loving  the  business,  I 
have  brought  up  my  grandson  Benjamin  to  it, 
and  have  built  and  furnished  a  printing-house 
for  him,  which  he  now  manages  under  my 
eye.  I  have  great  pleasure  in  the  rest  of  my 
grandchildren,  who  are  now  in  number  eight, 
and  all  promising,  the  youngest  only  six 
months  old,  but  shows  signs  of  great  good  na 
ture.  My  friends  here  are  numerous,  and 
I  enjoy  as  much  of  their  conversation  as  I  can 
reasonably  wish ;  and  I  have  as  much  health 
and  cheerfulness  as  can  well  be  expected  at 
my  age,  now  eighty-three.  Hitherto  this 
long  life  has  been  tolerably  happy,  so  that  if 
I  were  allowed  to  live  it  over  again,  I  should 
make  no  objection,  only  wishing  for  leave  to 
do,  what  authors  do  in  a  second  edition  of  their 
works,  correct  some  of  my  errata.  Among 
the  felicities  of  my  life  I  reckon  your  friend 
ship,  which  I  shall  remember  with  pleasure 
as  long  as  that  life  lasts,  being  ever,  my  dear 
friend,  yours  most  affectionately, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"Miss  Catherine  Louisa  Shipley. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  April  27,  1789. 

"  IT  is  only  a  few  days,  since  the'  kind  let 
ter  of  my  dear  young  friend,  dated  December 
24,  came  to  my  hands.  I  had  before  in  the 
public  papers  met  with  the  afflicting  news 
that  letter  contained.  That  excellent  man 
has  then  left  us  ! — his  departure  is  a  loss  not 
to  his  family  and  friends  only,  but  to  his  na 
tion,  ar.d  to  the  world :  for  he  was  intent  on  do 
ing  good,  had  wisdom  to  devise  the  means, 
and  talents  to  promote  them.  His  sermon  be 
fore  the  Society  for  Propagating  the  Gospel, 
and  '  his  speech  intended  to  be  spoken?  are 
proofs  of  his  ability  as  well  as  his  humanity. 
Had  his  counsels  in  those  pieces  been  attend 
ed  to  by  the  ministers,  how  much  bloodshed 
might  have  been  prevented,  and  how  much 
expense  and  disgrace  to  the  nation  avoided'? 

"  Your  reflections  on  the  constant  calmness 
and  composure  attending  his  death  are  very 
sensible.  Such  instances  seem  to  show,  that 
the  good  sometimes  enjoy  in  dying  a  foretaste 
of  the  happy  state  they  are  about  to  enter. 

"According  to  the  course  of  years,  I  should 
have  quitted  this  world  long  before  him  :  I 
shall  however  not  be  long  iri  following.  I  am 
now  in  my  eighty-fourth  year,  and  the  last 
year  has  considerably  enfeebled  me  ;  so  that 
I  hardly  expect  to  remain  another.  You  will 
then,  my  dear  friend,  consider  this  as  proba 
bly  the  last  line  to  be  received  from  me,  arid 
as  a  taking  leave. 

"  Present  my  best  and  most  sincere  respects 
to  your  good  mother,  and  love  to  the  rest  of 
the  family,  to  whom  I  wish  all  happiness ; 
and  believe  me  to  be,  while  I  do  live,  yours 
most  affectionately,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


617 


"Dr.  Price. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  May  31, 1789. 

"MY  VERY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  lately  re 
ceived  your  kind  letter,  enclosing  one  from 
Miss  Kitty  Shipley,  informing  me  of  the  good 
bishop's  decease,  which  afflicted  me  greatly. 
My  friends  drop  off  one  after  another,  when 
my  age  and  infirmities  prevent  my  making 
new  ones,  and  if  I  still  retained  the  necessary 
activity  and  ability,  I  hardly  see  among  the 
existing  generation  where  I  could  make  them 
of  equal  goodness.  So  that  the  longer  I  live 
I  must  expect  to  be  the  more  wretched.  As 
we  draw  nearer  the  conclusion  of  life,  nature 
furnishes  with  more  helps  to  wean  us  from  it, 
among  which  one  of  the  most  powerful  is  the 
loss  of  such  dear  friends. 

"  I  send  you  with  this  the  two  volumes  of 
our  Transactions,  as  I  forget  whether  you  had 
the  first  before.  If  you  had,  you  will  please 
to  give  this  to  the  French  ambassador,  re 
questing  his  conveyance  of  it  to  the  good 
duke  de  la  Rochefoucauld. — My  best  wishes 
attend  you,  being  ever  with  sincere  and  great 
esteem,  my  dear  friend,  yours  most  affection 
ately,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


Mr.  Wright,  London. 


"  B.  Vauglian. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  June  3,  1783. 

"  MY  DEAREST  FRIEND, — I  received  your 
kind  letter  of  March  4,  and  wish  I  may  be 
able  to  complete  what  you  so  earnestly  desire, 
the  Memoirs  of  my  Life.  But  of  late  I  am  so 
interrupted  by  extreme  pain,  which  obliges 
me  to  have  recourse  to  opium,  that  between 
the  effects  of  both,  I  have  but  little  time  in 
which  I  can  write  any  thing.  My  grandson, 
however,  is  copying  what  is  done,  which  will 
be  sent  to  you  for  your  opinion  by  the  next 
vessel ;  and  not  merely  for  your  opinion  but 
for  your  advice  ;  for  I  find  it  a  difficult  task 
to  speak  decently  and  properly  of  one's  own 
conduct  •  and  I  feel  the  want  of  a  judicious 
friend  to  encourage  me  in  scratching  out. 

"  I  have  condoled  sincerely  with  the  bishop 
of  St.  Asaph's  family.  He  was  an  excellent 
man.  Loosing  our  friends  tlius  one  by  one, 
is  the  tax  we  pay  for  long  living ;  and  it  is 
indeed  a  heavy  one  ! 

"  I  have  not  seen  the  king  of  Prussia's 
posthumous  works  ;  what  you  mention  makes 
me  desirous  to  have  them.  Please  to  mention 
it  to  your  brother  William,  and  that  I  request 
he  would  add  them  to  the  books  I  have  de 
sired  him  to  buy  for  me. 

"  Our  new  government  is  now  in  train, 
and  seems  to  promise  well.  But  events  are 
in  the  hand  of  God !  I  am  ever,  my  dear  friend, 
yours  most  affectionately, 

«  B.  FRANKLIN." 

VOL.  I. ...  4  I  52* 


"  PHILADELPHIA,  Nov.  4, 1789. 
"  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  received  your  kind 
letter  of  July  the  31st,  which  gave  me  great 
pleasure,  as  it  informed  me  of  the  welfare 
both  of  yourself  and  your  good  lady,  to  whom 
please  to  present  my  respects.  I  thank  you 
for  the  epistle  of  your  yearly  meeting,  and  for 
the  card  (a  specimen  of  printing)  which  was 
enclosed. 

"  We  have  now  had  one  session  of  congress, 
which  was  conducted  under  our  new  consti 
tution,  and  with  as  much  general  satisfaction 
as  could  reasonably  be  expected.  I  wish  the 
struggle  in  France  may  end  as  happily  for  that 
nation.  We  are  now  in  the  full  enjoyment 
of  our  new  government  for  eleven  of  the  states, 
and  it  is  generally  thought  that  North  Carolina 
is  about  to  join  it.  Rhode  Island  will  proba 
bly  take  longer  time  for  consideration. — We 
have  had  a  most  plentiful  year  for  the  fruits 
of  the  earth,  and  our  people  seem  to  be  reco 
vering  fast  from  the  extravagance  and  idle 
habits  which  the  war  had  introduced ;  and  to 
engage  seriously  in  the  contrary  habits,  of 
temperance,  frugality,  and  industry,  which 
give  the  most  pleasing  prospect  of  future  na 
tional  felicity.  Your  merchants,  however,  are 
I  think  imprudent  in  crowding  in  upon  us 
such  quantities  of  goods4  for  sale  here,  which 
are  not  written  for  by  ours,  and  are  beyond 
the  faculties  of  this  country  to  consume  in 
any  reasonable  time.  This  surplus  of  goods 
is  therefore,  to  raise  present  money,  sent  to 
vendues,  or  auction  houses,  of  which  we  have 
six  or  seven  in  and  near  this  city  ;  where  they 
are  sold  frequently  for  less  than  prime  cost, 
to  the  great  loss  of  the  indiscreet  adventurers. 
Our  newspapers  are  doubtless  to  be  seen  at 
your  coffee-houses  near  the  exchange :  in 
their  advertisements  you  may  observe  the  con 
stancy  and  quantity  of  these  kind  of  sales  ;  as 
well  as  the  quantity  of  goods  imported  by  our 
regular  traders.  I  see  in  your  English  news 
papers  frequent  mention  of  our  being  out  of 
credit  with  you ;  to  us  it  appears  that  we  have 
abundantly  too  much,  and  that  your  exporting 
merchants  are  rather  out  of  their  senses. 

"  I  wish  success  to  your  endeavours  for  ob 
taining  an  abolition  of  the  slave  trade.  The 
epistle  from  your  yearly  meeting  for  the  year 
1758,  was  not  the  first  sowing  of  the  good 
seed  you  mention  ;  for  I  find  by  an  old  pam 
phlet  in  my  possession,  that  George  Keith, 
near  a  hundred  years  since,  wrote  a  paper 
against  the  practice,  said  to  be  '  given  forth 
by  the  appointment  of  the  meeting  held  by 
him,  at  Philip  James's  house  in  the  city  of 
Philadelphia,  about  the  year  1693;  wherein 
a  strict  charge  was  given  to  friends,  that 
they  should  set  their  negroes  at  liberty  after 
some  reasonable  time  of  service,  &c.  &c." 


618 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


And  about  the  year  1728,  or  '29,  I  myself 
printed  a  book  for  Ralph  Sandyford,  another 
of  your  friends  of  this  city,  against  keeping 
negroes  in  slavery  ;  two  editions  of  which  he 
distributed  gratis.  And  about  the  year  1736 1 
printed  another  book  on  the  same  subject  for 
Benjamin  Lay,  who  also  professed  being  one 
of  your  friends,  and  he  distributed  the  books 
chiefly  among  them.  By  these  instances  it 
appears  that  the  seed  was  indeed  sown  in  the 
good  ground  of  your  profession,  (though  much 
earlier  than  the  time  you  mention)  and  its 
springing  up  to  effect  at  last,  though  so  late, 
is  some  confirmation  of  lord  Bacon's  observa 
tion,  that  a  good  motion  never  dies  ;  and  may 
encourage  us  in  making  such;  though  hope 
less  of  their  taking  immediate  effect. 

"  I  doubt  whether  I  shall  be  able  to  finish 
my  Memoirs,  and  if  I  finish  them,  whether 
they  will  be  proper  for  publication :  you  seem 
to  have  too  high  an  opinion  of  them,  and  to 
expect  too  much  from  them. 

"I  think  you  are  right  in  preferring  a 
mixed  form  of  government  for  your  country, 
under  its  present  circumstances ;  and  if  it 
were  possible  for  you  to  reduce  the  enormous 
salaries  and  emoluments  of  great  offices 
(which  are  at  bottom  the  source  of  all  your 
violent  factions)  that  form  might  be  conducted 
more  quietly  and  happily :  but  I  am  afraid 
that  none  of  your  factions,  when  they  get  up 
permost,  will  ever  have  virtue  enough  to  re 
duce  those  salaries  and  emoluments,  but  will 
rather  choose  to  enjoy  them. 

«B.  FRANKLIN." 


"Dr.  Rush. 

"  PHILADELPHIA. 
[without  date,  but  supposed  to  be  in  1789.] 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — During  our  long  ac 
quaintance  you  have  shown  many  instances  of 
your  regard  for  me,  yet  I  must  now  desire 
you  to  add  one  more  to  the  number,  which 
is,  that  if  you  publish  your  ingenious  discourse 
on  the  moral  sense,  you  will  totally  omit  and 
suppress  that  most  extravagant  encomium  on 
your  friend  Franklin,  which  hurt  me  exceed 
ingly  in  the  unexpected  hearing,  and  will 
mortify  me  beyond  conception,  if  it  should  ap 
pear  from  the  press. 

"  Confiding  in  your  compliance  with  this 
earnest  request,  I  am  ever,  my  dear  friend 
yours  most  affectionately, 

»B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Samuel  More. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Nov.  5,  1789. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  favour  of 
July  25,  but  had  no  opportunity  of  showing 
any  civility  to  the  bearer  whom  you  mention 
as  coming  under  the  auspices  of  William 


Franklin,  Esq.,  as  he  did  not  show  himself  to 
me. 

"  I  am  obliged  by  your  kind  inquiries  after 
my  health,  which  is  still  tolerably  good,  the 
stone  excepted;  my  constitution  being  such 
as,  if  it  were  not  for  that  malady,  might  have 
held  out  yet  some  years  longer. 

"I  hope  the  fire  of  liberty  which  you  men 
tion  as  spreading  itself  over  Europe,  will  act 
upon  the  inestimable  rights  of  man,  as  com 
mon  fire  does  upon  gold,  purify  without  de 
stroying  them ;  so  that  a  lover  of  liberty  may 
find  a  country  in  any  part  of  Christendom ! 

'  I  see  with  pleasure  in  the  public  prints, 
;hat  our  society*  is  still  kept  up  and  flourishes. 
[  was  an  early  member ;  for  when  Mr.  Ship- 
ey  sent  me  a  list  of  the  subscribers,  they 
were  but  seventy ;  and  though  I  had  no  ex 
pectation  then  of  ever  going  to  England,  and 
acting  with  them,  I  sent  a  contribution  of 
twenty  guineas;  in  consideration  of  which 
the  society  were  afterwards  pleased  to  consi 
der  me  a  member. 

;'  I  wish  to  the  exertions  of  your  manufac 
turers,  who  are  generally  excellent ;  and  to 
the  spirit  and  enterprise  of  your  merchants, 
who  are  famed  for  fair  and  honourable  deal 
ing,  all  the  success  they  merit  in  promoting 
the  prosperity  of  your  country. 

"  T  am  glad  our  friend  Small  enjoys  so  much 
health,  and  his  faculties  so  perfectly,  as  I  per 
ceive  he  does  by  his  letters.  I  know  not  whe 
ther  he  is  yet  returned  from  his  visit  to  Scot 
land,  and  therefore  give  you  the  trouble  of  the 
enclosed. 

"  My  best  wishes  attend  you,  being  ever, 
dear  sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

«  B.  FRANKLIN." 


•'Mr.  Small. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Nov.  5,  1789. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  your  several  fa 
vours  of  April  23,  May  9,  and  June  2,  toge 
ther  with  the  manuscript  concerning  venti 
lation,  which  will  be  inserted  in  our  next 
volume. 

"I  have  long  been  of  your  opinion,  that 
your  legal  provision  for  the  poor  is  a  very 
great  evil,  operating  as  it  does  to  the  encou 
ragement  of  idleness.  We  have  followed 
your  example,  and  begin  now  to  see  our  er 
ror;  and  I  hope  shall  reform  it.— I  find  by 
your  letters  that  every  man  has  patience 
enough  to  bear  calmly  and  coolly  the  injuries 
done  to  other  people :  you  have  perfectly  for 
given  the  royalists,  and  you  seem  to  wonder 
that  we  should  still  retain  any  resentment 
against  them  for  their  joining  with  the  sa 
vages  to  burn  our  houses,  and  murder  and 
scalp  our  friends,  our  wives,  and  our  children. 

*  The  London  Society  for  promoting  Arts,  Manufac 
tures,  and  Commerce,  of  which  Mr.  More  was  secre 
tary. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


619 


I  forget  who  it  was  that  said,  '  we  are  com 
manded  to  forgive  our  enemies,  but  we  are 
no  where  commanded  to  forgive  our  friends ;' 
certain  it  is.  however,  that  atrocious  injuries 
done  to  us  by  our  friends  are  naturally  more 
deeply  resented  than  the  same  done  by  ene 
mies.  They  have  left  us  to  live  under  the 
government  of  their  king  in  England  and  No 
va  Scotia.  We  do  not  miss  them,  nor  wish 
their  return ;  nor  do  we  envy  them  their  pre 
sent  happiness. — The  accounts  you  give  me 
of  the  great  prospects  you  have  respecting 
your  manufactures,  agriculture,  and  com 
merce,  are  pleasing  to  me,  for  I  still  love 
England,  and  wish  it  prosperity. 

"  You  tell  me  that  the  government  of 
France  is  abundantly  punished  for  its  trea 
chery  to  England  in  assisting  us;  you  might 
also  have  remarked)  that  the  government  of 
England  had  been  punished  for  its  treachery 
to  France,  in  assisting  the  Corsicans,  and  in 
seizing  her  ships  in  time  of  full  peace,  with 
out  any  previous  declaration  of  war.  I  believe 
governments  are  pretty  near  equal  in  ho 
nesty,  and  cannot  with  much  propriety  praise 
their  own  in  preference  to  that  of  their  neigh 
bours. 

"  You  do  me  too  much  honour  in  naming 
me  with  Timoleon.  I  am  like  him  only  in- 
retiring  from  my  public  labours,  which  indeed 
my  stone,  and  other  infirmities  of  age,  have 
made  indispensably  necessary. 

"I  hope  you  are  by  this  time  returned 
from  your  visit  to  your  native  country,  and 
that  the  journey  has  given  a  firmer  consistence 
to  your  health. 

"  Mr.  Penn's  property  in  this  country, 
which  you  inquire  about,  is  still  immensely 
great ;  and  I  understand  he  has  received  am 
ple  compensation  in  England  for  the  part  he 
lost. 

"  I  think  you  have  made  a  happy  choice  of 
rural  amusements  ;  the  protection  of  the  bees, 
and  the  destruction  of  the  hop  insect.  I  wish 
success  to  your  experiments,  and  shall  be  glad 
to  hear  the  result.  Your  theory  of  insects  ap 
pears  the  most  ingenious  and  plausible  of  any 
that  have  hitherto  been  proposed  by  philoso 
phers. 

**  Our  new  constitution  is  now  established 
with  eleven  states,  and  the  accession  of  a 
twelfth  is  soon  expected.  We  have  had  one 
session  of  congress  under  it,  which  was  con 
ducted  with  remarkable  prudence,  and  a  good 
deal  of  unanimity.  Our  late  harvests  were 
plentiful,  and  our  produce  still  fetches  a  good 
price,  through  an  abundant  foreign  demand, 
and  the  flourishing  state  of  our  commerce.—  I 
am  ever,  my  dear  friend,  yours  most  affection 
ately,  B.  FRANKLIN." 

"  Mr.  Le  Roy,  Paris. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Nov.  13, 1789. 

44  'Tis  now  more  than  a  year  since  I  have 


heard  from  my  dear  friend  Le  Roy.  What 
can  be  the  reason  ?  Are  you  still  living  1  or 
have  the  mob  of  Paris  mistaken  the  head 
of  a  monopolizer  of  knowledge,  for  a  monopo 
lizer  of  corn,  and  paraded  it  about  the  streets 
upon  a  pole  1 

"  Great  part  of  the  news  we  have  had  from 
Paris,  for  near  a  year  past,  has  been  very 
afflicting.  I  sincerely  wish  and  pray  it  may 
all  end  well  and  happily  both  for  the  king  arid 
the  nation.  The  voice  of  Philosophy,  I  ap 
prehend,  can  hardly  be  heard  among  those 
tumults.  If  any  thing  material  in  that  way 
had  occurred,  I  am  persuaded  you  would  have 
acquainted  me  with  it.  However,  pray  let 
me  hear  from  you  a  little  oftener  ;  for  though 
the  distance  is  great,  and  the  means  of  con 
veying  letters  not  very  regular,  a  year's  si 
lence  between  friends  must  needs  give  un 
easiness. 

"  Our  new  constitution  is  now  established, 
and  has  an  appearance  that  promises  perma 
nency  ;  but  in  this  world  nothing  can  be  said 
to  be  certain,  except  death  and  taxes ! 

**  My  health  continues  much  as  it  has  been 
for  some  time,  except  that  I  grow  thinner  and 
weaker,  so  that  I  cannot  expect  to  hold  out 
much  longer. 

"  My  respects  to  your  good  brother,  and  to 
our  friends  of  the  academy,  which  always  has 
my  best  wishes  for  its  prosperity  and  glory. — 
Adieu,  my  dear  friend,  and  believe  me  ever, 
yours  most  affectionately, 

«  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  David  Hartley. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Dec.  4, 1789. 

"  MY  VERV  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  received 
your  favour  of  August  last.  Your  kind  con 
dolences,  on  the  painful  state  of  my  health, 
are  very  obliging.  I  am  thankful  to  God, 
however,  that  among  the  numerous  ills  hu 
man  life  is  subject  to,  one  only  of  any  import 
ance  is  fallen  to  my  lot ;  and  that  so  late  as 
almost  to  insure  that  it  can  be  but  of  short 
duration. 

"  The  convulsions  in  France  are  attended 
with  some  disagreeable  circumstances;  but 
if  by  the  struggle  she  obtains  and  secures  for 
the  nation  its  future  liberty,  and  a  good  con 
stitution,  a  few  years  enjoyment  of  those  bless 
ings  will  amply  repair  all  the  damages  their 
acquisition  may  have  occasioned.  God  grant 
that  not  only  the  love  of  liberty,  but  a 
thorough  knowledge  of  the  rights  of  man,  may 
pervade  all  the  nations  of  the  earth,  so  that  a 
philosopher  may  set  his  foot  any  where  on  its 
surface,  and  say,  this  is  my  country  !  Your 
wishes  for  a  cordial  and  perpetual  friendship 
between  Britain  and  her  ancient  colonies,  are 
manifested  continually  in  every  one  of  your 
letters  tome  ;  something  of  my  disposition  on 
the  same  subject  may  appear  to  you  in  casting 


620 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


your  eye  over  the  enclosed  paper.  I  do  not 
by  this  opportunity  send  you  any  of  our  Ga 
zettes;  because  the  postage  from  Liverpool 
would  be  more  than  they  are  worth.  I  can 
only  add  my  best  wishes  of  every  kind  of  fe 
licity  for  the  three  Hartleys,  to  whom  I  have 
the  honour  of  being  an  affectionate  friend  and 
most  obedient  humble  servant, 

"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Mrs.  Mecom,  Boston. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Dec.  17,  1789. 

"  DEAR  SISTER, — You  tell  me  you  are  de~ 
sired  by  an  acquaintance  to  ask  my  opinion 
whether  the  general  circumstances,  mentioned 
in  the  history  of  Baron  Trenck,  are  founded 
in  fact ;  to  which  I  can  only  answer,  that  of 
the  greatest  part  of  those  circumstances,  the 
scene  being  laid  in  Germany,  I  must  conse 
quently  be  very  ignorant ;  but  of  what  he 
says,  as  having  passed  in  France,  between  the 
ministers  of  that  country,  himself,  and  me, 
I  can  speak  positively  that  it  is  founded  in 
falsehood,  and  that  the  fact  can  only  serve  to 
confound,  as  I  never  saw  him  in  that  coun 
try,  nor  ever  knew  or  heard  of  him  anywhere, 
till  I  met  with  the  abovementioned  history 
in  print,  in  the  German  language,  in  which 
he  ventured  to  relate  it  as  a  fact,  that  I  had, 
with  those  ministers,  solicited  him  to  enter 
into  the  American  service.  A  translation  of 
that  book  into  French  has  since  been  printed, 
but  the  translator  has  omitted  that  pretended 
fact,  probably  from  an  apprehension  that  its 
being  in  that  country  known  not  to  be  true, 
might  hurt  the  credit  and  sale  of  the  transla 
tion. 

"  I  thank  you  for  the  sermon  on  sacred  mu 
sic  ;  I  have  read  it  with  pleasure.  I  think  it  a 
very  ingenious  composition.  You  will  say 
this  is  natural  enough,  if  you  read  what  I 
have  formerly  written  on  the  same  subject, 
in  one  of  my  printed  letters,  wherein  you 
will  find  a  perfect  agreement  of  sentiment 
respecting  the  complex  music ;  of  late,  in  my 
opinion,  too  much  in  vogue ;  it  being  only 
pleasing  to  learned  ears  who  can  be  delighted 
with  the  difficulty  of  execution  instead  of  har 
mony  and  melody. — Your  affectionate  brother, 
"  B.  FRANKLIN." 


"  Noah  Webster. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  Dec,  2G,  1789. 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  received  some  time  since 
your  '  Dissertations  on  the  English  Lan 
guage?  The  book  was  not  accompanied  by 
any  letter  or  message,  informing  me  to  whom 
I  am  obliged  for  it,  but  I  suppose  it  is  to 
yourself.  It  is  an  excellent  work,  and  will 
be  greatly  useful  in  turning  the  thoughts  of 
our  countrymen  to  correct  writing.  Please 
to  accept  my  thanks  for  the  great  honour  you 


have  done  me  in  its  dedication.  I  ought  to 
have  made  this  acknowledgment  sooner,  but 
much  indisposition  prevented  me. 

"  I  cannot  but  applaud  your  zeal  for  pre 
serving  the  purity  of  our  language,  both  in  its 
expressions  and  pronunciation,  and  in  correct 
ing  the  popular  errors  several  of  our  states 
are  continually  falling  into  with  respect  to 
both.  Give  me  leave  to  mention  some  of 
them,  though  possibly  they  may  have  already 
occurred  to  you.  I  wish  however  in  some 
future  publication  of  yours  you  would  set  a 
discountenancing  mark  upon  them.  The 
first  I  remember  is  the  word  improved. 
When  I  left  New  England  in  the  year  1723, 
this  word  had  never  been  used  among  us,  as 
far  as  I  know,  but  in  the  sense  of  ameliorated, 
or  made  better,  except  once  in  a  very  old  book 
of  Dr.  Mather's,  entitled  « Remarkable  Pro 
vidences?  As  that  eminent  man  wrote  a 
very  obscure  hand,  I  remember  that  when  I 
read  that  word  in  his  book,  used  instead  of 
the  word  imployed,  I  conjectured  it  was  an 
error  of  the  printer,  who  had  mistaken  a  too 
short  I  in  the  writing  for  an  r,  and  a  y,  with 
too  short  a  tail  for  a  v  ;  whereby  employed  was 
converted  into  improved.  But  when  I  re 
turned  to  Boston,  in  1733,  I  found  this  change 
had  obtained  favour,  and  was  then  become 
common  ;  for  I  met  with  it  often  in  perusing 
the  newspapers,  where  it  frequently  made  an 
appearance  rather  ridiculous.  Such  for  in 
stance  as  the  advertisement  of  a  country  house 
to  be  sold,  which  had  been  many  years  im 
proved  as  a  tavern  ;  and  in  the  character  of 
a  deceased  country-gentleman,  that  he  had 
been  for  more  than  thirty  years  improved  as 
a  justice  of  the  peace.  This  use  of  the  word 
improved  is  peculiar  to  New  England,  and  not 
to  be  met  with  among  any  other  speakers  of 
English,  either  on  this  or  the  other  side  of  the 
water. 

"  During  my  late  absence  in  France,  I  find 
that  several  other  new  words  have  been  in 
troduced  into  our  parliamentary  language; 
for  example,  I  find  a  verb  formed  from  the 
substantive  notice :  I  should  not  have  NOTICED 
this,  were  it  not  that  the  gentleman,  &c.  Also 
another  verb  from  the  substantive  advocate, 
the  gentleman  who  ADVOCATES  or  has  ADVO 
CATED  that  motion,  &c.*  Another  from  the 
substantive  progress,  the  most  awkward  and 
abominable  of  the  three,  the  committee  having 
PROGRESSED,  resolved  to  adjourn.  The  word 
opposed,  though  not  a  new  word,  I  find  used 
in  a  new  manner,  as,  the  gentleman  who  are 
OPPOSED  to  this  measure ; — to  which  I  have 
also  myself  always  been  OPPOSED.  If  you 
should  happen  to  be  of  my  opinion  with  re 
spect  to  these  innovations,  you  will  use  your 
authority  in  reprobating  them. 

Both  these  verbs  are  now  in  general  use,  and  by  the 
best  writers ;  they  perfectly  accord  with  the  genius  of 
he  language. 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


621 


"  The  Latin  language,  long  the  vehicle 
used  in  distributing  knowledge  among  the 
different  nations  of  Europe,  is  daily  more  and 
more  neglected ;  and  one  of  the  modern 
tongues,  viz.  the  French,  seems  in  point  of 
universality  to  have  supplied  its  place ;  it  is 
spoken  in  all  the  courts  of  Europe ;  and  most 
of  the  literati,  those  even  who  do  not  speak 
it,  have  acquired  knowledge  enough  of  it  to 
enable  them  easily  to  read  the  books  that  are 
written  in  it.  This  gives  a  considerable  ad 
vantage  to  that  nation ;  it  enables  its  authors 
to  inculcate  and  spread  throughout  other  na 
tions  such  sentiments  and  opinions  on  import 
ant  points  as  are  most  conducive  to  its  inter 
ests,  or  which  may  contribute  to  its  repu 
tation,  by  promoting  the  common  interests 
of  mankind.  It  is  perhaps  owing  to  its  being 
written  in  French,  that  Voltaire's  Treatise  on 
Toleration  has  had  so  sudden  and  so  great  an 
effect  on  the  bigotry  of  Europe,  as  almost  en 
tirely  to  disarm  it.  The  general  use  of  the 
French  language,  has  likewise  a  very  advan 
tageous  effect  on  the  profits  of  the  bookselling 
branch  of  commerce,  it  being  well  known, 
that  the  more  copies  can  be  sold  that  are 
struck  off  from  one  composition  of  types,  the 
profits  increase  in  a  much  greater  proportion 
than  they  do  in  making  a  great  number  of 
pieces  in  any  other  kind  of  manufacture.  And 
at  present  there  is  no  capital  town  in  Europe 
without  a  French  bookseller's  shop  corres 
ponding  with  Paris.  Our  English  bids  fair 
to  obtain  the  second  place.  The  great  body 
of  excellent  printed  sermons  in  our  language 
and  the  freedom  of  our  writings  on  political 
subjects,  have  induced  a  number  of  divines  of 
different  sects  and  nations,  as  well  as  gentle 
men  concerned  in  public  affairs,  to  study  it; 
so  far  at  least  as  to  read  it.  And  if  we  were 
to  endeavour  the  facilitating  its  progress,  the 
study  of  our  tongue  might  become  much  more 
general.  Those  who  have  employed  some 
parts  of  their  time  in  learning  a  new  language, 
have  frequently  observed,  that  while  their  ac 
quaintance  with  it  was  imperfect,  difficulties 
small  in  themselves  operated  as  great  ones  in 
obstructing  their  progress.  A  book,  for  ex 
ample,  ill  printed,  or  a  pronunciation  in  speak 
ing,  not  well  articulated,  would  render  a  sen 
tence  unintelligible ;  which  from  a  clear  print 
or  a  distinct  speaker  would  have  been  imme 
diately  comprehended.  If  therefore  we  would 
have  the  benefit  of  seeing  our  language  more 
known  among  mankind,  we  should  endeavour 
to  remove  all  the  difficulties,  however  small, 
that  discourage  the  learning  it.  But  [  am 
sorry  to  observe,  that  of  late  years  those  diffi 
culties,  instead  of  being  diminished,  have  been 
augmented.  In  examining  the  English  books 
that  were  printed  between  the  restoration  and 
the  accession  of  George  the  second,  we  may 
observe,  that  all  substantives  were  begun  with 
a  capital,  in  which  we  imitated  our  mother 


tongue  the  German ;  this  was  more  particu 
larly  useful  to  those  who  were  not  well  ac 
quainted  with  the  English ;  there  being  such 
a  prodigious  number  of  our  words  that  are 
both  verbs  and  substantives,  and  spelt  in  the 
same  manner,  though  often  accented  differ 
ently  in  the  pronunciation.  This  method  has, 
by  the  fancy  of  printers,  of  late  years  been 
laid  aside,  from  an  idea  that  suppressing  the 
capitals  shows  the  character  to  greater  ad 
vantage  ;  those  letters  prominent  above  the 
line  disturbing  its  even,  regular  appearance. 
The  effect  of  this  change  is  so  considerable, 
that  a  learned  man  of  France  who  used  to 
read  our  books,  though  not  perfectly  acquaint 
ed  with  our  language,  in  conversation  with 
me  on  the  subject  of  our  authors,  attributed 
the  greater  obscurity  he  found  in  our  modern 
books,  compared  with  those  of  the  period 
abovementioned,  to  change  of  style  for  the 
worse  in  our  writers ;  of  which  mistake  I  con 
vinced  him  by  marking  for  him  each  substan 
tive  with  a  capital  in  a  paragraph,  which  he 
then  easily  understood,  though  before  he  could 
not  comprehend  it  This  shows  the  inconve 
nience  of  that  pretended  improvement.  From 
the  same  fondness  for  an  even  and  uniform 
appearance  of  characters  in  the  line,  the  print 
ers  have  of  late  banished  also  the  Italic  types, 
in  which  words  of  importance  to  be  attended 
to  in  the  sense  of  the  sentence,  and  words  on 
which  an  emphasis  should  be  put  in  reading, 
used  to  be  printed.  And  lately  another  fancy 
has  induced  some  printers  to  use  the  short 
round  s  instead  of  the  long  one,  which  former 
ly  served  well  to  distinguish  a  word  readily  by 
its  varied  appearance.  Certainly  the  omitting 
this  prominent  letter  makes  the  line  appear 
more  even ;  but  renders  it  less  immediately 
legible,  as  the  paring  all  men's  noses  might 
smooth  and  level  their  faces,  but  would  render 
their  physiognomies  less  distinguishable.  Add 
to  all  these  improvements  backwards,  another 
modern  fancy  that  gray  printing  is  more  beau 
tiful  than  black ;  hence  the  English  new  books 
are  printed  in  so  dim  a  character  as  to  be  read 
with  difficulty  by  old  eyes,  unless  in  a  very 
strong  light  and  with  good  glasses.  Whoever 
compares  a  volume  of  the  Gentleman's  Maga 
zine,  printed  between  the  years  1731  and 
1740,  with  one  of  those  printed  in  the  last  ten 
years,  will  be  convinced  of  the  much  greater 
degree  of  perspicuity  given  by  black  ink  than 
by  gray.  Lord  Chesterfield  pleasantly  re 
marked  this  difference  to  Faulkner,  the  print 
er  of  the  Dublin  Journal,  who  was  vainly 
making  encomiums  on  his  own  paper,  as  the 
most  complete  of  any  in  the  world, — 'but  Mr. 
Faulkner,'  said  my  lord,  'don't  you  think 
it  might  be  still  farther  improved  by  using 
paper  and  ink  not  quite  so  near  of  a  colour  V 
For  all  these  reasons  I  cannot  but  wish  that 
our  American  printers  would  in  their  editions 
avoid  these  fancied  improvements,  and  thereby 


<B22 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


render  their  works  more  agreeable  to  foreign 
ers  in  Europe,  to  the  great  advantage  of  our 
bookselling  commerce. 

"  Further,  to  be  more  sensible  of  the  ad 
vantage  of  clear  and  distinct  printing,  let  us 
consider  the  assistance  it  affords  in  reading 
well  aloud  to  an  auditory.  In  so  doing  the  eye 
generally  slides  forward  three  or  four  words 
before  the  voice.  If  the  sight  clearly  distin 
guishes  what  the  coming  words  are,  it  gives 
time  to  order  the  modulation  of  the  voice  to 
express  them  properly.  But  if  they  are  ob 
scurely  printed  or  disguised  by  omitting  the 
capitals  and  long  s's  or  otherwise,  the  reader 
is  apt  to  modulate  wrong,  and  finding  he  has 
done  so  he  is  obliged  to  go  back  and  begin 
the  sentence  again,  which  lessens  the  pleasure 
of  the  hearers.  This  leads  me  to  mention  an 
old  error  in  our  mode  of  printing.  We  are 
sensible  that  when  a  question  is  met  with  in 
reading,  there  is  a  proper  variation  to  be  used 
in  the  management  of  the  voice.  We  have 
therefore  a  point  called  an  interrogation, 
affixed  to  the  question  in  order  to  distinguish 
it  But  this  is  absurdly  placed  at  its  end ;  so 
that  the  reader  does  not  discover  it,  till  he 
finds  he  has  wrongly  modulated  his  voice,  and 
is  therefore  obliged  to  begin  again  the  sen 
tence.  To  prevent  this,  the  Spanish  printers, 
more  sensibly,  place  an  interrogation  at  the 
beginning  as  well  as  at  the  end  of  a  question. 
We  have  another  error  of  the  same  kind  in 
printing  plays,  where  something  often  occurs 
that  is  marked  as  spoken  aside.  But  the  word 
•aside  is  placed  at  the  end  of  the  speech,  when 
it  ought  to  precede  it  as  a  direction  to  the  rea 
der,  that  he  may  govern  his  voice  accordingly. 
The  practice  of  our  ladies  in  meeting  five  or 
six  together  to  form  a  little  busy  party,  where 
each  is  employed  in  some  useful  work  while 
one  reads  to  them,  is  so  commendable  in  itself 
that  it  deserves  the  attention  of  authors  and 
printers  to  make  it  as  pleasing  as  possible,  both 
to  the  reader  and  hearers. 

"  After  these  general  observations,  permit 
me  to  make  one,  that  I  imagine  may 'regard 
your  interests.  It  is  that  your  spelling  book 
is  miserably  printed  here,  so  as  in  many  places 
to  be  scarcely  legible,  and  on  wretched  paper. 
If  this  is  not  attended  to,  and  the  new  one 
lately  advertised  as  coming  out,  should  be 
preferable  in  these  respects,  it  may  hurt  the 
future  sale  of  yours. 

"  I  congratulate  you  on  your  marriage,  of 
which  the  newspapers  inform  me. — My  best 
wishes  attend  you,  being  with  sincere  esteem, 
sir,  your  most  obedient  and  most  humble  ser 
vant,  B.  FRANKLIN." 


Dr.  Stiles  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

"¥ALE  COLLEGE,  Jan.  28,  1790. 

"  SIR, — We  have  lately  received  governor 
Yale's  portrait  from  his  family  in  London, 


and  deposited  it  in  the  college  library,  where 
is  also  deposited  one  of  governor  Saltonstall's. 
I  have  also  long  wished  that  we  might  be 
honoured  also  with  that  of  Dr.  Franklin.  In 
the  course  of  your  long  life,  you  may  proba 
bly  have  become  possessed  of  several  portraits 
of  yourself.  Shall  1  take  too  great  a  liberty, 
in  humbly  asking  a  donation  of  one  of  them 
to  Yale  College?  You  obliged  me  with  a 
mezzotinto  picture  of  yourself  many  years 
ago,  which  I  often  view  with  pleasure.  But 
the  canvass  is  more  permanent.  We  wish  to 
be  possessed  of  the  durable  resemblance  of 
the  American  patriot  and  philosopher.  You 
have  merited  and  received  all  the  honours  of 
the  republic  of  letters ;  and  are  going  to  a 
world,  where  all  sublunary  glories  will  be 
lost  in  the  glories  of  immortality.  Should 
you  shine  throughout  the  intellectual  and 
stellary  universe,  with  the  eminence  and 
distinguished  lustre  with  which  you  have  ap 
peared  in  this  little  detached  part  of  the  cre 
ation,  you  would  be  what  I  most  fervently 
wish  to  you,  sir,  whatever  may  be  my  fate 
in  eternity.  The  grand  climacteric  in  which 
I  now  am,  reminds  me  of  the  interesting 
scenes  of  futurity.  You  know,  sir,  that  I  am 
a  Christian,  and  would  to  heaven  all  others 
were  such  as  1  am,  except  my  imperfections 
and  deficiencies  of  moral  character.  As  much 
as  1  know  of  Dr.  Franklin,  I  have  not  an  idea 
of  his  religious  sentiments.  I  wish  to  know 
the  opinion  of  my  venerable  friend  concern 
ing  JESUS  of  Nazareth.  He  will  not  impute 
this  to  impertinence,  or  improper  curiosity, 
in  one,  who  for  so  many  years  has  continued 
to  love,  estimate,  and  reverence  his  abilities 
and  literary  character,  with  an  ardour  and  af 
fection  bordering  on  adoration.  If  I  have  said 
too  much  let  the  request  be  blotted  out,  and 
be  no  more ;  and  yet  I  shall  never  cease  to 
wish  you  that  happy  immortality,  which  I  be 
lieve  Jesus  alone  has  purchased  for  the  virtu 
ous  and  truly  good  of  every  religious  denomi 
nation  in  Christendom,  and  for  those  of  every 
age,  nation,  and  mythology,  who  reverence 
the  Deity,  are  filled  with  integrity,  righteous 
ness,  and  benevolence. 

"  EZRA  STILES." 


"  President  Stiles. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  March  9,  1790. 

" REVEREND  AND  DEAR  SIR, — I  received 
your  kind  letter  of  January  28,  and  am  glad 
you  have  at  length  received  the  portrait  of 
governor  Yale  from  his  family,  and  deposited 
it  in  the  college  library.  He  was  a  great  and 
good  man,  and  had  the  merit  of  doing  infinite 
service  to  your  country  by  his  munificence  to 
that  institution.  The  honour  you  propose  do 
ing  me,  by  placing  mine  in  the  same  room 
with  his,  is  much  too  great  for  my  deserts ; 
but  you  always  had  a  partiality  for  me,  and  to 


CORRESPONDENCE,  PRIVATE  AND  POLITICAL. 


623 


that  it  must  be  ascribed.  I  am  however  to( 
much  obliged  to  Yale  College,  the  first  learn 
ed  society  that  took  notice  of  me,  and  adorne 
me  with  its  honours,  to  refuse  a  request  tha 
comes  from  it  through  so  esteemed  a  frienc 
But  I  do  not  think  any  one  of  the  portrait 
you  mention  as  in  my  possession  worthy  c 
the  situation  and  company  you  propose  t 
place  it  in.  You  have  an  excellent  artis 
lately  arrived.  If  he  will  undertake  to  mak 
one  for  you,  I  shall  cheerfully  pay  the  ex 
pense  *  but  he  must  not  delay  setting  abou 
it,  or  I  may  slip  through  his  fingers,  for  I  am 
now  in  iny  85th  year,  and  very  infirm. 

"  I  send  with  this  a  very  learned  work  a 
it  seems  to  me,  on  the  ancient  Samaritan 
Coins,  lately  printed  in  Spain,  and  at  leas 
curious  for  the  beauty  of  the  impression 
Please  to  accept  it  for  your  college  library 
I  have  subscribed  for  the  Encyclopedia  now 
printing  here,  with  the  intention  of  present 
ing  it  to  the  college.  I  shall  probably  depart 
before  the  work  is  finished,  but  shall  leave  di 
rections  for  its  continuance  to  the  end.  With 
this  you  will  receive  some  of  the  first  num 
bers, 

"  You  desire  to  know  something  of  my  re 
ligion.  It  is  the  first  time  I  have  been  ques 
tioned  upon  it.  But  cannot  take  your  curi 
osity  amiss,  and  shall  endeavour  in  a  few 
words  to  gratify  it.  Here  is  my  creed  :  I  be 
lieve  in  one  God,  the  creator  of  the  universe 
That  he  governs  it  by  his  Providence.  That 
he  ought  to  be  worshipped.  That  the  mosl 
acceptable  service  we  render  to  him  is  doing 
good  to  his  other  children.  That  the  soul  ol 
man  is  immortal,  and  will  be  treated  with  jus 
tice  in  another  life  respecting  its  conduct  in 
this.  These  I  take  to  be  the  fundamental 
points  in  all  sound  religion,  and  I  regard  them 
as  you  do  in  whatever  sect  I  meet  with  them. 
As  to  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  my  opinion  of  whom 
you  particularly  desire,  I  think  the  system  of 
morals  and  his  religion,  as  he  left  them  to  us, 
the  best  the  world  ever  saw  or  is  like  to  see ; 
but  I  apprehend,  it  has  received  various  cor 
rupting  changes,  and  I  have,  with  most  of  the 
present  dissenters  in  England,  some  doubts  as 
to  his  divinity ;  though  it  is  a  question  I  do 
not  dogmatize  upon,  having  never  studied  it, 
and  think  it  needless  to  busy  myself  with  it 
now,  when  I  expect  soon  an  opportunity  of 
knowing  the  truth  with  less  trouble.  I  see  no 
harm,  however,  in  its  being  believed,  if  that 
belief  has  the  good  consequence,  as  probably 
it  has,  of  making  his  doctrines  more  respected 
and  more  observed,  especially  as  I  do  not  per 
ceive  that  the  Supreme  takes  it  amiss  by  dis 
tinguishing  the  believers  in  his  government 
of  the  world  with  any  peculiar  marks  of  his 
displeasure.  I  shall  only  add  respecting  my 
self,  that  having  experienced  the  goodness  of 
that  Being  in  conducting  me  prosperously 
through  a  long  life,  I  have  no  doubt  of  its 


continuance  in  the  next,  though  without 
the  smallest  conceit  of  meriting  such  good 
ness.  My  sentiments  on  this  head  you  will 
see  in  the  copy  of  an  old  letter  enclosed,* 
which  I  wrote  in  answer  to  one  from  an  old 
religionist  whom  I  had  relieved  in  a  paralytic 
case,  by  electricity,  and  who  being  afraid  I 
should  grow  proud  upon  it,  sent  me  his  seri 
ous,  though  rather  impertinent  caution.  I 
send  you  the  copy  of  another  letter,!  which 
will  show  something  of  my  disposition  relat 
ing  to  religion. 

"  With  great  and  sincere  esteem  and  af 
fection,  I  am,  &c. 

"  P.  S.  Had  not  your  college  some  present 
of  books  from  the  king  of  France.  Please  to 
let  me  know  if  you  had  an  expectation  given 
you  of  more,  and  the  nature  of  that  expecta 
tion  ?  I  have  a  reason  for  the  inquiry. 

"  I  confide  that  you  will  not  expose  me  to 
criticisms  and  censures  by  publishing  any  part 
of  this  communication  to  you  1  I  have  ever 
let  others  enjoy  their  religious  sentiments, 
without  reflecting  on  them  for  those  that  ap 
peared  to  me  unsupportable  or  even  absurd. 
All  sects  here,  and  we  have  a  great  variety, 
have  experienced  my  good-will  in  assisting 
them  with  subscriptions  for  the  building  their 
new  places  of  worship,  and  as  I  have  never 
opposed  any  of  their  doctrines,  I  hope  to  go 
out  of  the  world  in  peace  with  them  all." 


To  *  *  * 

(Without  date.) 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  read  your  manuscript 
with  some  attention.  By  the  argument  it 
contains  against  a  particular  Providence, 
though  you  allow  a  general  Providence,  you 
strike  at  the  foundations  of  all  religion.  For 
without  the  belief  of  a  providence  that  takes 
cognizance  of,  guards  and  guides,  and  may 
favour  particular  persons,  there  is  no  motive 
to  worship  a  Deity,  to  fear  its  displeasure,  or 
to  pray  for  its  protection.  I  will  not  enter 
into  any  discussion  of  your  principles,  though 
you  seem  to  desire  it.  At  present  I  shall  on- 
y  give  you  my  opinion,  that  though  your  rea 
sonings  are  subtle,  and  may  prevail  with  some 
readers,  you  will  not  succeed  so  as  to  change 
.he  general  sentiments  of  mankind  on  that 
subject,  and  the  consequence  of  printing  this 
piece  will  be,  a  great  deal  of  odium  drawn 
upon  yourself,  mischief  to  you,  and  no  benefit 
o  others.  He  that  spits  against  the  wind, 
pits  in  his  own  face.  But  were  you  to  suc- 
;eed,  do  you  imagine  any  good  would  be  done 
y  if?  You  yourself  may  find  it  easy  to  live  a 
irtuous  life  without  the  assistance  afforded 
y  religion ;  you  having  a  clear  perception  of 

*  Supposed  to  be  a  letter  to  George  VVhitfield,  dated 
une  C,  1753. 
|  Uncertain ;  perhaps  the  following  one. 


MEMOIRS  OF  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 


the  advantages  of  virtue,  and  the  disadvan 
tages  of  vice,  and  possessing  a  strength  of  re 
solution  sufficient  to  enable  you  to  resist  com 
mon  temptations.  But  think  how  great  a  por 
tion  of  mankind  consists  of  weak  and  ignorant 
men  and  women,  and  of  inexperienced,  incon 
siderate  youth,  of  both  sexes,  who  have  need 
of  the  motives  of  religion  to  restrain  them 
from  vice,  to  support  their  virtue,  and  retain 
them  in  the  practice  of  it  till  it  becomes  ha 
bitual,  which  is  the  great  point  for  its  securi 
ty.  And  perhaps  you  are  indebted  to  her 
originally,  that  is  to  your  religious  education, 
for  the  habits  of  virtue  upon  which  you  now 
justly  value  yourself.  You  might  easily  dis 
play  your  excellent  talents  of  reasoning  upon 
a  less  hazardous  subject,  and  thereby  obtain  a 


rank  with  our  most  distinguished  authors. 
For  among  us  it  is  not  necessary  as  among 
the  Hottentots,  that  a  youth  to  be  raised  into 
the  company  of  men  should  prove  his  man 
hood  by  beating  his  mother.  I  would  advise 
you  therefore  not  to  attempt  unchaining  the 
tiger,  but  to  burn  this  piece  before  it  is  seen 
by  any  other  person,  whereby  you  will  save 
yourself  a  great  deal  of  mortification  from 
the  enemies  it  may  raise  against  you,  and 
perhaps  a  good  deal  of  regret  and  repentance. 
If  men  are  so  wicked  with  religion,  what 
would  they  be  if  without  it  ?  I  intend  this  let 
ter  itself  as  a  proof  of  my  friendship,  and 
therefore  add  no  professions  to  it ;  but  sub 
scribe  simply  yours, 

"B.  FRANKLIN." 


END  OF  VOLUME  I. 


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